•• 164 ••

CHAPIE8 VIX

TRADE - ROUTES

Overland Routes
’-s'*

As we have shown above a characteristic feature

of the physical geography of Bengal is its river'system.
If is bounded on the north by the Himalayas and by hilly
lands both on the east and the west, while the southern
end abounding in creeks and estuaries is washed by the
waves of the Bay of Bengal,

Such a geographical position presupposes that

from, earliest times different corners of Bengal were
accessible to each other both by land and riverine
courses, while Bengal itself was connected with the rest
of India and extra-Indian territories by land and
oversea routes.

Routes of foreign and inland trade no doubt

served as avenues to invaders of Bengal as well. A few
inscriptions and literary texts preserve accounts of
such military campaigns undertaken by some rulers of
ancient India. We have also accounts of foreigners who
either visited India or collected information from
other sources. These data, properly analysed, provide
 166 *t

us with an idea regarding the, land and water routes

actually followed by merchants and military generals

from and into Bengal*

- •

In tine digvi.1a.va section of the Sabhaparva

of the whhabriarata Bhlcaa is said to have carried on

military conquests in Bastero India including the lands

no# incorporated in Bengal* having hilled the king of

Modagiri he defeated the Pundras and the ’Potentate

on the river Kosi* Having subjugated then ho attacked

the ruler of vahga and then conquered Tamralipta, Bar-

vata, Suhma and all other barbarians living in coastal

regions* Having subdued these peoples he proceeded

1
towards the Lauhitya*

Sven if the dlevilava of Bhiaa is not his­

torical in character* most of the topographical names

mentioned here are noticed in other historical docu­

ments* Hence* reference to these places, purported to

speak of a conquering tour, may betray the knowledge

of the author or authors of the Great Epic about their,

mutual accessibility, these places may be located in

2
northern, central and south-western Bengal* fe may,

1. jgbh*» II, 133.

2* See chapter III, P* 93*
 s: 166 ss

therefore* presume that by the period of the composition

of the epic a route connected northern Bengal with cen­
tral and south-western Bengal*
6

/ *

The Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa indicates that the

/

region now included in Bengal could have been appro­

ached through the Ganges, m are told that Raghu in
course of his dleviJoya proceeded with his large army
towards the eastern sea like Bhagiratha leading the
3
Ganges. The implication is that perhaps Raghu followed
the riverine route along the Ganges into the plains of
Bengal.

The Ragfauvamsa further states that having

subdued the Smnhas, Raghu exterminated the Vahgas and
then marched south-westward over the Kapisa on his way
4
to Kalihga through Utkala*

As we have already seen the Siahabharata

indicates a route connecting central Bengal with south­
western Bengal# The evidence, furnished by the Raehu-
vamsa perhaps suggests that the route did not termi­
nate there, but extended south-westward aixax across
the river Kapisa, identified with the Kasai flowing
through the districts of Bankura and 22idnaporet

3. ,Raghuvamsa. IV, 32#

4* Iblg. IV, 37#
 Probably the same route was followed by Yaso-

varraan of Kanauj who* according to the Gaudavalio of

Vakpati, carried on depradations in Magadha and Varigo

and marched towards the south-west through Odra and

5
Kaliriga.
•

Existence of a land route from the south along

the eastern coast of India right up to Bengal is vouchsafed

by a few mediaeval Indian documents. In the first half of

the eleventh century JWB. a military campaign was under­

taken by a general of the great Cola emperor Rajendra

Cola. According to the Tirumalai Rock inscription, the

Cola emperor first conquered jfosala'and then subjugated

the rulers of Odda-visaya, fanda-bhut ti, fakkanaladam,

'* - ‘ . 6 *•
Varigaladesa and Uttiraladam.

Tandabhutti is evidently Dandabhukti; identi­

fied with the region round modern Satan in the Midna-

7 .
pore district of West Bengal. Vangaladesa of the Cola

5. Gaudavalio. VV. 414 - 17, 1194; See also R.S.Jripathi,

History of KanauJ. PP. 197 - 99.

6. El, IX, P. 233*, IH£, XIII, PP. 151 - 52. R.D.BanerJi

(Palas of Bengal. P. 71) observes that '‘most probably

Dandabhukti was the march-land between Orissa/’ and

 : 168 ::

8
inscription could have denoted East Bengal, Hajendra

Cola*s array, therefore, must have had followed the

traditional route connecting Soutir Bengal with Orissa

and tlie region beyond#

In the second half of the eleventh century

another invasion was undertaken by Vikramaditya VI of

the Western Calukya family of Kalyana* In the Vikrataart*

kadevacarita of Bilhana he is stated to have subdued

9
the rulers of Gauda and Kamarupa. It is not unlikely

that in his east Indian campaign Vikramaditya had followed

the same track as mentioned above*

The account left by Hluan-fsang furnishes us

with some interesting details regarding the routes

connecting different regions of Bengal in the seventh

century A*13* From Ka-ehu-wu-khl-lo the Chinese pilgrim

travelled east, crossed the Ganges and reached the

Pun-na- fa* tan*na country* From Pun- na-fa-tan-na. the

pilgrim travelled east and crossed over a mighty river

8* The account of Rajendra’s East Indian campaign, as

recorded in the Cola Inscriptions, may suggest athfc that

Govindacandra*s Kingdom extended upto the Bhaglrathl in

the east, aide atleast during the time of the Cola invasion*

9* Vlkramankadevacarita, 111, 74*

 i 169 s

to Kia-fflo*lu-Po« From Kla-mo-iu-po he, went to San-mo-ta-tto

and thence to Tan-mo-lifa-ti. From Tan-mo-llh-tl the pil­
grim rea die d Kie-lo-na- sn- fa-la-n&» From Kio-lo-na- su-fa-
la-na going south-west wards over 700 11 one could reach
10 •

the country of Sib-eha.

Ka-chu-wu-khi-lo has been identified with

11
Ka jahgala near Rajmahal and Pun-na-fa-tanrna with
Pundravardhana which is represented by the ruins at
12
Mahasthan in the Bogra District* The ’mighty river* is
the Karatoya and Kia-mo-lu-po is the Chinese corruption
13
of Kamarupa. San-mo-ta-to. i.e* Samatata is territo-
14
rially equivalent to Tippera-Noakhali region. Kie-lo-na-
su-fa-la-na is probably Karnasuvarna which may be identi-
15
fied with the Chiruti region of the Murshidabad district.

10. Matters, op.cit., Voi.II, PP. 184 - 93. !

11. Cunningham, Op. cit., PP; 478-79*
12. Ibig, P* 482.
13. Ibid. P, 600.
14. S.B.Chaudhuri, op.cit., P. 176.
15. Cunningham, op. cit.. P, 605j S.R.Das, Ra.ibadidahga.
preface, III,
 ;« 170 * s

The above identifications of the places mentioned

by Hfu&n -4sang would indicate that a route ran from Kajah-
gala to Karaarupa through Pundravardhana* Another route
connected Assam with south-east Bengal, while a third route
through coastal Bengal was a link between south-east and .
south-west Bengal.

I-tsing who reached Tamralipta in 673 A.D.

referred to a road running westward from the Seaport.
This route is alluded to in certain Buddhist texts.

The Kathlsaritsagara refers to merchants trave­

ls
lling from Pundravardhana to,Pataliputra.

16. Kathasaritasaeara. tr. Tawney, Vol. 11, P, 86.

 :: 171 *s

I-tsing states that In the 3rd * 4th centuries

Chinese priests came to India from Szuchuan via Upper
17
Burma. The Shung*she (A.D* 420 - 479) refers to an

17* P.C.Rayehaiidhury, History and Civilisation of Assam.

P* 381* Chang-kien (126 B.C.), the Chinese ambassador
to the Yuen- chi country found silk and bamboo in la-
hsia which were imported from Shentu. The account of
Chang-kien has been taken by scholars to indicate
that products of South China wire carried to Afganistan.
But there is no evidence in this respect. Sheu-tu, ¥

according to B.N.Mukherjee (Our Heritage. XV, Pt. II)

should be placed in the lower Indus region.
The Arthasaatra tells us that Kamarupa
(Assam) was famous for her textiles, sandal and aguru
of the finest qualities. Evidently they were carried
to the different centres of trade and commerce of
northern India along the high way of traffic. It
may b not be unlikely that the ihigh way did not termi- "
nate in Assam but ran to south China through the
hilly tracts of Assam, Manipur and Upper Burma.
\
 :i 172 :J

embassy which the king of the Kapili valley sent to

18
China* It is not unlikely that the embassy used the
: 19
route mentioned by I-tsing* That the route continued

to be used by merchants and travellers is vouchsafed

by the account of Kia-tan (A.D* 785 - 806)# We are told

that the land route from Tonkin ran to Kamarupa* It

crossed the Karatoya, passed Pundravardliana and running

20
accross the Ganges to Kajahgala reached Magadha*

In the tenth century about three hundred

21
Chinese missionaries followed this route to India,

Even in the sixteenth century an Indian monk named

Budhagupta used this land route in the journey from

22
Ganfcmti to Pagan*

18* P.C.Sagchi, India and China* P* 7 f.

19. Ibid*, P. 16 f,

20. BEFEO, IV (1904), PP. 142 - 43*

21* B*C*Majumdar, Hindu Colonies in the Far East.

I, pt. I, P. 226 U

22, IH£, VII, PP* 683 - 701

 173

The Tabaciat-i-^asiri tells us that horses

were imported to Lakhnawti from Tibet through thirty

23
five mountain passes between Kaprup and Tibet. This

shows that even in the thirteenth century the same f

route from Behar to Tibet and on to China continued

to be used* The Mongol invasion of Bengal which took

place in 1244 A«D« was, as Yule points out, was by

24
way of Cathay Tibet*

23. Tabaqat-i-Kasiri. 11, P* 766.

24. Yule, Cathay, I, P* 78 f.

 : 174 :s

'B.

Over-Sea route

The lower Gangetic valley in the early centuries

of the Christian era was connected both by land and

sea with the rest of India lying westv/ard as well as

the extra-Indian territories comprising South-east

Asia in general*

As early as the period when Strabo collected

his information, large ships sent out from Egypt to

India for valuable cargoes, not unoften sailed as far

35
as the Ganges*

The Ch1ien-Han- shu records an account of a

maritime enterprise from Tonkin to Huang-die. It states

that '‘from the frontiers of Je-nan. from Sin-wen and

Ho-pu sailing for five months one reaches the kingdom

of Tu-yuan* Sailing again for more than twenty days one

reaches the kingdom of Chenrli* Then going by land-route

for more than ten days one readies the kingdom of Fu-kan-

tu-lu. From Fu-kan-tu-lu sailing for more than two months

"------- —— 26
one reaches the kingdom of Huang-che*'1
i

K.A*W. Shastri and ft'ang Gung-wu, following

25* Strabo. II, 5*121#

pLe^se see overleap.
 ti 175 t;

27
Ferrand's identification, have taken Huang-che for
Kanci* But as we have already shown Huang-che was
28
pronounced in ancient Chinese as Gwang-zie which
certainly reminds us of Gange of the Periplus.

This extended trade included a mission

to Huang-che with '‘generous gifts" and a return
mission from Huang"che to offer as tribute a live
29
rhinoceros.

If the identification of Huang-che with

!

Gange be accepted, we have to postulate the exis­

tence of a regular Sea-borne trade between Tonkin
on the one hand and the lower reaches of the Ganges
on the other*

Another route connecting Bengal with Tibet

and China via Sikkim is perhaps referred to in the
30
Periplus which mentions raw silk, silk yarn and silk
cloth as imported from tile city of Thina into Darairica

26* Man-shu. 28B, 32 a - bj Pelliot* T«oung Pao. XIII,

PP. 457 - 59.
27. J£, 1919, PP. 45-46*, JKBAS XXXI t PP. 20-21.
28. See Supra. P. 65.
29. JMBAS. XXXI, PP. 23-24.
30. Periplus, 60.
t.

176

by way of the river Ganges, Thina is generally

placed in &hlna as in some sources China is referred

to by this name. It appears that Chinese commodities

were brought on land to Bengal through which the

Ganges flowed into the sea and thence along the river

and sea they were sent to Damiriea or the Dravida

country.

The Ferinlus further refers to ships sailing

from the ports of the Decan to the Ganges and even

to the Chryse.

Ptolemy1 s account shows that sailing from

the ‘point of departure* and striking right across

the sea the ships reached Seda and Tamali in the silver
31
country on the way to Chryse Chersonese.

Ptolemy’s account shows that ships sailed

from a ‘point of departure* end striking right across

the sea called at Sada and Tamali in the silver counr

try on way to Chnyse Chersonese. The point of depar­

ture has been located near modern Chicacole. The

31* Ptolemy. 1? 13.7.

 ;s 177 ::

♦Silver Country* has been doubtfully identified with the

Arakan, while *Chnyse Chersonese* of Ptolemy has been

32
taken to signify the SSalay peninsula in general*

Another route connected the Upper Gangetic

valley with SuvarnadwJ’pa evidently by way of the. ports

of the Lower Ganges or littoral Bengal. The Avadanas-

33 /
ataka refers to a voyage of a caravan leader of Sravastl
_ y_
to Ratnad$l?pa and also to be merchants of Sravnsti and
x .34
ftajTgrha on the high seas* The *iahakarmarlbha&a refers

to the experiences of merchants on the voyage from Tarara-

lipta to Suvarnabhumi as illustrations of natural cala­

mities attendant upon sea voyage* The ffillindaponho avers

that the ship owner getting rich with frights paid in a

sea-port, embarks in the high seas and sails to Vanga,

Takkola, clna, Soriva, Surattha, Alasanda, Solapattana

35
and Ouvarnabhumi*

32. Comp* Hist* Ind*, Pr. 446 - 47.

33. Avadanasatoka« I, P. 23f ♦, 129 f. II» P. 60 f.
34* Mahakarmavibhariga. ed. S.Levi, P* SO f*
36* Hllindapanho. P* 369* The identification of Vanga
in this context is subject to controversy, Levi (Etudes
Aslatiaues. Vol* II, PP* 1 - 55) draws our attention to
the alternative reading vankara which can be identified
with the island of Banila to the east of the Sumatra
(B*C.Majumdar, Suvarnadvlpa. pt, 1, PP* 57 - 68*
 178

Further evidence regarding the oversea route

connecting Bengal with China is furnished by KangTai*

The Fu-nanrchuan. of Kang Tai says that * coming out

» •

of the port of Chu-li one enters the great bay.Trave­

lling straight to the north-west for more than a year

one reaches the mouth of river of India which is called

the river Ganges* At the mouth of the river there is a

kingdom called Tan-mei which belongs to Tien- chu. (Its

ruler) sent letters to the Yellow Gate (the Chinese eou-
36
rt), and was appointed by (China) king of Tanrmei."

Tamms! * which was at the mouth of the river

Ganges to the Sea,,definitely reminds of Tamralipta*

Thus it is apparent that in the middle of the third

37
century A.D. a regular maritime route existed between
China and Tamralipta.

36*' L. Petech, Northern India According to the Shui-

Ching-chu, P* 63* ,
37*“ K’ang T’ai was a subject of the Southern . SU

dynasty (222-280 A.D*)* The embassy would thus be

expected to be addressed to the court of that dynas­

ty in Nanking* No such embassy is, however recorded

in the annals of the Southern $3i dynasty (L. Petech,
op.cit.. P. 65).
 179 ;:

In the fifth century A.D. Fa-Hien took ship

from Tamralipta to Geylon on his way hack to China#

38
An inscription from Java • describes one

mahanavika (the champion sailor) Budhagupta as an

inhabitant of Raktamrttiki# Identifications of this

39
Raktamrttiki is not beyond doubt# Krom long ago
40
suggested that it should be sought for in India#

Hiuen Tsang rGfers to a monastery called La-to-wei-

' , 41
chi near Karnasuvarna. Lo-to-wei-chi may be the

Chinese corruption of Raktamrttika. Recent discovery

of a seal from chlruti in the Kurshidabad district

of West Bengal referring to the Raktamrttika mahavl-

hara demands that the monastery was situated in that

locality# It is significant that the Chiruti region

38# R.C.Majuradar, Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far

East, II, P. 82. The inscription is written in a charac­

ter which resembles the Brahmi script of the 5-6th

century A.D*

39* BEPEQ. IV, P. 231, n.

40# Krom, Gaachiedenis. P# 73.

41. In most of the accounts -raterehants sailing to

Suvarnadvipa or Kataha #i»e^said to have taken ship from

Tamralipta which thus seems to have had been the most

important port for sailing to Indonesia and the neigh­

bouring lands. L.Gopal, (Economic Life of Northern India.

 :: 180 ::

is adjacent to the Bhagirathi which could have served

as the main channel of maritime trade between Bengal

42
and the Far Bast*

The Memoir on the Eminent Monks who sought

the Law in the v&st during the Great T*ang Dynasty

(Ta-T<ang Hsi-yli-Ci^lu Fa-kso-Scnir Chuan) by 1-tsing

contains an account of the lives and voyages of,sixty

Buddhist Pilgrims, mostly from China, who undertook

pilgrimages to India in the Second half of the seventh

eentury A.D. I-tsing* s own voyage is described thus:

’* i*. In less than ten days we reached •«•

(Shi-li) Fo-shlh (Sri Vijaya) inhere I spent six

/
months learning the Sabdavld.va, The king befriended

me and sent me to the country of Mo-lo-vu- (Malayu)

where I stayed for two months. Then I changed direc­

tion to go to Chieh-cha (Kedah)* In the twelfth

month I embarked in the king*s ship and set sail

for India. Sailing northwards from Chieh-cha for more

Pm 139) such stories of maritime enterprises are found

in the Samaraiecakaha (p. 327), Brhatkathas'lokasamgraha

(XVIII, Pm 176), B rhatkatliama5.1arl (II, P. 183), Katha-

sarltsagara (III, 175), etc*, Merchants from Carapa and

Patallputra must have sailed from Tamralipta with a

view to a voyage to Suvarnadvlpa*

42. R.C.Majumdarfeht indi&CL.Colonies in the Fav

&££» PP. 82-83.
 :: 181 ::

than ten days we came to the kingdom of the Naked

people (N£eobar-island3)# From here sailing in a

north-westerly direction for half-a month, we came

43*
to Tanrmh-li-ti (i#e* Tamralipta).

/ .
The account of I-tsing^ return to Srivijaya,

recorded in another work, runs as follows i "(Tamralipta)

is the place where we embark when returning to China#

Sailing from here towards the South-east in two months

we came to Chieh-cha* By this time a ship from Shil-

Fo-shi will have arrived . • * we stay in Chieh-cha until

winter, and then embark on a Ship for the south# After

44
a month we came to the country of Ma-lo-yu.11

The account of I-tsing shows that the sea-route

from Tamralipta to 6anton was starred by a number of

thriving ports* They were ?Vu-lei, Chiao-chi, Shang-ehlng,

Campa, furnan, Dvdrhvati, Lang- cilia-shu, Pu-pen, Ho-ling

/
(Java), Srlvijaya, SHo-lo-yu (Jarabi), Po-lu-shih, Kedah,
45
Nicobar Islands and Tamralipta#

43* Ta-T*ang Hsl-vii Ch*iu-fa Kao Seng chuan. f, 98,

recto et verso*

44. Bunyiu Nanjio, A Catalogue of the Chinese translati­

ons of the Buddhist Trinitaka. no* 1131, 3k# ?#P#57#

45* Paul liieatley, The Golden Chersonese. PP# 44-45#

 ss 132 e;

Kedah was perhaps the point of departure for

the voyage across the hay of Bengal, From Kedah the

Nicobar islands were seven day's tfail, It was at the

Nicobar islands that the route bifurcated* One branch

led to Tamralipta while the other to the Forts of

Ceylon*

The Chau-Ja-Kua records a tradition that

Tien-chu or Eastern India sent envoys to the fang

46
court in 627-92 A,B, Marco Polo writes that *the

people of Bengala carry on thriving trade* tfor they have

spikenard* galingale« hepper* ginger, sugar and majjy

other kinds of precious spices ••••« Indian merchants

came to this province and buy the ennuchs and slaves and
47
take them to other countries to sell them again.

46* Chau-Ja-kua. P, ill, Reference may be made here to '

the Buddhist Scholars like JDharmapila (7th century A*B,}

and Dipahkara (11th century A.D.) proceeding from Bengal

to Suvarnadvipa (IHO. Kill, PP,693-96; R,C, Ma jumdar,'

Champa, P, XVIII),

47, Travels of Marco Polo, £d, by Marsden, ISIS, P, 451-52.

Yule thinks that Marcopolo did not touch any port of

Bengal, The Provinces referred to in chapters LV-L1X are

stung by Marcopolo upon an easterly or north-easterly

line of travel. Their names and intervals are as follows:

 is 183 ss

An elaborate description of the sea-route to and

from Bengal Is furnished by the account of lbn Battuta*

From the Maidive Islands lbn Battuta was desirous of

sailing to Ha*bar (Coromandel)* Ceylon and Bengal and

48
then to China*

Me took ship from Calicut and spent forty three

nights at sea and eventually arrived at the land ••••

49
of Bengala* From Sudfcawan lbn Battuta set out for the

mountains of Kamateu- It is described as a vast range

SO
extending to China and also to the land of Tibet*

in his return Journey from Khan-Baliq (Peking)

he travelled to Habanq. It is described as "a large

and beautiful city, traversed by the rivers which des­

cends from the Kamrumountsins* This river is called the

Bengala whence thirty marches to (2) Cangigu ••••

(Yule, Marco Polo, Vol, II, P. 128)

48* Gibb, lbn Battuta* travells in Asia and Africa. P.246*

49* Ibid* PP* 266 - 67.

SO* Ibid. P. 268*

 184

Blue River and is used by travellers to Bengal and

Lakhnawti .n After fifteen days sailing down the river

Ibn Battuta reached the city of Sunarkawan and there

he found a junk on the point of sailing for the land

51
of Jawa (Sumatra) which was a journey of forty days*

Kamru (Kamarupa?) range lias been identified

52
with the Assam hills and the Blue River of Ibn Battuta
63
is probably the Meghna*

Ibn Battuta followed the route to Sumatra

which was via the Nicobar islands* He writes, ^Fifteen

days after leaving Sunarkawan *6 reached the country

i

of the Barah Nakar, whose mouths are like those of

54
dogs;*

Barah Hakar was located by Yule on the mainland

of Arakan in Burma * near the island of Hegrais* But the

text of Ibn Battuta suggests that Barah Nakar was the

55
name of the people rather than that of a country.

51. Ibid* P. 270 - 71.

52. Ibid. P. 366,n. 9.

53. Ibid., P, 366 no, 10.

54. Ibid. P, 272.

55. Ibid. P, 367, no, lt

 s s 186 :;

Prapanfca in his NaaaraKertagama written

in 1365 A*D, Speaks of the people from Jambudvipa,

Karnataka, and Goda (l.e, Gauda) coming in large

• 66
numbers in ships accompanied by monks and Brahmanas,

L. Gopal suggests that the mention of Karnataka and

Gauda along with Jambudvipa may indicate that the

littoral lands of Gauda and Karnataka dominated

67
Indian maritime trade.even in the 14th century.

66. Java in the 14th century,

(Nagaru Kertagama). Vol* III, P. 98 (Canto 83,

Stanza, 4,

67, 1. Gopal, Economic Life of Northern India. P. 112,