A Comparison of Odin and Loki

A COMPARISON OF THE NORSE GODS, ODIN
AND LOKI, WITH EMPHASIS PLACED ON

THEIR ROLES DURING RAGNARÖK {THE
TWILIGHT OF THE GODS} AND CHRISTIAN
IMAGERY WITHIN THE POETIC EDDA AND
THE PROSE EDDA
By Naomi Swain
BA Dissertation Module HY30340
Department of History and Welsh History
Aberystwyth University
29. 04. 2016
1
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the following people for their contributions to this
dissertation: My dissertation tutor, Dr Michael Roberts, for helping me hone my
arguments and reviewing early drafts; Rosemary Lamport for patiently proof-reading
the final draft; and Joshua Lamport Stone for giving guidance throughout.
2
Table of Contents
Introduction 4
Chapter One – Odin and His God Complex 14
Chapter Two – Loki and the Demon Below 22
Chapter Three- The End is Nigh! Ragnarök and Judgement Day 29
Conclusion 34
Appendices 36
Bibliography 41
*Note on spellings: Icelandic, Norwegian and Old Norse spellings used in this work
have remained as they are in their original sources, primary or secondary, whether
Anglicized or not. For example, the spellings used were taken from Snorri Sturluson:
The Prose Edda, translated and edited by Jesse L. Byock.
The image on the front cover is an artist’s interpretation of the Yggdrasil. 1
1
Artist’s interpretation of Yggdrasil:
http://img13.deviantart.net/d862/i/2013/349/4/3/tree_of_life_with_rod_and_snake_by_tattoo_design-
d6y0w88.jpg (Last accessed 18.04.2016)
3
Introduction
The Vikings have exerted, and continue to exert, a powerful fascination over
succeeding centuries, probably out of all proportion to their actual influence in the
shaping of the western world. This has certainly been true in my own case, since I
have long felt since childhood an affinity with them, and a sense that their history
mattered even when it was not being placed in the centre of my own historical
education. This passion for the Viking Age has led me to believe that not only their
influence on the early medieval period helped advance Western Europe out of the
cultural deficit left by the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, but that Viking
influence can still be felt in our popular culture and ancestry today.
Returning to this subject as an undergraduate, I found the best way of analysing the
Viking mind-set was to look at the mythology, and analyse the features which were
preserved in its translation after the Christian conversion. The main way in which I
achieved this was by investigating the older text, the Poetic Edda (written in the early
12th century), to reveal the earlier mythology; I also used archaeological evidence to
authenticate the myths of the written sources. I then compared this with Snorri’s
Prose Edda (c. 1220 AD) which illustrates Norse myths after the Icelandic
conversion to Christianity. Furthermore, interdisciplinary historians specialising in
religion and history, like Kimberly Patton and George Dumezil, have helped to
illustrate the overlap of Christian images and iconography within the Pagan
mythology. This study will attempt to demonstrate how Christianity adopted local
Pagan beliefs, assimilating them into their existing ideologies and creating a
proliferation of Christian symbols within Norse mythological literature. It will also
critically compare the similarities between Odin and Loki. This emphasis has never
before been focused upon in academic research to my knowledge, and I will seek to
illustrate how the divergence of the two characters represents the attitudes of
Christianised Iceland. While this will be not be possible to prove incontrovertibly, the
comparison between the two gods will illustrate the divergence between the original
Norse myths and those altered for Christian audiences.
The Vikings are commonly remembered for their warring natures and raids.
Beginning in the 8th century, the Anglo Saxon Chronicle documented one Viking
attack: ‘the harrowing inroads of heathen men made lamentable havoc in the church
4
of God in Holy-island, by rapine and slaughter…’. 2 This image of the Vikings as
savage heathens has been long-standing in most of the contemporary accounts of
the Viking exploits, as their targets were usually Christian monasteries or cities.
However the Vikings’ ambitions did not stop at raiding: they traded and colonised
throughout western and eastern Europe as far as Baghdad.3 One of the most
famous Vikings, Lief Ericson, even reached and briefly settled modern-day
Newfoundland; around 492 years before Christopher Columbus set sail. Not only
were the Vikings intrepid explorers, but also keen boat- builders and engineers; for
this reason the development of their Knorrs, shallow ships with drafts and silk sails,
meant they could sail in open water and carry heavy loads. This technological
advancement allowed the Vikings to become the superior naval force of the period,
reaching their targets, both coastal and inland, and also to trade in furs, slaves and
wool in foreign ports.4 During this period the Viking people were able to share their
diverse and unique culture with neighbouring lands, such as modern-day France and
Britain. The impact the Vikings made on the British places names and language can
still be seen plainly today, especially in the north of England where the Danelaw was
placed. After nearly two hundred years of Viking military raiding and supremacy,
most academics agree that the Viking Age ended at the Battle of Stamford Bridge in
1066, the last great Viking incursion into England. However the impact left on
popular culture can be seen in television5, music and literature today.
When researching Norse Paganism for academic study, we are faced with a number
of drawbacks when critically formulating what is meant by ‘religion’. From a modern
perspective, we consider religion mostly to be a fully formed belief system, church
hierarchy and established doctrine. 6 Academics such as Hultgard Anders have tried
to characterise Norse Paganism in broad terms as a ‘non doctrinal community
religion’. 7 This label is based on evidence gathered from medieval Christian
perceptions of Norse Paganism. Although the characteristics of the ‘non-doctrinal
2
Swanton, Michael. The Anglo-Saxon chronicle (Dent, 1996), p.55.
3
Collins, Roger. Early Medieval Europe, 300-1000. (New York,2010), p. 346
4
Friedman, J. and Figg, K. Trade, Travel and Exploration in the Middle Ages: An Encyclopedia, ( New York,
2010), p.13.
5
Vikings, History Channel, Season one official trailer : (last accessed 03. 04.2016)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xdm7Z3TQhDg
6
Dubois, A. Thomas. Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, (Pennsylvania, 1999), p. 11.
7
‘Anders, Hultgard, ‘The Religion of the Vikings’, The Viking World, ed. Brink, Stefan. Price, Neil, (2008,
London), p.12.
5
community religion’ does suggests that religion played numerous roles in a
community, I would argue that the fragmented nature and geographical differences
of the Scandinavian and Finnish area means that labelling Norse Paganism as ‘ a
non-doctrinal community religion’ is a far too generalised perspective when looking
at such different communities and cultures. 8 Furthermore early academic work omits
the fact that much Norse Paganism depended on location and was specialised
according to a particular community. For example, even though Munro Chadwick’s
work The Cult of Othin in 1899 is a widely regarded academic work, it does overlook
the regionalism and the detached natures of the different nations and dominions.9
However, academics of the early twentieth century such as Nordal and Andrea
Heusler, used other ancient Pagan religions such as Roman or Greek alongside
Snorri’s work to fill some of the gaps in the Norse mythology. 10 Whilst on the other
hand, Hans Kun, and similarly, Anna Holtsmark, emphasise Snorri’s personal
motivations behind the Prose Edda. In the later 20th century, Heinreck Beck,
Anthony Faulkes and Ander Hultgard take similar standpoints, centring on the
theological standpoints of Snorri’s audience and the wider social factors that could
have affected the Eddas. Jesse Byock’s work has increasingly focused on using
modern scientific techniques to authenticate some of the sagas. For example, using
the work of medical professionals, Byock argues that description of Egil
Skallagrimsson’s odd facial features was a factual depiction due to a rare bone
disorder, Paget’s disease. 11 Additionally, recent research in America using satellite
imagery has helped to discover the second settlement mentioned in the Vinland
saga.12
Although modern academic Thomas Dubois makes the point that archaeological
evidence suggests that there were overarching beliefs, the geographically rural
nature of the main Scandinavian tribes meant that there would have been some
isolated worship to local gods. 13 More recent archaeological work suggests a
8
Dubois, Thomas. Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, (Pennsylvania, 1999), p.11.
9
Chadwick, Munro. The Cult of Othin: an essay in Ancient Religion of the North. (Cambridge, 1899),
10
Sigurdsson, Gisli. The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition: A Discourse on Method. Trans, Jones,
Nicholas, (London, 2004), pp. 8-11.
11
Byock, Jesse. ‘The skull and bones in Egil's saga: A Viking, a grave, and Paget's disease’ in "Viator," Vol. 24,
p.23-50; 1993. (last accessed: 29/03/2016) http://www.viking.ucla.edu/Scientific_American/Egils_Bones.htm
12
Discovery Could Rewrite History of Vikings in New World: (last accessed: 03/04/ 2016)
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/2016/03/160331-viking-discovery-north-america-canada-archaeology/
13
Dubois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, pp. 23-24
6
greater variation of religious practices according to geographical areas, especially in
more rural communities such as the nomadic Sami tribe. Dubois argues that these
Scandinavian tribes were driven by similar cultural necessities such as population
growth, economic growth and political strength. Intercultural relations did occur
through trade and conquests, which enabled tribes to develop their own cultural
differentiations from their neighbours.14 For our purposes, we will be focusing on the
aspects of Norse Paganism that survived through until the sagas. This follows the
definition of religion by Geertz who argues religion is, especially in primitive nomadic
communities, how a society places meaning to the surrounding world and
categorises them into ‘worldly’ and ‘supernatural’. 15 As it would be impossible for us
to access the belief systems of all the individual Scandinavian communities, by using
the overarching beliefs that survived till the 13th century literature and modern
archaeological evidence such as grave goods, it can be argued that we will be able
to understand the major religious themes that were shared between communities,
and thus recognise their importance as chief religious icons over a large polytheistic
Pagan area. 16
I have had to consider a number of issues of historiography affecting both the

primary and the secondary sources of the field. The study of Vikings and Norse
Paganism has been on the increase since the Second World War. Especially in non-
Scandinavian countries, the study of the Vikings had been closely associated with
the Nazi regime that had appropriated much of its history and symbols, such as the
swastika and the belief of Arian supremacy.17 Although a number of local academics
carried on their research throughout the war, it was not until the 1950s that many
non-Scandinavian academic began their own research.18 It is for this reason that
much of the historiography surrounding Norse Paganism was limited until the latter
half of the 20th century. For example, we find historians such as Andrea Heusler and
Paul Caus over-generalised their view of Norse Paganism by only following Christian
primary sources, excluding archaeological evidence, and over-simplifying the
14
Dubois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, p. 27
15
Dubois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, pp. 30-31
16
Dubois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, p.91
17
Lindow, John. Norse Mythology: Guide to the Gods, Heroes, p.38
18
Lindow, John. Norse Mythology: Guide to the Gods, Heroes, Rituals and Beliefs, (New York, 2002), p.38
7
geopolitical climate of Scandinavian communities. 19 Furthermore, the view of
Paganism has also developed in the last fifty years: recent research has focused
less on the general overview of the period and the political figures that emerged, but
more on studies of social interaction and ethnography. 20 These micro-studies draw
on interdisciplinary methods such as archaeology to create a better picture of pre-
Christian Scandinavia.
A complex study of the familiarities of the Norse pantheon has been long neglected
by Norse historians, none more so than the characters of Odin and Loki. As
mentioned by Neil Price, the lack of study on the similarities of the antagonist god
Loki and the protagonist god Odin is a result of the limited research done on the
Norse pantheon and the flawed methodology of many of the traditional historians.21
Acknowledging the drawbacks that have limited the usefulness of past research, and
drawing on numerous types of sources, we will be able to clearly see the similarities
of Odin and Loki. 22 Using this comparison, I will explore the motivations that
dichotomise the two gods and the demonization that Loki eventually encounters. I
will do this by studying the character of Loki, and how he begins to be portrayed as a
demonized ‘trickster’ character. This will help to illustrate how the increased
emphasis on Christianity during this period and the churches’ role in the introduction
of literature to Iceland may have introduced the number of Christian images and
parallels that we can see in the Norse sagas. And thus, then explore what were the
purposes of these parallels.
To outline the world order in which Norse gods exist, we must summarise the
Gylfaginning and Voluspa, the first sections of the Prose Edda and the Poetic Edda
which explain the cosmology of the Norse universe. After the primordial giant Ymir’s
body was used to create the earth, sky and the sea, the land of Midgard was created
and the Æsir began to create things such as forges, buildings and altars. Alongside
the Æsir (the collective term for the main group of gods) there is another sect of
divine beings called the Vanir, who were at war with the Æsir until they made peace
19
Caus, Paul. ‘Pagan elements of Christianity and the significance of Jesus,’ The Monist, Vol 12, No. 3 (April,
1902), pp. 416- 425
20
Dubois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, p. 192
21
Price, Neil. The Viking Way: Religion and War in Late Iron Age Scandinavia, (Stockholm, 2002), p.75
22
Schjobt, .P., Jens. ‘The Old Norse Gods: Gods and Their Characteristics’, The Viking World. Eds, Brink, Stefan.,
Price, Neil. (London, 2008), p.219.
8
and swapped prisoners.23 These events take place on the giant celestial tree
Yggdrasil, which is separated into three levels and the nine different realms. The
Asgard realm, the sacred home of the Norse gods, is connected to Midgard (home of
humans) by the bridge Bifrost (Appendix A is an artist’s impression of Yggdrasil)
though the realms are separate from each other the gods frequently journey into
Midgard and Jotunheim. Yggdrasil is seen as sacred and of key importance to the
Norse gods, especially Odin and the Ragnarök. Yggdrasil not only holds the Norse
universe together, but also provides Odin with the knowledge of the other realms and
his rune magic. However the health of Yggdrasil is intrinsically linked to the fate of
the gods as the Gylfaginning suggests.24 Yggdrasil is always under attack from
creatures that live on the sacred tree such as the following from the Prose Edda:
‘The ash Yggdrasil endures hardship, more than men know. A stag bites from above
and its sides rot; From below Nidhogg gnaws.’ 25
Primarily using the Gylfaginning and the Voluspa as a reference to the creation of
the Norse pantheon, academics also have the benefit of the combined works of
Snorri and the Elder Edda in order to gain a fuller picture of the formation of the
Norse gods. First, the older text, Elder Edda written in early 13th century, states that
the world was created from the body of a primordial giant, Ymir, and describes how
the earth, the first human and the sky were built from the giant’s body. The Voluspa
goes on to describe how the Norse god’s descendants built the Æsir: ‘Before Borr’s
sons brought up the lands, they who moulded famed middle-earth...’ 26 This myth is
not only very similar to the poem Snorri’s Gylfaginning, but also to the Christian
creation story of the Old Testament.27 However, the added prologue from Snorri
documents the rise of the Norse gods as Asian travellers to the North and their
ascent to power and ultimate god-like status.28 Although, this prologue was written
euphemistically and was specifically intended to de-sanctify the gods so that Snorri’s
writing was not seen as blasphemous, it does correlate with the earlier myth in the
Elder Edda.
23
Sturluson, Snorri, and Jesse L. Byock. The Prose Edda: Norse Mythology (London, 2005) pp. 119-123.
24
Sturluson, The Prose Edda, p. xxxvii –xxviii.
25
Sturluson, The Prose Edda, p. 27.
26
Orchard, Andy,. Trans. The Elder Edda: Myths, gods and heroes from the Viking world, (New York, 2013), p.5
27
Wanner, J. Kevin. ‘God in the margins: Dislocation and Transience in the myths of Odin,’ History of Religions
46. 4 (2007),pp. 316-350.
28
Sturluson, The Prose Edda, pp. 1-3
9
For the purposes of this study, the primary focus will be on the major gods of the
Æsir and their roles and status in Norse society. Being known as the Allfather, first
and most powerful of the gods, Odin is chief of the Æsir and the runes,
siedr/shamanism and warriors are mainly attributed to him.29 While his son Thor is
often depicted as one of the bravest and strongest of the gods, Odin’s strength and
cunning shows Thor is no match for his power.30 This can be illustrated at the very
beginning of Gylfaginning when Gylfi asks ‘Who is the highest and most ancient of
the gods?’ This is a deliberate literary ploy by Snorri to form the gravitas and status
associated with Odin.
Whilst Loki is considered a member of the Æsir, he is not a blood descendant from
Ymir or Borr as the other gods are: Loki is related to the giants. Although his origins
are somewhat unclear, the Gylfaginning states that ‘Fárbauti is the jötunn husband of
Laufey...’, with ‘jotunn’ derived from the meaning of giant, Loki is commonly seen as
a cross-breed between giant and Æsir.31 This sets him apart from the others, who
shun him in a number of instances as an outsider, as can be seen in the poem
Lokasenna.32 Loki’s role as an antagonist in the poetry becomes more malevolent
throughout the progression of the Prose Edda, especially after the death of the god
Baldr, after which Loki is punished by being tied to a rock under the earth by his
entrails with poison dripping in his eyes. Although Loki is not worshipped as Odin
and Freya are, Loki is revered as a trickster as can be seen in the Snaptun Stone in
Appendix B . Loki’s role throughout the Prose Edda and the Elder Edda is both
comedic and sinister; however his most important role is as the father of monsters
such as Fenrir and Hel.33 These monsters, similar to the four horsemen, play an
integral part in the downfall of the Æsir during the battle of Ragnarök. The monsters
Fenrir, Hel, and the Midgard Serpent are the heads that lead the enemies armies
against the Æsir, each monster paring with a god to bring his or her downfall. As
the sagas were intended to show a moral awareness and not judgment, as Christian
mythology would, the boundary between divine and human is not absolute in Norse
Paganism; Loki’s role is to illustrate the poor choices and behaviour.34 Although he is
29
Lindow, John. Norse Mythology: Guide to the Gods, Heroes, Rituals and Beliefs, (New York, 2002), p.13
30
The Poetic Edda. Trans., Larrington, Carolyne(Oxford, 2014), p. 65
31
Sturlson, Snorri, Edda, trans, Faulkes, Anthony. (London, 1995), p.96
32
Orchard, Andy,. Trans. The Elder Edda, p.82
33
Sturluson, The Prose Edda, pp. 69- 70
34
Patton. C. Kimberly. The Religion of the Gods; Ritual, Paradox, and Reflexivity, (New York, 2009), pp. 216-217
10
initially accepted as one of the Æsir, his behaviour escalates and ultimately begins
the chain reaction that leads to Ragnarök, the Norse apocalypse.
Although in the analysis presented here the Elder Edda will be used in a limited
capacity to support the myths of the Prose Edda, a number of issues must be taken
into account. Firstly, as the older source, the Elder Edda includes many myths that
predate those of the Prose Edda. While this would help to illustrate that few of the
early belief systems changed during Snorri’s period, for our purposes it will be used
to illustrate how the increased Christian influences of Snorri’s 13th century work
compare with 12th century eddic poetry. 35 While the authorship of these earlier
pieces has come under scrutiny by modern academics, 16th century scholars
believed it to be the work of Saemund Sigurdusson which is why it was commonly
called the Saemund Edda or the Elder Edda. 36 However, further research has
identified the manuscripts as remaining fragments of the Codex Regius, more
commonly known as the Poetic Edda. Although there is still the element of Christian
influence that may have affected the text, it could be argued that, as the 13th century
was a pre-Christian era, it was less likely than the Prose Edda to have been altered.
37
As stated earlier, the main texts used to compare Norse and Christian images, the
Poetic Edda and the Prose Edda, were written well after Iceland’s conversion to
Christianity in approximately 1000 AD. 38 However, the Icelandic saga the
Íslendingabók explains that after the initial conversion of Norway, Iceland adopted
Christianity into its legal system, but Paganism was not outlawed and was still widely
practised, albeit as a private rather than a community religion. One of the positive
changes that Christianity made to Icelandic society was the increased emphasis on
literature and education. Interestingly, however, Icelandic people used this to
preserve their Pagan heritage in works like the Poetic Edda and the Codex Regius.
The study includes an analysis of the emergence of Christian images within Norse
literature, and that evidence appears to support that the Poetic Edda and Prose
Edda are relatively faithful representations of the original oral poetry and that they
35
The Poetic Edda. Trans., Larrington, Carolyne, p. xxv
36
The Poetic Edda. Trans, Larrington, Carolyne, p. xxv
37
Ciklamini, Marlene. Snorrie Sturluson , p.35
38
Attwood, Kitrina. ‘Christian Poetry’ in A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture.
Ed, McTurk, Rory. (United Kingdom, 2005), p.28
11
still demonstrate many elements of traditional Norse Pagan beliefs. However as the
Poetic is the older of the two texts, I will use this to illustrate how the saturation of
Christian beliefs in Icelandic society could have affected the poems, even if it was
unintentional.
Although a large amount of specialised academic literature was inaccessible for this
dissertation due to language barriers, this amount of historiography on the Vikings
would also have been an impossibly large body of material to cover in such a study.
Accordingly, I will concentrate on material in English, or translated into English.
Although I believe that this topic would benefit from study at postgraduate or
doctorate level to accommodate all of the untranslated texts, I also believe that the
academic material in English provides enough paraphrased material from foreign
sources to create an accurate picture of the historiographical debate.
A larger issue for our purposes, however, will be the historiography surrounding
Snorri Sturluson’s contribution to our primary source, the Prose Edda. Numerous
aspects of Snorri’s influence could have ultimately affected the work primary source
that we use today. The Prose Edda is considered one of the most important pieces
of medieval literature to date. The Prose Edda is the compilation of numerous
skaldic poems that Snorri noted down from their oral state. Some argue that without
any references to Latin works or secondary literature, Snorri’s work is an unreliable
because we do not know what sources he draws from or their correctness.39 While
we do have the Poetic Edda to compare to, Snorri’s background could give us an
indication of his secondary motives. Looking biographical evidence of his life we can
see that he was a keen intellectual and had a passion for Scandinavian traditions like
the Althing and Skaldic verse.40 For Walter Baetke, Snorri’s primary motive was the
preservation of skaldic poetry style and many of the Norse Pagan mythology that
oral poetry had helped to preserve.41 Academics such as Peter Dronke and Henirich
Beck still debate the extent to which his work was influenced by external factor, such
as Snorri’s political ties to Norway, his family connection to the sagas and the
preservation of Icelandic history.42 For example, without knowing the sources Snorri
39
Ciklamini, Marlene. Snorrie Sturluson, p.23.
40
Ciklamini, Marlene. Snorrie Sturluson, p.23
41
Sigurdsson, Gisla. The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition: A Discourse on method. Trans, Jones,
Nicholas. (London, 2004), pp. 8-9
42
Sigurdsson, Gisla. The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition, p. 9
12
used, academics such as Anne Holtsmark (1964) attempt to discover to what extent
Snorri’s work was traditional poetry, and what was due to contemporary Christian
influences.43
Although archaeological evidence is a key element in seeing the spread of Norse

Paganism and the way it was worshipped, it is not necessarily clear evidence of
belief. Archaeological evidence is the remains of material culture and material culture
is not a clear indication of spiritual beliefs. Trading and commerce of art and tools
can be misconstrued by archaeologists as tools of worship where there are
fragmented cultures with close geographical ties. For example, the Helgo jade
Buddha was found in Lake Mälaren, Sweden. We know, through evidence of trading
and raiding, that this archaeological find was not an indication of Buddhism in
Sweden. However with other archaeological finds, we face the problem of labelling
spiritual significance.44 Ultimately, we can use archaeology to illustrate the spread of
Scandinavian trade and argue that the communication between groups may also
indicate transference of religion but this hypothesis cannot be substantiated because
we do not know the spiritual meaning that objects had to individuals and groups
However as we begin to focus on the Christian influences which might have affected
the contemporary perceptions of pre-Christian Paganism, Snorri’s work becomes a
key focus of this study as it not only provide a contemporary view of how Norse
Paganism was perceived from a Christian perspective.45 However, as Anthony
Faulke’s points out, Snorri’s does so in a non-invasive and does not portray a sense
of moral superiority because of his Christianity like a typical medieval writer would.
46 Although there has been some discussion on the discrepancies between what
Snorri has written and what has been popularly depicted in archaeological evidence.
Most academics do agree that Snorri is a reliable source for Norse mythology for a
number of reasons.47 Firstly, although there are slight differences, the fact that
Snorri’s poems depict scenes found in archaeological evidence outside of Iceland
suggests that the Norse Mythology in the Prose Edda is representative of some of
the beliefs of Scandinavia and is not an isolated set of sagas. Secondly, Snorri’s past
43
Sigurdsson, Gisla. The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition, pp. 9-10
44
Ferguson, Robert. The Hammer and Cross: A New History of the Vikings (London, 2009), p.40
45
46
47
13
as a law speaker at the Icelandic Althing means that his ability to remember vast
amounts of detail with precision was tried and tested. This makes more trustworthy
the fact that he did not reference any other material on Norse Mythology as that
would indicate that he used the original skaldic poetry as his source material.
Additionally, by analysing contemporary sources like the Life of St. Anskar it will be
illustrated that while Snorri did not intend to include Christian elements into the Prose
Edda, he was however subject to external religious influences and thus we can draw
parallels between Christianity and Norse mythology.
14
Chapter One - Odin and his God Complex
As chief of the Norse gods, Odin is one of the most famous and well documented in
pre-Christian literature. His role as king of the gods is left without any doubt thanks to
references in the Seeress’ Prophecy and Gylfaginning although Odin’s history and
origins have been slightly altered thanks to Snorri’s epic prologue of the Prose Edda,
where allusions were made to the works of Homer. Odin’s place and impact on
literature and Norse society are obvious in the contemporary and archaeological
evidence now available to academics. However, as Neil Price and Stefan Brink have
commented, academic research in the form of a critical comparison between the
gods Odin and Loki is still lacking. Although their intrinsic roles and status within the
Norse Pantheon are very much opposites, their attributes and qualities displayed in
the sagas are strikingly similar. Additionally, as stated by Loki in the Lokasenna,
Odin and Loki were blood-bonded, a relationship similar to adopted brotherhood.48
Early academic research such as Chadwick and Sophus Bugge believed that
sacrifices to Odin were mainly human, completed annually in religious sites, such as
Uppsala in Sweden.49 However modern archaeological and etymological research
has increasing shown that sacrifice was more widespread than previously believed.
Although alluded to in Chadwich’s iconic works the Cult of Othin, the Cult of Othinn
was not fully researched until mid-19th century. Commonly held Contemporary
perspective is that much of the sacrifice and worship of the gods was small-scale,
undocumented and unorganised, as well as organised annual events, like of which
was witnessed by Adam of Bremen. It is argued by Chadwick that slaying of an
enemy in battle was considered as a sacrifice to Odin. This factor makes it difficult
for academics to determine how popular sacrificing to Odin was. Although, it is
argued that the recurring phrases such as ‘become Odinn’s guest’ and ‘give him to
Odinn’ were synonymous with Odinic sacrifices.50 In the case of Ibn Falad’s account
of a Viking burial from the 10th century, he documents how the Rus Vikings prepared
a slave girl to go into the afterlife with her master.51 This form of sacrifice is similar to
48
Larrington, Carolyne, ed. Poetic Edda, p. 82.
49
Chadwick, The Cult of Othin, p.8.
50
Chadwick, The Cult of Othin, p.10.
51
Je E. Montgomery. Ibn Fadlan and The Rusiyyah. Journal of Arabic and Islamic studies, 2000, Vol.3.
15
the sacrifices made by King Aun of Sweden.52 However sacrifices often took the form
of spontaneous acts of religious devotion, like that seen in the Starkadr saga and the
death Olafr Tretelgi.53 These sources additionally indicate that Odin’s sacrifices were
generally made by worshippers from a higher social status.
Odin, then, is one of the most prominent and well-researched characters in Norse
mythology: not only is he the chieftain of the gods but he also had the highest status
with Viking society. Interestingly, Odin is associated with many conflicting dominions,
for example being god of fertility, death, war, poetry and intellect, which often come
into conflict with each other. 54 To illustrate, the first mention of Odin in the
Gylfaginning, which solidifies Odin’s importance and status within the Norse
pantheon and to the Viking audience, displays Odin’s omnipotent power in itself. 55
The dupe of Gylfi is a common theme throughout the Prose Edda and the Poetic
Edda and allows the display of superior cunning against an opponent. 56 Although
Gylfi tries to outwit the Æsir by disguising himself as Gangleri, he in turn is misled by
Odin who portrays himself as three omnipotent characters, ‘High’, ‘Just- as- High’
and ‘Third’.57 Through the popular Norse troupe of deception, Gylfi seeks to find how
the Asgard become powerful and how the world was created. This cunning and
wisdom that Odin demonstrates is one of his most notable attributes. There are
numerous accounts of Odin favouring using his cunning over strength, such as
Odin’s quest for the sacred mead and Harbard’s Song.
Additionally, Odin was famed for his use of magic and sorcery. This is an interesting
feature of his personality, as most European and Scandinavian cultures viewed
sorcery as a female practice or as a malevolent force of ‘black magic’. 58 The Saga of
Ynglings shows Odin’s shamanist magic was combined with warrior cultures, loosely
associated with siedr, berserkers famed for their fearlessness and animalistic fury in
battle.59 This was similar to Odin himself in the Skaldskapmal when he was
52
Sturluson, Snorri. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway. Trans, Hollander, M. Lee. Austin, 1995.pp.
27-28.
53
Sturluson, Snorri. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway, p.47.
54
Wanner, J Kevin. ‘Gods on the margins’, p.322
55
Sturluson, Prose Edda, p.11
56
Wanner, J. Kevin. ‘Gods on the margins,’ p. 348
57
58
Price, Neil. The Viking Way, p.109
59
Somerville, A. Angus,. McDonald Andrew ., eds. The Viking Age: A reader, (Toronto, 2010) pp. 92-3
16
escaping from the giant, and turned himself into an eagle; however the berserker’s
transformation was limited to the animal’s spirit rather than the physiology, whilst
Odin could use his powerful magic. 60
Whilst Loki was portrayed as the antagonist of Norse mythology, he shared many of
the same traits as Odin, such as cunning and magic. The similarities that they
shared were depicted in different ways, for example Odin was portrayed as being
similar to the Christian God in his omnipotence whilst Loki is described as the
‘Slanderer of the Gods, the source of Deceit, and the Disgrace of All Gods and Men.’
61 Loki’s roles as the antagonist were purposeful in that his actions helped to create a
moral awareness in the Nordic mind-set of what were considered good and bad
choices. 62 Poems in the Gylfaginning such as Thor Reaches the Stronghold of
Utgada- Loki and The Master Builder and the Birth of Sleipnir represented Loki as a
comedic and wily god with magical ability. However in later poems, his behaviour
and malice towards the gods worsened: the Poetic Edda and the Prose Edda
document numerous acts of mischief and hatred committed by Loki, such as in the
Skaldskaparmal when Loki shears off Sif’s hair,63and The Theft of Idunn and Her
Apples.64 However Loki’s comedic roles as trickster and mischief-maker were
permanently altered after his role in the death of Baldr, when he knowingly and with
premeditation sought the death of Baldr, even though he knew it would bring about
Ragnarök.
Odin, like Loki used his cunning and magic to overcome situations and, in most
cases, when confronted with an option between violence and magic, Odin would use
magic. For example, time and time again Odin used the element of disguise to gain
the upper hand in contests of wit, a strategy that would show the opponent as slow-
witted, and Odin a clear winner. 65For example in Baldrs draumar, in the battle of wits
Sturluson, Snorri. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway, ‘Odin’s men went without coats of mail and
were raving like hounds or wolves; they bit into their shields and were as strong as bears... they slaughtered
the enemy and neither fire nor iron had any effect on them. This is called berserksgangr.’
60
Ferguson, Robert. The Hammer and the Cross, p.298
61
St. Miska, Michael. ‘Odin, Loki, and Thor: Grim Gods and Gallows Humour.’ Explorations Journal for
Adventurous Thought, Vol 14, no 1 (1995: 79-91), p. 82
62
Sturluson, The Prose Edda, p.38
63
The Poetic Edda. Trans., Larrington, Carolyne, p.92
64
Sturlson, Prose Edda, p. 81
65
Wanner, Kevin J. ‘Cunning Intelligence in Norse Myth: Loki, Odinn and the Limits of Sovereignty’ History of
Religions. Vol. 48, No 3 (February, 2009), p.230
17
between Odin and a dead Voluspa in Hel, who some academics have argued was
Loki in disguise, Odin used his disguise to outwit her and draw more knowledge
about the onset of Ragnarök. 66 Odin repeatedly used his cunning to outmanoeuvre
his opponents, using disguise and cloaked questions to further his quest for
knowledge and gain more information of his death during Ragnarök.67 Whereas this
trickery was seen as ‘Deceit’ and ‘Slanderer’ if performed by Loki, when performed
by Odin it was an expression of power; he was seen as the ‘All-Father, since he is
the father of all the gods and men and of everything that has been accomplished
from his power...’ .68
Additionally, Loki and Odin also shared the ability to perform magic. Although there
has been some debate amongst academics as to the type of magic that Loki used, it
is commonly agreed that Odin used numerous forms of magic.69 Or the auto-sacrifice
committed by Odin in order to learn rune magic is only a small part of his dominion
over sorcery. In Loki’s case, shape-shifting was commonly used to escape and fix
dilemmas that he had brought to the Æsir. In the case of the Gylfaginning, Loki tried
to escape from the punishment of the Æsir by transforming himself into a salmon. 70
Comparatively, when Odin sought the mead of Suttung, disguised as Bolverk, he
tricked Suttung’s brother Baugi in order to steal the mead, changing himself into a
snake then an eagle as he did so. It could be argued that the attitudes associated
with the gods are subtly represented in the animal shapes that they possess. 71 For
example the Gylfaginning and Skaldskaparmal depict Loki taking the form of a mare
and a salmon, these forms would have been seen as submissive and effeminate in
their passive nature as prey animals. 72 In comparison, the physical forms that Odin
chose, the snake and the eagle, were majestic animals that connoted high status
and power. The eagle especially is synonymous with Odin as it is one of his symbols
associated with the King of the gods. 73Whilst the snake is also an animal of
eminence, in Norse mythology it can be compared with the Midgard Serpent, or
66
Trans, Orchard, Andy. The Elder Edda: Myths, gods and heroes from the Viking World, (New York, 2013),
p.247
67
68
69
Lindow, John. Norse Mythology, pp. 13-15
70
Sturluson, Prose Edda, pp.69-70
71
72
Sturluson, Prose Edda, p 85
73
Patton, Kimberly. Religion of the Gods, p.217
18
Jörmungandr, which was so large it surrounded the world and was able to bite its
own tail; this is also the symbol of eternity and longevity.74
It could be argued that this divergence of the two gods is a result of the Christian
influences on Snorri’s 13th century documentation of oral tradition. As
aforementioned, most academics believe that Snorri did not intend the Prose Edda
to be particularly influenced by Christianity in Iceland, but he did have to make a
number of omissions and additions to the origins of the Norse god’s divinity to
correspond with his own religious standpoints. 75 Although many academics label
Snorri as a ‘sympathetic Pagan’,76 the prologue of the Prose Edda gives a clear
reference to the Christian god creating earth from the Old Testament: ‘In the
beginning, almighty God created heaven and earth and all that pertains to them.’ 77 It
could be argued that with this ever-present Christian influence inadvertently added to
the poetry, the role of Odin and pejoration of Loki could be attributed to the
subliminal Christian images and parallels involuntarily added to the text. 78
Academic Kimberly Patton,79 amongst other religious historians, argues that the
parallels between Christianity and Norse Paganism can be best illustrated in the
Sayings of the High-One and Odin’s pursuit of rune knowledge: ‘I know that I hung
on a windswept tree, nine long nights, wounded with a spear, dedicated to Odin,
myself to myself, on the tree of which no man knows from where the roots run.’80
Firstly, the ‘windswept tree’ mentioned in the poem represents the sacred tree
Yggdrasil, which held the same spiritual importance as the Christian cross. Although,
with secondary reading we know that Odin was hanged with rope as was commonly
associated with Odinic sacrifice, the image suggests a likeness to Christ who was
displayed on high on the cross.81 Secondly, there are striking aesthetic parallels
between the Gospels and the Sayings of the High-One, such as both Odin and
74
Russel, Jeffery Burton, The Devil: perceptions of evil from antiquity to primitive Christianity, (London, 1977),
p.69
75
Ferguson, Robert. The Hammer and the Cross, p.40
76
Egilisdóttir, Ǻsdȉs. ‘The Fantastic Reality: Hagiography, Miracles and Fantasy,’ in The Fantastic Old Norse/
Icelandic literature in the Sagas and the British Isles. Saga Conference: Durham and York, 6 th-12th August, 2006,
Vol 1. Eds. McKinnel, John, David Ashurst and Rick Donato, p.63
77
78
79
Patton, Religion of the Gods, p.230
80
Trans, Orchard, Andy. Poetic Edda, p. 38
81
Patton, Religion of the Gods, p.223
19
Jesus being stabbed in the side with spears and crying out in anguish. 82 To further
illustrate the spiritual importance of the spear in a wider context, Appendices C and
D demonstrate how the Jelling Stone depicts the cross and the spear as weapons for
God against evil. Anthony Faulkes argues that parallels such as these indicate the
transitioning ideologies between Norse Paganism and Christianity and the
inadvertent overlapping of imagery and icons. Kevin Wanner also argues that the
increased Christian influence on Norse society and rapid rate of conversion in
previously Pagan Iceland and other Scandinavian countries facilitated an
encroachment of Christian beliefs into Norse mythology.83 Thus creating greater rifts
between protagonist and antagonist, Odin and Loki, as the Christian audience and
Christian writer sought to fulfil the Christian stereotypes of monotheistic God and
malevolent devil. 84
Notably, by looking at contemporary views of God we can see the striking similarities
between Odin and God.85 Firstly, Snorri’s prologue illustrates the over-arching
religious tones of the Prose Edda and we can see distinctive parallels in the
language used. For example, the Prologue states that ‘almighty God created heaven
and earth and all that pertains to them.’ Furthermore, it can be illustrated that this
view of God was not exclusive either to the Bible or to Snorri’s writing. In the Life of
Anskar (801-865), 86 the missionary, commonly referred to as the Apostle of the
North, wrote: ‘Worship the true God who rules all things in heaven and earth, submit
yourselves to Him, and adore His almighty power.’ 87 Similar to the biblical language
Snorri used when describing Odin in the Gylfaginning ,‘ He made heaven and earth
and the skies and everything in them.’ I would further compare these quotes with the
book of Genesis 1:3: ‘ In the beginning when God created the heavens and the
earth, the earth was a formless void and darkness covered the face of the deep,
while a wind from God swept over the face of the waters.’ 88 The similarities
between the quotes are undeniable; while Odin’s qualities do have some striking
82
Patton, Religion of the Gods, p. 217
83
Wanner, ‘God on the Margins,’ p.334
84
Dubois, Nordic Religions, p.189
85
Elliot Wolfson, ‘Circumcision, Vision of God, and Textual Interpretation,’ in Circle in the Square: Studies in the
Use of Gender in Kabbalistic Symbolism , (New York Press, 1995), pp. 336- 40
86
Mellor, A. Scott. ‘St. Ansgar: His Swedish Mission and Its Larger Context’ in Sanctity in the North: Saints,
Lives, and Cults in Medieval Scandinavia. Ed, DuBois, A, Thomas. (London, 2008), p.33
87
Rimbert: Life of Anskar, the Apostle of the North, 801-865, (last accessed 03.04.2016)
http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/anskar.asp
88
Old testament, Book of Genesis 1:5
20
differences to God’s, by writing in a biblical fashion Snorri is adding weight to Odin’s
power by creating a similar tone to that of the Bible. Whilst academic Kevin Wanner
believes this was an attempt to preserve Norse myths in post Christianised Iceland,
it also served to create affinity between God and Odin and a divergence between
Loki who was viewed by Christian audiences as a demonic figure. 89
Some have argued that the Norse god Baldr, could also be associated with Christ
and his role in Christian eschatology: academics such as Elard Hugo Moyer and
Arthur Mosher have drawn parallels between Baldr’s death and the Crucifixion of
Christ.90 However Baldr’s influences throughout the poems are limited to Baldr’s
draumar and the death of Baldr. Others though have argued that this view is
restricted, and is not represented in archaeological evidence. 91 On the other hand, it
could be argued that both these parallels signify multiple examples of proliferation of
Christian images within the transition from oral to written poetry.
89
Wanner, ‘God on the Margins,’ p.334
90
Mosher, Arthur D. ‘The Story of Baldr’s Death: The inadequacy of Myth in light of Christian Faith’;
Scandinavian Studies, Vol 55, No 4, (1983), pp. 305- 315
91
Mosher, Arthur D . ‘The Story of Baldr’s Death: The inadequacy of Myth in light of Christian Faith’; pp 307
21
Chapter Two - Loki and the Demon Below
While I have argued that Odin is represented to the contemporary Christian audience
as God, or seen as symbolising a monotheistic deity similar to the Christian God, I
will also argue that Loki is portrayed as demonic, as Satan, or even the Antichrist. In
doing this, I hope to be able to demonstrate that the divergence between Odin and
Loki was fundamentally impacted upon by the Christian influences and attitudes
which affected the transition from oral poetry to written. By critically comparing the
roles which Loki fulfilled in the Prose Edda and the Poetic Edda, alongside the
similarities with Odin, we should be able see how Loki’s character undertook a
pejoration and he became a demonised figure in the imaginations of the 13th century
audience, similar to that of the devil from the writings of the New Testament and
other religious texts.
The study of Loki has provoked much debate amongst academics since the late 19th
century, due to his diverse and often contrary nature. His complexities, deviant
behaviour, family ties and blood bonds have made him, I would argue, one of the
most intriguing characters of Norse mythology and as such, the research
surrounding him often intersects many different schools of thought. The
historiography surrounding Loki falls into three categories of academic research: the
roots of Loki’s stereotype; psychological functions within himself and society; and his
larger destiny in the Norse universe. Georges Dumézil argued in 1959 that Loki
originated from the Indo-Germanic tradition, and fulfilled the ‘trickster’ stereotype
within the myths by depicting the ‘incarnation of impulsive intelligence’ and chaotic
thought.92 Taking a similar philological standpoint, Jan de Vries (1959) reasoned that
Loki’s purpose was to fulfil the architype of ‘trickster’ that is associated with North
American traditions. 93 Prominent academic Anne Holtsmark (1962) shifted the
paradigm, maintaining that Loki is the psychological phenomenon that helps to
portray the negative aspects of a society.94 However, in the studies that will be
focused on, Jens Peter Schjobt and Margret Clunies Ross both argue along similar
lines that Loki’s nature is portrayed as ‘unnatural’. According to Carol J. Clover,
92
Von Schnurbein, Stefanie, ‘The Function of Loki in Snorri Sturluson’s “Edda”’, History of Religion 40.2, (2000):
109-124, p.113
93
Von Schnurbein, ‘The Function of Loki in Snorri Sturluson’s “Edda”’, p.113
94
Von Schnurbein, ‘The Function of Loki in Snorri Sturluson’s “Edda”’, p. 115
22
Loki’s contradictory nature as half-blood giant and ragr95 (male subjugate, debased
male) renders him at odd with the gods, the contemporary audiences and Snorri. 96
Additionally, these later studies can also relate to earlier studies by Sophus Bugge in
1899 and Folke Strom in 1959, who argue that the similarities between Odin and
Loki were two representations of the same character.
Although Loki is known as one of the Æsir he is never fully accepted as one of the
gods. In many circumstances we see Loki treated as an outsider and portrayed as
the antagonist. The first reference to Loki in the Gylfaginning depicts Loki negatively,
illustrating his role as trickster and villain within the poems and introducing evil into
the Norse universe with the description of his monstrous children:97
‘Loki is pleasing, even beautiful to look at, but his nature is evil and
undependable. More than others, he had the kind of wisdom known as
cunning, and is treacherous in all matters. He constantly places the gods in
difficulties and often solves their problems with guile.’98
However there appear to be two key stages in Loki’s dealings with the Æsir. In his
first appearances in the Gylfaginning, Loki’s character is ambiguous with regard to
his allegiances; he is often meddlesome, mischievous and comedic, but will help the
Æsir when it serves his interests as seen in The Theft of Idunn and Her Apples. 99
For example during the incident with the Master Builder, the Æsir strike a deal with a
giant to build a wall around Valhalla.100 They tell him that if he does not finish the wall
by the end of winter, he will not receive payment, however if he succeeds he will
receive Freyja (warrior and highest of the Goddess), the sun and the moon as
payment. During the discussion, Loki decides that the giant should be allowed the
help of his stallion Svadilfari. However when the wall is near completion and the
winter is at an end, the gods blame Loki and threaten him:
95
Gade, Kari Ellen. ‘Homosexuality and Rape of males in Old Norse Law and Literature’ Scandinavian Studies
58.2 (1986), p. 135
96
97
98
99
100
Sturluson, Prose Edda, p. 81
23
‘They told him (Loki) that he could expect a bad death if he failed to devise a
plan for the builder to lose the wager, they attacked Loki, and when he
became frightened he swore oaths that, whatever it cost him, he would find a
way to keep the builder from completing his part of the bargain.’101
In this instance, Loki’s character is persecuted by his peers, and used as a
scapegoat to help find a solution to the gods’ problem; this is portrayed by Snorri as
comedic, as in the episode with the giantess Skadi. 102 To resolve this issue, Loki
turns himself into a mare, distracting the giant’s stallion, Svadilfari, and as a
consequence, giving birth to an eight legged horse named Sleipnir.103 However as
the Gylfagging progresses and the gods draw closer to Ragnarök, Loki’s behaviour
becomes increasingly malevolent.
However, it could be argued that malevolence was not exclusive to Loki’s character
within the Norse pantheon. Although Odin was the chief of the gods, he was not
originally portrayed as being the same as the Christian God.104 Representative of
the warrior society that the Norse gods came from, a chieftain could not be seen as
benevolent, as this would have been seen as weakness in the eyes of his subjects.
105 While Christians would have seen Loki’s cruel behaviour in the death of Baldr in
tricking Hódr and the cutting of Sif’s hair as stereotypical for the role of antagonist,
Kevin Wanner reasons that Odin’s myths are also often marked with themes of
treachery, exile, regicide, hostage-taking, deception and rape, and yet still manage
to maintain a sanctified image. 106 Odin, portraying the stereotypical monotheistic
‘God’ character, would not have been perceived as either evil or cruel, but as
omnipotent and ruthless. This is like many examples of God’s actions in the Old
Testament, such as the great flood which wiped out all but a small handful of people
and animals. 107 While, Odin is often portrayed as vagrant and ambivalent in his
allegiances, especially when he is in disguise, his actions were seen a part of his
characteristic cleverness and omniscience compared with Loki’s slander and
101
Sturluson, Prose Edda, p. 51- 52
102
103
Sturluson, Prose Edda, p. 51-52
104
Clunes, Margret Ross. Prolonged Echoes: Old Norse Myths in Medieval northern society: Vol 1: The Myths.
(Melbourne, 1994), p.189
105
Gade, Kari Ellen. ‘The Naked and the Dead in Old Norse Society’. Scandinavian Studies 60.2 (1988): 219–245.
p.231
106
Gade, Kari Ellen . ‘Homosexuality and Rape of males in Old Norse Law and Literature’. Scandinavian Studies
58.2 (1986): p.231
107
Dawkins, Richard. The God Delusion, (Britain, 2006), p. 3
24
deceit.108 For example, in Starkadr’s saga, Odin tricks Starkadr into sacrificing his
jarl. Although it could be argued that Odin uses his superior cunning in order to
obtain sacrifice, and thus his own power, it still illustrates that he is willing to trick and
use deviousness in order to obtain his ends no matter how ruthless it would appear;
he uses men as puppets and toys for his own entertainment and ends.109 In the
Volusunga Saga, during the Battle of Bravalla in Book VIII, Odin uses his disguise as
the King’s charioteer to kill King Harald Hildeton just as he is about to achieve
victory, falling on his own sword as he does so.110 Comparatively, the tricks and
disguise employed by Loki are both perceived and portrayed by Snorri as dishonest
and part of his deceitful nature. For instance, during the episode with Sleipnur and
the Master Builder, Loki’s attempt to advise the council is undermined by his
reputation as a troublemaker. Furthermore, during the Theft of Idunn and her Apples,
Loki’s actions towards the gods are seen as shameful and devious. However in this
case, Loki’s actions were triggered by the threat of great bodily harm by the giant
Thjazi.111 While Loki was responsible for threatening the immortality of the gods, he
does so as a last resort and is in turn threatened by the Æsir: ‘Thereupon Loki was
seized and brought to the Thing, and was threatened with death, or tortures; when
he had become well frightened. ’112
While Loki’s behaviour is seen as deviant, it could be argued that it is a response to

his poor treatment and low status amongst the Æsir. Odin, on the other hand, is able
to choose his behaviour, and often prefers the violent and deviant responses to the
peaceful route.
In her historiography, Margaret Clunies Ross argues that Loki was an unnatural
being whose ‘wrongness’ led to evil deeds. 113 Although this view is somewhat
generalised and omits social consensus and the development of Loki’s character,
this theory does have some credence when accompanied by work by gender
historian Carol J. Clover, who argues that Loki’s gender fluidity and magical ability
portray him as a ragr male with a lower status, a figure of ridicule and a scapegoat
108
Wanner, Kevin. ‘God on the margins’, p. 333
109
Davidson, Ellis. ‘Loki and Saxo’s Hamlet’, p.3
110
Davidson, Ellis. ‘Loki and Saxo’s Hamlet’, p.4
111
Sturluson, Prose Edda, p.81-81
112
113
Clunies, Margaret Ross. Prolonged Echoes: Old Norse Myths in Medieval northern society, p.190
25
for the other gods. 114 Although it is suggested that Loki had sexual relationships
with females since he had a wife, Sigyn, and allegedly had an affair with Sif, on
numerous occasions he took the female form and, we presume, had relations with
men.115 In Loki’s case, changing sex and not adhering to the masculine stereotype,
is viewed as deviant behaviour according to the societal norms. Odin also undergoes
similar ridicule for effeminate behaviour. As has already been mentioned, seidr and
magic were seen as female pursuits, it was uncommon for a male deity such as Odin
to be associated with magic.116 For example, linking to Odin’s dominion over female
principles, Loki criticises Odin during the Lokasenna: ‘But you, they say, practised
seidr on Samsey, and you beat the same drum as the seeresses do, in the likeness
of a wizard you journeyed over mankind, and that I thought the hallmark of a pervert.’
117
Furthermore, Odin is often criticised for obtaining knowledge from women and
wearing cloaks and other clothing draped across his body, a style commonly
associated with female fashion.118 Additionally, the Saxo Grammaticus makes similar
mention of Odin’s femininity:
‘Yet some were to be found who judged that he was not worthy to approach
and resume his rank, because by his stage-tricks and his assumption of a
woman's work he had brought the foulest scandal on the name of the gods.’
119
Although there is clear evidence to suggest that, similarly to Loki, Odin indulged in
what contemporary audiences would have considered as effeminate behaviour,
Loki’s effeminate behaviour was much more pronounced and exaggerated than
Odin’s. It could be argued that this is due to the adoption of God-like characteristics
and the parallels to Christian iconography. Loki’s character however, according to
Jeffrey Burton Russell’s study, with his qualities of sexual deviance and deceitful
114
von Schnurbein, Stefanie. ‘The Function of Loki in Snorri Sturluson’s “Edda”’ History of Religion 40. 2. (2000):
109-124. p.114
115
Gade, Kari Ellen. ‘Homosexuality and rape of males in Old Norse law and literature’. Scandinavian Studies
58.2 (1986): 124–141.pp. 132-136
116
Price, The Viking Way, p.301
117
Larrington., ed. Poetic Edda, p. 85
118
Gade, Kari Ellen. ‘Homosexuality and rape of males in Old Norse law and literature’, p. 125
119
Saxo Grammaticus: The History of the Danes, Book I- IX. ed.,Davidson, Hilda Ellis. Trans, Fisher, Peter.
(Cambridge, 1980), p.78
26
reputation, closely resemble the devil from the New Testament and the popular
image of the devil.
According to Jeffrey Burton Russell’s study of the devil in primitive religions, myths
were modified by conscious and unconscious thought. According to this line of
thought, the demonization of Loki would initially have been unconscious, however
with Christianisation and Snorri’s desire to protect traditional Norse myths in familiar
forms to Christian writing, Loki’s demonization became conscious as his role as the
‘devil’ took form. As a historical rather than a theological study, Russell’s work
documents the similarities between the god’s traits, characteristics which began to
embody what that the popular consensus of the ‘devil’ consisted of. With relatively
little written in the Old Testament about Satan, the image of the devil was created
from ancient fertility and trickster deities, such as Pan, who had been rejected by
Christianity.120 This is illustrated in Appendix E with the depiction of horned Loki
from the Kirkby Stephen Stone. It could be argued that Loki’s deviant sexuality and
his magical ability created similarities with hedonistic gods whose association with
sexual frenzy added to their demonic qualities. Furthermore, the New Testament,
written in c.120 AD, does provide writings on demonology and diabology, although
these icons were created from elements of other religions, they provided an image
that was implanted into the Christian psyche, as can be seen an illustration of a fool
and the devil in consort in Appendix F. The Book of Revelation, amongst other
apocalyptic literature, emphasises the role of the Antichrist in Christian eschatology.
The Antichrist is the embodiment of all evil who, according to the New Testament,
Jesus will face at his second coming. It could be argued that the image of the
Antichrist and his followers share some similarities with Loki as represented in the
Prose Edda. Academics can merely speculate on Snorri’s intentions, drawing
parallels such as Loki’s monstrous children described in the Gylfagginng, and their
destinies. 121 The parallels between the main characteristics include: physical
possession, tempting people to sin, accusing sinners, having an evil host and being
at constant warfare with the gods. 122 It can be plainly seen that Loki possessed
many of these features. Although he always maintains a corporal form, it could be
120
Russel, Jeffery Burton. The Devil: perceptions of evil from antiquity to primitive Christianity. (London, 1977),
p.126
121
122
Burton, The Devil, p.256
27
argued that shape-shifting between different personas is a form of possession; for
example, by taking the form of an old woman, Loki is able to coax Frigg into telling
him which wood had not given an oath not to harm Baldr.123 Carolyn Larrington
comments that the purpose of Lokasenna was to illustrate the immoral and sinful
nature of the gods, at the same time as Loki passes judgement on them with
numerous comments such as: ‘Be silent, Freyja, I know all about you; you aren’t free
of faults: of the Æsir and the elves, who are in here, each one has been your lover.’
124
The New Testament also emphasises the constant and pervasive presence of evil,
the imminence of the apocalypse and the idea that the kingdom of Satan could only
be stopped by the second coming of Christ. Many academics have argued that the
death of Baldr is representative of the death of Christ. E.O.G. Turville argues that
Loki’s role in Baldr’s death is a key illustration of Christian influences on Norse
mythology.125 The death of Baldr is seen as a turning point in the Norse cosmos, not
only because it introduces death into the universe but also because it is the
beginning of events which eventually leads to Ragnarök, the final judgement of the
gods.126 The religious symbolism of this episode in Norse mythology is key to the
resurrection and redemption of the gods in the eyes of the Christian audience. For
this reason it could be argued that including Loki as the murderer in the Prose
Edda’s death of Baldr, rather than his exclusion in the earlier text, the Poetic Edda,
would indicate that Snorri was deliberately drawing on Old Testament images of the
devil to create a demonic figure that would help bring about the resurrection of
‘judgement day’ in line with Biblical teaching. Where the Poetic Edda features the
blind god, Höðr, accidentally murdering Baldr, the Prose Edda, written in a
Christianised community, conforms to the stereotype of figures of evil and
righteousness, light and dark, Satan versus God, throughout the poems.
123
124
Larrington., eds, Poetic Edda, p.86
125
Mosher, Arthur .D. ‘The Story of Baldr’s Death: The inadequacy of Myth in light of Christian Faith’; p. 312
126
Grundy, Stephan. God in Flames, God in Fetters: Loki's Role in the Northern Religions (Connecticut, 2015),
pp.27-29
28
Chapter Three - The End is nigh! Ragnarök and
Judgement Day
This chapter will primarily focus on the events of Ragnarök and compare them to the
Book of Revelation in the New Testament. The Old Testament says remarkably little
about Satan or the end of the world, although parallels have been made with the
Book of Daniel, when Daniel and his friends survived an experience of ‘trial by fire’.
The New Testament Book of Revelation is the main source of writing for Christian
eschatology; it envisions the final judgement of God on mankind and the second
coming of Jesus Christ. This text illustrates the importance of rebirth and judgement
in Christian belief and these are themes which can also be seen in Norse
eschatological writing and Ragnarök. Through a comparison of the two texts and
analysing the similarities in the images that they use, it will be argued that not only
do both texts consist of similar Christian dogmas but also that many of the
aforementioned parallels such as Loki’s demonic characteristics and Odin’s
development into a more God-like being, culminating in the events of Ragnarök.
Many academics still debate who wrote the Book of Revelation, however that is not
critical to this study. The relevance is what it reveals about how Christianity viewed
the afterlife and the role Satan and the forces of evil. The Book of Revelation is a
combination of epic narrative and visions, although many biblical stories have
elements of these. It has a haphazard and almost confused structure, and it could be
argued that this exaggerates the chaos that the coming of ‘the beast’ will bring. 127
The Book of Revelation begins with John of Patmos receiving a prophetic vision of
Jesus Christ who communicates that he should go to the seven churches of Asia 128
documenting everything he sees on his journey. In Chapter 4, John journeys to
heaven and is presented to God.129 During the opening of Seven Seals, God reveals
new forms of human suffering that will plague the earth, namely the Four Horsemen
of the Apocalypse. To summarise, the war that follows between good and evil
eventually consumes the world; fantastical demonic beasts wage war against
Babylon, God demonstrates his mighty wrath; Satan is bound for a thousand years;
the Final Judgment comes and the New Jerusalem is formed. It could be argued that
127
White, Ellen G. The Great Controversy, (Grantham, 1995), p. 511
128
Book of Revelation 1:10–13
129
Book Revelation of 4:1-6
29
the main themes seen in the Book of Revelation, and also in Jewish apocalyptic
literature, are hope, judgement and resurrection. 130 According to early 20th century
academic William Caldwell,131 its purpose was also to ensure that Satan and other
demonic forces were seen as physical elements of the human world, and not just
spiritual entities, whereas modern academic Richard Cooke believes that Babylon
was an analogy for the Roman Empire and that Satan was the embodiment of
Rome’s sinful behaviour.132
Ragnarök is first mentioned in the Poetic Edda during the Seeress’s Prophecy and
then in the Prose Edda at the end of the Gylfaginning. Ragnarök, also known as the
Twilight of the Gods, describes how, after a series of natural disasters, an evil army
led by Loki, his monstrous children and the fire demon Surt will march on Asgard.133
Odin and the other gods will lead the Einherjar (warriors of Valhalla) against the evil
army, but ultimately the Asgard and Yggdrasil will be destroyed by fire and water,
only to be reborn anew.134 There are constant reminders of the threat of Ragnarök
throughout the poetry. For example, Odin’s quest, as seen in Vafthrudnir’s Sayings
and Baldr’s Druamer, are often characterised by his obsessive pursuit for knowledge
of Ragnarök and the cause of his death. 135 As foreshadowed in the Seeress’s
Prophecy and the Gyfaginning, Loki’s destiny in the mythology is ultimately to set in
motion the events that cause Ragnarök.136 For example, although the Poetic Edda
does not mention Loki as Baldr’s killer, the stanzas do make the connection between
the two gods:
‘I saw for Baldr; for the bloody god, Odin’s child, his fate in store; there stood
grown- higher that the plain, slender and very fair – the mistletoe’....‘A captive
she saw lying under Cauldron-grove, an evil-loving figure, unmistakable as
Loki; there sits Sigyn, getting little joy from her husband...’ 137
Whereas the Prose Edda states:
130
Moltańn, Jürgen. The Coming of God Christian eschatology (London, 1996), p. 58
131
Caldwell, William. ‘The Doctrine of Satan: III. In the New Testament’ The Biblical World 41.3 (1913): 167–
172, p.168
132
Cooke, Richard. New Testament, (London, 2009), pp. 32-33
133
134
135
Wanner, ‘Cunning Intelligence in Norse Myth’, p.214
136
137
Larrington., ed. Poetic Edda, p. 8
30
‘Brothers will fight, bringing death to each other. Son of sisters will split their
kin bonds. Hard times of men, rampant depravity, age of axes, age of swords,
shields split, wind age, wolf age, until the world falls into ruin.’ 138
When focusing analytically on the two examples of eschatology, we are able to see
comparable images which seem to overlap in their portrayals of evil, chaos and
resurrection. 139 Firstly, it could be argued that the most striking comparison is the
representation of monstrous beasts. Although the Book of Revelation depicts many
fantastical creatures, pertaining to both heaven and hell, the greatest emphasis is
placed on the great red dragon. As an anthropomorphised image of Satan, the
dragon targets a woman who is represented as the Virgin Mary. 140 The Book of
Revelation states that the dragon was bent on cosmic destruction during the battle:
‘And his tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven, and did cast them to the
earth’.141 This bears striking similarity to the description of Loki’s second child, the
Midgard Serpent: ‘...he threw the serpent into the deep sea that surrounds all lands.
But the serpent grew so large that now, out in the middle of the ocean, it lies coiled
around all lands, biting its tail.’ 142
This could also be compared with the description of the Antichrist, who is described
as ‘a beast coming out of the sea.’ 143 Furthermore Revelation emphasizes that the
dragon was a mighty foe that could not be subdued easily by Christ during the battle
of Armageddon: ‘And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he should
smite the nations: and he shall rule them with a rod of iron: and he treadeth the
winepress of the fierceness and wrath of Almighty God.’ 144
Likewise, the Æsir also undergo a mighty struggle during the Battle of Ragnarök, one
that they ultimately lose:
138
139
Ellis Davidson, H.R. ‘Loki and Saxo’s Hamlet’ in The Devil and the Trickster, ed, Dual, William (Britain, 1979),
p.16
140
Book of Revelation 12:9
141
142
143
Book Revelation 17:18
144
31
‘He (Odin) goes against Fenriswolf with Thor advancing at his side. Thor will
be unable to assist Odin because he will have his hands full fighting the
Midgard Serpent....Thor will kill the Midgard Serpent, and then he will step
back... Because of the poison the serpent spits on him, he will fall to the earth,
dead. Loki will battle with Heimdall, and they will be the death of each other.
Next Surt will throw fire over the earth and burn the whole world. ’ 145
Moreover, probably the most prominent element of Christian imagery within Norse
mythology would be resurrection and rebirth. While we can see an element of
renewal and rebirth within the Battle of Ragnarök and the Einherjar, Odin describes
Baldr’s return and how the earth will be reborn to be better than before:
‘The earth will shoot up from the sea, and it will be green and beautiful. Self-
sown acres of crops will then grow....To there will come Thor’s sons Modi and
Magni...Next Baldr and Hod will arrive from Hel. They will sit together and talk
among themselves, remembering mysteries ad speaking of what had
been...’146
As many academics have argued, the god Baldr is commonly associated with
prosperity, fertility and the embodiment of life, in much the same way as Jesus
Christ. The return of Baldr and, comparatively, the second coming of Jesus,
indicates that the world has begun anew. John Lindo argues that this renewal
represents the washing away of the old, flawed gods and cosmos, replacing it with a
new generation of hopeful gods. 147 Again, there is a clear convergence of images;
the Christian images of renewal are reflected in the Norse texts:
‘And I saw a new heaven and a new earth: for the first heaven and the first
earth were passed away; and there was no more sea. And I John saw the
holy city, New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven, prepared as
a bride adorned for her husband.’148
The proliferation of images such as these is an indication of the convergence of
eschatological ideologies. Where the New Testament described an epic battle
between good and evil with hope of resurrection and regeneration, it could be argued
that the conversion to Christianity and the need for the Viking descendants to
preserve their Pagan heritage created a merging of beliefs in order to make the
Norse myths easier for 13th century Christian audiences to accept. While this cannot
be emphatically proved due to a lack of pre-Christian literature and empirical
145
146
147
Lindon, Murder and Vengeance among the gods, p. 172
148
32
evidence of people’s beliefs, as mentioned above, clear comparisons can be made
between the Christian and Norse texts, indicating a convergence of ideas and a
purposeful divergence between Loki and Odin in line with conventional Christian
belief.
33
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore the similarities and differences of the gods
Odin and Loki, while using the Norse texts, the Poetic and Prose Edda, and
archaeological evidence available. While in itself this is relatively straightforward;
demonstrating the reasons they are portrayed differently is a much more difficult
task.
During this research I came to empathise with his story and began to try to legitimise
his actions. However, it took great care for this not to impact on the validity of my
research or to allow my own projections to affect my conclusion. At the beginning of
this research my perception of Loki was somewhat one-dimensional, and
representative of how he is portrayed in the texts and media. However, I now see
him as a god who was beset by prejudice due to his intelligence, birth and sexuality.
Although Loki’s history does not change the overall consequences of his actions, I
do believe that understanding the social reaction to his conduct and predisposition
makes his demonization more understandable. I do feel that any future research
that I undertake will not take a humanist perspective as I have done here, but rather
a more comprehensive overview of the events that impact upon Norse cosmology.
As mentioned before, this study sought to demonstrate that the Christian imagery
and its impact on the surrounding society had the effect of causing a divergence
between Odin and Loki, a dichotomy of two characters that had strikingly similar
characteristics and appeared to share a bond of kinship and brotherhood. Although,
the main drawback of this study was the lack of pre-Christian sources, it was
demonstrated that the main purpose of transitioning from the oral tradition to the
written was the preservation of the original Pagan poetry; therefore the Poetic Edda
would still hold accurate representations of Norse beliefs and could be used to in
comparison with the more modern text, the Prose Edda. This comparison is crucial
for the purposes of this study, as not only does it help to demonstrate the authenticity
of Snorri’s Prose Edda but it also reveals the divergence between the relationships
of the two gods. For example the Poetic Edda depicts Höðr as Baldr’s killer, however
the Prose Edda goes into great detail about Loki’s role as the murderer, and
subsequent punishment.
34
It was also possible to explore some of the religious reasons behind this divergence
and the accompanying proliferation of Christian imagery. By comparing the Edda
with texts such as the Book of Revelation, it can be argued that both apocalyptic
texts hold some of the same themes and imagery. Additionally, by using
Scandinavian sagas such as the Ynglinga and Saxo Grammaticus, with the
contemporary accounts such as the Life of Anskar, we are able to see that the
representations of Christian images outside the genre of mythology are accurately
representative of the religious dedication.
In summary, this dissertation has explored the religious imagery that resides within
Norse mythology from the religion of the surrounding society. This helps to
illustrates that the divergence of Odin and Loki was a societal pressure in order to
maintain a familiar Christian troupe of good and evil, light and dark, God and Satan,
whilst still preserving the Norse mythological tradition.
Word count (including quotes, footnotes and appendices): 12,404
35
Appendices
 A - Illustration of Yggdrasil from The Norse Myths by Kevin Crossley-Holland

(1988)
36
 B - Depiction of Loki c 10th century, Snaptun Stone
 C - The Jelling Stones , carved runestones from the 10th century, found at the
town of Jelling in Denmark.
37
 D - Russel, Jeffery Burton, The Devil: perceptions of evil from
antiquity to primitive Christianity (London, 1977) p.233
38
 E - ‘The Bound Devil’ Kirkby Stephen Stone, c. 10th century.
Grundy, Stephan. God in Flames, God in Fetters: Loki's Role in the
Northern Religions (Connecticut, 2015),p.24
39
 F- Fool and the devil – D.J. Gifford. ‘Iconography notes towards a
definition of the medieval fool’ in the fool and the trickster; studies in
honour of Enid Welsford. Ed, Paul V.V. Williams. (Norfolk, 1979),
p.19
40
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45

A Comparison of Odin and Loki

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A COMPARISON OF THE NORSE GODS, ODIN

AND LOKI, WITH EMPHASIS PLACED ON

BA Dissertation Module HY30340

Department of History and Welsh History

Chapter One – Odin and His God Complex 14

Chapter Two – Loki and the Demon Below 22

Chapter Three- The End is Nigh! Ragnarök and Judgement Day 29

The image on the front cover is an artist’s interpretation of the Yggdrasil. 1

I have had to consider a number of issues of historiography affecting both the

Although archaeological evidence is a key element in seeing the spread of Norse

While Loki’s behaviour is seen as deviant, it could be argued that it is a response to

Word count (including quotes, footnotes and appendices): 12,404

 A - Illustration of Yggdrasil from The Norse Myths by Kevin Crossley-Holland

Sturluson, Snorri. Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway. Trans, Hollander, M.

Swanton, Michael. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Kent, 1996.

Trans, Larrington, Carolyne. The Poetic Edda . Oxford, 2014.

Ciklamini, Marlene. Snorrie Sturluson. New York, 1978.

Collins, Roger. Early Medieval Europe, 300-1000. New York,2010.

Cooke, Richard. New Testament. London, 2009.

Dawkins, Richard. The God Delusion. Berkshire, 2009.

Dubois, A. Thomas. Nordic Religions in the Viking Age. Pennsylvania, 1999.

Egilisdóttir, Ǻsdȉs. ‘The Fantastic Reality: Hagiography, Miracles and Fantasy,’ in

- Murder and vengeance among the gods: Baldr in Scandinavian Mythology.

McTurk, Rory.,ed. A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture.

White, Ellen G. The Great Controversy. Grantham, 1995.

-‘Cunning Intelligence in Norse Myth: Loki, Óðinn, and the Limits of

- ‘Homosexuality and Rape of males in Old Norse Law and Literature’

Artist’s interpretation of Yggdrasil:

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