MORRIS, CRAIG (1974) - Reconstructing Patterns of Non-Agricultural Production in The Inca Economy. Archaeology and Documents in Institutional Analysis PDF

Reconstructing Patterns of Non-Agricultural Production in the Inca Economy: Archaeology
and Documents in Institutional Analysis

Author(s): Craig Morris and Eva Hunt
Source: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Supplementary Studies, No. 20,
Reconstructing Complex Societies: An Archaeological Colloquium (1974), pp. 49-68
Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research
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Patterns Production in the Inca 49
Reconstructing of Non-Agricultural Economy
Chapter V with which we can begin to construct models

sufficient for coping with such complicated
issues. It is not the absolute limitations of the
archaeological record which we should empha
size, though they must be admitted. Many of
the questions of institutions and organization
can be the patterns of
investigated through
distribution and association of artifacts and
Reconstructing Patterns of archaeological features, and the progress in
over the past
Non-Agricultural Production archaeological methodology
decade has been remarkable. But archaeology
is an inefficient and costly way of studying
in the Inca Economy.? of human interaction
complicated patterns
when alternative are available.1
Archaeology and Documents
strategies
When we look back at the substantive and
theoretical work that has been done on the
in Institutional Analysis kinds of less specifically ecological and mate
rial questions I have referred to here, it is clear
that much, if not most, of the work is based
on or textual evidence,
largely documentary
Craig Morris frequently employing archaeology only inci
in an illustrative fashion or as addi
dentally,
tional confirmation of ideas derived from
At the core of complex societies are a series historical sources. But documentary evidence
of economic, social, religious, and on the societies is also weak.
political early complex
institutions which set them apart from each Not only is it fragmentary, us little
telling
other and from the simpler societies which to crucial to a social
pertaining problems
preceded them. Attempts to understand science approach to the past, but its
reliability
ancient complex societies and explain their is frequently very questionable. Most of the
origins and development must cope with these sources for the New World, for
documentary
institutions. In spite of substantial progress in present the civilizations
example, indigenous
the study of ecological and the as seen a result
adjustments through foreign eyes, and as
subsistence bases of such societies, archae we are to see what 16th cen
privileged only
ological research has only rarely allowed us could and considered
tury Europeans recognize
the insight into an ancient society's structure of recording. Of course the early
worthy
and organization which would enable us to
phases of the emergence of complex societies
see how it mobilized and utilized resources or are a direct
beyond approach through docu
the actual mechanisms whereby it governed its ments.
population and expanded its borders. It has long been obvious that the far from
The problem has not been lack of interest in ideal archaeological and documentary records
these matters, but the difficulty of obtaining must be meshed if anything
together approach
pertinent and accurate archaeological data an accurate and full reconstruction of
ing
1. My efforts hereare in a different direction and with a different than those of M.I. in an important
emphasis Finley
recent article on and History Several of his themes and comments, are relevant to the
Archaeology (1971). however,
present discussion. I am a great deal more than Finley to be of the potential for reconstructing social
optimistic appears
arrangements and institutions from the material record. the cautions of Finley and others on the
Nevertheless, difficulty
of the material considered are well taken. The point
interpreting record, by itself, is that properly collected and analyzed
archaeological materials must be used in conjunction with other materials, so that reliable
particularly documents,
inferences can be made. likewise can invaluable checks on the reliablity of documents.
Archaeology provide
Finley (1971: 74-75) has also suggested "it is self-evident that the potential contribution of archaeology to history is,
in a way, to the and of the written sources."
rough inversely proportional quality quantity
While much can be learned from the material remains of even recent it is true that for societies
very periods, where
the written record is very rich, the cost of data collection its potential value. It is in
archaeological usually outweighs
cases, like that of the Inca, where we have a record with behavior that has left
fragmentary documentary dealing
abundant remains that it is most to interrelate the two sources of information in order to
archaeological productive
achieve a reconstruction of which is both accurate and
complicated activity patterns relatively complete.

50 Societies
Reconstructing Complex
ancient societies is to be achieved.

complex the personality which adapts itself well to the
In practice, however, it has been far more dif
field and the archaeological laboratory is often
ficult than it seemingly should be, and we not at home in the library, much less the
have seldom done it very well. Adams (1966: archive. The ideal answer is the team approach
2) has remarked, "The conclusions that
that archaeology and science in general has
data permit often seem to sup
archaeological used effectively in the past. If the collabora
an ?difice of inference different from
port tion of specialists in collecting and analyzing
that erected on the basis of documents."
of data is to be a success, of course, all con
I doubt that it is to prescribe a
possible cerned must agree on and understand the cen
for documentary and
methodology bringing tral problems studied, and the interrelation
archaeological materials together successfully.
ships between the various parts of the research.
Circumstances vary too much among different In the case of the more oriented
areas, and investigators. Iwould ecologically
problems, has more and
like to concentrate instead on part of a specific studies, archaeology experience,
the problems and the interrelationships seem
case we are on in the Central Andean
working much
a few observations that clearer; the collaborations have there
highlands, prefaced by fore on the whole been successful.
some of the ways documentary Investigat
suggest
research may be effectively ing the institutional frameworks of ancient
archaeological is a taller order.
carried out to produce the kind of badly
societies Partly this is due to
on ancient the much less neat and elegant models and
needed new information institu
| "theories" provided by the social sciences.
tions.
it is, I feel, a shortcoming in the way
The main point, and the place where we Partly
we train ourselves and our students. A broad
have most often erred in the past, is that the
grounding in social science, especially cultural
documentary and archaeological aspects of is for both the archae
anthropology, required
the research must be made integral parts of and the documentary Fre
the same research design. The linkage between ologist specialist.
quently neither have had it. Fortunately
the two sources of information has all too
ethnohistorians, trained as culture anthro
often been post-hoc ; the archaeologist looks
pologists, have frequently made incisive
for some historical data to "interpret" his
analyses of ancient institutions. It should be
finds; the historian seeks some material con
clear from my substantive remarks below,
firmation of his documents or illustrations for
that we, as archaeologists working with mate
his manuscript.
rial remains, are at present likely to be on
This post-hoc must be replaced
approach soundest
a or to put it footing by expanding previous work
by problem-oriented approach, of ethnohistorians and directly
in the more current idiom, we must bring collaborating
with them whenever possible.
both documents and archaeology (and fre j
we need to think about how docu
other kinds of evidence as well) into Finally,
quently material still be useful in those
an for the mentary may
integrated strategy investigating reaches of time for which no actual written
same hypotheses. This is increasingly being evidence exists. This is especially important
done.2 However, many documentary because it is here that the transition to the
studies continue to concentrate
archaeological of socie
on the use of documents in the location and | first, "pristine," examples complex
I ties lies, and it is these institutional processes
of sites, which of course is useful and
dating we would most like to observe. One way that the
important, but by itself does not bring us to
the kind of activity and organizational data I documents-archaeology conjunction may be
I to of early time periods and
am interested in here. applied problems
on the practi I term developments is through a series of
we must comment long
Secondly, backward One begins with the
cal implementation of the integrated research projections.
more reconstructions of
I have mentioned. Complicated relatively complex
strategies later periods, them to form specific
archaeological methods and a rather special using
are both called for, and and questions about the conditions
kind of historiography hypotheses
a to under which various institutions and patterns
it is seldom possible for single individual This of
be really competent in both. Furthermore, j emerged. strategy systematically
2. The works are of basic research which and effectively Combine documents and
following examples consciously
in reconstructing certain of societies and social institutions. The list is not intended to be
archaeology aspects
but only to an introduction to some of the work done: Adams (1965; 1972); Calnek (1972);
exhaustive, provide being
Charlton (1969); Rowe (1967); Simmons (1970); Tuck (1971).

Patterns Production in the Inca Economy 51
Reconstructing of Non-Agricultural
working backward through time from what is Where the documentary and archaeological
better known and easier to reconstruct, into materials are available, a attack
systematic
prehistory per se is one that, in my opinion, combining the two should be able to produce
has not been sufficiently utilized. Not only a much more In order to
complete picture.
can documents combined with archaeology obtain that more we must,
complete picture
enable us to understand critical microprocesses in my view, obtain the answers to three broad
in selected of early complex socie
examples groups of questions.
ties where both kinds of data are especially First are questions of a largely technological
rich, but with caution and careful testing long nature. How were the goods manufactured?
sequences of institutional history and process What kinds of materials were used and what
can be reconstructed. were their sources? Did production techniques
in or Were there
Documentary-Archaeological Research emphasize quantity quality?
Hudnuco. easily perceivable distinctions in "quality?"
These are questions which can usually be
Work combining and docu ?
archaeology answered archaeologically except for products,
ments in the Department of Huinuco, in the like cloth, which are not
ordinarily preserved.
Peruvian Central* Highlands, was initiated in The historical material is of more peripheral
1963 with the multi-disciplinary "Study of it may be helpful in
importance, although
Inca Provincial Life" directed by John V. some indications of sources of materials
giving
Murra. That project brought together ethnol and the ancient viewpoints on differ
quality
a botanist as well as ences and the classification
ogists and archaeologists of objects in
and ethnohistorians in a program of research
general.
based on specific and unusually rich docu Second is a set of organizational questions.
mentary sources (Ortiz [1562J 1967, 1972). Were the producers in terms of
organized
The focus of attention was on several local special production units? Were there full-time
groups brought into the Inca state, the Inca or What was their social
part-time producers?
road and centers of state power along it, and and economic status? How was production
relationships between the two. Our current administered? Archaeological data pertinent
work grows directly out of that, to all of these questions can be collected, but
concentrating
on the urban aspects of the Inca domination is difficult and best accomp
interpretation
of provincial areas.3 lished when a series of alternative
quite specific
Since it is not possible in the space available is examined. These
hypotheses hypotheses
here to discuss the Hu?huco work as a whole, can most
readily be formulated with the aid
Iwill consider a feature of the Inca pat of documents.
single
tern, non-agricultural production, which there are broader questions
Finally regard
demonstrates how we have tried to design our the socio-economic, and even political and
ing
archaeological research around what is known contexts into which the and
ideological goods
from documents. And since most of our new their production fit. How were the goods
evidence is on textile manufacture, that will distributed? Was the use of certain goods re
be the primary topic. stricted to special social classes or contexts?
Specialized, non-agricultural production What was the basis of the demand for the
has always figured in discussions -
importantly various products did it go beyond simple
of the rise and nature of the early civilizations. These questions are the most difficult
utility?
Archaeologists have been particularly inter ones, but perhaps the most if work
important
ested in the rise of such specialists and the on the crafts and craft is to con
advances production
technological they achieved. But the tribute to a reconstruction and understanding
material with which we have usually dealt has of the society as a whole. It is also here that
not lent itself very well to some of the other the close coordination of the documentary
problems and ramifications of non-agricultural studies and archaeology is most essential. The
or "craft" which are also crucial in particular is at a great advan
production archaeologist
to the of the societies
understanding involved. tage if one or more models of the society and
3. Prof. Murra's of which the author was a was

project, junior member, supported by National Science Foundation
Grant GS 42. Some of the problems it dealt with are treated in a paper by Murra (1962b) written before the project's
inception. Many of its results have been in essays the documents around which the work was
published accompanying
designed (Ortiz [1562] 1967; 1972). Also see Thompson (1968a; 1968b; 1969), Morris and Thompson (1970), and
Morris (1966; 1967; 1971; 1972a).

52 Societies
are
its institutions already available in outline Suggestions for the Organization of
form so that questions can be formulated in Production.
terms of it. But since such models are almost We have been working largely with three
and not adequately tested, axes of which seem
always incomplete organization especially
can in the Inca case, but surely pertain
archaeology provide vital new data. important
to other complex societies as well. First, is
Much of the ethnohistorical material which
to a the extent to which
production was controlled
is relevant study of Inca non-agricultural
has been considered by the state; second, is the degree of specializa
products by Rowe (1946)
tion of the producers; the third considers the
and by Murra (1956) in general works on Inca
size and principles of organization of the
culture and Inca economics. In addition,
producing unit. The last two, as will be seen
Murra's (1962a) article on "The Function of
below, tend to be rather closely related in the
Cloth in the Inca State" brings us a sensitive
case of the Inca.
appreciation of the complex symbolic and
The evaluation of the role of the state in
socio-political of the most important
meanings is a
of the Inca crafts. production comparative problem requiring
information on production activities organized
The archaeological evidence avail-
presently ! by the Inca state itself and those organized by
able to us is limited and comes a
largely from various socio-political units at lower levels in
walled compound in the ruins of the Inca pro- j the political structure. sources
Documentary
vincial capital at Hu?nuco Pampa, frequently confuse the state level with those
frequently
called Hu?nuco Viejo. The ancient center, below it, but they do supply sufficient infor
covering
more than 2Vi sq. km. at an altitude mation to suggest that craft production was
of almost 4,000 m., is located about 150 km. carried out on several levels. Some products,
northwest of the modern town of Huanuco.
particularly gold, silver, and certain textiles,
The function of the compound as a
production appear to have been virtual state monopolies.
center was discovered as part of a research as
The materials from which they were made
program of which the eventual aim is to map well as their production were controlled by
and sample by excavation the entire city. the state (Murra 1956: 189). Specialized
Since the excavations in the compound were craft production, does not appear
however,
carried out only in October, November, and to have rested entirely in the state's domain.
December of 1971, and the season ended in Moore (1958: 56) has argued that kuraqkuna,
January of 1972, there has not yet been time or
regional chiefs, had
access to the labors of
to analyze the more than 200,000 sherds and In 1567 the Lupaqa lords in the
specialists.
other artifacts recovered. It is also possible of Lake Titicaca were able to obtain
vicinity
that as our study proceeds new
production the services of weavers on a substantial scale.
facilities will be encountered. What we can this time the effects of rule and
By European
say now must be taken as tentative and sub new motivations had entered the picture, but
ject to substantial modifications when the the basis of the rights to such services seems
work is further advanced. (Murra 1964: 438). A more
pre-Columbian
In particular, answers to most of the ques detailed assessment of the regional documents
tions of a largely technological nature will j is likely to produce a better of
understanding
have to await more detailed Our production at the local level
analyses.4 non-agricultural
most notable in this area at the I than we now have.
impression
moment is that certain sectors of the Inca The archaeological study of state controlled
at least were capable of turning vs. that under the control of
economy production
out that were a smaller regional units depends on our
goods in quantities large for ability
We are much to state and local levels
"pre-industrial" system. edging distinguish-between
closer, however, to answers to several of the in the material record. Those of us who have
the organization of craft worked with Inca materials in the Huinuco
questions regarding
and the role it played in the area are of the
production perhaps guilty exaggerating
broader economy and society. I ease with which this can generally be done.
4. the found our recent work are unstudied, there is a long tradition of interest in the
Although implements during
technical of Andean and weaving. the sources with Andean cloth are: Bird (1954);
aspects spinning Among dealing
Gayton (1967); and O'Neale (1949).

Not only are "Imperial Inca" ceramics and tectural similarity among the structures that
architecture in that area different from local compose it in contrast to much of the city.
but the planning and positioning of This can only be explained by very explicit
varieties,
settlements are also different. In essence In addition, a careful check of the
planning.
there is an intrusive state settlement wall that surrounds the group of buildings
system
into the local and pre-Incaic shows that it afforded access in one
penetrating pat - only
tern of settlement -a bl.
series of settlements place through Building
which are different both in their Excavations in a sample of 20 of the 50
dramatically
and their functions. Hu?nuco is buildings in the unit established that non
style Pampa
a of this state settlement production was one of its primary
prominent part agricultural
The contrast between state and local activities. While several goods may have been
system.
settlements, and presumably between state produced within its walls, we have conclusive
related and local activities, is perhaps not so evidence at this point for one: cloth. In
only
in other regions of the Inca a version of this paper, based on
easily defined preliminary
(1959) work on tentative I suggested that
domain, although Menzel's extremely evidence,
the Peruvian south coast suggests the case in pottery was also produced in the compound.
parts of that area may be somewhat similar. Brief examination of parts of the material and
it does not to a small amount of further work in Unit VB5,
Clearly apply the region imme
as well as a
diately around Cuzco, but it is doubtful that substantially greater body of com
the state-local distinction is itself relevant to data from other parts of the city, now
parative
this area which Rowe (1967) has indicate that if pottery was produced in the
suggested
was influenced state and compound at all, it was done on a very small
highly by planning,
probably was much more directly controlled scale. The only possibility of a kiln or firing
area thus appears to have been a
by the state than were far outlying areas. large hearth,
then, we should be able to later used as a trash dump. Numerous exam
Theoretically,
the in a ples of what had been thought to be moulds
study non-agricultural production
state context and in contexts below the state, for forming the bases of jars have recently
largely by identifying the unit to which sites been found in other parts of the site with
containing production facilities and the resi fired vessels in them. It is now clear
already
dences of workers pertain. The gravest prob that they were jar supports, related to the use
lem besetting a of state and non of the vessels, not their manufacture. What
comparison
state is the of identifying remains to be explained is the presence in the
production difficulty
activities that the state controlled of several thousand
production compound jars of various
more We know that some forms if they were not made and/or stored
indirectly. produc
tion for the state occurred in settlements that there. The density of ceramics in VB5 is
did not specifically pertain to it and was several times that in typical domestic areas.
prob
ably in part locally administered. Ortiz, That will have to await systematic
study of
speaking of the Chupaychu ([1562] 1967: the collections and further comparison with
23), tells us that "they made kumpi cloth in the rest of the city. It seems likely that the
their land, so that when the Inca asked, the enormous amounts of pottery were used in
same ones who had made it carried it to comes from the tools and
production employed,
Cuzco." We can only guess at the quantities even many tools were made with perishable ma
of such production,
given the evidence we elaborated below, is that they may have been
now have, but it was substantial. used in large scale chicha (maize beer) pro
probably
Regardless of the quantities of goods pro duction.
duced for the Inca state outside its own settle Since cloth is not preserved in damp high
ment network, the evidence from Hu?huco land soils, the only evidence we have of textile
Pampa now shows that it was directly involved
production comes from the tools
employed and
in craft production on a scale. The even many tools were made with perishable ma
significant
new material comes from what we have wood. The most numerous
terials, especially
labeled Unit 5 in Zone VB, the artifact was the spindle whorl, used as a weight
bordering
north side of the
city's main plaza (see Figs. 1 in
spinning. We have found at least 200-300
and 2). That group of structures has frequent of these in Unit VB5. The majority were
ly been referred to as the "cuartel" or bar
ceramic, but some finer ones were made of
racks (Harth-Terre 1964: 13-14). One of the stone. The is that
polished important point
compound's most notable features is that it were several times as in this
they frequent
shows a marked degree of order and of archi as in other at Huinuco
compound buildings

Reconstructing Complex Societies
Figure 1: Preliminary sketch map of Hu?nuco Pampa based on an aerial photograph. Building Complex 5, Zone VB, is located
on the northern border of the central plaza.
n HUANUCO PAMPA
B UNIT5
ZONEY SUB-ZONE
E3 EXCAVATED
AREAS
0 5 10 20
Figure 2: Plan of Building Complex 5, showing excavations completed by August 1, 1972. Note the single entrance to the
complex in its southern wall ~ passing in front of Building b4, and then through bl.
Building

to have served
Pampa thought largely residen related activities. But their architecture in
tial purposes. The other implements, more suggest that they were
particular significantly
because are not as well different from the 40 buildings
interesting they just mentioned,
known, were made of bone or metal. There and Iwould hypothesize that part of that
were many bone artifacts, almost cer difference lies in their not being used as sleep
large
tainly the sharply pointed and smoothed ing quarters.
bones referred to by Cobo ( [Libro 14, Chap It is difficult to move from the 40 residence
ter XI] 1956 Tomo II, p. 259), and used for to a of the number of
workshops suggestion
the weave as the cloth was made. people involved. All of the available evidence
tightening
Rectangular notched artifacts perhaps used implies that the buildings were used contem
for spacing threads in the loom were also poraneously, and that all were probably in
common, as were needles. More than 100 intensive use at the time the city's functioning
artifacts to be related to the was the Spanish conquest.
thought weaving disrupted following
or of cloth were found. The tentative I know of no ethnohistorical evidence which
finishing
identifications we have come from two is of direct help in reconstructing the size of
Andean weavers as part of the exca the work group, but Iwould guess that at
employed
vation crew, who examined the objects in the least 100 people lived and worked in the com
field. as well as additional pound. That would imply an average of only
Specialized study
information will be necessary 2.5 people per building, and that is almost
ethnographic
for precise functional identifications and a cerainly minimal considering the quantity of
better notion of what kinds of cloth were material found in the zone. A figure of twice
being produced.
that would probably not be unrealistic, but a
The preliminary evidence suggests that total of more than 300 seems highly unlikely
activities in Unit VB5 were not limited to pro considering the amount of space available and
duction. It is difficult, before detailed analy the proportion of that space which must have
ses are to fire and refuse been occupied
complete, distinguish by ceramic vessels.
areas which result from cooking and residen Whatever the exact number of producers,
tial activities from those which may have been or the size of their the quan
precise output,
associated with certain aspects of I tities must be viewed as for a
production. large pre-indus
The quantities of un worked bone in VB5 are trial production unit. The architectural ar
lower than from portions of the site thought j rangement further suggests that control was
to have been residential. The pre strict. In addition to the
primarily enclosing wall,
sent evidence favors some kind of residence Structures bl and b4 appear to have been ad
within the walled compound. It is clear, how ministrative of some sort. They
buildings
ever, that the residential patterns there were ; were neither nor residences, and
workshops
we are
quite different from those in other parts of perhaps not going too far in suggesting
the city. While the zone has proven not to be that they housed activities related to record
a barracks in a military sense, the initial archi and
keeping security.
tectural an accurate From the Hu?huco can
impression is probably ? Pampa evidence we
of the of its thus make a strong case for the state's involve
interpretation style living quar
ters. The fact that workers lived in the com ment in and direct control of certain produc
pound where tion activities. It would be advantageous to
they labored and the arrange
ment of their residence space are crucial to have better information from other levels of
their the economy and society of the region to see
understanding organization.
It is not possible at this if this state built late in the 15th cen
point to express facility,
accurately the importance in quantitative tury or early in the 16th, had any noticeable
terms of the state's at on local-level Did
production facility impact production patterns.
Hu?huco Pampa. We are reasonably certain the state's operations an over-all in
imply
from our sample that all of the identical crease in the
production of textiles and some
nearly
other goods, a centralization of some aspects
buildings (approximately 18 by 5m. each)
in rows were of production at the cost of local output, or
arranged orderly primarily
(see Fig. 2). This means perhaps both? I suspect that tendencies to
residence-workshops
40 a total interior space ward an organizational shift, placing the pro
buildings involving
of roughly 3,600 sq. m. Two additional duction of increasingly large quantities of
b2 and contained certain goods in the hands of the state was
buildings, b3, large numbers ?
of spindle whorls and other tools and occurring. More intensive studies of regional
probably j
were also used for production and documents and will perhaps
production- | archaeology

56 Reconstructing Complex Societies
answer these so crucial to under ities. It is likely, however, that only one of
questions
standing patterns of economic and political them applies to the production dis
complex
change. cussed above. There are certainly no internal
We turn now to of occupational
questions divisions which would suggest any major dis
specialization and the nature of the producing tinction in category or class among the
unit. Here our archaeological evidence indi workers. Here I can only briefly sketch the
cates that Unit VB5 was a specialized facility, nature of these three classes. For a fuller
from other building in treatment
quite distinct groups of the various categories of state
the city. It also seems unlikely that the people service see Murra (1956: 264-272) and Rowe
working in it were engaged in any significant (1946: 265-270).
economic activities outside the compound. a.) The mita: Except for "noblemen" and
We must await the studies of the distribution a few other "tax classes, able-bodied
exempt"
of artifacts in the compound before male heads of households were to
patterns obliged
final conclusions the work for the Inca on a temporary, rotating
reaching any regarding
full spectrum of activities and any internal basis. Work in the state fields, the army and
was
subdivisions. The evidence now available public construction organized this way
does not suggest a pattern of rigid internal for the most part. In quantitative terms the
and leans rather toward a sug mit a was probably the most source
specialization, important
that most of the members of the group of labor. Since it was a temporary service it
gestion
involved performed similar tasks, with textile did not remove conscripts from the social and
what was a ethnic contexts of their traditional communi
production leading probably
short list of such tasks. ties. I know of no definite link between the
relatively
The degree of specialization can mit a labor force and textile or other kinds of
perhaps
best be approached as part of the general craft production. We tend to associate most
character and organization of potential work crafts with some degree of specialization.
and here documents our best The kind of large-scale production we can see
groups, provide
sources of information. That information does in Unit VB5, however, could probably have
not come in the form of explicit been carried out by temporary labor under
descriptions
which can be directly as interpreta by specialists. There is the addi
applied supervision
tional possibility that local craft specialists
tions, but in the form of data on the general -
nature of the labor supply available to the served the state on a part-time basis fulfilling
state. The consideration of various alternatives their mit a obligation by performing their
to "match" usual speciality.
here in attempting documentary
and archaeological evidence is typical of the The reason for that the
primary doubting
process involved in many other | at Hu?huco Pampa
interpretative production compound
cases of the over-all attempt to reconstruct I was operated laborers is the indication
by mita
activity patterns in the city. from the chronicles that spinning, and much
Ethnohistory suggests that distinctions be as well, was mainly women's work
| weaving
tween the state's workers may be drawn along I (Cobo [Libro 14, Chapter XI] 1956: Tomo
several lines including the duty performed, I II, 258; Poma [1615] 1936: 218-220; Rowe
the portion of time devoted to state service, 1946: 241), although the fine kumpi cloth is
and the extent to which local community and mentioned in somesources as a man's
product
kin affiliations were altered by the fulfillment (Cobo ibid. : 259).In addition the archae
of obligations to the state. It is difficult to demonstrates the pres
ology quite specifically
define precisely the various categories of state ence of women in the compound. We found
since in than a dozen of the metal
laborers, they were, any case, relatively more pins used to
flexible and undergoing rapid change. Three fasten women's (see various
garments drawings
classes of workers are perhaps of greatest in Poma [1615] 1936: e.g. 300), and there
relevance to an understanding of non-agricul were no artifacts that we can, at least at this
tural production and related to the immediate in our analysis, associate with men.
point
of interpreting the state controlled b.) mitmaqkuna: The "colonists"
problem mitmaq
at Hu?nuco are the were peoples moved as
production Pampa. They relatively large groups
mit'a (conscriptive workers), xhtaqlla from place to place by the state, a form of
("chosen women"), and the mitmaq ("colo i state-directed resettlement. Furthering inter
nists"). These may be regarded as alternative nal security is the purpose customarily cited
patterns, any or all of which may have been for these shifts in population, but Cieza
utilized by the
Inca state in production activ I ([1550] 1959: 60-62) suggests they served

economic functions as well. While the exact women" fit all of these characteristics better
sjze of mitmaq units is unclear and probably than any other group likely to have been pre
varied greatly, it seems certain that they were sent in an Inca administrative center, even
groups of several households, entire though there is at present no evidence for the
frequently
communities. religious duties they supposedly also per
AccordingtoCieza([1550] 1959: 61) formed.
were sometimes artisans, silver Dr. John H. Rowe communica
mitmaqkuna (personal
smiths, stonecutters, and "tailors" being tion, Nov. 1, 1972) has suggested that the
mentioned The occurrence of archaeological evidence be examined in terms
specifically.
several Chimu-style blackware sherds made of of the possibility of chicha making, since it is
typical Hu?huco pastes in one of the buildings known that the aqllakuna made chicha (Rowe
in Complex VB5 raised the possibility that its 1946: 269; Poma [1615] 1936: 299). Per
occupants might have been Chimu mitmaq haps the best hypothesis currently available to
kuna. But since the sherds were a explain the large quantities of pottery is that
negligible
percentage of the collection from the building, it was used for the famous corn beer.
making
and since they appear to have been absent in Cobo ([Book 14, Chapter IV] 1956: Tomo
the other structures, do not argue very II, 242) tells us that numerous vessels were
they
strongly for that The.architecture associated with chicha preparation and con
possibility.
on the other hand seems to
argue against the sumption. During the 1972 excavation season
mitmaqkuna notion. The mitmaqkuna would we worked in another area (in the
pottery-rich
have taken the form of a group of
presumably city's eastern sector) which we have tentatively
related family units. The barracks-like as a
arrange interpreted place where chicha and other
ment identical buildings food products were produced for mass con
employing nearly
along relatively narrow "streets" seems better (Morris n.d.; Stein n.d.).
sumption Compari
suited for use by single individuals than by sons of the
jar forms and botanical remains
families. While we must admit that archi from these and other collections should give
tecture by itself is not our us some very
entirely convincing, good tests of the notion of
expectations for a settlement chicha making.
mitmaqkuna
would be a group of small compounds We do not have to
pro accept Guarnan Poma's
viding patio space and a measure of privacy ([1615] 1936: 301-302) complex classifica
for each family unit (see Rowe 1944 and tion of the "chosen women"
literally to expect
Morris 1971 for discussions of Inca archi that, in addition to different age grades, there
tecture). were differences in economic activ
important
c.) aqllakuna: These so-called "nuns" or ities performed by various groups of
are aqlla
"chosen women" usually associated with kuna. Considering these variations in fact, it
religion (Rowe 1946: 269; Cobo [Libro 12, would seem
likely that a
major center, like
Chapter XIX] 1956: Tomo II, 98), but the Hu?huco Pampa, would have had more than
material also one "house of the chosen women,"
documentary suggests that they and Unit
were a varied group and that their services in VB5 may simply be a
compound occupied by
cluded activities which were not women whose economic
specifically responsibilities
religious (Rowe 1946: 269; Poma [1615] almost completely overshadowed any religious
1936: 298-299). The aqllakuna were unmar duties and functions.
ried, and most of them were young. Unless The ways in which complex societies can
further analysis changes our interpretation of mobilize and organize a labor force to accom
the material remains in Hu?huco, the most plish certain essential tasks form one of their
likely occupants of Unit VB5 seems to have most dimensions. In the case of
important
been some or at least a
variety o? aqllakuna, early complex societies it seems quite likely
group structured similar lines. that groups structured and
along along religious,
Women and women's activities were over sometimes kin, lines were gradually bent to
whelmingly associated with the compound; ward economic, and military func
political,
the unit of residence seems, on architectural tions in the service of a centralized
to have been a authority
grounds, non-family unit; the (Murra 1956: Chapter VIII and 1962a: 722;
strict control of access demonstrates Adams 1956). The to
security ability manipulate
measures which are in the city, traditional institutions and organizational
unsurpassed
and would seem
justifiable only if the occu units so that
they could serve new functions
pants of the compound some was an factor in the success of
occupied special important
class unusual The "chosen ancient states. We have evidence
requiring security. here of a

58 Societies
to centers where state management is well

large and active productive force, directly con
trolled by the state. If further work proves us established. If our current interpretation of
correct in identifying that force as a group of Hu?nuco Pampa is correct, it was such a cen
ter. There were few aspects of the
"chosen women," we can
begin to
see the city's life
interaction of the complicated web of eco
in which the state was not dominant. The
and religious factors in the nearly complete lack of local influences in the
nomic, political,
formation and maintenance of these groups. architecture and artifacts point in the direc
tion of strict state control over the life of the
The Institutional Context of Centralized city, not one of free and casual interaction
Production. with the hinterland. the occu
Furthermore,
From our general understanding of ancient
pants of Unit VB5 were not the only residents
urban societies we have come to expect spe of the city who were there as the result of the
cialized non-agricultural as an state's revenue and relocation
production procedures.
feature. Thus we are not surprised Probably most, if not all, of its population
important
to tind substantial evidence of it in the case of was recruited
through such mechanisms
the Inca. But while some kind of specializa (Morris 1972b).
tion in the "manufactured" goods is a general Returning
now to the
importance of recip
feature of ancient civilizations, and probably rocal exchange, it is necessary to look at the
always involved in one way or another in their ways in which the state disposed of its prod
it did not fit into uce. The of is in turn related
growth processes, necessarily disposal goods
the same socio-economic context or to the
play the reciprocal relationships between the
same role in each case. state and those who labored for it. The type
The picture of Inca economic organization of relationship varied according to the class
is, of course, still incomplete. There are, how of workers, but the state appears to have been
ever, two broad features of the economic obliged to provide
logistic support and "hos
system which help explain why the somewhat in all cases (Murra 1956: 169;
pitality"
of direct control over pro 1958). Our archaeological work at Huinuco
surprising degree
duction was important to an expanding Inca Pampa has indicated that the state went to
state, how it could be achieved, and why the great effort to fulfill its and
supply hospitality
was on like cloth. The first (Morris 1972b; n.d.).
emphasis goods obligations
of these crucial features is the Inca emphasis Documents tell us the state was expected to
on reciprocal rather
exchange relationships supply the food and other needs of those who
than barter and marketplaces (Murra 1956: served it. To fulfill that expectation, archae
Chapter VI). An to this is the state's shows that 497 storehouses were built
adjunct ology
on human labor for many at Hu?huco Most of these were used
dependence goods, Pampa.
rather than tribute in kind, as its revenue base. for food storage, aimed at
probably largely
The second is a pervasive ability of leaders at a stable food for the
to move
assuring supply city itself
various levels in the society people (Morris 1967). also suggests that
Archaeology
about, locating them where they could have the state supplied the vessels in which the food
access to resources essential to the society. In was cooked, and
stored, served (Morris and
most cases the resources were natural ones,
Thompson 1970). Even though it does not
and involved the placement of peoples in now appear that
pottery was produced in Unit
different zones (Murra 1967; 1968; the stylistic and material of
ecological VB5, uniformity
1972). But by the time we reach a state level the sherds is such as to strongly that
suggest
of organization the "resources" were frequent its production was centralized, and that it was
or and involved in or near Hu?huco
ly organizational supervisory probably made Pampa.
moving people into situations which were Of all the food products chicha was
supplied
urban.
essentially probably most important. It was clearly a key
The practice of relocation of populations, element in a center where the work of state
and in general moving people about to achieve was often carried out in a ceremonial context
a whole series of ends, was involved in all (Murra 1958; 1960). In addition to the pos
three of the groups of state workers outlined
sibility of its production in Unit VB5, I think
above. In the case of craft production, reve we will be able to demonstrate that it was
nues based on human energy combined with made for several different in different
purposes
the ability to relocate can be seen as of the that it was an essential
people parts city, staple
facilitating the centralization of production. in the economy of an "administrative" center,
The task of direct control is simplified if pro and that brewing was a major economic activ
ducers in substantial numbers can be
brought ity on a par with weaving.

Cloth was particularly vital in reciprocity. Conclusion.

It was involved in nearly all important social, I hope the preceding tentative
example,
political, and economic relationships in the our work is, has made clear some of
though
Andes (Murra 1962a). Goods such as chicha the kinds of specific and rather detailed insti
or pottery were for the most part tutional questions I feel we need to emphasize
probably
items of urban supply, and were, with a few in reconstructing societies and tracing
complex
consumed or used near their
exceptions, their development. Many of the problems
of Cloth, however, was societies deal with develop
places production. regarding complex
in and more valuable, and its "new" kinds of units
lighter weight mentally organizational
production thus must be seen in the context and the principles which control their inter
of a much wider area and
political-economic we have to explain
relationships. Particularly
context. Our evidence can how older units and principles are modified to
archaeological
never trace the distributions of perishable form larger and more complex organizational
textiles in the highlands. But the importance forms. as in the case above, this
Frequently,
accorded cloth in the documents surely im involves trying to see how political and eco
plies that gifts and issues of it were redistrib nomic development takes place in a system
uted beyond the city. The economic and for which we are still trying to construct ap
between a sub models. of the broad general
political relationships newly propriate Many
dued group and the Inca were usually initiated izations archaeologists have worked with in
with cloth (Murra 1962a: 721). Our archae the past have been very productive in helping
ological work in Ichu, the town where the us masses of data and clarify differing
organize
chief of one of the local groups resided before, But as important as
degrees of complexity.
during, and briefly after Inca times (Ortiz broad generalizations are, they cannot be re
[1562] 1967: 55-60), showed that a large liable unless they are based on accurately re
quantity of the pottery associated with constructed and well understood individual
Hu?nuco Pampa had found its way there test cases. Interest in developing theories to
(Thompson 1967: 360). This is one of the explain the emergence of complex societies in
rare occurrences in hinterland
very villages of general should not be allowed to obscure the
the pottery produced or for the state, and need for explaining individual, and often
by
it shows the flow of certain goods along lines small, changes.
relatively
of political power. A second point regards the importance of
A wide variety of
non-agricultural goods non-agricultural production per se in the de
were essential to the economic and political of complex societies. A crucial
velopment
processes of the Inca state. Some were impor role for non-agricultural and their pro
goods
tant in terms of elaborate admin duction in the emergence of urbanism has
supporting
istrative and military operations; others, like been recognized at least since Childe (1950),
cloth, circulated in more redistributive but studies which concentrate on non-agri
broadly
terms, spreading the Inca's goods and the cultural goods in an explanatory manner have
symbols of his power into the countryside. been relatively rare (see
particularly Jacobs
The availability of these goods directly af 1969; Mill?n 1970; Renfrew this volume). I
fected what the state could and could not do. do not advocate the de-emphasis of
certainly
Increases in the production of cloth, and studies looking at population food
growth,
other goods which we cannot yet see so clear
production, carrying capacity, agricultural
ly, enabled the state to undertake new eco and other largely ecological and
technology,
nomic and political ties, and to renew and variables. The inclusion of such
demographic
strengthen constantly those it already had. variables is crucial to explaining certain forms
State production, or at least the extensive of institutional But I do think
development.
state access to cloth and other that more emphasis needs to be given to the
special prod
ucts, thus provided much of the fuel for an of non-subsistence
large quantities goods which
expanding economy and polity. It is in this are and move so
produced through complex
context of rapid economic and political cieties. Many of these goods, as is the case
growth, a set of and with cloth above, confer status and privilege,
largely through peculiar
not yet understood and their value thus extends well beyond mere
fully reciprocal principles,
that the establishment by the state of a rigor economic utility. They thus give us access to
ously planned and controlled com some of the social and as well as the
production political,
plex at Hu?huco Pampa seems to find its economic, dimensions of ancient societies and
explanation. bear directly on the of centralization
question

of authority. Studies of the production and mentary. The second he presented at the
of such and of the distribu meeting itself. The third is the version pre
exchange goods,
tions of the raw materials that go into them sented for publication. The task of
discussing
are to scratch the surface of the ?
three very good papers, related but not over
just beginning
vast amount we need to know for most of the lapping in topic, is somewhat diffused. Iwill
areas in which societies arose. try, however, to make my comments general
complex
to
Finally, Iwant to stress
again that the enough apply to any of them. The reader
methods are in hand which make the recon may remember however, that this note was
struction and analysis of institutional devel intended for a paper which is not
originally
feasible for many of the areas where being published in this volume.
opment
societies Much of the The most important thing which
Dr. Morris
complex emerged.
notable success of over the past had to say to me (as well as to other ethno
archaeology
two decades has come from its eclecticism. historians and archaeologists) is about the
models, need to emphasize problem orientation. Long
Techniques, particularly explanatory
and aspects of overall methodology have been ago, since Block in the historical fields and
more since the advent of the "new
heavily influenced by the physical sciences, recently
and numerous other archaeology," the need for problem orienta
population biology,
sources. In the reconstruction of complex tion has been often mentioned. I feel, how
societies it is essential to take advantage of the ever, that it needs reiteration. There is still
recent trends toward a and much basic work done in anthropology which
greatly improved
But assumes that theory emerges, miraculously,
quantitative archaeological methodology.
it is equally to renew and reinforce simply by inspection of empirical data. This
important
ties to the social sciences and historical data. is not in fact true. Mindless empiricism has
seldom directed the discipline in fruitful direc
Acknowledgments. tions. What is of ultimate is not
significance
what we dig out of the ground or read out of
Our present work is supported by Grant GS
28815 from the National Science Foundation, documents, but the questions which we ask
and authorized before we do it, and ultimately, the significant
by Resoluciones Supremas
numbers 015 and 1038 of the Peruvian Min answers and further questions which emerge
In addition to the spon afterwards. needs to inform method
istry of Education. Theory
Iwould like to thank the staff and techniques for collection of data, as well
soring agencies,
of the Hu?huco as to frame analysis. However, if we assume
Pampa Archaeological Project
and the numerous in our host country the priority of theory we are left with a dilem
people
whose assistance has been invaluable. ma in interdisciplinary collaboration. Archae
Special
cultural and social anthro
acknowledgments go to Mr. Idilio Santillana. ology, history,
V., of the Universidad San Cristobal de | pology not only work with different kinds of
who the excavations in I data, but often with differing theoretical
Huamanga, supervised
Unit VB5 and prepared the preliminary ver paradigms and general models, and as a con
sion of Fig. 2. I am also grateful to Mr. Delf?n sequence, with different problems. As Dr.
Zu?iga and Mrs. Jean Mohan who collaborated Morris points out, if research collaboration
on the final version of 2. occurs only a posteriori, as an afterthought of
Fig.
Besides the discussants in the symposium, I a research program, little can be achieved in
|
am indebted to John H. Rowe, George Cow collating results. Only if research
| significant
and Alex Weingrod for is designed, from inception, as an interdisci
gill, Helen Codere, a common
valuable comments and criticisms on the plinary effort with task for the
I, of course, am in scope,
original version of this paper. participants, truly complementary
for both the of view and can we expect results. When re
responsible points significant
search design and theoretical for
any errors it contains. goals are,
each participant discipline, fitted into the
overall program, we can obtain a better total
or more disciplines
COMMENTS ON PROF. MORRIS' PAPER picture. By using two
simultaneously in this fashion, we can correct
Eva Hunt errors in the construction of analysis, which
are often the result of the single discipline's
Dr. Morris has given me three papers to | data being unidimensional. Complementarity,
comment The first, before the sympo however, should not be read as identity of
upon.
sium, was the basis of my notes for his com research goals. Such reading would be unreal
I

istic, among other reasons because a documented historical one. However, back
people's
research has to be fitted to their career devel ward inference operates in the same fashion,
opment. People search for final results which by utilizing the historical case as a model of
would be of particular significance within comparison for other structurally similar
their own field, as they are to be evaluated by forms. In other words, in the same manner in
the community of scholars in their own field, which contemporary band societies (e.g. the
rather than interdisciplinary bodies. Bushmen) are used as a model for under
One area in which archaeology and cultural or band
standing interpreting prehistoric
anthropology (including here ethnohistory) the Inca are used as a model for
organization,
can collaborate, is the reconstruction of popu states. The
understanding pristine agrarian
lation dynamics. sometimes of this method for archaeology is
Archaeologists advantage
give population figures for different periods. undeniable. However, the relevance of archae
Often there is enough internal evidence in research for building models of soci
ological
their to suspect or detect a has in underestimated.
reports spurious ety been, my opinion,
specificity. What archaeologists often have I think that Dr. Morris' detailed case
study,
for population calculations is ordinal scales, and others of the same type, can bring impor
scales of relative magnitude. can tell us tant new evidence into such thorny problems
They
if the record shows increases or decreases of as the nature of the economic system of
over time. For a states. Unlike the
population
can detect
single period they primitive general theoreti
if there had been a greater or is kept close to the
cian, the archaeologist
smaller population than at a particular time realities by working with detailed
ethnographic
before or after. But archaeologists are at information in a restricted geographical
times prone to attach parametric numbers to cultural area. Although it may be arguable
the results of non-parametric operations. that much evidence in social organization is
These numbers became accepted as "fact" administrative features of
by lost, particularly
other archaeologists and other scientists, when state economic I think the Peruvian
systems,
are Somehow work shows that much unsuspected rich
actually, they hypotheses. (by
the informal tradition of the sub-field) they evidence can be forth which will per
brought
became "population density axiomatics," that mit us further refined interpretation.
is, actual numerical figures which appear to Even if we had a wealth of historical evi
have been demonstrated by rigorous research dence, sound archaeological work would still
when in fact this is not the case. Ethnohistory be required to acquire a different line of evi
can here come in to the
particularly handy dence, an independent test, of socio-historical
to
archaeologist "keep him honest." This is
interpretations. In fact, much historical evi
true when
particularly dealing with complex dence is lost. Being a social
anthropologist
agrarian societies in the new world
(e.g. Mex who works with modern agrarian states, I be
ico, Peru). For these societies we can find came, early in my graduate student days,
written census materials from the period of interested in the problems of developmental
culture contact with Spain. These censuses in the microevolution of earlier
process
can be used to determine real population states. Since Iwork within the area
agrarian
figures and discern population trends in terms of Mesoamerica, many of my questions dealt
or increases or decreased densities. Once an with the period of contact with Europe.
anchor point is obtained, it has been possible My
informants, those who could answer my
to work the data backwards over 400 years
by inference, up queries, died ago. I cannot
a real
streaming from population calculation
question them anew. The kinds of data which
which is historically demonstrable. for me in documentary form
they provide
Although ' there are problems with "up deal with concerns confronted vis-a-vis
at least it is a more they
streaming reliable method a living system.
than wishful The major
But, often, they answered
guessing. difficulty questions which do not fit what Imost need
with archaeological and ethnohistorical up to know.
is that it suffers from the same It is painfully
streaming clear, for example, that re
methodological weaknesses which haunt evo the
in general : the
constructing kinship base of Mesoamerican
lutionary anthropology fallacy territorial units can be done on a tentative
ancestor only
of the contemporary (cf. Service basis, and we may never get a truly satisfactory
1968). Here, the "contemporary" which is answer. However, with some archae
problems
treated as a "living antecedent" of dead socio can be of For example,
ology great relevance.
cultural forms is itself not a but when I reconstructed the socio-political
living society, orga

62 Societies
nization of Cuicatec states (Hunt 1972)1 I be ical or other causes,

city states may have con
came involved in reconstructing settlement trolled unusually shaped, amoeba-like terri
patterns of the city states. The evidence for tories. For example, I could cite the case of
reconstruction came from one
my single in Teotitlan Del Camino inMexico. Teotitlan
volved was taken to the
landfight which is located in a central
valley, apparently dom
Spanish Courts, and three brief Relaciones as a town, a territorial of com
inating, ring
from 1579-1580 de Antropolog?a munities
(Instituto constrained by the valley floor en
1562; Paso y Troncoso 1905). Since no closed in a mountain chain. We know from
major archaeological work has been conducted ethnohistorical evidence that this picture is
within the Cuicatec territories, I can have no From mid-16th docu
misleading. century
corroboration of ments
independent (or disproof) dealing with earlier periods, we know
how pervasive or accurate the settlement that in fact Teotitlan a
pat controlled large moun
tern which I reconstructed in fact was. That tain hinterland
(e.g. cf. Paso y Troncoso 1905:
is, I have experienced great frustration from 213-232). This was an elongated strip of rural
only one side of the communities of peasant which
working problem, asking producers,
myself often how I can generalize without it took off from the state in the west, in an
city
a futile effort? the mountain walls
being easterly direction, along
One of the basic problems with the recon of the Sto river, stretching into
Domingo
struction of the settlement pattern of state what is today the Veracruz lowlands. The
systems is the nature of the territorial of this (in terms of
organi strategic quality expansion
zation of states. By definition, state systems the coastal plateau routes, the
dominating
are differentiated and organically of agricultural limited to
territorially production goods
integrated. This means that the central locus different altitudes and ecological niches, etc.)
of state organization is territorially different becomes obvious only after the evidence of
from its hinterland. That is, size, form and such expansion is known. One could, before
as well as functional the evidence,
complexity, specialization argue that the source of power
(economic and political) distinguish different of Teotitlan was based on their central
valley
territorial units of the state. Because territo position. After the evidence, however, it
rial units are embedded into each other in seems more viable to argue that Teotitlan also
statewide hierarchical arrangements, urban depended greatly upon the control of a mas
rural contrasts, as well as local context con sive hinterland in terms of production, stra
trasts have to be assumed between settlements. resources, route control, for migration,
tegic
But often the data permits functional interpre military expansion, and so on. This interpre
tation of only part of the local system. This tation also allows for a better
understanding
is even true when one deals with a of the complex
region in linguistic-dialectical distribu
toto if this region happens to be tions of the Tehuacan vis-a-vis the
geographically valley
to centers of development or mountain regions surrounding it. Moreover,
marginal major
of new socio-cultural forms. In the it seems to support the theory of symbiotic
generation
Cuicatec case, as well as the case being studied regions which has been advanced for other
Dr. Morris one is socio-cultural Mesoamerican niches Sanders
by dealing with (e.g. by 1968),
islands, outside the major urban center(s) from what appeared to be archae
disjoined
which the overall structure of the ological regions. Once this ethnohistorical
generate(s)
the overall even is available it becomes more
system. Understanding plan, interpretation
if simply restricted to settlement can feasible, archaeologically, to search for evi
pattern,
be hindered the of the case dence on contact between such regions. Thus
by marginality
This would be true for ethnohistorical Dr. Morris' Peruvian case becomes a sound
study.
as well as addition rather than an exception to new
archaeological perspectives.
have in some cases, tended ethnographic-theoretical insights. But it also
Archaeologists
to build models of urban influence in concen becomes even more evident that such research
tric circles, expanding the hypothetical in needs to be done by attacking different levels
fluence of the city state from the "city walls" of inquiry simultaneously, using the combined
outwards, in all directions. In fact, however, techniques and evidence of archaeology plus
for historical, ecological, economic, geograph That back to
ethnohistory together. is, going
1. The data on the Cuicatec and the Southern Tehuacan was the author under the tenure of NSF
Valley gathered by
Grants Nos.: GS-3000 and GS 87. This financial aid is gratefully acknowledged.

we have found that salt, cotton for

my original point about state territorial differ example,
entiation and integration, unless one knows native weaving and several other products are
beforehand at what level of territorial still traded with the same areas with which the
integra
tion a site belongs, a frontal attack using dif Cuicatec traded in the 16th century. More
ferent non-archaeological kinds of evidence over, peregrination routes still follow line of
is needed. trade outside the district, to places where
may be what pre
Dr. Morris has pointed out that archaeolo centers were once located.
hispanic
are sometimes or For Mesoamerica there has been a lack of
gists misused by historians
as illustrators. Iwould like to coordination of the work of different branches
anthropologists
reverse misuse is also true. I of anthropology which may have led us to
point out that
find that sometimes seem to poor analysis. Archaeologists have tended to
archaeologists
think that the job of ethnohistorians is simply work on key nuclear areas, in major valleys
to confirm their interpretations with written and plateaus. There is practically no work
evidence. A more view will lead done in the minor sites of the hinterland, in
sophisticated
us to find feedback for fact finding what is the peasant backbone of Mesoamerica,
procedures
reasons:
as well as new theoretical developments. Dr. for obvious they bring little prestige.
Morris is proposing (and Iwould share in his No one gets a big reputation digging minor
more often than at present) sites of mud huts. The social anthropologists
joy if it happened
that archaeologists and ethnohistorians as well ! and however, have been inter
ethnographers,
as social anthropologists get together to ask j ested primarily in Indians who live in the con
to their research designs in temporary counterparts of the mud hut. The
questions, phrase
such a way, that they all could get back to Indians disappeared earlier in the major val
new
their data and come up with interesting leys with notable exceptions (e.g. the valley of
ways of at it, rather than to do little Oaxaca). They persisted, however, in the
looking
bits of ornamental "research assistant work" refuge regions, the marginal cultural and
for each other. What is needed, and Iwill ecological niches of the nation. The informa
repeat it at the risk of becoming boring, is tion we have about Indians today, thus, may
coordination of plans from the inception of not be relevant at all to the past events which
research, proposed in faith as interdis took place in the nuclear key areas. First of
good
ciplinary. This should definitely involve also all, it is appropriate to suspect that some of
in present day ethnography, focused those areas which are
research refuge Indian regions
on of archaeological interest. It in locations of marginal
problems today, productivity
seems to me that new world archaeologists with low ecological potential, underdeveloped
(e.g. Flannery, MacNeish, Spores in Mexico in terms of cultural events of the present,
and Dr. Morris himself in Peru) have been were in fact also marginal in terms of
regions
more aware of this potential then their old \ cultural developments in the archaeological
world But even in the New ! as with the Cuicatec moun
counterparts. past. It is possible
World this type of research has been weak. tain region, to prove that this was in fact the
Contemporary ethnography has been used, case for some areas. That is, the Cuicatec which is
but often not appropriately used. For exam an Indian in terms of
refuge region today, marginal
ple, in Mesoamerica, native manufactured national was also at the time of the
developments,
are still
products being traded in long ' range Conquest. Compared with nearby centers in the
territorial exchanges, in "submerged trade Tehuacan and Oaxaca valleys the Cuicatec were pro
networks which overflow local communities to say the least.
! vincial, They were poorly integrated
and municipios and cross regional boundaries ! into the Aztec state system, and even then
(at times, as in the case of the state of Chiapas I exhibited socio-cultural lag. Therefore, it is
in Mexico and the adjacent Guatemala north hard to transpose data from a marginal area
ern states, it crosses national boundaries). of Indian culture to an area of archaeological
These networks have been poorly studied and interest, because they represent historically,
do not appear clear in the ethnographic rec two traditions within the same macro
differing
ords which tend to focus on community area. When I look at the Indian villages of
studies. If ethnographers switched to work on I can see small
today, agrarian settlements,
units larger than village clusters and muni often in social struc
highly rural, egalitarian
cipios (which is already happening) they could ture (that is, with little stratification) and with
provide data of great significance to the a
slightly improved neolithic technology. The
archaeologists. In the Cuicatec region, for one could make about Mexico
interpretation

64 Societies
as a state system from this would evidence that village specialization was not
perspective
be nothing but absurd. this evi a Colonial but a pre
Upstreaming always development,
dence, there is no sound reason to suspect that institutionalized form of the territo
hispanic
these Indian villages with their anachronic rial division of labor. To trace the existence
culture can tell us much about the historical of such part-time may
village specialization
state systems of the past, since were even not be as easy as the first case, in terms of
they
then marginal enclaves at the bottom of an inference from archaeological recoveries.
elaborate, complex, state system Third, state production control may have
pyramid.
Therefore, it is necessary for ethnographers to taken the form of tribute from independent
provide a different kind of evi household If these households
contemporary production.
dence. Social anthropologists ought to get were clustered into neighborhoods within a
down from the Indian mountains and work in town, or in wards, it may be possible to un
the key nuclear areas, observing how integra cover documentation. But the
archaeological
tion takes place in the rural sectors of the case may not be as In some sections
simple.
urbanized The work of Bonfil and of the Mexico-Colhua craft
valleys. Empire domestic
others at the INAH in the valleys of Puebla items of every day use, produced for
primarily
and Cholula, and its antecedent in the work of were the
consumption, partially siphoned by
Gamio (1922) already point to the in the form of household tribute.
advantages Empire
of this research strategy. I do not pretend This tribute was collected in a
piecemeal,
that this alternative will produce data which network of Household
complex exchanges.
would be directly to the archae heads were responsible to village headmen,
applicable
ological queries. But in systems such as Mex or stewards, who were collectors for local
ico or Peru, where there has been tremendous lords, who themselves were to
responsible
historical continuity of small urban centers of lords. The Lords of a them
major locality
domination, it may be suggestive of new ideas. selves were responsible for tribute
siphoning
We still have regional metropolitan towns to the Aztec and tribute col
garrison officers
operating at the centers of small valley systems lectors, and it is at this level that lc^al produc
which control approximately the same hinter tion was redirected to the
metropolitan
cen
lands they controlled ca. 1550. The ters. Moreover, sometimes not pay
interpre villages did
tation of contemporary data on economic their tribute on goods which they produced,
data and political networks, of trade routes, but traded their own manufactures for other
and so on of these national center-hinterland items, produced elsewhere, which was their
complexes, may be of more relevance to the assigned tribute. For example, the town of
archaeologist than the interpretation of data Tepeji in the valley of Puebla, paid part of the
on Indian communities. These mar town tribute in cargas (burdens) of salt. It
marginal
ginal peasants did not control, nor do they appears that this salt was not of local produc
control now, key institutions, which the semi tion, but came into Tepeji from the salt works
urban valley counterparts in fact do. of the southern Tehuacan valley, particularly
Iwould like to make one more from Zapotitlan, because since prehispanic
just point.
There are, as I see it, three different recovery times the Lords of Tepeji had praebendal
problems dealing with the issue of production rights on the salt production of this remote
and particularly the issue of state control of town.
production. Economic and political control Indirect control of production of this type,
of production can take, in a ! particularly when it involves consumable
complex agrarian
state, many different and sometimes disguised items, can be of major importance in the state
forms. First, one form of state control is economy and leave, however, no
archaeologi
obvious archaeologically, i.e., in situ control cal record. The archaeologist can
obviously
in the form of state-run "fac tell us that salt was produced in scale in the
workshops,
tories," and the like. If the archaeologist is southern Tehuacan valley, since major salt
to find this the case, as Prof. Morris has, works of prehispanic are still
lucky importance
where state is direct, he is far scattered over the and are open to
supervision countryside
ahead. But there are other alternatives. Sec be investigated. It is probably impossible,
ond, we may have indirect control of the pro without ethnohistorical documentation, to
duction of specialized as to the ways in which salt was dis
village communities testify
on an item posed of after production at the local level,
working only part time. Village
specialization is common in Mesoamerica and and to where it went. In this case, we happen
the Peruvian There is some to have evidence that salt control was a politi
highlands today.

cal privilege of the ruling class, involving ab would like to believe that the general agree
sentee Caciques (Lords) of towns outside the ment between Dr. Hunt and myself, and the
Libro lack of outcry from the floor is the result of
Tehuacan valley (e.g. Mendocino Codex,
de Tasaciones [XVI Century], AGN, Indios, the former. In fact my major programmatic
vol. 7, ext. 89, 129). But without this kind of point, picked up and elaborated by Prof.
interdisciplinary research the archaeological i Hunt, was an extremely simple
one: that
record alone is not sufficient to understand a whenever possible the reconstruction of past
redistribution network. Even when complex societies is best a
complex accomplished by
we have ethnohistorical documentation, if the deliberate coordination of documentary and
form of state control is not visual, it may be archaeological research around a set of "prob
not feasible to try to corroborate the findings lems" or questions. What those specific
with archaeological evidence. I am only saying are is amatter that is rigidly
"problems" hardly
that a number of economic institutions defined, and in given cases it must be recon
may
have been present which cannot be directly ciled between various collaborating investiga
observed from archaeological data. We have tors. There are basic communities of interests,
as shown
to accept the fact (and learn to cope with it) however, by this symposium and
that the models factored from archaeological most of the literature on societies.
complex
because of the limitations of such own opinion, as stressed above, is that our
materials, My
are likely to be simplifications of problem orientations need to
materials, increasingly
the social complexities which existed at the emphasize the analysis of social and economic
time. Not only distribution records can be institutions. That was the second, but related,
lost. Production itself may be state controlled programmatic point toward which my paper
in such a way as to leave no direct evidence. was aimed. In this I believe my position is
In China, for example, state control of salt rather akin to that of Prof. Renfrew (this
was of major social and economic volume). Our emphasis should now move be
production
matters of subsistence
importance. During much of Chinese history yond and technology.
from prehistoric times and up to the second Along with many others, I feel that
organiza
World War salt production and sale was a tional and institutional questions are
primary
source of government revenue (Alm in the study of complex societies. That does
major
1973). However, the forms of state con not mean that subsistence, or
quist technology,
trol of salt production changed cyclically over any broadly ecological should be
questions
eco
time, to cope with bureaucratic corruption in pushed aside. We need instead to place
salt management, etc. some matters more in their institu
smuggling, During logical solidly
periods the salt mines were directly under tional framework and to see if we can't pro
state supervision. At other times the Imperial duce studies of organization which will match
house controlled the salt through contracts some of the notable successes achieved by
with merchants by a system of ecologically oriented studies.
independent
certificates of exchange, and so on. Thus, In spite of the obvious wisdom in coordi
salt trade was always socially nating documentary and archaeological re
although impor
tant, the mechanisms of articulation search on institutional questions, productive
changed
over time. I doubt very much that we could programs with that theme have been disap
know this purely from archaeological research, pointingly few. Much of this stems from the
without the documentary work of Chinese fact that until recently archaeology was not
historical scholars. In summary, as Dr. Morris seriously as a full partner, a real
regarded
out, our work must with the in means of access to ancient institutions and
points cope
trinsic limitations of our discipline and its forms of organization (the "black box" syn
We may profit from boldly drome if you will). We still have to
techniques. facing squarely
such limitations, more than from ignoring face its limitations and inefficiency, for they
them. are serious, but cannot be dis
archaeology
missed as
anthropology's embarassing step
REPLY child or history's poor cousin when it comes
to such It is
questions. rapidly developing
Craig Morris methods and techniques which provide rather
detailed information on past activities, and
Lack of controversy may either be a mark the prospects are
particularly bright in the
of unusual success or simply of dullness. I case of
complex societies, simply because of

the richness of the material record they left its most careful reading from the agronomists:
-
behind so much that was important to these who
people today face the problem of storage
societies received material expression. in the Andes. During the almost five centuries
I felt the best way to a of continuing of the cultural
emphasize position impoverishment
I to
with which expected few disagree was heritage of the Andean people, the utilization
through examples, however preliminary, of of the warehouses before the invasion has
what archaeology can in tandem turned out technologically suitable and more
accomplish
with materials derived from the study of doc efficient than anything available today.
uments. In the past the kind of anthropological
Prof. Hunt apparently agrees with
that tactic, since she has added an excellent tactics available to us to know the Inca were
and the written sources, the eyewitness accounts
paper of her own, replete with examples
which neither nor of the Europeans. The clarification of these
suggestions archaeologists accounts came eventually the kind of
students of documents should let slip by. Her through
comments of a conceptual apparatus that present day ethno
show, from the perspective
logic field work would provide. There was
cultural anthropologist and ethnohistorian,
new about this point of view. As
the kind of sensitivity to diverse ap nothing
exactly as 1891 Heinrich Cunow had argued that
early
proaches we so obviously require. the only way we would understand the Inca
I too would like to make an obser
Finally, State would be by looking at ethnographic
vation on a recurrent image which has worried
studies of modern, so
the symposium. If one must view the social comparably complex
cieties which were more prevalent then than
organization and institutional structure of a
- or otherwise -
as some they are today. Cunow got nowhere. Instead
society prehistoric we got Baudin (1928) and Karsten 's (1949)
sort of box, it would seem to me that like so
guesses. We needed first what Max Gluckman
many other come in varying
things they us the study of the present
shades of grey rather than black. The exact provided through
day Lozi in what is today Zambia. Tt is only
shade depends on the skill, and
ingenuity, when one can observe the functioning of a
of the on
perserverence investigators working and economic
them as well as the richness of the archaeolog comparable political pre-capi
talist structure that one discovers what land
ical, documentary, and ethnographic records.
mean: i.e. the in lands, the
there ismuch that the past has rights kings' rights
Certainly local lords' rights in land, the superimposition
denied us. But frequently the way we have
or coincidence of rights to the same piece of
isolated ourselves in our own sub-disciplines
as any land. Valuable concepts to use are those of
may be at least as grave an obstacle for status those of
black boxes within which the important Gluckman, or, lineages,
orga
societies Irving Goldman in Polynesia. In
nizational aspects of ancient complex exploring
it is naive optimism, status lineages one can use all of Polynesia to
may be encased. Perhaps see what kind of gradations within the same
but I am confident that if we make sustained,
in ways similar to those cultural tradition exist in different ecological,
coordinated efforts,
political and economic circumstances. It is
Prof. Hunt, myself, and others have mentioned,
soci that kind of modern anthropological work
the nature and growth of past complex
clear. that will be most useful to archaeologists and
eties will become increasingly will help them interpret their material.
DISCUSSION Prof. Hunt mentioned that one should in
corporate data from present day populations
Prof. John V. Murra of Cornell University in the area where one works. And this too is
began the discussion by saying that Morris' an obviously important point. That is what
of an Inca administrative center, the has been tried in the Andes, where it is easier
study
best preserved of several score such centers than in Central America in the sense that the
that existed along the Royal Highway, will nuclear area is still inhabited by Andean popu
continue to provide, for many years, interpre lations and the continuity from 1532 to the
tations, tests, and hypotheses about the Inca present of such features as land tenure and
State. use are remarkable. As the years go
?cologie
He wished to point to other benefits of one becomes more and more aware how
by
Morris' work, in particular that his book these continuities are and how
important
(1967) on the Inca state relevant the past is to the present, and, vice
length manuscript
at Hu?huco versa, the Andean to the past.
warehouses Pampa has received present

Prof. Murra agreed with Morris that the site contemporary end of the Andean con
done so far are tinuum.
comparisons mostly analogies
as are those and Gold
suggested by Gluckman Morris has already asked the question of
man. The importance was that archaeology labor, where the people were drafted on a
was added as a third tactic in the attempt to basis, or where women weavers
temporary
understand Inca society: not the Euro were on a full time basis to work
just employed
not con
pean eyewitness accounts, just the for the state. That raises the whole problem
ceptual apparatus that comes from the best of of Andean wealth and poverty. One of the
field ethnology, but the addition of excavating devices which the project is now
interesting
of complex structures, although they are large working with is the "archipelago" model of
and present all the difficulties that Morris was vertical ?cologie control, which distinguishes
talking about. the Andean world not only from other parts
About 10 years ago, Murra argued as to of the world but specifically from the Meso
the Hu?huco should be under american civilizations discussed
why project by Sanders
taken. One of the promises made at that time and Hunt. There is a
very skilled and simul
was that if one studied administrative centers taneous use of many different
ecological
like the Inca one at Hu?nuco one niches. There is no one frontier, there are
Pampa,
might discover what the radius of its action many frontiers, because each complex society
would be. Administrative centers were built will control islands, not in the sea, but up and
at 4 or 5 days' march distance from each down the Andean continuum.
other; at the end of every day was a way sta There would have been, as Adams shows in
tion, and at the end of every 4 or 5 days there his paper, a certain unstable
equilibrium:
was a city. But there was no information
kingdoms would try to attract or to defend
about what the administration center con outliers. Most is that from the
important
the radius of its effective and
trolled, action, point of view of the Andean people there is
the kind of energies it could call upon within an ideal of access to a maximum
hoping for of
its jurisdiction. Murra had hoped to answer such islands, societies which are weaker will
these questions through studies of pottery and control fewer islands and closer to the nucleus;
other artifacts, but archaeology showed that the more powerful ones will control islands
he was wrong. The reason turned out to be 10, 15, or 20 days' march away, without any
that he was too skeptical about the European concern for the areas. In the last
intervening
accounts. While there would be no study of few years the project has elaborated upon
Hu?huco without the remarkable 16th cen this model. They could never have done it
tury house by house account of the from historical accounts
region, eyewitness alone,
one did not believe what the eye found confirmation.
necessarily although they eventually
witness accounts claimed. For instance, could never have done it from the
they They
said that whenever a man worked for the archae
archaeological distribution; although
state, everything was issued him. Had he seem to have the data for it. The
ologists
trusted such claims he would have known that decisive factor was that
today the Andean
the city alone could not be used to determine still treat much of their environment
people
the radius of its action, because the thousands in this way. The present day of
knowledge
of people coming, lineage by lineage and the possibilities of their environment which
ethnic group by ethnic group, to work in the the Andean people have, is what we are deal
would not use of their own
city any pots and ing with, not what the modern agronomist and
pans; everything they utilized while serving in modern western-trained scientist think is there.
the city was government issue. Unless archae All they see is poverty, bare feet, illiteracy,
was used, the written sources and infant mortality. The amount of
ology European sickness,
could not have been confirmed. It is obviously about the Andes that
knowledge present day
to have this kind of collaboration. Andean is recorded
important peoples have, what in the
Experience has shown that cooperation must and what is obtained
eyewitness accounts,
come the in the of the from archaeology all lead to an explanation
through sharing design of
study and equivalent status of the several the ways and the
whys the Andean
tactics used. peoples
were
wealthy.
Murra suggested another way in which Thomas Charlton of the of Iowa
University
archaeology and the written sources and con commented that in the of Mexico near
Valley
temporary ethnography could all be the small city state of Otumba, he has been
brought
together by looking at the historically carrying out similar research
oppo involving ethno

and archaeology. In i invented. Yet even with this the field is not
graphy, ethnohistory,
part, this work has more detailed in hopeless because the European eyewitness
provided
formation on the functioning of the Irural accounts did deal with the larger units, in some
Aztec as to Tenochtitlan of the papers which Prof. Hunt has referred to
city state, opposed
about which there is a great deal of informa- I such as 16th century administrative papers,
or
tion. Craft specialization also was found in
j litigations, censuses, inspection trips in
the town of Otumba itself where the house- which a particular ethnic group or community
?
hold production of certain types of fibres, is discussed. Then the ethnography is pro
j
cotton and local cactus fibre were vided not by the community but by the Euro
particularly
differentiated. Therefore here is another ex pean
accounts.
one
ample, in a small
city state where it is possible
This raises the larger point of how
to differentiate some of the production approaches archaeology, and, of course, every
pat
terns. one will do it how they like to. But the inter
to go back to William Duncan
Marshall Becker was appreciative of Prof. esting thing is
suggestion of using the upstreaming
Hunt's comments on the of ethno- , Strong's
problem
techniques. Though it may not help with the
He pointed out
graphy and archaeology. neolithic settlement of Wessex, in many parts
some of the historical problems that have been the continuities are
of the world genuine.
this in Mesoamerica. This is par- I
generated by Such are the continuities that Gluckman deals
true for J.E.S. Thompson's work at with in Lozi, where the European
ticularly occupation
San Jose in British Honduras, where there are j lasted only 40 or 50 years, where the oral tra
limited excavations on a relatively small site. the historical record
dition is still alive, where
He is making valid comparisons to
probably is superb. In Mozambique what the infor
the kinds of of Wagley, but these
ethnography mants tell one in the field today about the
are to such can be
comparisons totally inappropriate events in the 15th or 16th
sites as Tikal. studies and Bullard's century
Vogt's confirmed documents in the Lisbon ar
by
archaeological surveys dealing with very pecu chives. That kind of continuity is present in
liar kinds of sites are not to the There iswhere
applicable many parts of the world.
larger sites found in the lowlands. should deliberately
archaeology begin by
Murra agreed and added that one cannot allying itself with contemporary ethnology.
one often wants It is a strategy to be used by those interested
get at the kind of features
from present where the people in problems of complexity where one can
ethnography -
have been peasantized, where the ethnic check both ways on the
ethnographically
and communities one hand and on the other.
groups have been destroyed, archaeologically


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Reconstructing Patterns of Non-Agricultural Production in the Inca Economy: Archaeology

and Documents in Institutional Analysis

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Chapter V with which we can begin to construct models

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ancient societies is to be achieved.

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3. Prof. Murra's of which the author was a was

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to centers where state management is well

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Cloth was particularly vital in reciprocity. Conclusion.

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nization of Cuicatec states (Hunt 1972)1 I be ical or other causes,

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we have found that salt, cotton for

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