Arnold

Guillhem de Rodes walked 30 kilometers to meet his brother. He was making the trip because his
brother Raimond had sent him a letter saying they were put into grave danger. Guillhem arrived at the
monastery, where he had an important conversation with Raimond. Raimond informed him that a quasi-
monk, a secret agent of the Church, was a threat to them. This quasi-monk apparently had offered to
help kill 2 heretics and declared that there was a heretic spy. The heretics were accused to be linked to a
brother of the spy, who connected the spy and the heretics. The quasi-monk had accused Raimond to BE
the spy, but it was actually Guillhem de Rodes who was the spy.

Raimond knew he was not the spy, so he asked his brother about it. But Guillhelm de Rodes lied and said
he wasn’t the spy. He had a long relationship with the heretics. He knew them several years ago,
listened to their preaching, and gave them food and shelter. They were even blood relatives, with
Guillhem de Rodes as the uncle to the heretics.

Pierre and Guilhem Autiers were considered heretics because they were members of another religion
which was Catharism. Followers of Catharism believed there were two Gods: a Good God who created
the spirit, a Bad God who created all corporeal matter. The dualist belief was considered antithetical and
contradictory to the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. Catharism followers also criticize/slander
the Church and believe the Church was corrupt. Since such beliefs were not tolerated by the Catholic
Church, the church ordered quasi-monk, named Dejean to hunt down and kill all members of Catharism.

Dejean really posed a great threat for the de Rodes brothers. The quasi-monk’s allegations were
partially true, except the true spy was Guilhem de Rodes. So the quasi-monk has strong motivations to
hunt down and kill them. Guilhem de Rodes left the monastery and returned home, walking 30
kilometers again to go back to his village. But Guilhem decided to travel again, travelling to the nearby
village of Ax to warn the brother of the heretics, Raimond Autier, about the quasi-monk.

Travelling back to his village, Guilhem de Rodes also warned his neighbor named Guilhem de Area about
the quasi-monk and the threat that the latter poses to them. Guilhem de Area was a great supporter of
the Catharism faith. De Area decided to hunt down the quasi-monk. When they met, Guilhem de Area
asked if Dejean as looking for the heretics, and offered to lead the quasi-monk to the heretics to the
mountains to the village called Larnat.

Two men, Philippe de Larnat and Pierre de Area, were waiting for them in the village. The two men
tortured Dejean and killed him when Dejean admitted he was looking for heretics. Murder remained
secret for 7 years, until 1308 where Guilhem de Rodes confessed, and his story was retold by 3 other
witnesses before the Inquisition. De Rodes was sentenced to prison, along with sixty (60) other people
involved in the murder, and later executed by the Church. This story was written and recorded.

This story best exemplifies the six characteristics of history:

 A true story of the past

o A history is true story of something that happened long ago. It’s retold to the present,
and the unequal contact between then and now has been re-established.
 Supported by evidence
o Not just documents/records, but also artifacts and fossils
o Limitations
  Sometimes gaps in the evidence material that exists
 Sometimes, evidence doesn’t survive
 History is a process
o Historiography is a systematic process of writing history
o Scientific process
 There’s steps, like acquisition of evidence, verification of evidence,
interpretation, and narrating the history
 History can be connected to a wider picture
o Almost all historical events are connected or interconnected to a wider picture or bigger
event
o E.g. Murder story showed problems in freedom of religion
 History can give us a glimpse of minor/other details of the past
o E.g. Culture, geography
 History is an argument
o History is a matter of perspective
o Different ways of appreciating or interpreting a particular historical event.

Ginsberg

The Chinese, by the 1890s or during the 1896 revolution, constituted the second highest number of
people in the Philippines. In a national population of 5-6 million, there were 100,000 Chinese
immigrants, 5,000-7,000 Spaniards, and the rest were Filipino natives. From this high number, the
Chinese were affected as much as Filipinos were. Their role was substantial, according to Ginsberg.

Development of Anti-Chinese Prejudice

Both the Filipinos and Spaniards hated the Chinese by the 19th century. In the 1700s, the Chinese were
limited to about 5,000 in a total population of 3 million. This number was enough for the Chinese to
carry out the economic functions in trade and crafts. The Spaniards were happy as the Chinese were
very few in number to become a physical threat to the Spanish government in the Philippines, but
numerous enough to spur trade and economic growth of their colony.

In the 1800s, the Spanish Colonial Government in Manila later instituted Chinese-friendly immigration
policies to encourage the entry of the Chinese to the archipelago. Due to this, Chinese population in the
Philippines grew very dramatically until by the 1880s, the Chinese population soared to 100,000. The
Chinese were also encouraged by the Spaniards to spread all throughout the Philippines. Because of this
freedom of mobility, the Chinese spread throughout to do what they do best – business, trade, and
commerce. A business competition ensured between Chinese and Spanish businessmen, as well as
Chinese vs Filipino businesses. The Chinese defeated many businesses, causing Spanish mestizos’
businesses to close down. Spanish businessmen resorted to landholding and the production and
gathering of crops, but even the Chinese began to defeat them in those domains. The Chinese had also
became service contractors.

Many Filipino and Spanish businesses closed. Before the 1700s, the Filipinos already shared the hatred
of the Spaniards with the Chinese based on cultural identifications. However, by the 19th century,
Spanish and Filipino hatred to Chinese grew to an economic form of hatred. A group of Filipino and
Spanish merchants had petitioned the Spanish Government to suspend immigration policies, prohibit
the entry of more Chinese, and request that the Chinese be barred from participating in trade and
commerce within the country.

When the revolution began in August 1896, the Chinese in Manila were concerned for their lives and
safety. The Chinese had the right reasons to because of the rumors that went around about how Filipino
revolutionary forces plan to kill all Spaniards and all Chinese that they encounter. These rumors were
found in a document, in which it states that Filipino revolutionary leaders allegedly ordered all Filipino
troops that only Filipino families should be spared, and any others from other races should be
exterminated. The document, however, was later proven false.

Aguinaldo had issued his first major proclamation, in which he called on the Filipinos to support the
Americans and to respect the lives of all foreigners. Common Filipinos, however, did not follow
Aguinaldo’s proclamation. Violence against the Chinese began from the very first day of the revolution.
According to Ginsberg, it was because they were expressions of old antagonisms (cultural and economic
base), and there was a license to kill or wreak havoc given unsettled conditions of a revolution. If
Aguinaldo had made a little more encouragement for Filipinos to attack foreigners, a Chinese massacre
would’ve transpired.

Before the 1896 Revolution, many Chinese in the Philippines found it necessary and beneficial to secure
Spanish protection. To gain the favor of the Spanish government, they later converted to Catholicism.
For the Chinese, loyalty to Spain would ensure the success of their business in the Philippines. The
Chinese had confirmed military neutrality to the Spanish Crown, In which they informed the Spaniards
they were just concerned with their businesses. This neutrality was further cemented when General
Otis, an American general saw that the Chinese favored a stable government, lacked any political
allegiances, and would want the revolt to end soon for the good of their businesses.

By the end of 1986, the Chinese saw the Spaniards as a declining power, as they saw how Filipino
Revolutionary Forces defeated one Spanish garrison after another, and they also witnessed how the
American navy crippled the Spanish naval fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay. The Chinese community,
meanwhile, was very friendly with the United States. During the 1896 Revolution, the Chinese saw that
the Americans is the most powerful force that would restore order to normalize the trade and business
within the country. The Chinese had also viewed Americans as potential customers as the big warships
created the impression that they would be a major source of revenue.

Many of the Chinese masses had felt directly the first-hand anger of the native Filipinos towards them
during the revolution. Filipino anger was probably expressions of old antagonisms expressed in
revolutionary violence in the field of business and entrepreneurship.

The neutrality of the Chinese made it possible for them to do business on both the American and Filipino
forces, but not the Spanish. The Chinese served as contractors for the Americans. For example, Chinese
businessman Carlos Palanca (Tan Quien-sien) built for the Americans their first set of rattan-and-
bamboo barracks. Various buildings were built to house American troops and equipment. The Chinese
were also entrepreneurs who sold ammunition and equipment for American military. Lastly, the Chinese
were labor-contractors. They transported things, constructed things, and cleaned sewages.
The Chinese also did business with the Filipino side. The Chinese were entrepreneurs, in which they sold
ammunition and made bolos. As labor-contractors and laborers, a large and extensive system of
trenches were built.

Although the Chinese were military neutral, there was one Chinese who stood out. His name is Hou A-
P’ao, rhe leader of the Manila Triad Society. When the revolution, he offered at least 3,000 men. Hou A-
Pao was also a military leader and even went to Hong Kong with Aguinaldo after the truce. More than a
year later, Hou A-pao continued to be a military leader and led a force in Albay. He was also a solicitor,
in which we collected $13,000 for just 5 months of collection, and another 5 moths for $200,000. Most
donations were contributed by Chinese residents. It was said Hou A’Pao to have married a sister of
Aguinaldo.

The Chinese were also major victims of violence. 10 days before the revolution, before the Spanish
Governor-General declared war against the Filipino forces, a number of Chinese were already killed in
the outskirts of Manila. Outside of the capital, revolutionary soliders in Camarines and Bulacan
slaughtered Chinese. Sometimes, the killings were under the orders of Filipino revolutionary
commanders, and the killing of the Chinese were done on the initiative of Filipino natives. In Samar, a
Filipino native ordered all Chinese to be killed, and some Chinese traders were also reported missing.
The surviving Chinese were victims of intimidation and extortion, mostly because of the cause of Filipino
forces. Chinese victims in Bicol were forced to pay $75,000 by Filipino natives for the return of their
property. In Albay, Filipino natives held the Chinese at gunpoint to contribute uniforms and other
provisions to the revolutionary cause.

The Chinese also suffered under the Spanish in which they made numerous arrests of the Chinese, in
which 4,000 Chinese were imprisoned under Spanish orders before and during the revolution.

Evangelista

The end of the 19th century was known as the beginning of an era called The Awakening of Asia. There
were various nationalist movements in other countries, including the Philippines. These nationalist
movements in various parts of Asia were also responses to the growing abuse of the western colonizers
in Asia. In fact, all of these nationalist movements in Asia were all directed against western powers.

Before the Chinese Revolution of 1911, China was subjected to political and military pressures through
the Opium wars, being subject under unfair treaties from Great Britain and by other European countries.
This was the beginning of China’s woes, which will culminate in what was referred to as the “slicing of
China like a melon” in the first few years of the 20th century. The first nationalist movement in China
against the Western powers, was Kang Yu Wei’s “100 Days of Reform” which occurred in 1898. The
movement was done in Confucian terms, and this movement did not succeed. Then, there was the
armed Chinese revolution of 1911 that eventually led to the establishment of the Republic of China in
1912.

In Japan, there was the imposition of unequal treaties by Commodore Perry which forced Japan to
terminate its seclusion policy in 1640. Unlike China, they responded to Western greediness more
effectively. The Shogunate was abolished and the western Daimyos spearheaded the Meiji Restoration.
The Japanese also had victories in the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), the Russo-Japanese War (1904-
1905). This paved way for Japanese nationalism to reach its peak, paving way for the expansionist moves
later in World War 2.

Great Britain had acquired Burma or Myanmar in 1823, 1853, and 1886 to safeguard British territories
against possible French enroachments. There was a resistance from local powers, in which Burma’s
Konbaung dynasty tried diplomacy and negotiation to ward off British presence in the country. There
was also a rebellion in Lower Burma which lasted for five years. These revolts were generally successful.

In Vietnam, they also sought reforms. There was the Constitutionalist Party, the Tonkinese Party, and
then Ho Chih Minh who used communism as a nationalist ideology to fight French colonialism. They did
not really advocate for an armed revolt in Vietnam, with armed resistance groups existing only after
1925, yet these armed revolts were more or less successful.

In Indonesia, the Dutch East India Company started commercial ventures in Java in the early 17th
century. They eventually completed their colonization of Java by the 1820s. The Dutch merely ruled Java
indirectly through local rulers. Dutch presence is as long as Spanish presence in the Philippines, but anti-
colonial movements only appeared by the first years of the 20th century. In 1908, Dutch-educated
Javanese formed the Budi Utomo which demanded reforms. In 1912, a mass movement called Sakerat
Islam was also established, which first started off with Anti-Chinese feelings but their advocacies
eventually changed for the institution of reforms, so the organization eventually became militant. There
were also local rebellious incidents in 1919, but they were crushed by the Dutch. The Indonesians,
however, managed to get their independence.

Meanwhile, the British East India Company had ruled India since 1762. As a response to the grievances
brought about the British, the Indians led a mutiny known as the Indian (Sepoy) Mutiny. It was
significant for the Indians as it is regarded by many Indian historians as their wage for independence. For
the British, however, it was seen as a signal to terminate the rule of the British East India Company and
put India under the direct rule of the British Parliament in London. In response, a core of educated
Indians led in the development of Indian nationalism under the Indian National Congress. Other Hindu-
oriented groups emerged to give the early phase of Indian nationalism, a Hindu type of nationalism.
After 1900, a certain Indian named B.G. Tilak espoused a radical (armed) nationalism, but Mahatma
Gandhi’s non-violent movement attracted the Indian masses to obtain independence from the British.

There were general similarities these revolutions also had with the Philippine revolution. They happened
almost on the same period, in which the majority of these Asian revolts and movements took place by
the end of the 19th century and lasted until the first decade of the 20th century. They were also all
directed against the Western powers, in which we aimed for freedom from Western colonial bondage,
the expulsion of the Western colonizers within the country, and the establishment of an independent
government. Lastly, the revolutions/movements were all responses to the Colonizer’s abuses.

Evangelista argues that the Philippine revolution holds a special place in Asian History. The Philippine
Revolution stands out as the first nationalist anti-colonial revolution. It is the first Asian nation to declare
its independence from a Western power. The third special distinction of the Philippine revolution is that
it was a failure from liberating the Philippines from colonial bondage. Majority of Asian anti-colonial
movements were successful.
Despite the fact that Philippine revolution is the first revolution, many history textbooks rarely mention
the Philippine revolution. The Philippine Revolution has not been given the special recognition that it
deserves.

Mojares

Between the time of the end of Spanish occupation in the Philippines and the start of American
occupation, many things were happening in Cebu at that time. The Cebuans had become part of the
armed insurrection against Spain, the establishment of the Filipino Republic, several changes in the local
government, and the outbreak of hostilities between Cebuanos and Americans.

Cebu City was considered as the principal city outside Manila, in which it was seen as a hub of domestic
and foreign commerce. It had the look and feel of a city. By the end of the 19th century, the Philippines
was finally opened to world trade by the end of the 19th century. As a highly urbanized settlement and a
major port city during that time, with various European bazaars, Chinese shops, schools like Seminario
Colegio de San Carlos, printshops, numerous residences made of stone and wood, churches, and
episcopal palace, it was said to experience a process of continued growth and prosperity.

1898 was a unique year for cebu because the city was on verge of political unraveling. During this time,
independence was very much on the mind of many cebuanos because they were inspired by the Tagalog
insurrection of 1896. During the months of 1897 and 1898, with independence on the minds of many
cebuanos, Katipunan agents from Luzon and local Cebuanos were busy organizing an underground
network of Katipunan in Cebu, or what one may refer to as the Cebu Branch. Members of this branch
met in various community occasions.

On April 3, 1898, began their armed uprising against the Spaniards. In a disorderly but surprise attack
organized by the Katipunan. Filipino rebels immediately routed Spanish soldiers and volunteers in San
Nicolas and quickly seized control of the city streets. Similar actions in various towns were also done. In
just three days due to the element of surprise, the Filipino forces finally controlled the entire city of
Cebu. The Spaniards and their supporters were holed up in Fort San Pedro and in other buildings in the
city.

However, the Spaniards soon called for reinforcements from Iloilo, which arrived in Cebu on April 7,
1898. They had also brought their cruiser, Don Juan de Austria, which created panic and razed sections
of the city to the ground through shelling and canon fire. This scattered the rebels, and Cebuanos were
also forced to abandon their guard posts. The military leader of the Cebuanos, Pantaleon Villegas or
Leon Kilat, was also assassinated, thus depriving the Filipinos of a leader to hold them together.

Around April 13, a Filipino leader named Luis Flores regrouped the Cebuano fighters in Sudlon
Mountains. From May to November 1898, fighting between Filipino rebels and Spanish troops resumed
and took place in various parts of the Province. By late 1898, after more than half a year of fighting,
Filipino rebels were once again seen moving within the perimeter of the city to regain their previous
position in Cebu.

During the fighting, the Cebuanos learned disturbing news from Manila, in which a new enemy may
possibly threaten Philippine independence and sovereignty, which were the Americans. The American
Navy destroyed the Spanish Naval Fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay. Aguinaldo had called the Filipinos to
support the Americans in his first major proclamation, as the Americans promised to assist in the
defeating of the Spaniards. However, many Filipinos were anxious or having doubts, for the Americans’
true intentions were unclear or suspicious. This is because while the Filipinos were busy setting up for
the establishment of an independent state in the early months of 1898, the Filipinos learned that several
thousand American regulars and volunteers from the American Army where being assembled in
California for an expedition in the Philippines. Then on July 1, 1898, several days before Aguinaldo
officially declared Philippine independence, reinforcements of 2,500 American troops landed in Manila.
By the end of July 1898, some 12,000 American land troops were in the Philippines.

On August 13, 1898, Filipinos were barred from entering the city of Intramuros in which they awaited
Aguinaldo’s orders to seize the capital city of Intramuros. Unknown to Filipinos, the US and Spain were
already doing secret negotiations. For 20 million dollars, Spain will cede the Philippines to the United
States. A mock battle will transpire between the two parties in Intramuros, and the Spaniards will
withdraw from the city and let America take over the colonial administration.

Back in Cebu, forces led by Luis Flores were poised to deal the final blow against the Spaniards.
Meanwhile, the Spaniards were concerned on how can they safely evacuate the city. Adolfo Montero
decided that the Spanish government in Cebu will be turned over to a caretaker committee composed of
prominent Cebuano citizens and Spanish mestizos. On December 24, 1898, Spanish rule ended in Cebu.
The Spanish flag was lowered at fort San Pedro, and the Cebu government was turned over to the
caretaker committee led by Spanish mestizo Pablo Mejia. Spaniards tore their own flag after it was
lowered. The Spaniards made their way to Zamboanga for the final journey back to Spain.

On the eve of the Spanish departure, Pablo Mejia (the Caretaker) met with Luis Flores, and discussions
were made for the formal turnover of the Cebu government to the Revolutionary Forces. On December
29, 1898, Pablo Mejia transferred his power to Luis Flores and the Philippine Republic was pronounced
in the Province. Hearing this news, the Aguinaldo government in Malolos sent a directive to Cebu. In the
letter, Aguinaldo applauded and admired the patriotism of the Cebuanos and ordered that the Cebu
government should continue the collection of taxes, administer affairs to the satisfaction of the
Cebuano citizenry, and ordered all civil and military authorities to protect individual liberty and
interests, and not to fall into the vices and deceits of the late Spanish administration. The directive
ended with a command that the Cebuanos should prevent and repel foreign invastions at whatever
sacrifice.

Aguinaldo said this for even if Spanish control ended, many Filipinos did not feel they were in control.
They were fearful as the possibility of being annexed by the Americans became clearer and clearer. The
anxiety and fear of the Filipinos were finally confirmed when Filipinos learned of the news that Spain
ceded the Philippines to the United States in the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898. Another bad
news was in the form of US President William McKinley’s ‘Benevolent Assimilation’ proclamation, in
which he said “The mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation. Under such
proclamation, the Philippines were ceded to the US by virtue of the Treaty of Paris and that an American
military government will now be extended throughout the country.

The announcement led to an explosion of reactions, which showed that open war was only a matter of
time. The Philippine Government was now preoccupied with preparations for this war. In the first few
days of 1899, Cebuano leaders heard numerous things, like how Americans were attempting to land a
force in Iloilo. An American expeditionary force had anchored off the Iloilo harbor, but its passengers did
not manage to land because of the refusal of Ilonggo leaders. The Cebuanos also heard the war had
started again in Manila when a shooting incident broke out between Filipino and American troops in the
outskirts of Manila. Due to this, Aguinaldo instructed all provincial councils including Cebu to prepare for
war against the Americans. The Cebuanos had posted announcements around town, and efforts were
redoubled to train soldiers and acquire arms and ammunition. A meeting was held by the Cebu
government, and the purpose of the meeting was to discuss war preparations, in which the Americans
should be resisted at all costs.

Cebuanos also heard more news, like how in February 16, hostilities finally began in Manila and In Iloilo.
A day later, the Cebuanos learned of the rumor that an American steamer tried to land in Cebu but the
ship returned to Iloilo because the tide was low. Then, a day after that, on February 21, an American
gunboat known as the USS Petrel appeared at the mouth of Cebu harbor. The Americans arrived in
Cebu, and there were spectators around the harbor. News immediately spread that the battle for the
defense of the city was about to commence. Other Cebuanos began to prepare to evacuate the city.

Almost at the same time, Luis Flores and the Cebu Provincial Council had an emergency meeting. They
decided to station the troops in 3 locations to ready them: Fort San Pedro, the Recollect Barracks (near
the Cathedral), and the trenches built in the Cogon district. The USS Petrel dropped anchor east of Cebu
Harbor.

John N. Sidebottom, who was a Smith and Bell Company Cebu agent and the British and American
consul in Cebu was the first one to board the ship, as he had a meeting with Captain Charles C. Cornwell.
Around 3:00 PM, Sidebottom met with Cebuano leaders with a letter/message from the Americans,
which demanded that within 34 hours, the government of Cebu must surrender to the United States or
else they will bomb the city so they could impose an American administration of Cebu. Sidebottom also
informed the Cebuanos that Cornwell wishes to meet the Cebuano leaders. In response, they agreed,
sending a delegation and the highest church officials of Cebu. In the meeting, Cornwell gave them a copy
of President McKinley’s Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation as well as information that Spain gave the
Philippines to the US at the cost of 20 million dollars.

Pablo Mejia said they had sworn allegiance to the Philippine Republic based in Malolos and the
Cebuanos were prepared to defend the Republic’s integrity at whatever cost. American military
informed the Cebuanos they only had 100 rifles, thus not being able to mount an effective defense of
the city. Cornwell assured that if the Cebuanos surrendered, they would be allowed to continue running
the local affairs of the Cebu government. They assured they were not the real enemy of the Filipinos, for
the Cebuanos needed an American protection at this time, because they said that more foreign powers
were interested in colonizing the Philippines after Spanish withdrawal. There was the big German
cruiser, Kaiserin Augusta, the Japanese vessel Higomashu, and the British gunboat, the Pigmy.

Mejia requested that this act of possession should be delayed for consultations. Cebuanos were given 14
hours to comply. Cebuano leaders went back to Casa Real and informed the council members, in which
the younger leaders wanted to fight against while the older members of the council wanted to
surrender but “in protest”. The latter side won, and Cebu surrendered under protest. The official
surrender documents were delivered to Cornwell that night. On February 22, 1899, Cornwell directed
them to continue with the administration of local affairs. He also announced he will take control of the
Cebu port and that two Americans will be appointed as collector of customs and captain of the port, and
that a balance sheet must be submitted to him.
There were then arrangements to raise the flag in San Pedro, in which an armed detachment of 100
American soldiers attended this ceremony. The American flag was raised that morning, and at the same
time it was the birthday of George Washington.

Meanwhile, Cebuanos were hostle, and several Cebuano leaders managed to pacify the angry citizens.
After the raising of the American flag, the following day, the American flag was also raised in the Casa
Real (seat of the Provincial Government). Cornwell met with them again and ordered them to make
quarters available for American troops and he appointed the collector of customs and captain of the
port.

3 days later, the Americans decided to strengthen their hold of the Visayas. General Otis dispatched to
Cebu the first battalion of the 23rd US Infantry to serve as reinforcements for the American troops
stationed in Cebu and protect the Cebuano inhabitants. A Visayan military district was also established,
with its main headquarters in Iloilo. A sub-district of Cebu was organized, and Lt. Col. Thomas Hamer
assumed command of this sub-district, which made him Cebu’s first American military governor. He had
described the situation in Cebu in his first few days as “unsettled, possibly threatening.” There were no
open hostilities, but the general appearance was one of sullen defiance.

Due to numerous hostilities the police force couldn’t handle, Hamer, on May 14, 1899 started a system
of night patrols around the city. The night patrols had a positive effect on the peace and order situation
in the city. Despite the air of defiance, American relations with the local government continue to be
entirely satisfactory. Luis Flores consults with Hamer daily. However, he still expressed anxiety, in which
he urged the headquarters in Iloilo that reinforcements be sent immediately, so that an American
occupation can be extended for the entire Cebu island as soon as possible. He was scared due to the
presence of insurgents, in which Hamer was aware of the fact that just across the river from the city,
Filipino insurgents under Francisco Llamas was still present. There were also rumors that Filipino
insurgents massed a force of some 2,000 men in the Pardo and Sudlon mountains and some insurgents
were landing arms on the west coast of Cebu.

However, his request as rejected. The bulk of American troops were currently deployed in the war going
on in Luzon.

On the same day that the United States landed in Cebu on February 22, 1899, the same cannot be said
for people of Luzon. Under the command of Emilio Aguinaldo, Filipino/Tagalog forces in Luzon fought an
all-out war against the Americans after the shooting incident. American soldiers fired on Filipinos
crossing the bridge without any warning shot. The Americans launched an offensive into Filipino lines,
and Filipinos were caught by surprise. After such, Aguinaldo declared war against the United States and
the Philippine-American war dragged in for two years.

Filipino forces fought a futile campaign using only conventional military tactics, which resulted in many
Filipino deaths. The American armies marched further into Northern Luzon, and in several weeks,
Americans seized the government capital at Malolos, Bulacan. American forces defeat Filipino garrisons
one after another, several members of the Aguinaldo government led by Pedro Paterno said the
government should make peace with the US ad negotiate an armistice. This proposal was opposed by
other members of the Aguinaldo government such as General Antonio Luna, who called Paterno and
those supporting him as traitors and suggested they be arrested for treason.
Aguinaldo, however, did not order their arrest to show that the Filipinos weren’t internally falling apart,
to have an image of dissension. He probably thought he needed every adviser of his to overcome this
time of war. Aguinaldo decided to simply release Paterno and his group and allowed them to do
whatever they want. Eventually, Paterno and his group negotiated said armistice. By November 1899,
Aguinaldo realized the futility of fighting the war. With their military tactics ineffective, Aguinaldo
ordered his forces to shift to a guerilla war, where they no longer have to follow instructions contrived
from a hierarchy. However, the Americans adopted Hersher tactics to deal with the Filipino forces, and
some of those tactics included were torture, such as water cure torture, summary executions, burying
alive, houses being burned down.

There were some small victories, such as the battle of balangiga, samar. Filipino warriors disguised
themselves as civilians and women, and ambushed the American garrison in the town, catching them by
surprise. The Filipino ambush left at least 54 Americans dead and several others wounded. This was
considered the greatest display of Filipino bravery during the Philippine-American war. In retaliation,
American General Jacob Smith turned ruthless against the Filipino natives in the town of Balangiga, also
killing innocent civilians in the town. But Jacob Smith was eventually court martialed by the Americans
for his brutal actions.

The American military continued their push to the north, finally managing to capture and/or defeat
Filipino leaders, like Gen. Gregorio Del Pilar who was defeated in the Battle of Tirad Pass, Apolionario
Mabini was captured and deported to Guam, and on March 1901, Aguinaldo was captured by the
Americans in Isabela. Due to the capture of their leader, Filipino forces were substantially weakened in
terms of morale, and some decided to surrender while others decided to fight. With an established
victory and Aguinaldo imprisoned in Malacanang. On July 4, 1901, the Americans finally proclaimed the
establishment of a civil government in Manila. One year later, the American colonial government in
Manila declared that the war was over. The Philippines had become America’s colony.

America had become an imperial power. The American navy annihilated the Spanish naval fleet in
Manila Bay. A few months later, US Army regulars and volunteers gathered in San Francisco. 12,000
American soldiers stormed to Intramuros and secured the capture of the city. Due to thi, there was a
suspicious angry Filipino citizenry. Thus, when the US colonized the Philippines, they were faced with a
new problem: the pacification of Filipino natives who did not recognize American sovereignty.
Nationalism and rebellion were still among the minds of Filipinos. One of the most important
components of a government is to be recognized by the people as the government.

As a means of controlling, the American colonial regime later decided to use their information
technologies and improve communications with military intelligence. This created what was known as
the world’s first surveillance state in which Filipino citizens will be continually monitored this new
American colony through surveillance tactics, personnel and equipment to prevent insurgency. The
Philippines had somewhat become a laboratory.

Technologies were applied for fostering innovations, better data management, shoe-leather
surveillance. The US Army had integrated a nationwide communications aid for a rapid dispatch of
military force and transmission of intelligence. Signal corps also laid 5,355 miles of landlines, in which
they laid undersea cables, to facilitate communication in the country. 297 signal stations in the
Philippines were connected by telegraph or telephone, and they carried 3.1 million messages.
There were also new personnel. There wad the modernized manila metropolitan police. There was the
paramilitary Philippine constabulary, which is the secret police that acts as the army’s combat
intelligence unit where there was a division of military information meant to gather intelligence and
prevent insurgency.

There was also a number of surveillance tactics. There were smart-numbered files which shows
complete data if a person. There was photographic identification and telegraphic transfer of messages
through morse code. The police force also had established military intelligence, data management to the
problem of political espionage.

There were also crime control technologies for surveillance, which included a centralizing telephone
network, a gamewell system of police/fire, fire alarms, street lights, Bertillon photo identification (mug
shots), and fingerprinting. In just a span of 20 years, there was an all-embracing index of police files
through an organized collection of 200,000 alphabetized file cards that covered 70% of manila’s
population. The Manila metropolitan police also trained clerks to use numbered files and photographic
identification, and multilingual patrolmen who patrolled the city regularly, and detectives skilled in
undercover operations. These police powers were used to censor public discourse, infiltrate civil society,
penetrate households, monitor and read private mails, and continually subject individuals under
constant surveillance.

The American Colonial government soon managed to undertake a series of corrective controls in the
country. In fact, American spies and agents from both the police and the military to do a ceaseless
surveillance of Filipino politics and private lives through clandestine penetrations and centralized
intelligence gathering. American colonial police penetrated Filipino private social spaces, collected
incriminating information on the country’s political elite. This created a phenomenon called the politics
of scandal.

These information systems of the Americans were at first mean to monitor and pacify the filipinos snd
were later dedicated to suppress thoughts of rebellion and subversion among them. It later evolved
again to be used for the moral and political reformation of Filipino society. They used reformation
because eventually the Americans used the law and the police force to prohibit personal vices like
gambling and drug use and to monitor crimes.

Again, this surveillance state created what is known as Politics of Scandal. Filipinos and Americans
started spying and collecting damaging gossip against everyone they usually hate. Both Filipinos and
Americans would collect secret damaging documents and store it in their private safes and holding them
as insurance against possible future political reprisals or as currency for future political maneuvers. With
the presence of politics of scandal, the Philippine Constabulary stand uniquely at the center as it is
known for collecting damaging information and being selective in its release. The Constabulary would
suppress the release of damaging information to protect its allies. The Constabulary would suppress the
release of damaging information to protect its allies, and would only release incriminating information
to destroy its enemies.

One of the best examples of this is Politics of Scandal was the Conley case, about the American detective
Ray Conley, who was known for arresting prominent Filipinos for gambling and protecting Americans
from scandal as well. Through a series of sensational raids, he closed 18 opium dens, 14 gambling joints.
Conley also raided the Nacionalista Party’s social club where he arrested a lot of prominent Filipinos
including ex-representatives, businessmen, property owners, professionals, and others. In the middle of
his career, he also got involved with Mayor Ramon Fernandez, who was a Spanish mestizo, and a crony
of Senator Manuel L. Quezon. Conley and Fernandez hate each other. Conley had accused Mayor
Ferndandez’s crew of ex-detectives that they allegedly planted drugs on Manila’s Chinese to extort
protection. In retaliation, Mayor Fernandez used two of his nephews, one a police officer and the other
a gambling racketeer to stage a sting operation against Conley.

This lead to Conley’s suspension in which he was charged with taking 1,000 pesos in hush money from
the gambling syndicate. But the judge of the case acquitted Conley from the charges brought against
him. Mayot Fernandez was infuriated with this decision. He and interior secretary Jose Laurel demanded
punishment from governor general Wood, who turned the demand down and allowed detective Conley
to retire on full pension. This decision infuriated the Filipino leaders, so the next day, Quezon went to
Malacanang with others and they handed their resignation letters to Governor-General wood.

Thus, a political crisis/rivlry was born between Quezon and Wood. Both sides used slander or scandal as
a weapon of choice and Wood had the upper hand. Wood could survive a confrontation necause he had
personnel that could acquire a treasure trove of information. However, Senator Manuel Quezon was still
considered to be a worthy opponent. Just five days after Conley’s retirement with full pension. On July
21, 1923, A newspaper, El Debate owned by Mayor Fernandez released a headline titled ‘Gan Yong
Arrested, Denounced Conley’. This described a story in which Constabulary Captain Silvino Gallardo had
arrested a certain Chinese trafficker who claimed Conley was corrupt because he had previously paid
Conley 500 pesos a month for the last for years so Conley wouldn’t raid his gambling and opium dens in
Binondo’s Chinatown. This was one of Quezon’s tactics as the newspaper was owned by Mayor
Fernandez and Silvino Gallardo was a corrupt police officer doing dirty work for Quezon.

After several months of having this war of Scandal between Quezon and Wood, the war between them
shifted to the board of control, which was a government body created to manage the numerous
government corporations. It was founded by wood’s predecessor which he did not like, thus he wanted
to close down the board of control by privatizing these government corporations. Before he can
privatize, however, he was blocked by Quezon and Manuel Roxas. Quezon and Roxas also defied
authority to Governor Wood by previousy convening a meeting to select a new board of drectors for the
National Coal Company, a government corporation, without Wood’s permission. In response and out of
anger, Wood fired the two newly-elected directors of the National Coal Company and also filed a case
before the Philippine Supreme Court.

In his Case, Wood argued that the meeting that appointed the new board of directors for the National
Coal Company by Quezon and Roxas was illegal because it was done without his consent or approval.
Wood asked that his firing of these new board of directors be declared as a legal move. With the filing of
this case, Quezon was confident for his victory because in a nine-man Philippine Supreme Court, 5 were
American judges while 4 were Filipino judges. Quezon was confident that the 4 Filipino spreme Court
Justices would automatically vote for him and he would get the deciding vote from his American friend,
Justice George Malcom, an American who loves Filipinos. Meanwhile, Wood was confident he would win
because he had the Constabulary in command, thus he ordered the Constabulary detectives to find out
if there was any incriminating or interesting information about the Supreme Court Justices to be used by
Wood to blackmail or manipulate the Supreme Court Justices.
Acting on these orders, Constabulary detectives began their thorough investigations about the Supreme
Court Justices and learned of the internal conflict within the Supreme Court, in which Justice Johnson
filed an ethics complaint against Justice Malcolm, in which Johnson alleges that Malcolm has illegitimate
children. Wood’s detectvies sought to find proof, and they located one of Malcolm’s illegitimate children
in Manila. Johnson was given proof and travelled to the White House to ask Preisdent Coolidge to
remove Justice Macolm from the Supreme Court. Before President Coolidge removed Malcolm, Wood
intervened and stopped Malcolm from getting fired.

The Supreme Court of the Philippines finally made their decision to the case. Justice Malcolm handed
down the decision in which he ruled decisively for General Wood. Thus, the Court dismissed Quezon and
Roxas appointees of the Board of Directors of the National Coal Company and ruled that the
appointments were done illegally. This shows how the United States created a regime that advocates
vice prohibition and monitors controls and pacifies potential threat to the US colonial government after
the Philippine-American war.