Human Bodies as Objects of Dedication at Inca Mountain Shrines (North-Western Argentina)

Author(s): Constanza Ceruti

Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 36, No. 1, The Object of Dedication (Mar., 2004), pp. 103-122
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Human bodies as objects of dedication
at Inca mountain shrines (north-western
Argentina)

ConstanzaCeruti

Abstract

The Incas climbedmany of the highestpeaks of the Andes to deposit offeringson their summits.
They establishedplaces of worship above 6000 metres that would be reached again only four
centurieslater.The offeringsat the high-altitudeshrineswere dedicatedto state deities and local
mountaingods and involveda broadrangeof objects,rangingfrom gold and silverfigurines,shell
necklacesandhigh-qualitytextilesto potteryandfood items.Humansacrificeswere alsoperformed
on some of the more importantpeaks.Although Spanishchroniclerswrote about these offerings
and the capacochaceremoniesduringwhichthey were consecrated,their accountswere based on
second-handsources,and the only directevidenceof them comes from archaeologicalexcavations.
The most thoroughlydocumentedof these cult assemblageswere recovered on high mountain
summitsin Peru and Argentina,where the materialevidencewas exceptionallywell preserved.In
this study we shall discuss the offering assemblagesfrom mountaintopsites in Argentina.By
comparingthe archaeologicalevidence with the chroniclers'accounts,interpretationswill be
presented regardingthe social use, political purpose and symbolic meanings attributedto the
objectsof dedication,whichmoved the Incasto ascendthe highestAndean mountainsin searchof
powerand eternity.

Keywords

Inca;humansacrifice;shrines;mountaintops;Argentina;Spanishchronicles;offerings.

Introduction

The Inca Empire (Tawantinsuyu) spread from its heartland in the Peruvian highlands,
expanding its frontiers from northern Ecuador to central Chile. In less than 100 years it
achieved the highest level of organization in the history of Andean civilization. Among
the most unusual phenomena of the Inca culture was the construction of shrines on the
summits of snow-capped peaks, which had never been climbed before and would never be
climbed again until modern days. From the time of Inca expansion from the Cuzco region

WorldArchaeology Vol. 36(1): 103-122 The Objectof Dedication

Routledge
R1 &Francis
Taylor Group ? 2004Taylor& FrancisLtdISSN0043-8243print/1470-1375
online
DOI:10.1080/0043824042000192632
104 Constanza Ceruti

around AD 1438 and the Spanish conquest in AD 1532, over 100 ceremonial centres and
shrines were built on the summits of the highest mountains within the territories under
Inca control.
The most important mountains in these territories were selected to be scenes for the
ritual performance of human sacrifices and their burials, together with textile and ceramic
offerings in distinctive Inca style. The extraordinary preservation of the bodies and
organic materials in the cold, dry environment of the high-altitude shrines provides
excellent bio-anthropological and artefactual evidence for the study of Inca offering
assemblages. In addition, they are among the few pieces of material evidence of the Inca
religion that have survived the greed of the Spanish conquerors and destruction by the
Catholic extirpators of idolatries.
In this paper we shall focus on the assemblages recovered from Volcano Llullaillaco
(6739m), Mount Quehuar (6130m), Mount El Toro (6160m) and Mount Piramide of the
Aconcagua massif, which represent the pool of bio-archaeological and artefactual
evidence from Inca mountaintop shrines that has become available due to scientifically
controlled excavations in Argentina (Fig. 1). An interpretation of the offering assem-
blages will be proposed in the light of the Spanish chroniclers' accounts about human
sacrifice and Inca ceremonies. By comparing the archaeological evidence with the ethno-
historical sources, we hope to contribute to the knowledge of the sacrificial and dedicatory
practices of the Inca civilization.

Description of Inca mountaintop assemblages in Argentina

One of the earliest pieces of evidence about Inca human sacrifice on mountaintop shrines
came from an episode of looting that took place as early as 1905, when the naturally
mummified body of a child was extracted from the summit of Chafii, a 5896m peak located
in northern Argentina. Associated items included two tunics, two belts, one comb, one bag
covered in feathers and a pair of sandals (Millin de Palavecino 1966; Ceruti 2001a). Two
archaeological campaigns were conducted by the author on the Chafii massif during 1996
and 1997 (Ceruti 1997), and excavations were directed by Johan Reinhard and Constanza
Ceruti that resulted in the location of the burial place of the Chafti infant and the recovery
of fragmentary evidence of its funerary assemblage (Ceruti 2002).
In 1922, treasure hunters removed the desiccated body of a young female with a tunic, a
bag, one belt, three combs and a feather adornment on her head (Schobinger 1995). The
mummy was extracted from one of the summits of Mount Chuscha, over 5000m, in
north-western Argentina. The burial site was successfully located during high-altitude
surveys conducted by the author (Ceruti 2000). Interdisciplinary research on the Chuscha
mummy is presently being co-ordinated by Dr Juan Schobinger (personal communication).

Mount El Toro

In 1964 the frozen body of an adult male was found accidentally by mountain climbers
inside a circle of stones adjacent to a rectangular structure above 6000m on Mount El
Toro in western Argentina. Archaeologist Juan Schobinger rescued the mummy and
 Human bodies as objects of dedication 105

Cha

AaChu
CHILE

*,INoro

ARGENTINA

0 100 200 Um-

Figure1 Map showingthe distributionof the Incasites on mountainsummitsin Argentina.

conducted studies, which revealed that the man had apparently been killed by strangula-
tion. Wearing only a breechcloth (Plate 1), the victim had been buried with a set of objects
including a mantle, two tunics, two caps, two pair of sandals, a sling, feathers and a rodent
(Schobinger 1966). A recent survey of the southern slopes and summit of El Toro did not
reveal further traces of the prehispanic use of ritual space on the mountain (Ceruti
2003b).

Aconcagua (Mount Piramide)

In 1985 the frozen body of a 7-year-old boy was found by accident by mountain climbers
inside a protecting stone structure at about 5300m on the slopes of Mount Piramide, a
subsidiary summit of the Aconcagua range, in western Argentina (Plate 2). The mummy
and its associated offerings were rescued and studied by a team of scholars led by Juan
106 Constanza Ceruti

Plate 1 The mummyof MountEl Toro.

Schobinger, revealing that the child had been presumably killed by a blow to his head,
although he also had ribs broken by compression during the process of bundling. He was
dressed in two tunics, wearing sandals and a necklace of stones. The bundle contained
several textile mantles, one mantle covered in feathers and a feathered headdress and
woven belts, as well as five tunics, three breechcloths, a pair of sandals and two bags.
Inside the burial, three male figurines made of gold, silver and Spondylus shell were found
together with two llama figurines made of Spondylus shell and a silver figurine repre-
senting a camelid (Schobinger 2001). Red pigment was identified on the skin, and in the
vomit and faeces of the individual (Baircena 1989).
 Human bodies as objects of dedication 107

Plate2 The summitcalledPiramideon MountAconcagua.

Mount Quehuar
Mount Quehuar, a 6130m extinct volcano in the highlands of north-western Argentina,
holds one of the most impressive Inca mountaintop shrines in the Andes. The summit
complex included an artificial,raised platform (ushnu), more than 6m long and 1.7m high,
with a frontal ramp (Plate 3), as well as a circular structure with walls, more than 2.2m
high and 1.2m thick (Beorchia 1985; Ceruti 1998, 1999a). A small group of ruins was
surveyed at 5000m on the southern base of Quehuar, which could have possibly been used
as a way station (tambo). Johan Reinhard, the author of this paper and the Peruvian
archaeologist Jos6 Antonio Chaivez undertook an excavation of the Inca shrine on the
summit of Quehuar in February 1999.
A human sacrificial victim had been originally buried inside the circular structure, but
looters had damaged both buildings, and the frozen remains of the individual were partly
destroyed by the use of dynamite. Scattered pieces of the offerings included textiles,
fragmented pottery, corn seeds, meat and bones from a sacrificed camelid. A female
figurine made of Spondylus shell was recovered from the ushnu platform (Ceruti 2001b).
Apparently a tunic had also been recovered from the same structure (Beorchia 1985:
188-200). DNA analysis revealed that the individual buried on top of Quehuar was a
female (Castafieda 2000).
A bundle of offerings, wrapped in a light brown, woollen textile, was found near the
frozen remains of the victim. It was unwrapped in the laboratory and the offerings were
found to include two pairs of sandals, two small textile bags, a one-foot pot, one small jar,
108 Constanza Ceruti

Plate3 The artificial,raisedplatform(ushnu)on MountQuehuar.

a pair of ceramic plates, one wooden plate, a spoon, a comb, food items (corn and chili)
and charcoal.

Mount Llullaillaco
In 1999 Johan Reinhard and the author of this paper investigated a relatively undisturbed
site on the summit of Llullaillaco (6739m), which contained Inca offerings and sacrificial
victims. At an altitude of 6715m, the burial complex is the world's highest archaeological
site (Plate 4). Excavations at the main ceremonial structure, a rectangular platform,
revealed three separate burials and several offering assemblages. One young woman, one
girl and one boy were found together with more than 100 offerings made of metal, shell,
pottery, feathers and textiles in an excellent state of preservation (Reinhard and Ceruti
2000). Because of the cold the mummies were the best preserved yet found.
The Inca ceremonial complex on Llullaillaco comprises numerous archaeological sites
that are connected by a trail that ascends towards the summit along the north-eastern
ridge of the mountain (Reinhard 1993). The base-camp that lodged the pilgrims, priests
and victims who would participate in the ceremonies upon the mountain was constructed
at an altitude of 5200m. Intermediate stations were erected at 5600m and at 6300m in
places where the slopes of the mountain became steeper. Based on an analysis of the
architectural evidence, we estimate that ten to fifteen persons probably comprised the
group of priests, assistants and sacrificial victims that climbed to the summit of the volcano
(Ceruti 2003a).
 Human bodies as objects of dedication 109

Plate4 Ceremonialstructureon the summitof Llullaillaco.

A trail marked with stones leads to the platform built on the most visible promontory
of the summit ridge. The structure is 10m long and 6m wide. Three burials containing the
frozen bodies of the sacrificial victims, and several pits containing offerings, were exca-
vated inside the funerary platform. The burials had been constructed by enlarging natural
niches in the bedrock, and the mummies and objects were buried between 1.2m and 2.2m
deep. They were then covered with the artificial fill that had also been used in building the
platform (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000: 46-54).The Llullaillaco boy, who was 7 years old,
wore a red tunic, leather moccasins, fur anklets and a silver bracelet. He had a sling
wrapped around his head and his forehead was adorned with white feathers. He was
sitting on a folded tunic with his legs bound by a rope against his chest (Plate 5). The boy
110 Constanza Ceruti

Plate5 The mummyof the boy in his burialon the summitof Llullaillaco.

also had some extra items of clothing, including two pairs of leather sandals and two
slings. He was carrying a textile bag covered with feathers containing coca leaves and a
small skin bag containing hair. Two figurines, one representing a man and the other a
llama, were placed on the ground close to the body. A ceramic aryballo, a distinctive
container that had contained chicha or Andean beer, was found in the fill of the burial, as
well as a Spondylus seashell (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000: 57-8).
The burial of a female infant, about 6 years old, was located on the eastern sector of the
platform. It was only 0.8m wide and 1.75m deep, built in a narrow niche of the bedrock.
The body was placed in a flexed position and facing west. The girl had been hit by
lightning after she was buried. The skin of her neck and left shoulder was damaged, and
 Human bodies as objects of dedication 111

she had a cavity in her chest caused by the lightning strike. The girl was wearing a
sleeveless dress and a shawl (both kept in place with metal pins), moccasins on her feet
and a metal plaque on her forehead (Plate 6). Textile and ceramic items were placed
around her body on the bottom of the burial: several pots of typical Inca style such as one
aryballo, three pairs of plates, a pedestal pot, two bowls, a jar, a pair of wooden vessels,
four woollen bags containing food, one bag covered in feathers, an extra pair of leather
moccasins, a pair of sandals and a small bag containing hair. Four female figurines made
of gold, silver and Spondylus shell were found in a single line at the left side of her body
(Reinhard and Ceruti 2000: 60-1).

Plate 6 The mummyof the youngergirl (partlydamagedby lightning)on the summitof Llullail-
laco.
112 Constanza Ceruti

The Llullaillaco maiden was about 15 years old at the time of her sacrifice (Arias et al.
2002: 7). Her body was placed in the burial facing north east and covered with two brown
outer mantles. A feathered headdress was placed on her head and a tunic on her shoulder
outside the funerary bundle. She was wearing a sleeveless brown dress and a shawl - both
kept in place with pins of gold alloy - and leather moccasins on her feet. She had bone and
metal adornments attached to a textile on her right shoulder, and she had red pigment on
her face. Her hair was combed in numerous intricately woven braids (Plate 7).
Several textile and ceramic items were placed around her body on the bottom of the
burial: pots of typical Inca style such as one aryballo, two pairs of duck-headed plates, a
miniature jar and a one-foot pot, as well as two wooden vessels (keros), a wooden spoon
and a comb. Six woven bags containing food were also placed in the burial, as well as a
minuscule textile band, a set of woollen belts and a small bag containing hair. Three
female figurines made of gold, silver and Spondylus shell were found along the left side of
her body (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000: 59-60).
In addition to the items included in the burials, the excavations brought to light several
sets of offerings containing metal and shell figurines. Some of the assemblages included
two male figurines at the head of a row of statues representing llamas (Reinhard and
Ceruti 2000: 56-7).

Plate 7 The mummyof the Llullaillacomaiden.

 Humanbodiesas objectsof dedication 113

Discussion

Fromcomparingthe variousassemblagesit appearsthat the most importantInca offering

comprisesa humanbody,finely dressedwith a featheredheaddressand a necklace or a
bracelet,associatedwith figurinesin gold,silverand Spondylusshell.If anthropomorphic,
the figurinesmay themselves be dressed in miniatureclothes. Other finds may include
ceramics(often in pairs and in miniature),objects of metal (such as pins or tupus),bone
artefacts(such as tubes or adornments),wooden items (e.g.vases and spoons),vegetable
food items (such as corn or peanuts) and sometimes the bones of sacrificedanimals,
usually camelids (cf. Farrington1999: 4). An assemblage recovered from an intact
high-altitudeshrineis likely to reflectthe broadspectrumof Inca imperialofferings,due
to the extraordinarypreservationof the organicand inorganicmaterials.In addition,the
religiouspurpose and dedicatorycharacterof such an arrayof objects is not difficultto
inferfrom the remote and almostinaccessiblemountaintopcontext.
The summitsof mountainsare specificallymentioned in the ethnohistoricalaccounts
to be the places for capacochaceremonies,in which humanvictimswere sacrificedand
buried with offerings of typical Inca style (cf. Hernandez Principe 1986 [1621]).
According to these accounts, sacrificeswere made for different reasons, such as the
importantevents in the life of the Inca emperor,includinghis illness and death and the
succession of a new emperor to the throne (Cobo 1990 [1653]:111-12). In regional
contexts,they were noted as often havingbeen made to stop naturalcalamities,such as
droughts, epidemics and volcanic eruptions (Cobo 1990 [1653]: 150-3; Murlia 1946
[1590]:281). But capacochasmay also have taken place at periodic intervals,as a ritual
procedure to appease preventively the mountain deities in control of weather and
fertility(cf. Reinhard1985).A capacochaceremonyis reportedto have involved mainly
a centripetal movement of transportationof sacrificialvictims and material offerings
from local communitiesin the provinces to the capital city of Cuzco (Duviols 1976).
After being ritually and materially transformedinto Inca-style offerings, they were
redistributedto sacred places all over the empire,where they would be finally offered
and buried,as a vivid representationof the state cult of the sun god Inti, as well as an
imperialhomage to the local sacredplaces,objects and deified forces known as huacas.
The fact that the mountainswere alreadysacredin the eyes of the local people allowed
the Incas to frame the ceremonies performedon the summitswithin a broadercontext
of political strategiesto legitimate the power of the empire.
The delivery of the offeringsfrom Cuzco was part of a distributivestrategy,in which
aspectssuchas the help receivedfromthe local rulersor the hierarchyof the sacredplaces
of destinationseem to have been taken into consideration(Duviols 1976:23). The flow of
persons and exotic items from the heart of the Inca world towardsthe provinceswas
framedinto a state-controlledpilgrimagethat contributedto the integrationof the terri-
tory,the perception of the sacred landscapeand the intensificationof the economical,
politicaland religiouslinks between the centre and the peripheryof the territory(Rein-
hardand Cerutiforthcoming).
114 ConstanzaCeruti

Humanvictimsas objects of dedication

Accordingto the writtenrecords,humanofferingswere dedicatedby the Incasto the Sun

god Inti,to the Weather(Thunder)deity Illapaand to the CreatorViracocha,as well as to
local deities (huacas).In the wordsof FatherBernab6Cobo:

They made sacrificesto the Sun so that he wouldmake the plantsgrow,to the Thunder,
so that he would make it rain and not hail or freeze,and to the rest of the specialgods
and second causes.Firstthey would speak with Viracochaand afterwardsthey would
speakwith the specialgods.And in theirsacrificesto all the universalhuacasthey would
plead for the healthof the Inca.
(Cobo 1990 [1653]:111)
It was generallybelievedthat the youngwomen and childrenwho had been selected to be
sacrificedwould become messengers or representativesof their communities in the
presence of their gods (Guti6rrez1963 [c. 1603]:233;HernaindezPrincipe 1986 [1621]).
Selectionwas based on theirbeauty,unblemishedphysicalappearanceand virginalcondi-
tion (Ramos Gavilin 1976 [1621]:56-62; Hernindez Principe1986 [1621]:472). Since it
was consideredan honour for the families of the sacrificialvictims,some parents were
knownto have offered their sons and daughterswillingly(Cobo 1990 [1653]:112;Ramos
Gavilin 1976 [1621]:81). The chroniclerCobo (1996 [1652]:235) reports that children
youngerthan 10 years old were annuallygiven as tributeby the local communitiesto the
Inca authorities.Sometimes,the sons and daughtersof the local chiefs were given to the
emperorto be sacrificedin orderto help establishan alliance(HernandezPrincipe1986
[1621]:473).The Inca Empire also institutionalizeda system of selection and redistribu-
tion of chosenwomen or acllas,who were takenfromtheirhomes at a young age and kept
in seclusionat specialinstitutionscalledacllahuasis.Under the surveillanceof priestesses,
the girlswere taughtto weave and to prepareritualbeverages(Murtia1946 [1590]:333).
At aroundthe age of 14, the chosen women would meet their destiny,being either given
by the Inca as wives to local nobles or consecratedas priestesses.Some of them,however,
would be sacrificedduringstate capacochaceremonies (Acosta 1962 [1590]:241). The
Llullaillacomaiden,being 15 yearsold,was most likely a 'chosenwoman',as was probably
the case with the female individualfrom Quehuarand the young woman sacrificedon
Chuscha.The two infantsfromLlullaillaco,the Aconcaguaboy and the infantfrom Chafii,
could either have been presentedto the Inca by their noble parentsor offered as tribute
by theirhome communities.
The case of the young man from mount El Torois more difficultto interpret,since the
individualdoes not fit into the usual age profileof male capacochavictims.The fact that
he was almost completelyundressed,and that his funeraryassemblagedid not contain
figurines, suggests that this might have been the sacrifice of a prisoner of war (cf. Reinhard
in Beorchia 1985: 236) or that his sacrifice might have been executed as a punishment for
some sort of ritual misbehaviour (Ian Farrington personal communication, 2002).
According to the chroniclers, the children chosen for sacrifice were often the sons and
daughters of nobles and local rulers (Betanzos 1996 [1557]: 78; Hernindez Principe 1986
[1621]: 472). The excellent state of nutrition of the Llullaillaco individuals, as seen in the
thick layer of fatty tissue noticed in the CT scans (Plate 8) and in the absence of Harris
 Human bodies as objects of dedication 115

lines in the X-rays (Previgliano et al. 2003), can be interpreted as being in accord with the
Incas desiring healthy unblemished children of a high social status for sacrifices. The boy
from Aconcagua was also found to have good nutrition (Schobinger 2001). Elite items
which appear in the burials - such as specific tunics that used to be given by the emperor
to local rulers as a token of good will - could also reinforce the idea of the high-class status
of the chosen children, particularly if we can assume that the items had been given to the
infants by their own parents (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000: 78).
Chroniclers reported that, during capacocha ceremonies, children were killed by strangu-
lation, by a blow to the head (Cobo 1996 [1652]:235), by asphyxia (Murtia 1946 [1590]:263;
Ramos Gavilin 1976 [1621]: 26) or by being buried alive (Cobo 1996 [1652]: 235). As
mentioned above, strangulation has been suggested in the case of the victim from El Toro
(Schobinger 1966), whereas evidences of cranial trauma have been documented in the
Aconcagua mummy (Schobinger 2001). CT scans of the skulls of the three mummies from
Llullaillaco showed no evidence of blows to the head as possible causes of death nor was
there forensic evidence of strangulation (Previgliano et al. 2003).The victims had presumably
been buried alive and their deaths aided perhaps by exposure (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000:
74). Induced inebriation prior to the burial, which is frequently reported by the chroniclers
(cf. Ramos Gavilin 1976 [1621]:81; Molina 1959 [1575]: 93), could also have played a part
(Ceruti 2003a). The Aconcagua boy had been apparently forced to drink a beverage of
achiote (bixa orellano), which was found in his vomit, his faeces and in the content of his
stomach (Bircena 1989; Schobinger 2001). It is interesting to note that the reason for the

Plate8 CT scan of the boy found on Llullaillaco,showinga thicklayerof fatty tissue.

116 ConstanzaCeruti

choiceof non-bloodysacrificialtechniques,as presentedin the writtensources,was saidto be

the beliefthatnothing'incomplete'shouldbe offeredto the sun(Murtia1946[1590]:263-64).

Funerarybundles

The standardpracticeof burialon mountaintopshrineshas to date been found to be a

flexed, seated, clothed corpse associatedwith an arrayof grave goods includingtextiles,
food items and often metal andpotteryobjects.The body couldbe buriedin a funerarypit
- as at the site on El Toro- or it could be placed inside retainingwalls,whichwere filled
in to form a platform,as in the case of Aconcagua.The three burials on Llullaillaco
combinedattributesof both. Single individualswere apparentlyburied on the funerary
structures on Chafii, Quehuar and Aconcagua. While chroniclers such as Betanzos
referredto the sacrificeand burial of one boy and one girl as representinga symbolic
marriage(Betanzos 1996 [1557]:77), the patterncould not be clearly establishedin the
archaeologicalrecord.
The sacrificialvictims were buried with the clothing that they were wearing at the
momentof death,plus outer textile mantlesused to wrapthem as bundles.This has been
clearly documentedin the individualsfrom Llullaillaco,Quehuar and Aconcagua.An
exceptionwould be the young man from El Toro,who was buriedalmostnaked,wearing
only a breechcloth(huara).
The chroniclerFray Martin de Murtiarefers to the custom of includingbags, spare
sandalsand extratunicsinside the bundles 1946 [1590]:319).The Aconcaguaboy
(Murtia
had several pieces of spare clothing, such as tunics, breechcloths,sandals, bags and
mantlesinside his funerarybundle (Schobinger2001).In the case of the Llullaillacoboy,
one extra tunic was included,in additionto two pairs of sandals and two slings placed
close to his body. The young girl from Llullaillacohad spare moccasins and sandals
(Reinhardand Ceruti2000).The Quehuarmummyhad her associatedofferingsof food,
pottery and sandals wrappedin a textile, forming a bundle. Chroniclersalso describe
pieces of coca leaves that were placed in the mouths of sacrificialvictims prior to their
deaths (Ramos Gavilan1976 [1621]:26). Archaeologicalevidence supportsthis,since the
Llullaillacomaiden was found to have had small fragmentsof coca leaves around her
mouth and on her lips and in her hands.

Offeringassemblages

Capacochasacrificialvictimswere buriedwith offering assemblagesin accordancewith

their sex and age. Clear correspondence can be pointed at between gender-specific offer-
ings such as male and female figurines, which are generally associated with sacrificial
victims of the same sex as represented in the statues (Plate 9). Often one figurine made of
each precious metal (gold and silver) and valuable Spondylus shell was placed close to the
body. Statues were often aligned forming a row and are usually placed on the opposite
side of the body from where the pottery and textile bags were located. Three female
figurines made of gold, silver and Spondylus were aligned on the left side of the
 Human bodies as objects of dedication 117

Plate9 A selectionof Inca offeringsfromMountLlullaillacoshowingpottery,a female (left) and

male (right)figurine,and two pairsof sandals.

Llullaillaco maiden's body. Another set of three female figurines was found near her
burial. Four female figurines were placed in a row inside the burial of the young girl of
Llullaillaco (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000). Llama figurines were present only in the burials
of boys, as found in the shrines on Aconcagua and Llullaillaco (Plate 10).
The chroniclers provide a few explanations for the meanings of the metal and seashell
figurines that were placed as grave goods or that formed separate offering assemblages.
They may have been substitute offerings for the living things they represented (An6nimo
1968 [1590]: 156); the male and female statues may have represented deities (Betanzos
1996 [1557]: 110; Cobo 1990 [1653]: 46; Murtia 1946 [1590]: 257) or members of the Inca
royal elite (Albornoz 1984 [1583]: 194; Betanzos 1996 [1557]: 48; Polo de Ondegardo 1916
[1571]: 194). The camelid figurines could have been intended to increase the fertility of
herds (Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 29).
An interesting pattern of association between male and llama figurines was identified in
the offering assemblages distributed around the burial of the boy on the summit of
Llullaillaco (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000: 76-7). Formed by two male figurines and two or
three zoomorphic statues representing camelids, they had been placed in a row, the male
figurines ahead and the llama figurines following them (Plate 10). Male and llama figu-
rines were also associated in the burial of the boy from Aconcagua (Schobinger 1985,
2001). The repetition of this pattern in mountaintop offerings, as well as the importance of
figurines representing camelids in ritual ethnographic contexts (Manzo and Ravifia 1996:
9; Reinhard 1985), suggest that these assemblages of figurines on Llullaillaco and
118 Constanza Ceruti

Plate 10 Three llamas and two male statues in a row, apparentlyrepresentinga caravan,from
MountLlullaillaco.

Piramide of Aconcagua could have been meant to intercede for the fertility of the flocks
or the prosperity of the caravans. Chroniclers have referred to arrays of statues repre-
senting 'sheep' (llamas) and their 'herders' that were displayed in the gardens of
Coricancha, the Sun temple, at the capital city of Cuzco (Cieza 1959 [1553]: 147).
Pottery offerings are more widely represented in female burials, although certain types
such as aryballos and plates can also be found in male burials. Sets of pottery items were
recorded inside the burials of the two females from Llullaillaco, as well as in the bundle of
offerings buried close to the Quehuar maiden. Although some variation can be docu-
mented in the style of decoration of the pieces, almost every pottery assemblage from
female high-altitude burials includes at least one aryballo, one jar and one pedestal pot,
along with a pair of plates (and sometimes bowls). According to the written accounts,
miniature pots in the burials of female sacrificial victims symbolically represented the
houseware of married women (Betanzos 1996 [1557]: 77).
Certain objects, such as plates, bowls and wooden vases (keros), have usually been
found in pairs (Reinhard and Ceruti 2000). It is likely that the pairing of the plates and
vessels was related to the Andean etiquette of ritually sharing food and drink (Randall
1992). This is especially the case with ritual drinking, as described in the chroniclers
(Betanzos 1996 [1557]: 67) and also represented in Guaman Poma's drawings of AD 1613
(Guaman Poma 1987 [1615]: 143, 285). Food items contained in textile bags and placed in
the burials of Llullaillaco included corn, peanuts, dried potatoes and dried meat (charqui).
Corn is also present in the bundle of offerings found on Quehuar. Food might have been
meant to feed the children in the afterlife or it could have been meant to be offered to the
spirits of the mountains and ancestors (Cobo 1990 [1653]: 115).
While there are many correlations between the historical descriptions and the artefacts
 Humanbodiesas objectsof dedication 119

found in situ, there are also items that were not reported,such as the offering of male
tunicswith female sacrifices.Especiallysurprisingis the findingthat the Chuschagirl was
dressedin a tunic (JuanSchobingerpersonalcommunication2003),since this is a type of
clothing associatedwith males in Inca society.Unlike some of the chroniclers'descrip-
tions, only vases and certain types of pottery were found frequently in pairs in Inca
capacochaburials.In addition,some elements appearedthat were noted rarely(if at all)
by chroniclers,such as the coastal (non-Inca)textiles found with the boy on Aconcagua
and the headdresseswornby both males and females.Personalitems of the childrenwere
often included,in additionto the specialclothingand artefactsthat were partof the state
offerings.The qualityof the textiles also varied considerably,sometimeseven within the
same ceremonialcomplex.This suggeststhat either some of the burialswere considered
of secondaryimportanceor there were limitationson the availabilityof state-supplied
offerings(JohanReinhardpersonalcommunication2003).
The distances travelled over previously untracked terrain; the establishment of
well-builtstructuresat variouslevels on mountains;the physicaldifficultiesovercometo
ascendto heightsabove 6000mfor the firsttime in the prehispanicperiod;the systematic
placement of the items at sacred places consideredamong those of the most powerful
deities of the local inhabitants;the high status, rarity and exceptional quality of the
offerings;the inclusive,representativenatureof the items - all of these correlatewith the
early Spanishwriters'accountsto establishthat the assemblagesat the mountaintopsites
not only servedas offerings,but also constitutedsymbolsof the controlof the Incasover
the economic, political and religious spheres of the peoples they conquered as they
expandedtheir empireuntil it becamethe largestever to arisein the Americas.
In conclusion,the archaeologicalfindingson the summitsof high Andean peaks in
Argentinashow remarkableagreementwith the historicaldescriptionsof the Inca cere-
monies regardingthe sex and age profileof the victimschosen,the sacrificialtechniques,
the scenery selected for the ritualsand the kinds of objects used in the offeringassem-
blages.The sacrificesof the young victims on Llullaillaco,Quehuar,Aconcagua,Chaiii
and Chuschawere probably performed as part of capacochaceremonies,oriented to
appeasethe deities and ensurethe well-beingof the Inca emperorand the local commu-
nities.The humanbodies and offeringassemblagesburiedat the summitshrineswere an
importantpart of the worship of the Inca state deities, includingthe Sun, and of the
regional sacred mountains.In the religious sphere,the items embodied the essence of
Andean beliefs, while, in the political context, they were active icons of the imperial
power of the Incas.

Acknowledgements

I should like to express my sincere gratitude to Johan Reinhard, director of the archaeo-
logical expeditions to Llullaillaco, Quehuar and Chafii, for his generous support in the
research relating to this paper and for his very valuable comments that helped improve
the manuscript considerably. I should like to acknowledge Juan Schobinger, my academic
supervisor, for his constant advice and support, and Clara Abal and Luis Mazza for their
textile expertise and co-operation during the unwrapping of the Quehuar offerings in the
120 Constanza Ceruti

laboratory. The Expeditions Council of the National Geographic Society provided

funding to Johan Reinhard for the expeditions to Llullaillaco, Quehuar and Chafti. The
National Council for Scientific Research in Argentina (CONICET) provided the grant
that partly funded my research in high-altitude archaeology and the Kellner Foundation
partly supported my library research. I also appreciate the assistance of the Government
of Salta, the Catholic University of Salta and the National University of Cuyo. The
following people were also very helpful in research relating to the article: Craig Morris,
Brian Bauer, Antonio Beorchia, Keith McKenney and Carlos Previgliano. Of course, they
are not responsible for any of the errors and interpretations presented here.

National Council of Scientific Research in Argentina (CONICET), Catholic University of

Salta

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Constanza Ceruti is a postdoctoral grantee of the National Council for Scientific

Researchin Argentina,a Professorat CatholicUniversityof Salta and the co-directorof
the archaeologicalexpeditionsto Llullaillaco,Quehuarand Chafii.