Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

DOI 10.1007/s11562-011-0173-8

Muslims and ecology: fostering Islamic

environmental ethics

Arthur Saniotis

Published online: 2 September 2011

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011

Abstract Recent scholarly interest in religions and ecology reaffirm the importance
of religious models in understanding humanity’s place in nature. While Islam
provides detailed ethical principles on the environment, the majority of Muslim
majority countries show an apparent indifference to environmental issues. Due to the
complexities in Muslim majority countries in relation to environmental issues, this
paper contends that there is a need for an examination of the different aspects of
Muslim environmentalism, and to what extent environmental practices are
influenced by Islamic environmental ethics. Therefore, this paper develops a multi-
pronged approach whereby both environmental and non-environmental practices by
Muslims are discussed, giving an overview of Islamic attitudes towards ecology and
environmental practices and suggesting reasons for Muslim non-concern for the
environment. Moreover, the paper illustrates how Muslims in western and Muslim
majority countries implement Islamic environmental ethics. Finally, western and
eastern Muslim thinkers who have written on Islam and the environment are
explored.

Keywords Islamic environmental ethics . Historic and sociological processes .

Right to develop . Indonesia’s pesantren . Muslim thinkers

Introduction

For 1,400 years Muslim majority countries have played an integral part in the
unfolding of human history. From their inception, Muslim majority countries have
been vital in the formation of western civilisation. At present, there are between 1.4
to 1.8 billion Muslims worldwide, constituting one-fifth of humanity. More than one-
half of the world’s Muslims live outside the Arab countries. Moreover, Muslims

A. Saniotis (*)
School of Medical Sciences, The University of Adelaide, Adelaide, South Australia 5005
e-mail: Arthur.saniotis@adelaide.edu.au
156 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

come from hundreds of ethnic groups that have evolved plural understandings of
Islam.
Present-day Muslim majority countries are undergoing rapid social change that
threatens traditional cultural values. This social change has given rise to various
socio-political tensions in various Muslim majority countries. Concomitant with
social change has been the massive scale of ecological degradation in most Muslim
majority countries.
Due to the complexity of Muslim majority countries in relation to environmental
issues, this paper contends that there is a need for an examination into different
aspects of Muslim environmentalism, and to what extent environmental practices are
influenced by Islamic environmental ethics. Therefore, this paper develops a multi-
pronged approach whereby both environmental and non-environmental practices by
Muslims are discussed. Furthermore, in order to provide a more balanced view, this
paper discusses Muslim environmentalism in non-western and western countries,
thus differing from most studies that deal with Muslim ecology due to its inclusion
of western and non-western environmentalism. Such an approach is necessary since
Muslim environmental practices vary due to their unique sociological and cultural
context. For example, eco-Muslims in Birmingham, UK, use different environmental
methods than Muslims in Indonesia’s pesantren. In keeping with the attempted
balance of the paper, Muslim thinkers in both western and Muslim majority
countries are also examined in relation to their ecological insights. The inclusion of
key Muslim ecological thinkers is important since their insights are informed by
Islamic environmental ethics. The paper shows that Muslim environmentalism is
novel and is influencing the wider Muslim social imagination. The paper includes
the ideological and sociological influences of modern Muslim environmentalism and
how the Qur’an and the Prophetic traditions offer blueprints for Muslim ecological
behaviour.

Islam and the environment: religious attitudes towards nature

Islam is the third of the Abrahamic religions, sharing its religious heritage with
Judaism and Christianity. What is relevant here is the environmental context of early
Islam. Islam arose amongst the Arab Bedouin, who were desert nomads and herders.
Since prehistory, the Arab Bedouin were acutely aware of their environment and
venerated the forces of nature. The stark environment of the Arabian desert fostered
an attitude of submission among the Arab Bedouin. The prophet Muhammad (570–
631) began to preach Islam among his Bedouin kinsmen from this environment .
Early Islam was characterised by its simplicity and reverence for nature. As Islam
spread into Africa, Asia and Europe in the seventh century, it maintained its
naturalistic attitude. A key feature of early Islam, which has informed Muslims for
14 centuries, is its emphasis on nature.
The Qur’an and the prophetic traditions are the main sources of Islamic
environmental ethos that have been integrated within Islamic jurisprudence. Both
Muslim lay people and scholars often read these two sources when making
deliberations on the environment (Wersal 1995: 453). The three founding ideas of
Islam’s ecological ethics are tawhid (Divine unity), khilafah (trusteeship), and
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 157

akhirah (the hereafter). The cornerstone of tawhid is that Allah created the universe
and that all existence reflects unity in plurality (Chittick 1986; Dutton 1996; Saniotis
2004; Foltz et al. 2003).
According to Muslim scholars, the universe is governed and regulated by the
principles of unity, balance, and harmony that characterise the interactive unifying
principle—tawhid. The Qur’an (14:19–20; 46:3; 15:85–86) repeatedly quotes that
the universe is characterised by proportion, harmony, and beauty, which are the
hallmarks of Divine craftsmanship (Saniotis 2004: 101; Wersal 1995: 453; Ozdemir
2003; Nasif 1987). Scholars have argued that, in Islam, the universe is maintained in
balance, and is regulated by the interdependency of ecological systems (Wersal
1995: 453; Faruqi 1980: 24–31). Consequently, nature provides a source of
inspiration and guidance for understanding Divine action in creation. In human
terms, tawhid is the basis of human action and thought, penetrating every dimension
of subjective and social life (Sardar 1985: 225; Shariati 1979).
The second concept of Islamic environmental ethics is stewardship (khilafah)
(Idris 1990; Khalid and O’Brien 1992). The Qur’an declares that human beings are
stewards of Allah’s creation “Behold, the Lord said to the angels: “I will create a
vicegerent on earth” (Qur’an 2:30). Furthermore, human beings need to refrain from
mischief (actions leading to the corruption of the environment).

“Do no mischief on the earth after it hath been set in order, but call on him with
fear and longing in your hearts: for the Mercy of God is always near to those
who do good” (Qur’an 7:56).
The importance of ecology in Islam is affirmed by the fact that one-eighth of the
Qur’an exhorts Muslims to meditate on nature. The sociologist Ali Shariati contends
that the notion of stewardship should include its spiritual dimensions (Sonn 1995).
Similarly, Khalid (1996: 20), notes that included in the concept of stewardship is the
notion that humans are friends of the earth, not its masters.
The third concept of Islamic environmental ethics is akhirah (the hereafter). This
indicates that humankind is not only obligated as Allah’s steward on the earth, but
will also be held accountable in the hereafter if there is any straying. Zaidi notes that
intimated in the hereafter is that humans undergo a test of their stewardship (Zaidi
1981: 41). For Manzoor (1984) and Faruqi (1980: 30), and (Weeramantry 1988: 61),
this means that each generation of humans is obliged to improve the condition in
which preceding generations have left the earth. No generation has a right to pollute
the earth in a manner that depletes its resources and degrades its biological systems
(Weeramantry 1988: 61).
In addition, the level of environmental maintenance is open to Divine judgement
at the Day of Reckoning. Some ahadith (accounts of the Prophet Muhammad’s
teachings), note that cruelty to animals and wanton defacement of nature is
forbidden and warrants Divine punishment. Alternately, kindness shown to animals
bestows God’s reward (Ibn Kadamah 1992; Wescoat 1995). The following two
prophetic accounts are mentioned to this effect: Ibn 'Umar, a companion of the
Prophet (narrated by Al-Bukhari) reported that the Prophet said: “A woman who tied
a cat will go to Hellfire; she neither fed it, nor allowed it to find food on its own.”
Another companion of the Prophet called Al-Sharid (narrated by Ahmad) reported
158 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

that he had heard the Prophet say: “If you kill a sparrow wantonly it will hasten to
God on the Day of Judgement saying : O Lord! So and So killed me for play and not
for use!”
Scholars like Zaidi (1981: 35), Faruqi (1980: 30–31), and Ateshin (1989: 179)
(see also Wersal 1995) maintain that humans have the rights and privileges of living
from the earth in a sustainable manner, or usufruct. Of course, what humans define
as sustainable will differ from culture to culture, and indeed, between individuals.
From this viewpoint, then, both the Qur’an and the prophetic traditions
unequivocally prescribe a criterion for responsible human trusteeship of the earth.
Wersal (1995: 454) suggests that usufruct pertains to all creatures, and not just
humans, a view that is supported in the works of Al-Hafiz Masri and Gulzar Haider
(Timm 1993: 50).

Islamic environmental methods

As Islam expanded into Asia and Africa in the seventh century Muslims borrowed
from older civilisations, which later became the basis of Islamic science.
Concomitant with the social and scientific development of Muslim majority
countries was the initiation and maintenance of environmental practices that
encouraged sound ecological management (Manzoor 1984; Kula 2001). The body
of Islamic environmental practices was enshrined in Islamic laws and ethics (Hamed
1993; Husaini 1980). Islamic canon (shari’ah) emphasised human welfare of all
created beings (Afrasiabi 2003). The ethical underpinnings of shari’ah environmen-
tal law and practice were the Qur’an and the prophetic accounts.
With the emergence of Muslim majority countries, the issue of resource and
wealth management was prioritised. Under Islamic canon, Muslim states formulated
a system of environmental management that encouraged ecological stewardship. In
principle shari’ah environmental law was guided by “enjoining what is right, and
forbidding what is wrong,” (Al-Bukhari 3:104), as well as emphasising moderation
in behaviour (Husaini 1980). The fourteenth century Muslim philosopher Ibn
Taymiyyah expressed shari’ah as protecting all benefits, eliminating or minimising
evil, safeguarding the greater good, and removing the greater harm from those who
are most vulnerable (Hamed 1993). Recognition that the environment was central to
the wealth and benefit of the community became the basis of environmental shari’ah
(Llewelyn 2003).
Over time, Muslim jurists derived a series of injunctions dealing with
management and ownership of pastures, land, fuel wood and water (Hamed 1993).
This included the establishment of conservation zones (hima) and wildlife
sanctuaries (haram). Hima and haram were treated as inviolable zones for the
maintenance of biodiversity. Conservation zones were also protected from farming or
commercial use (Haq 2001: 16). Even before the advent of Islam, Arab tribes had
their own conservation zone (Gari 2006). As Haq (2001: 16) explains, the purpose of
conservation was to protect the welfare of the Muslim community. Therefore, “hima
became a symbol of redress and restoration of justice and gradually acquired a status
close to that of haram in that it denoted a sanctuary, with its flora and fauna
receiving special protection” (Haq 2001: 16) (see also Chelhold 1971: 393).
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 159

Consequently, conservation zones came to stand for equity because they were no
longer the property of powerful individuals or groups. Under the Muslim state,
conservation zones became the property of the Muslim community.
Similarly, wildlife sanctuaries were often associated with natural lands such as
springs, forests, and rivers, and included wells and trees that had been planted (Izzi
Deen 1990). A wildlife sanctuary was connected with sacred places such as the
Haram-al-Sharif in Mecca, the most sacred site in Islam. Implicit here was the
connection between protected nature reserves and the sacred.
By the ninth century, a system of land grants was implemented. At least four
kinds of land grants were operating. Land grants comprised state-owned land
donated to civil servants such as military commanders or other officials who had
served the state (Khalid and O’Brien 1992). Land grants were meant to be given in
the public interest and were subject to taxation. The donated land could be either
unused or arable land, or land with mineral deposits.
Muslim states also regulated a system of state-leased land, where an individual
had a right to use the property in return for rent. The granting of land and lease of
public land was contingent on whether or not the allocated land was being used for
agriculture. Land that was not used for a stipulated period of time or was in a state of
environmental degradation by the renter could be taken back by the state or leased to
another person (Khalid and O’Brien 1992). In this way, state-leased land encouraged
productive land use.
In keeping with the egalitarian spirit of Islam, Muslims also created “a system of
charitable endowment” where people dedicated personal property for public benefit
(Saniotis 2004: 103; Llewelyn 2003: 217–219; Khalid and O’Brien 1992).
Charitable endowments were often given by wealthier members of society for the
social benefit of the community. For example, a charitable endowment could be used
to support a school, or could comprise a piece of land that would serve as a
community park.
Protection of water resources played a vital part in many Muslim majority
countries. In Islam, water was deemed as a scarce resource and was thoroughly
regulated. The public interest was fundamental in the implementation of water rights
(Wilkinson 1990: 64). Water wastage and speculation were disapproved of
(Wilkinson 1990: 62). Based on the Prophet’s ruling, the amount of water
allocated to each person should not go over ankle height, which was deemed as
sufficient for soil moisture to support crops traditionally grown in the Arabian
peninsula (Wilkinson 1990: 62). The framework of water law was comprehensive
and utilised pre-Islamic practices and conventions (Wilkinson 1990: 64). These
covered technical innovations borrowed from Mediterranean, Iranian and Arabian
civilisations that were incorporated by Muslims (Wilkinson 1990: 64). Among
these innovations were meso- and micro-cachments (for desert reclamation), which
were developed in parts of North Africa, while in Iran and parts of western Asia
techniques in groundwater utilisation that prevented water evaporation were used
(Wilkinson 1990: 65; Llewelyn 1982). The famous water canals were deployed in
conjunction with “rotary systems for groundwater and river lift” (Wilkinson
1990: 65).
The office of public inspection was instituted and supervised by a public
inspector. The public inspector’s duties included the enforcement of ecological
160 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

practices, protection of animals, and averting and prohibiting unethical behaviours

(Llewelyn 1992: 96). Management of water resources came under his jurisdiction
(Hamed 1993: 155).

Muslims and the environment: historic and sociological processes

In order to understand why Muslim majority countries often seem generally indifferent
towards the environment, we need to unpick some of the sociological and historic
circumstances that have led to this development. The shift away from the traditional silk
routes toward maritime routes controlled by Europeans led to the economic downfall of
various Muslim majority countries. Moreover, as Muslim majority countries became
more fragmented, they lost their economic and moral force. Some thinkers suggest that
the weakening of Muslim majority countries enabled them to become colonised by
European powers from the eighteenth century onwards.
In general, the process of colonisation of Muslim majority countries by western
Europeans (eighteenth–twentieth centuries) had a negative impact on the state of
Muslim sciences and ecological practices. Western Europeans diminished Muslim
ecological practices with western understandings of the environment that were
influenced largely by Cartesianism and that viewed nature in utilitarian terms (Nasr
1997, 2003). Although western ideology is not monolithic, the European powers that
had the greatest influence on Muslim majority countries were predominantly
materialistic and orientated toward economic development.
Islamic ecological practices were further eroded during the post colonial period
(post World War Two). Although the colonial powers (UK, France) relinquished their
hold on North Africa, the Middle-East and South Asia, their institutions were left
mainly intact. In many instances, colonial rulers played a major role in selecting men
to rule over the newly independent Muslim majority countries (Sardar and Malik
1994; see also Rafiq and Ajmal 1989).
In the 1950s, a new genre of Muslim rulers, such as Mohammad Reza Pahlavi
(Shah of Iran) and Egyptian president Gemal Abdul Nasser, looked to the benefits of
western technology and pushed towards western styles of economic development.
Nasser also experimented with socialism during the 1950s and 1960s using agrarian
reforms as a way of improving the lives of ordinary Egyptians (Abdel-Malekh
1968). The concern with economic development marginalised environmental issues.
The Aswan dam in Egypt arguably epitomises the unchecked forces of
development in the Muslim world and their ecological ramifications. Initiated by
Nasser and completed in 1970, the Aswan dam added “1.3 million acres to the
cultivated land” and allowed for cropping all year round (Dasgupta and
Chattopadhyay 2004). The aim of the Aswan dam project was to convert arid land
into an “agricultural-industrial region” (Dasgupta and Chattopadhyay 2004). The
Aswan dam caused various environmental problems. Firstly, mineral rich silt from
the Nile valley, which had been used as natural fertiliser, was “now being deposited
at the bottom of lake Nasser”, decreasing the storage capacity of the reservoir and
prompting a need for farmers to use artificial fertiliser (Dasgupta and Chattopadhyay
2004). Furthermore, the dam interrupted the seasonal flooding of the Nile river,
which flushed away excess salt (Dasgupta and Chattopadhyay 2004). The prevention
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 161

of the “capillary movement of water” increased soil salinity and affected agriculture
in the region (Dasgupta and Chattopadhyay 2004). Wagner (1974) also conveyed
that “the expansion of canal irrigation” facilitated “the spread of diseases including
bilharzia, malaria and trachoma”, which were transmitted by invertebrates (Dasgupta
and Chattopadhyay 2004).
The Persian Gulf War in 1990–1991 is another example of environmental
degradation by a Muslim country. As the Iraqi army was routed from Kuwait by US
coalition forces, it set fire to dozens of Kuwaiti oil rigs. The fires continued for
7 months and covered much of the Persian Gulf in poisonous smoke, causing an
“environmental and economic catastrophe” (Chilcote 2003). Furthermore, the
western coalition forces also bombed oil facilities, thus contributing to oil spills
and atmospheric pollution. Iraqi and coalition actions were a blatant contravention of
both Islamic environmental ethics and United Nations (UN) environmental and
humanitarian resolutions. Chilcote also cites that Saddam poured 10 million barrels
of crude oil into the sea, causing the deaths of thousands of birds and other wildlife
(Chilcote 2003). Present cancer rates and respiratory illnesses among Kuwaitis have
been attributed to the breathing of toxic fumes (Chilcote 2003).

Right to develop argument

Presently, Muslim majority countries are located within two technological categories:
the first category comprises countries that are able to use technology in order to
increase their economic performance. These countries include Indonesia, Malaysia,
Turkey and India (De Lemos 2006: 57). The second category represents one-third of
the world (predominantly Muslim majority countries); countries that “that do not
generate or use foreign technologies” (De Lemos 2006: 57). Countries in the second
category have among the highest rates of environmental problems resulting from
their dependency on raw materials and their rising populations. In addition, low-
technological level countries also tend to have high illiteracy rates (excluding
Indonesia, the rate of illiteracy in Muslim majority countries is 53%; Spengler 2005),
stagnant growth, and little capacity for implementing environmental strategies.
Many Muslim majority countries are still developing and face large challenges in
providing their populations with basic amenities. The push to develop their
economies has tended to diminish the importance of the environment. The
incrementing foreign debt that besets many Muslim majority countries further
erodes the capacity for Muslims to privilege the environment. Williams suggests that
developing nations’ emphasis in controlling their natural resources is due to the
exploitation of those resources by developed nations (Williams 2005: 59; Sell 1996).
Developing nations have asked for viable additional funding and technological
transfer from developed nations in keeping with the principles of the 1992
Convention on Biological Diversity (Williams 2005: 59). Furthermore, developing
nations contend that international environmental policies should not curtail their
economic development, maintaining that the environmental costs of industrialisation
of the developed world were never taken into account (Williams 2005: 62). On this
basis, Muslim majority countries have tended to consider it their right to develop
without economic impositions placed on them, or the need to sacrifice development
(Williams 2005).
162 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

Environmental efforts in Muslim majority countries

According to Rice (1999: 352), many extant Muslim majority countries have not
realised the potential of Islamic environmental teachings. In order to potentialise the
environmental teachings of Islam, Muslims need to become more receptive to global
ecological problems. While Rice’s caveat is poignant, it must be placed in the social
and political contexts of Muslim majority countries. One may ask if environmen-
talism holds a low place in Muslim communities? This is a complex question.
Fortunately, there have been quantitative studies in this area. For example, a study by
the Pew Research Centre (2009) on global attitudes towards environmental problems
included various Muslim majority countries. Some of the statistics provide
interesting reading. Egyptians, Lebanese and Jordanians considered that global
warming was a serious problem, with percentage increases in 2009 from 2008. In
the survey, 54% of Egyptians, 53% of Lebanese and 41% of Jordanians considered
global warming to be a very serious problem (Pew Research Center 2009: 87–88).
In Indonesia, 47% of Indonesians prioritised the environment over economic
growth, while 53% of Egyptians supported environmentalism over economic
growth. Among Jordanians, precedence of the environment over economic growth
fell by 14% to 39% in 2009 (Pew Research Center 2009: 88–89). What the survey
indicates is that environmental issues are becoming increasingly important for
ordinary Muslims.
Another indication of the prioritising of the environment by Muslims is the
increasing number of environmental conferences, forums and workshops in Muslim
majority countries and western countries involving Muslim scholars, clerics,
scientists and government officials. One such conference occurred in October 2008
in Kuwait city, where Muslim academics, activists, government officials and
specialists from 14 countries gathered. The major aim of the workshop was to draw
up a Seven-Year Plan for Islamic action on the environment (M7YAP) (Gultasli
2010). The plan’s objectives included: providing a viable Islamic model for
environmental protection, discussing challenges in relation to climate change, and
presenting environmental projects in the Muslim majority countries (Gultasli 2010).
The importance of social reform to the environment is illustrated poignantly by
Crossette’s study on Egyptian women. Crossette notes that if mothers complete
primary school, the population living below the poverty line would be “reduced by
one-third” (Crossette 2001). This is a point emphasised by renowned social thinkers
such as Amartya Sen (Crossette 2001). When women’s rights are secured,
democratic order and economic stability are reinforced, and human impacts on the
environment decrease (Crossette 2001). Thinkers such as Nawal Ammar and Tahera
Aftab argue that there is a correspondence between ecology and women’s rights in
Muslim majority countries. Moreover, Aftab contends that Muslim women have
been active in preserving the environment in Muslim history, and that present day
Muslim women need to reinvigorate this tradition.
Perhaps Malaysia’s social model for the future, referred to as Vision 2020, offers a
modern blueprint that combines western principles of governance with Islamic
environmental ethics (Majeed 2003). This includes the implementation of a nine-
strategy approach that fosters community-based democracy, economic equity and the
reduction of poverty, and ensures ecological protection. Furthermore, high
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 163

technology and science will become an integral component of Vision 2020, which
will enable Malaysia to adapt to future climate change. Vision 2020’s fusion of
Islamic ethics, high technology, and community-based consensus takes into account
the moral dimensions of economic development and offers a way in which Islam can
co-exist with modernity.
The next section will provide ethnographic evidence of how Indonesia is utilising
Islamic environmental ethics. Because Indonesia has successfully employed
environmental ethics, it provides a relevant role model for other Muslim majority
countries.

Indonesia’s pesantren and Islamic environmental ethics

As the world’s most populous Muslim country, Indonesia is also advancing Islamic
ecological ethics at a grassroots level by drawing on Islamic principles of tree
planting and water conservation in many regions (Tucker 2005). Up until the 1950s,
Indonesia was heavily covered in forests. There is a saying that the level of forest
density was such that an orang-utan could have traversed from one side of Borneo to
the other without having to touch the ground. In the last 50 years that percentage of
forested land has declined from 162 million ha to 98 million ha. Moreover, since
1996, deforestation has increased to approximately 2 million ha per year.
Currently, there are approximately 17,000 pesantren in Indonesia, of which 900
have implemented eco-friendly practices such as water, energy and waste
management (Simamora 2010). Gelling (2009) has drawn attention to Indonesia as
the home of eco-Islam, as many pesantrens are utlilising Islamic ecological
principles. At the forefront of the ‘greening’ Islamic movement in Indonesia is
Fachruddin Mangunjaya, who worked as a research assistant on an orang-utan
conservation project. For Mangunjayaha, being a good Muslim is about protecting
the environment. He believes that pesantren and religious leaders should work
together to ensure that the environment is conserved (Mohamed 2010). One current
pesantren project involves forest re-planting in Aceh, which suffered from decades
of civil war and the 2006 tsunami (ARC 2008). Recognising that there are political,
ecological and economic benefits in implementing eco-programs, the Indonesian
government is promoting environmental curricula for the pesantrens (Gelling 2009).
In 2009, the state environment minister Gusti Muhammad Hatta announced that
approximately 90 pesantrens in Central Java would participate in the new eco-
pesantren pilot program. Hatta stated that the 4 million students of Indonesia’s
pesantrens could be instrumental in assisting their villages to foster faith-based
ecological initiatives. The method of the pesantren is based on massive networking
of many villages in order to find solutions to environmental problems. Communities
are taking responsibility for the environment; this collective impetus is a significant
social driver for fostering beneficial social change.

Muslim environmentalism in the west

Muslims in western nations have increased their efforts to become ecologically

conscious. Muslims living in the United Kingdom and the United States of America
164 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

are currently involved in various ‘green’ organisations, which are becoming

influential in their respective Muslim communities. The foremost ‘green’ Muslim
organisation in the United Kingdom is the Islamic Foundation for Ecology and
Environmental Sciences (IFEES; http://www.ifees.org.uk/), which was founded in
the 1980s by Fazlun Khalid. The organisation has grown rapidly since its inception
due to the indefatigable efforts of Khalid. The major aims of IFEES are to:
1. Transmit Islamic ecological teachings to Muslims in order to change behaviours
and attitudes towards the environment.
2. Alleviation of poverty via the implementation of sustainable and ecologically
friendly modes of production.
3. Development of Islamic science natural resource management.
4. Development of Islamic inspired ‘green’ projects with the involvement of
communities, NGOS and governments (IFEES website http://www.ifees.org.uk/).
IFEES is now involved in various ecological management projects in Zanzibar
and Indonesia, with potential projects in Pakistan and Nigeria.
For example, IFEES acted as consultants and trainers to the Misali Ethics Pilot
Project in Zanzibar (Khalid 2005: 105). Despite Zanzibar's identification as a devout
Muslim country, Khalid saw that fishing practices utilised bombing coral reefs in
order to access fish. This practice destroyed the coral reefs and the fish breeding
grounds (Dickinson 2005). The project’s objective was to make Zanzibar fisher
people sensitive to Islamic environmental ethics. This was communicated by
accessing prayer leaders and school teachers, who promulgated the ethical messages
of the Qur’an. In addition, posters were distributed to villages and handouts were
given to children, who were encouraged to produce plays and poems on the material.
Moreover, a hima was created, which was to be controlled and checked (Khalid
2005: 105).
At a local level, IFEES has been involved in an anti-litter campaign happening in
Birmingham (UK) called “Clean Medina”. This campaign targets mainly young
Muslims to clean their environments from trash and to recycle. The Clean Medina
campaign is interesting in its use of Islamic terminology, with the inclusion of the
term jihad. In a short movie called Clean Medina, a young bearded Muslim declares
an “international jihad on trash”, while a billboard states, “Birmingham Muslims
declare jihad on trash”. The movie also includes a young Muslim singing rap songs
about the environment.
DeHanas (2009) conducted a study of Muslim women in the East End of
London who used Muslim Community Radio (MCR, 87.8 FM) as part of an
environmental campaign. MCR ran its environmental campaign in 2007 during
the month of Ramadan. Major topics of the radio campaign included the
environment, recycling, water conservation and global warming (DeHanas
2009: 146). The unique radio campaign voiced the concerns of conservative
Muslims who were in their twenties and thirties. Radio broadcasts comprised
female focus groups and discussed solely environmental topics. The MCR radio
campaign emphasised the connection between Muslim deen (daily Islamic
practice) and the environment (DeHanas 2009: 148). Furthermore, the broadcasts
encouraged listeners to become more self-disciplined in their environmental
behaviours and to practice moderation. There was also a distinct “sacralisation of
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 165

environmental discourse” during the Muslim women’s broadcasts with themes of

nature’s beauty reflected upon (DeHanas 2009: 149).
In the US, the DC Green Muslims have organised various environmental
campaigns. For example, in October 2007, the group held a “green iftar” campaign,
which encouraged Muslims to buy local produce. The DC Green Muslims have also
encouraged the DC-area mosques to install solar panels to heat the water for
worshipper’s ablutions (Feder 2009). Also near DC, the All Dulles Area Muslim
Society (ADAMS) has made it a goal to limit the carbon footprint of its 5,000
families by 10% in 1 year (Feder 2009). ADAMS has achieved this by encouraging
congregants to reduce their driving, and by installing solar-powered lights in the
parking lot, and upgrading interior lighting. From 2009, the ADAMS also
considered installing a wind turbine in order to produce electricity that could be
sold back to electric companies (Feder 2009).
Western eco-Muslims are increasingly using the Internet in order to put their
message across and are becoming savvy in mustering public support in relation
to environmental issues. Currently, there is a plethora of websites and blogs
dedicated to eco-Islam. One organisation called EcoMuslim endeavours to work
with other Muslim organisations in the international context in order to promote
environmentalism. EcoMuslim has various ecological agendas; one being to
influence the 20 million Muslims who are living in Europe. Similar to Fazlun
Khalid, the founder of EcoMuslim, Omar Faruk, presents his eco-Islam agenda
internationally.

Leading Muslim commentators on the environment

Muslim thinkers in the west

While there are various Muslim environmental commentators and thinkers in

western countries, three Muslim thinkers stand out; Fazlun Khalid, Seyyed Hossein
Nasr and Tariq Ramadan. These commentators on Islam are both well known and
have an understanding of the nexus between the Islamic and Western worlds. These
three thinkers have encouraged Muslims to become more aware of Islamic
environmental ethics.
According to the eminent Muslim scholar Seyyed Hossain Nasr, the root of the
current environmental malaise began with the European Renaissance, which
heralded the age of humanism. Nasr (1968: 1994) notes that this period commences
a paradigm shift in viewing nature as an object of exploitation. During this period,
nature is increasingly desacralised and de-mystified; a process that reached its zenith
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As he notes, this process of de-
sacralisation has worked concomitantly with the entrenched notion of ‘domination
of nature’ so inherent in global economics and science (Nasr 1968: 18). “The sense
of domination over nature and a materialistic conception of nature on the part of
modern man are combined, moreover, with a lust and sense of greed which makes an
ever greater demand upon the environment” (Nasr 1968: 18–19). Nasr entreats
Muslims and non-Muslims to retrieve a primordial notion of nature as contained in
revelation, or what Fazlun Khalid refers to as fitra. Nasr’s answer to ecological
166 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

degradation includes a restoration of metaphysics—a metaphysics that avoids the

dichotomous materialism of Cartesianism (1968: 115). For Nasr, this restorative
process would be no less than a “re-discovery of the anatomy of being” in which
humankind is again placed centrally within creation (Nasr 1968: 116). According
to Nasr, nature in Islam is likened to a visible icon that points to a higher reality
and, therefore, demands human responsibility (Hope and Young 1994). Reflection
of the cosmos is a key method in enacting responsibility. Nasr’s symbolic approach
is reminiscent of medieval scholars such as Ibn Sina, who viewed nature as an
embodiment of “sophia sacra”—an external receptacle containing the inner
mysteries (see also Nasr 1968, 1981, 1993, 1996, 1997). Here, it is the symbolic
knowledge of existence that is prioritised in Islam, which in turn is explained in
Islamic metaphysics and meta-science (Bakar 1991: 91). The Islamic symbolical
approach is antithetical to the Cartesian reductionist model, which views nature as
being devoid of any symbolic correspondences or inner meanings (Wersal
1995: 458).
In a similar vein, the pre-eminent Muslim ecologist Fazlun Khalid, who heads the
Islamic Foundation for Ecology and Environmental Sciences (IFEES), has for over
three decades expressed environmental ethics from an Islamic perspective. He
observes that as Islam encountered new cultures and civilisations there was less
emphasis on environmental ethics than there had been during the formative years of
Islam (Khalid 2005: 101).
Having studied at the great Islamic university Al-Azhar in Egypt, Tariq Ramadan
follows the view that knowledge of Islamic environmental ethics as indicated in the
Qur’an is necessary for Muslim societies. For Ramadan, Muslims need to become
more aware of the creational verses of the Qur’an. He notes that, because of the
problems associated with western hegemonic modernity, Muslims need to return to
the Islamic teachings that address environmental issues (2004). Here, Ramadan
points out that Muslims’ lack of awareness of environmental issues stems in part to
taking up western style consumeristic behaviours (2004). On this note, he agrees
with Sardar (1997), who contends that Muslim majority countries have absorbed
western consumerism, which is based on simulations and representations. These
simulacra blur the parameters between reality and fiction and offer a world of
meaninglessness (Sardar 1997: 10). Ramadan further insists that humanity has been
given cognitive ‘tools’ in order to recognise the Divine through creation. Thus,
respect for the environment is a guiding principle for the Muslim religious
imagination (Ramadan 2004). Having elucidated the ecological merit of conceiving
nature as revelation, Ramadan (2010) contends that Muslims generally have been too
caught up with lots of legal rulings that address secondary issues such as how to
correctly slaughter animals, without considering deeper issues such as the environment.

‘Eastern’ Muslim thinkers

The Turkish philosopher Ibrahim Ozdemir, who has written various treatises,
contends that, with its over arching positivistic paradigm, western science has
re-calibrated human understandings of nature. Ozdemir argues that present day
science is a product of seventeenth century humanism and positivism. His ideas here
are akin to Nasr’s and Khalid’s thinking. Ozdemir’s argument is that western
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 167

scientific methods have objectified nature, whereas medieval and renaissance

traditions viewed nature as being vital and animated with sacred life force (Ozdemir
1996). Ozdemir considers Qur’anic teachings on nature to be an appropriate vehicle
for challenging materialistic conceptions of nature. The Qur’an’s insistence on the
natural order reveals nature as imbued with sentience and vitality. For Ozdemir,
nature is the ultimate proof of Divine existence. His ideas reflect Sufi metaphysics in
this respect. It is the metaphysical and moralistic dimensions of the Qur’an that are
in the foreground for Ozdemir. Human beings witnessing the awesome majesty of
nature should submit to the Divine (Ozdemir 2003).
For the Malaysian Muslim thinker Adi Setia, ecological health is linked
intrinsically to strong ethical precepts (Setia 2007: 119). As Setia notes: “From this
deep-ecological perspective, environmental degradation is less a resource-problem
than an attitude problem” (Setia 2007). Setia proclaims that modern life is aggressive
and profligate, thereby debasing human nature, with its negative spill-over effects for
ecology. In this equation, Muslims have become conditioned to modern ideas of
progress. Setia’s solution is to follow the Qur’anic precepts in ‘treading lightly on
the earth’. The starting point is re-harmonising human culture with nature (Setia
2007: 130). Here, Setia reverts to the Qur’anic idea of human stewardship of the
earth, which means being better inhabitants. Setia professes that the concept of
amanah is linked to the idea aman (security), relating to physical and spiritual
dimensions (Setia 2007: 134). Therefore, any abandonment of the duties of
stewardship diminishes human spiritual security (Setia 2007: 134). Setia’s notions
are cognate with a deep Islamic version of ecology.
Nurdeng Deuraseh points out that there is a close link between human health and
environmental degradation. Observance of health is conducted not only through
personal hygiene behaviours but also by not polluting the environment, which may
cause harm to both humans and non-humans alike (Deuraseh 2009: 526). Deuraseh
points out that shari’ah cannot be implemented correctly without knowledge of the
environment (Deuraseh 2009: 526). Therefore, it is incumbent on every Muslim to
establish a lifestyle where justice and equilibrium are maintained between the human
and non-human worlds. This kind of ecological attitude can be established according
to insan adab; a person who is conscious of his/her responsibilities towards God
(Deuraseh 2009: 528). The performance of adab enjoins a Muslim to protect the
non-human world.
All three authors concur that:
1. Nature is sacred.
2. The central role of humankind is as earth’s steward.
3. There is an urgent need for Muslims to modify their behaviours in order to live
more harmoniously with the non-human world.
4. The moral and ethical dimensions of the non-human world need to be recognised.

Conclusion

In this essay, I have outlined important issues facing Muslim majority countries in
relation to Islamic environmental ethics. While Islam possesses strong environmen-
168 Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171

tal principles, both socio-historical forces and social change in Muslim majority
countries have tended to overshadow Islamic ecological ethics. Muslim majority
countries have developed systems of environmental management that include
conservation zones (hima), wild life sanctuaries (harim), four types of land grants,
charitable endowments, protection of water resources, and an office of public
inspection (muhtasib). These environmental measures were guided in principle by
shari’ah in order to safeguard the greater good and promote ecological stewardship.
Recognition of the environment and its benefits to mankind is central to
environmental shari’ah.
The advent of European colonialism was pivotal in weakening Muslim majority
countries. European colonial powers brought with them materialistic-orientated
ideologies that focused on economic development and exploiting nature. This
contributed to the deterioration of Islamic environmental ethics. During the post-
colonial period, leaders in some Muslim majority countries such as Gemal Abdul
Nasser and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi introduced political reforms in order to
promote economic development. This focus on economic development marginalised
environmental issues. Blatant disregard for the environment was characterised by the
1990–1991 Gulf war, which saw Iraqi forces lighting oil wells and pouring millions of
barrels of crude oil into the sea.
Currently, many Muslim majority countries are facing significant problems such
as over-population and endemic poverty, which leads to environmental degradation
and strained ecological resources. The onus towards developing their economies has
also tended to diminish environmental issues. Furthermore, the incrementing foreign
debt that affects many Muslim majority countries discourages focus on the
importance of environmental issues. Muslim majority countries have argued that
they have a right to develop without the burden of economic impositions. However,
given the nature of modern technology and the dependency of socio-economic
infrastructure on fossil fuels, development means an inevitable increase in
greenhouse gas emissions (Williams 2005: 62). As Lal puts it, poor countries’ use
of fossil fuels in the future seriously jeopardises the possibility of any sustainable
development (Lal 1997: 84).
Presently, Muslim majority countries like Indonesia and Saudi Arabia are
attempting to become better environmental stewards by fostering aspects of
environmental shari’ah. For example, Indonesia’s 17,000 pesantren and inhabitants
of Zanzibar are engaged in various eco-practices that are implemented at the grass-roots
level. At a lesser scale, urban Muslims living in the US and UK have implemented novel
kinds of ecological awareness campaigns directed at Muslim youth. For example, in the
UK, the MCR radio campaign has encouraged Muslims to be more environmentally
conscious by practicing moderation. In this way, modern ecological behaviours are
informed by Islamic teachings.
Muslim thinkers in western countries and Muslim majority countries have written
Islamic-based ecological treatises in order to influence Muslims in general to
become more aware of ecological issues. This study has focused on six Muslim
thinkers, three living in western countries and three living in Muslim majority
countries. The three Muslim thinkers from Muslim majority countries concur with
the idea of viewing nature as sacred, the central role of humanity as the earth’s
steward, which is based on Qur’anic teaching, and the need for Muslims to live more
Cont Islam (2012) 6:155–171 169

ethically with the non-human world. From Setia’s Deep Islamic ecology, which
encourages Muslims to live morally with the earth, to Ozdemir’s treatise that the
Qur’an is a source of proclaiming the majesty of nature, these authors call for a
paradigm shift in the ordinary Muslim mindset. On a more practical level, Fazlun
Khalid’s creation of IFEES as a resource for ecological awareness and social action
has been active in the UK and some Muslim majority countries. In contrast, Nasr
explains the need for Muslims to rediscover the symbolic dimensions of Islam as a
way of sacralising the earth. For Nasr, nature as revelation enables the human mind
to reflect on the Divine. Whereas Nasr favours metaphysics, Ramadan stresses that
Muslim majority countries have copied western styles of consumerism, which has
contributed to environmental degradation. However, like Nasr, Ramadan contends
that human beings can acknowledge the Divine by reflecting on nature.
Islamic environmental ethics emphasise community participation. Herein lies an
opportunity to develop approaches that would be viable and flexible, and would help
realise the ecological principles of Islam in various agrarian and urban contexts.
Environmental principles expressed in the shari’ah may assist in producing statutes
in conservation and pollution control (Manzoor 2005). The ways in which principles
of stewardship and accountability can be implemented practically will be contingent
on the specific socio-economic context of each Muslim nation. This will be an
arduous task, combining the intellectual and economic resources of policy makers,
civil servants, ethicists, scientists, religious leaders, and the private sector (Lippman
2006: 185; Dockrat 2003).

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