Вы находитесь на странице: 1из 78

NGLISH

PRACTICUM
О. А. Первезенцева, Е. Л. Фрейлина, Н. А. Ковпак,
О. Г. Козачук, Т. Д. Нестерова, М. Ю. Сейранян

ТЕОРЕТИЧЕСКАЯ
ФОНЕТИКА
АНГЛИЙСКОГО
ЯЗЫКА
Практикум

Реком ендовано
У М О по специальностям педагогического образования
в качестве учебника для студентов вы сш их учебны х заведений,
обучаю щ ихся по специальности 050303.65 (033200) —
ин остран н ы й язы к

Дубна
Феникс+
2011
УДК 811 Preface
Б Б К 81.2Англ
ТЗЗ

Первезенцева О. А. и др.
ТЗЗ Теоретическая фонетика английского языка. Практикум / О. А. П ер­
везенцева, Е. JI. Фрейдина, Н. А. Ковпак, О. Г. Козачук, Т. Д. Нестерова, This book is primarily addressed to the students of linguistics to serve as a
М. Ю. Сейранян. —Дубна: Ф еникс+, 2011. — 152 с.
background and further reading text for the course of Theoretical Phonetics.
ISBN 978-5-9279-0156-2 The aims of the book are as follows:
— to provide students with the starting point for subsequent in-depth anal­
Учебное пособие адресовано студентам, изучающим курс «Теоретиче­ ysis of the basic problems o f theoretical phonetics of the language;
ская фонетика английского языка». Материалы, представленные в пособии, — to give extensive illustration of various points of view on phonetic phe­
предназначены для освоения знаний в области фонетической науки, а nomena;
также для формирования умения работать с научным текстом, обсуждать
— to summarize and to extend students’ knowledge of theoretical phonet­
дискуссионные теоретические вопросы и анализировать фонетические
явления. ics received at the lectures;
Учебное пособие может использоваться как дополнение к учебнику — to supply questions and problems to be discussed at the seminars;
«Теоретическая фонетика английского языка» (авторы М. А. Соколова, — to develop students’ ability to make some practical conclusions based
И. С. Тихонова, Р. М. Тихонова, Е. JI. Фрейдина). on the given theoretical facts and instruct them to apply the theoretical
УДК 811 knowledge of phonetics to teaching.
Б Б К 81.2Англ The body of the book includes nine units which go in Une with the chap­
ters of the textbook “Theoretical Phonetics of English” (2010) /М . А. Со­
IS B N 978-5 -9 2 7 9 -0 1 5 6 -2 © О. А. Первезенцева, Е. Л. Фрейдина, Н. А. Ков­ колова, И. С. Тихонова, Р. М. Тихонова, Е. Л. Ф рейдина/ and cover the
пак, О. Г. Козачук, Т. Д. Нестерова, М. Ю. Сей­ material on segmental and suprasegmental aspects of phonetics, as well as
ранян, содержание, 2011
© Феникс+, оформление, 2011 phonostylistics and territorial varieties o f English pronunciation. Each unit
contains a list of key terms, questions and tasks on the material of the related
chapters from the textbook, abstracts from original works of British, Ameri­
О. А. Первезенцева, Е. Л. Фрейдина, Н. А. Ковпак, can and Russian phoneticians accompanied by questions for discussion, and
О. Г. Козачук, Т. Д. Нестерова, М. Ю. Сейранян exercises and tasks aimed at the application of the unit content to solving
practical problems and encouraging students to do further reading on the
ТЕОРЕТИЧЕСКАЯ ФОНЕТИКА АНГЛИЙСКОГО ЯЗЫКА
problem and to discuss major issues in class. The abstracts and the list of ref­
Практикум
erences may be extended if necessary to provide a wider range of material for
analysis and discussion.
Редактор О. Б. Саакян
Компьютерный набор И. И. Шевчук The book also contains useful words and phrases for presenting an ar­
Компьютерная верстка А.И. Мамаев ticle, questions and tasks for revision and Glossary.
Дизайн обложки С. Ю. Шендрик

Формат 60 х 90 ‘/16. Тираж 2000 экз. Заказ № К-4063

«Феникс+». 141983, Моск. обл., г. Дубна, ул. Тверская, д.6А, оф.156.


http://www.phoenix.dubna.ru E-mail: patsuk@dubna.ru

Отпечатано в ГУП ИПК «Чувашия»


428019, г. Чебоксары, пр. И. Яковлева, 13
Contents INTRODUCTION

Key words: acoustic / auditory / articulatory phonetics, bronchi, descrip­


tive / historical phonetics, direct observation, general / special phonetics,
In tro d u c tio n ....................................................................................................... 5 glottis, instrumental methods, intonograph, kinesics, laryngoscope, larynx,
The Functional Aspect of Speech S ou n d s.................................................. 14 lungs, mathematical linguistics, m outh / nasal / supraglottal cavities, phar­
ynx, phonology (functional phonetics), practical (normative) phonetics,
Syllabic Structure of English W ords............................................................ 34
psycholinguistics, respiratory (power) mechanism, segmental / supraseg­
Word S tress..................................................................................................... 43 mental phonetics, sociophonetics, spectrograph, theoretical phonetics, vo­
Intonation ...................................................................................................... 54 cal cords, vocal tract, wind-pipe, x-ray photography / cinematography.
Functions o f In to n a tio n ................................................................................. 64
R h y th m ........................................................................................................... 87
Phonostylistics................................................................................................ 102
Social and Territorial Varieties o f English Pronunciation ........................122 Questions:
Presenting an Article............................................................................. 137 1. Why is phonetics important in teaching and studying a foreign lan­
Questions and Tasks for Revision...................................................... 139 guage?
G lossary.............................................................................................. 142 2. What does phonetics study?
3. What are general and special phonetics concerned with?
References........................................................................................... 150
4. What are the sub-branches of special phonetics?
5. What are the domains of segmental and suprasegmental phonetics?
6 . Describe the stages of speech production.
7. How do speech organs act to produce oral speech?
8 . What is the speech function of the vocal cords?
9. What branches o f phonetics are connected with each stage o f speech
production?
10. What does phonology study?
11. What linguists were the first to introduce and develop the functional
aspect of phonetic phenomena?
12 . Into what two large groups can methods of phonetic investigation be
divided?
13. In what branches of phonetics do these methods come useful?
14. What does sociophonetics study?
15. How are linguistics and psychology interrelated?
16. What is kinesics concerned with?
17. What are the spheres of practical application of phonetics?
6 Introduction Introduction 7

k k k able to tell the pupil just exactly what is the difference between the sound as
he pronounced it and the sound as it should be. Then he is able to strike at
By phonetics is meant the science o f speech sounds, their production by the root o f the evil, chiefly thru an isolation of both sounds concerned: he
means o f lips, tongue, palate, and vocal chords, their acoustic qualities, pronounces them long and distinct by themselves, without any sounds be­
their combination into syllables and other sound groups, and finally quan­ fore or after which are apt to bewilder the ear by diverting the attention from
tity, stress and intonation. Phonetics thus may be called that part of linguis­ the sounds themselves, and then he shows how the difference o f impression
tic science which deals with the outward aspect of language as opposed to which it is now easy to appreciate, is produced by shifting the tongue a little
the inner or psychological side of language, or it may be looked upon as that forward or a little backward, or by voicing the sound, or whatever the mis­
part of physics and of physiology which deals specially with sounds as used take in question may be. He has here to give a few explanations which are
by hum an beings to communicate thoughts and feelings to one another. theoretical, to be sure, but of the kind that appeal at the same time to the
Among those who have contributed to the development of phonetic science practical instinct o f the pupils and can be made interesting and attractive. A
we find physicists like Helmholtz, physiologists like Brücke, and philolo­ simple drawing on the blackboard, a look into a hand-m irror, a little ex­
gists like Sievers, Storm and Sweet. perimenting with your fingers, and there you are: the sound that appeared
This lecture was given in September, 1909, at Columbia University n o difficult to appreciate is now understood in its mechanism, and the prac­
as thefirst of a series on practical and theoretical phonetics. tise needed to possess it for ever is nothing but a kind of play, which is felt to
Jespersen, Otto. What is the use of phonetics?//Educational Review, be just as enjoyable as learning how to whistle or to play other tricks with
February, 1910. —http://interlanguages.net/phonetics.html. one’s mouth is to the average child.
He [the teacher] will find, besides, that the better his pupils’ pronuncia­
1. What is phonetics? tion is, the better will they be able to appreciate the aesthetic side of the
language as a whole, the style of various authors, etc. As a m atter o f fact,
whoever does not possess a foreign language well enough to hear it in his
mind’s ear as the native does, will never be able to appreciate the higher
k k k
forms of a foreign literature, whether in prose or in poetry.
The teacher of foreign languages will find that a thorough knowledge of Now, there is one class of teachers who have even more need of phonet­
the essentials of phonetics will be extremely helpful to him in his classroom. ics than other teachers o f language, namely the deaf-and-dum b teachers.
Everybody knows the m anner in which corrections of pronunciation were Some of the earliest descriptions of the organic positions required for speech
generally made in old-fashioned classes, and how they are still made by too sounds are due to the first pioneers in the difficult art of teaching deaf-mutes
many teachers, even among those who have themselves acquired a good to speak in the same way as hearing persons do, and now it is everywhere
pronunciation of the language they are teaching. The pupil reads some word considered as a m atter of course that the teacher of articulation and of lip-
in some miserably erroneous way, the teacher stops him and pronounces reading (or, better, mouth-reading) in schools for the deaf-and-dum b must
the word in, let us assume, the correct way. The pupil tries to imitate that be thoroughly familiar with theoretical and practical phonetics. There is no
pronunciation, but fails, and thus we have an endless repetition o f the same necessity for enlarging upon that subject.
word by the teacher, followed very often on the part o f the pupil by an equal­ This lecture was given in September, 1909, at Columbia University
ly endless repetition of nearly the same bad pronunciation as before <...> as thefirst of a series on practical and theoretical phonetics.
By dint o f enormous patience m uch may no doubt be achieved in this Jespersen, Otto. What is the use of phonetics? //Educational Re­
way; but the way is long and laborious, and so tedious that generally all at­ view, February, 1910. —http://interlanguages.net/phonetics.html.
tempts are given up after some time, with no visible result except that of
some precious time lost to both parties concerned. How different, if the 1. Why is pronunciation important for teachers of foreign languages?
teacher knows his business, that is to say, knows enough o f phonetics to be 2. What are other practical applications o f phonetics?
8 Introduction Inlmiluciion 9

* * *
Other respects without any fear o f hum an society falling at once to pieces on
I therefore pass on to another field where advantages are likely to ac­ thnl account.
crue from a more extended knowledge of phonetics. The question o f spell­ This lecture was given in September, 1909, at Columbia University
ing reform is a burning one in all civilized countries. N ot only in English, as thefirst of a series on practical and theoretical phonetics.
but also in French, in Germ an, in Danish, in Swedish, in Russian, and to Jespersen, Otto. What is the use of phonetics? / / Educational Re­
a m uch lesser degree in Italian and Spanish, do we find num erous in ­ view, February, 1910. http://interlanguages.net/phonetics.html.

stances of words spelt otherwise than pronounced, of m ute and superflu­


ous or ambiguous letters <...> T he present situation is one o f a clumsy and 1. What arguments does the author give to prove the necessity of a spelling
difficult system o f spelling that causes a miserable loss of time in all schools reform in English?
(and out of schools, too); m uch valuable time which might be used profit­ 2. Why do most educated people object to the spelling reform?
ably in many other ways, is spent upon learning that this word has to be 3. Compare the author’s idea of “individual spelling” and m odern “inter­
spelt in this absurd m anner, and that word in another equally absurd way, net” spelling. What is your attitude to it?
and why? For no other apparent reason than that such has been the cus­
tom of a couple o f centuries or m ore <...> Now I know very well that it is
not every phonetician who is a spelling reformer though a great many are;
but what I do m aintain is, in the first place, that only a good phonetician
is is is
can show what is to be reformed and what is to be the direction of change,
because he alone knows what sounds to represent and how best to repre­ Languages can basically be thought of as systems —highly complicated
sent them. ones - which enable us to express our thoughts by means o f “vocal noises” ,
<...> But in the second place I m aintain that a thorough reform of the «nd to extract meaning from the “noises” (speech sounds from now on)
spelling of any civilized nation does not only presuppose a small set of ener­ that are made by other people. Linguistics is the study of the nature and
getic phoneticians who have investigated all the odds and ends of the sub­ properties of these systems, and its various branches focus on different as­
ject, but will not be possible till the day when the general public have given pects of the communication process.
up what I should call their all-pervading superstition in these matters, their Phonetics is the branch concerned with hum an speech sounds, and it-
irrational belief that the spelling of words had been settled once for all, as if ncli has three different aspects:
by some divine command, and that any deviation from the traditional spell­
ing is either ridiculous or else an infallible symptom of low breeding. M uch • Articulatory Phonetics (the most anatomical and physiological divi­
of that superstition will break down when people get accustomed to seeing sion) describes how vowels and consonants are produced or “articulat­
old authors spelt in the orthography of their own times; I think it is a great ed” in various parts o f the m outh and throat.
pity that Shakespeare is now nearly always reprinted in and read in the spell­ • Acoustic Phonetics (the branch that has the closest affinities with phys­
ing of the nineteenth century instead of in that o f the old editions. M uch ics) studies the sound waves that transmit the vowels and consonants
would also be achieved if scholars of renown, philologists, students of lit­ through the air from the speaker to the hearer.
erature, and writers o f books in general, would indulge in some individual
spellings, one in this class of words, and another in some other class. These • Auditory Phonetics (the branch of most interest to psychologists) looks
individual spellings need not be very numerous, nor should they be neces­ at the way in which the hearer’s brain decodes the sound waves back
sarily consistent, and the author need not give any other reason for his spe­ into the vowels and consonants originally intended by the speaker.
cial heterodoxies than that they just suit his fancy. This would educate read­ Closely associated with Phonetics is another branch o f linguistics known
ers by showing them that different spellings need not always be marks of iin Phonology. This focuses on the way languages use differences between
illiteracy, and that there may exist difference of opinions in this as well as in Nounds in order to convey differences of meaning between words, each lan-
10 Introduction 11
Introduction

guage having its own unique sound pattern. Phonology is really the link Hnd out about such things as the pressure of air in the lungs and the vocal
between Phonetics and the rest of Linguistics. irnct. the flow of air out of the m outh and nose, the opening and closing of
(ho vocal folds and o f the soft palate, and the movement of articulators like
Dr. Rodney Ball. Introduction to Phonetics for Students of English, ■
.
the lips and the lower jaw. X-ray techniques were used extensively for exam­
French, German and Spanish. — University of Southampton,
2002. - p . 5. ining the movements o f articulators until the 1970s, and produced very im-
portnnt discoveries, but it later became clear that there were serious health
1. What is Phonetics and what do its various branches study? rlakfl In using normal radiographic and cineradiographic technology <...>
Contact between the tongue and the palate can be measured electrically by
means of electropalatography (EPG ), where a piece o f moulded plastic is
k k k fitted to the hard palate <...> Additionally, it is possible to detect the electri-
Oal activity that is produced when muscles contract, through electromyog­
Experimental phonetics has been an important part of phonetics for raphy (EM G), and we can thus observe the complex co-ordination of activ­
most o f the twentieth century, and experimental work in phonetics labora­ ity In the muscles controlling speech production <...>
tories has produced many important discoveries about how speech is pro­
duced and perceived. Too often, however, this area o f the subject is regarded Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
Univ. Press, 1987. -pp. 204-205; 2000.
as a mysterious world where incomprehensible things are done with expen­
sive equipment. This situation is changing rapidly, and one consequence of
1, What are the constituents of the speech chain?
the earlier availability o f instrumental speech analysis techniques is that the
2, What helps us to guess what is happening on Stage 1?
field of descriptive phonetics, pronunciation teaching and experimental
3, What instruments are used to study the articulatory aspect of speech
phonetics have become m uch more closely linked <... >
production?
In explaining the subject m atter of experimental phonetics it is helpful
to start by looking at the speech chain, which may be diagrammed in sim­
plified form like this: k k k

<...> the transmission o f sound waves through the air, is studied by


speaker’s speaker’s vo­ transmission listener’s ear listener’s acoustic analysis <...> We can discover the physical events that produce the
brain cal tract of sound brain perceptual characteristics of speech sounds, including the duration of sounds
through air
or syllables (we often refer to duration as “length”), the intensity of different
1 2 3 4 5 aounds (which is closely related to loudness that we perceive), and the fun­
articulatory acoustic auditory damental frequency of voiced sounds (which is closely related to pitch). <.. .>
phonetic phonetic phonetic loft ware for acoustic analysis and spectrographic displays o f speech is avail­
level level level able ut little or no cost via internet, and it is now possible to get a computer
(0 produce a simple phonetic transcription of what is said to it.
With currently available technology we are not able to discover what Finally, it is of great importance to discover more about how the lis­
goes on in detail in the brain when someone is speaking (Stage 1), although tener's brain identifies what it receives from the ear <...>. Many experi­
we can make informed guesses based on evidence such as speech error ments have shown how sensitive hum an beings are to very slight differences
(“slips of the tongue”), the effects on speech production of different sorts of and how flexible they are in being able to adjust to very different speakers.
brain damage and the evidence o f brain scanning. We are also very strongly influenced by our expectations: if we have heard
M uch more is known about Stage 2, the articulatory aspect of speech and understood half a sentence, it seems that our brain is already guessing
production, Many special instruments have been developed to help us to at what the rest of it will be before it is heard, and is certainly not acting in a
12 Introduction 13
Introduction

passive way like a simple machine <...> Experimental phonetics has made тукового устройства человеческого языка вообще и его конкретно­
m uch use o f speech produced through the technique o f speech synthesis. т и к о в ы х проявлений в частности <...>
The best speech synthesis is capable of producing speech of such high qual­ Древнюю традицию в области фонетики имеют сравнительно-
ity that only an expert can distinguish it from a recording o f a hum an being’s исторические исследования. Их целью является описание истори­
speech <...> ческих изменений звуковых систем родственных языков, реконс­
One o f the major problems in the experimental study o f speech is the трукция звуковой системы языка-источника (праязыка), а также
enormous am ount of variability found both within the speech o f an indi­ описание исторических изменений в звуковой системе конкретных
vidual and among different speakers. This means that if we study only one ты ков и диалектов. Эта область является специфическим разделом
or two speakers, it is likely that our results will not be typical of other speak­ общей фонетики <...>
ers. M uch m odem speech research makes use of collections of very large .’З нания о звуковой стороне речевой коммуникации, получаемые
amounts of spoken data stored in digital form on computers in a form which КйК общей, так и частными фонетиками, используются в разных об­
allows the computer to search and process examples of particular types of ластях человеческой деятельности. Практическим применением ф о­
phonetic data. Such collections are known as speech databases <... > нетических знаний занимается прикладная фонетика. Ее разделы от­
ряжают многообразие использования языка в человеческой жизни.
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr. По этому к прикладной фонетике относятся столь разные дисципли­
Univ. Press, 1987. —pp. 206—207; 2000. ны, как методика преподавания фонетики конкретного языка, при­
емы выразительной речи (фонетическая риторика), орфоэпия, уста­
1. What can we discover with the help of acoustic analysis?
навливающая различные произносительные нормы, и т. д. В
2. What are the results of the speech perception analysis? Настоящее время благодаря бурному развитию компьютерной техни­
3. What is a speech database and why is it valuable in experimental pho­
ки большую значимость приобретают такие направления приклад­
netics?
ной фонетики, как автоматический синтез и распознавание речи
<...>
it 4c * Кодзасов С. В., Кривнова О. Ф. Общая фонетика. — М.: Рос.
гуманит. ун-т, 2001. —сс. 29—31.
<...> звуковая речь - очень сложное, многоплановое явление.
Хотя в ее основе лежит целостный механизм, отдельные его части
1, What is the connection between general and special (private) phonet­
могут быть предметом самостоятельного изучения. Поэтому в ф оне­
ics?
тике выделяются отдельные разделы со своими объектами и метода­
2. What does typological phonetics study?
ми исследования <...>
3. What is the aim of historical phonetics?
Наряду с общей фонетикой имеются частные фонетики, которые
4, What is the domain of applied phonetics?
изучают звуковую структуру конкретных языков. Между общей ф о­
нетикой и частными фонетиками существует очень тесная связь. Н а­
иболее отчетливо она проявляется в универсальных фонетических
классификациях, построение которых долгое время считалось глав­
ной задачей общей фонетики. В универсальных классификациях
суммируются сведения о звуковых средствах всех языков мира <...>
Важным разделом общей фонетики является типологическая ф о­
нетика. Типологический анализ направлен на изучение сходств и
различий в устройстве звуковых систем разных языков. Он создает'
базу для различных содержательных обобщений, которые касаются
15
FUNCTIONAL ASPECT OF SPEECH SOUNDS Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds

17. What types of transcription are distinguished? What spheres are they
applied in?
Key words: allophone, allophonic (narrow) Z phonemic (broad) transcrip­ 18. What types of broad transcription do you know? Which type do you
tion, commutation test, complementary / contrastive Zparallel distribution, prefer for teaching and learning purposes?
distinctive (relevant) Z non-distinctive (irrelevant, redundant) features, free 19. Dwell upon the main trends in phoneme theory. Which conception may
variations, formally distributional m ethod, invariant, minimal pairs, be regarded as the most suitable for the purpose of teaching?
morphonology, neutralization, phone, phoneme, phonetic Z phonological 20. What is the aim of the phonological analysis?
mistakes, a principal / subsidiary (secondary) allophone, semantically dis­ 2 1. What methods of the phonological analysis do you know?
tributional m ethod, set of oppositions, sound. 22. How is the formally distributional method applied? What distribution is
called complementary? What distribution is called contrastive? What
are the drawbacks of this method?
23. How is the semantically distributional method applied?
24. How does the commutation test work? Give your own examples of the
Questions:
i procedure of the commutation test.
1. Give the definition of the phoneme. 23. What types of oppositions can be distinguished? Illustrate them with
2. What sounds are called allophones? your own examples.
3. Prove that the phoneme is a unity of three aspects: material, abstract 26, Point out advantages and disadvantages of the semantically distribu­
and functional. tional method.
4. What is m eant by the word “function” in linguistics? 27, What is morphonology? What does it study?
5. What is the correlation between the phoneme and the allophone? 28, What is phonemic neutralization?
6 . What sounds can be regarded as allophones o f the same phoneme? 29, What are the main approaches to the problem of phonemic neutraliza-
7. What types o f allophones are distinguished? Is it important to distin­ l, (ion? Which of them do you find more effective?
guish between these types in terms o f teaching pronunciation? 30, Is Ihe problem of phonemic neutralization more significant for the Eng-
8 . Why is it impossible to pronounce the phoneme? What do we actually Jlsh language or the Russian language?
pronounce? 31, What is the difference between the two classes of sounds: consonants
9. What kind of information about the speaker is conveyed by the pho­ ,, and vowels?
netic distinctions o f speech sounds? 32, What are the main principles of the classification of English conso-
10. What is the relationship between the phoneme and the phone? i pants?
11. Why are native speakers unaware of the differences between the allo­ 33, What articulatory features are phonologically relevant for consonants?
phones of the same phoneme? 34, What is the difference between phonemic and phonetic description of
12. W hat features are called distinctive or relevant? W hat relevant features .. consonants?
can you name for consonants and for vowels? 35, What are the main principles of the classification of English vowels?
13. W hat features are called non-distinctive or irrelevant? Give examples of 36, Arc Russian and British linguists unanimous in the question about the
irrelevant features in English. stability of articulation of English vowels?
14. How is the invariant o f the phonem e formed? W hat happens if there is 37, Why do English diphthongs present a problem in teaching English pro­
a change in the invariant? nunciation?
15. State the difference between phonological and phonetic mistakes. Who 38, What articulatory features are phonologically relevant for vowels?
introduced this classification of mistakes? 39, Is vowel length relevant or irrelevant in English? Prove your point of
16. What is transcription? view.
16 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds 17

* * *
40. Is it necessary to acquire irrelevant indispensable features o f vowel qual­
ity? Why?
Two types of meaning are associated with the terms ‘vowel’ and ‘conso­
41. What kind of modification do sounds undergo in connected speech?
nant’. Traditionally, consonants are those segments which in a particular lan­
42. W hat are the reasons for these modifications o f sounds in connected
guage, occur at the edges of syllables, while vowels are those which occur at
speech?
the centre of syllables. So, in red, wed, dead, lead, said, the sounds represent­
43. Dwell upon qualitative consonantal changes in English. Give your own
ed by <r, w, d, 1, s> are consonants, while in beat, bit, bet, but, bought, the
examples.
sounds represented by < ea, i, e, u, ough> are vowels. This reference to the
44. What phonetic process affects vowels in connected speech?
functioning of sounds in syllables in a particular language is a phonological
45. Dwell upon quantitative and qualitative changes of vowels both in Eng­
definition. But once any attempt is made to define what sorts of sounds gener­
lish and in Russian. Give your own examples.
ally occur in these different syllable-positions, then we are moving to a pho­
netic definition. This type of definition might define vowels as medial (air
*** must escape over the middle of the tongue, thus excluding sounds like [1]),
oral (air must escape through the mouth, thus excluding nasals like [n]), fric-
<...> phonetics study <...> may be applied impartially to the sounds of tionless (thus excluding fricatives like [s]), and continuant (thus excluding
any and every language, and may be used to describe and classify, in one plosives like [p]); all sounds excluded from this definition would be conso­
all-embracing scheme, the sound features o f all known languages, from Ar­ nants. But difficulties arise in English with this definition (and with others of
abic to Zulu. But the phonetician is by no means content to act only as tax­ this sort) because English /j, w, r/, which are consonants phonologically
onomist, a describer and classifier of sounds. He is interested, finally, in the (functioning at the edges o f syllables), are vowels phonetically.
way in which sounds function in a particular language, how many or how <...> The reverse type of difficulty is encountered in words like sudden
few o f all the sounds of language are utilized in that language, and what part and little, where the final consonants / n / and / 1/ form syllables on their own
they play in manifesting the meaningful distinctions o f the language. Be­ and hence must be the centre of such syllables even though they are phoneti­
cause one knows what a sound is - how it is produced, what its physical cally consonants, and even though / n / and / 1/ more frequently occur at the
characteristics are and what effect it has on the ear - one does not therefore edges of syllables, as in net and let <...>
know what it does, and the same sound may have quite different tasks to <...> consonants can be voiced or voiceless, and are most easily described
perform in different languages. That is to say, the difference in sound be­ wholly in articulatory terms, since we can generally feel the consonants and
tween d and th is used in English to differentiate between one word and an­ movements involved. Vowels, on the other hand, are voiced, and, depending
other: th e n /d e n , lather/ladder, breathe/ breed. In Spanish this is not so; as they do on subtle adjustments of the body of the tongue, are more easily
the difference between d and th can never be used to differentiate one word described in terms of auditory relationships.
from another because d only occurs between vowels, as in todo ( ‘all’), and at
the end of the word, as in verdad (‘tru th ’), whereas the sound th never oc­ Gimson A.C., revised by A. Cruttenden: Gimson’s Pronunciation of
English (5th ed.). — Edward Arnold, 1994. —pp. 27—28.
curs in these positions. So in Spanish the two sounds can never be ‘op­
posed’ to each other in the same place in a word, and therefore they can
never be ‘distinctive’. 1. What is the difference between the phonological definition of vowels
and consonants and the phonetic one?
O’Connor J. D. Phonetics. - Penguin, 1991. —pp. 17-18.
***
1. What does Phonetics study?
2. What does the example from Spanish in this text illustrate? <...> Furthermore, if we take, say, the stops [t] and [th] in the English
3. The examples in the text are given in spelling, not in phonetic symbols. data, it is clear that they are phonetically similar: both are stops, both are
What symbols do you think would be appropriate for these examples? voiceless, both are alveolar. And yet, for m ost speakers o f English, the al­
18 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds ftinellonal Aspect of Speech Sounds 19

veolar stops in, say, still and till sound the same, despite the fact that the to be in contrast or opposition; we may symbolize them as /p , b, t, d, k, tf,
former is unaspirated and the latter aspirated. For the English speaker, these (ft, f, 0, s, J, w/. But other sound sequences will show other consonantal op­
two phonetically distinct sounds ‘count as the same thing’. We cannot say, positions, e.g.
without contradiction, that they are simultaneously ‘the same sound’ and ( 1) tame, dame, game, lame, maim, name, adding /g, 1, m, n / to our in­
‘not the same sound’. What we will say is that, while they are phonetically ventory;
distinct, they are phonologically equivalent. That is, the two types of stop ( 2 ) pot, tot, cot, lot, yacht, hot, rot, adding /j, h, r/;
correspond to, are interpreted as belonging to, a single mental category. We (3) pie, tie, buy, thigh, thy, vie, adding /5 , v/;
will refer to such a category as a phoneme. The English speaker interprets (4) two, do, who, woo, zoo, adding /z /.
the six phonetic segments [p], [ph], [t], [th], [k] and [kh] in terms of only ; Such comparative procedures reveal 22 consonantal phonemes capable
three phonemes: /p /, / t / and /k /. Of contrastive function initially in a word.
<...> The relationship between phonemes and their associated phonetic It is not sufficient, however, to consider merely one position in the word.
segments is one of realization, so that the phoneme /p /, for instance, is re­ Possibilities o f phonemic opposition have to be investigated in medial and
alized as [p] after a voiceless alveolar fricative, and as [ph] elsewhere. The 5 final positions as well as in the initial. If this is done in English, we discover
most important point is that, on the data we have seen thus far, aspiration In medial positions another consonantal phoneme, / 3 /, cf. the word oppo­
or the lack o f it is entirely predictable in English: there is a generalization, sitions letter, leather, leisure orseater, seeker, Caesar, seizure. This phoneme
expressible as a general rule, as to the contexts in which voiceless stops will ' / 5/ is rare in initial and final positions (e.g. in rouge). Moreover, in final po­
and will not be aspirated <...> The generalization forms part of what native ' sitions, we do not find / h / or / r /, and it is questionable whether we should
speakers know in knowing their native language, even if that knowledge is consider /w, j / as separate, final contrastive units. We do, however, find one
largely unconscious knowledge. Realizations of a phoneme which are en­ more phoneme that is common in medial and final positions but unknown
tirely predictable from context are called its allophones. We therefore say Initially, viz. / q / cf. simmer, sinner, singer or some, son, sung.
that [p] and [ph] are allophones o f the / p / phoneme in most accents of : Such an analysis of the consonantal phonemes of English will give us a
English. We are claiming that native speakers of English possess phonemes total of 24 phonemes, of which four (/h, r, 3 , q/) are o f restricted occur­
(which are mental categories) and phonological generalizations or rules as rence - or six, if /w, j / are not admitted finally. Similar procedures may be
part of their (largely unconscious) knowledge of their native language, and Used to establish the vowel phonemes of English.
that native speakers perceive the allophones they hear in terms o f those cat- ., The final inventories o f vowel and consonant phonemes will constitute
egories and generalizations. ; • statement of the total oppositions in all positions in the word or syllable
Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. --5 <...>
Blackwell Publishers, 1999. —pp. 37—42. Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 42—43.
1. What is the author’s definition of the phoneme? The allophone?
I. What are the principles of establishing the inventories of vowel and con­
sonant phonemes?
it it it

It is possible to establish the phonemes of a language by means of a pro­ ***


cess of commutation or the discovery of minimal pairs, i.e. pairs of words]
which are different in respect of only one sound segment. The series o Up to now we have obtained an inventory of phonemes for English
words pin, bin, tin, din, kin, chin, gin, fin, thin, sin, shin, win supplies us wit' which is no more than a set of relationships or oppositions. The essence of
12 words which are distinguished simply by a change in the first (consonatt the phoneme /p /, for instance, is that it is not / t / or / k / or / s / etc. This is a
tal) element of the sound sequence. These elements, or phonemes, are sai negative definition, which it is desirable to amplify by means of positive in­
20 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds 21
Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds

formation o f a phonetic type. Thus, we may say that / p / is, from a phonetic ent; the first can be felt to be a forward articulation, near the hard palate,
point of view, characteristically voiceless (compared with voiced /b /); labial whereas the second is made further back on the soft palate. This difference
(compared with the places of articulation of such sounds as / t / or /k /); plo­ of articulation is brought about by the nature of the following vowel, [i:],
sive (compared with /f/). The / p / phoneme may, therefore, be defined pos­ having a more advanced articulation than [a:]; the allophonic variation is in
itively by stating the combination of distinctive features which identify it (his case conditioned by the context. In some varieties o f English the two [1]
within the English phonemic system; voiceless, labial, plosive. sounds of lull [IaI] show a variation of a different kind. The first [1], the so-
As originally conceived, the distinctive features of a language were stat­ called ‘clear’ [ 1] with a front vowel resonance, has a quality very different
ed in articulatory terms using as a basis the phonetic classification o f conso­ from that o f the final ‘dark’ [I] with a back vowel resonance. Here the differ­
nants described in the previous chapter. So the distinctive features of Eng­ ence o f quality is related to the position of the phonem e in the word or syl­
lish / p / were voiceless, labial, and plosive. Here there are three dimensions lable and depends on whether a vowel or a consonant or a pause follows. It
o f variation; voicing, place, and manner. But it was conceded that the dis­ is possible, therefore, to predict in a given language which allophones o f a
tinctive features o f a language might involve more or less than three dimen­ phoneme will occur in any particular context or situation: they are said to be
sions. For example, in some languages (e.g. in Tamil, a language o f south in conditioned variation or complementary distribution. Statements of
India) voicing is not a distinctive feature (so changing from [p] to [b] does complementary distribution can refer to preceding or following sounds (e.g.
not bring about a change of meaning) and so only place and m anner are fronted [k] before front vowels like / i :/ in key but retracted [k] before back
distinctive. In other languages we may need to state four dimensions of vari­ vowels like /a :/ in car); to positions in syllables (plosives are strongly aspi­
ation. In Hindi not only is voicing (and place and manner) distinctive but rated when initial in accented syllables); or to positions in any grammatical
aspiration is also separately distinctive from voice; compare, for example, / unit, e.g. words (vowels may optionally be preceded by a glottal stop when
kaan/ ‘ear’, /k h aan / ‘m ine’, /g aan / ‘anthem ’, /gh aan / ‘quantity’. Such ar­ word-initial) or morphemes (Cockney has a different allophone o f / 01/ in
ticulatory distinctive features sometimes involve two terms (voiceless vs. morpheme-medial and morpheme-final positions (cf. board [baud] vs.
voiced, aspirated vs. unaspirated), sometimes three (e.g. labial /p , b / vs. al­ bored [bowad])).
veolar /t, d / vs. velar /k, g / in English), and sometimes more.
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation ofEnglish. —Arnold In­ ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 44—46.
ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 43—44.
1. Explain what sounds can be considered as allophones of the same pho­
1. Is palatalization a distinctive feature in English? Is palatalization a dis­ neme. Give your examples.
tinctive feature in Russian? Give examples to prove your point o f view.
2. What are the distinctive features of the phonemes /<£/, /f/, /g /?
* * *

* * * In classifying sounds, <...> as in classifying items in any other group, all


we need to do is to mention those features by which they differ and leave it at
No two realizations of the phoneme are the same. This is true even if that. If all I have to do is classify [s] and [d], without considering any other
the same word is repeated; thus, when the word cat is said twice, there are sounds, I need only mention one feature, for instance that [s] is fricative and
likely to be slight phonetic variations in the two realizations o f the phonem e [d] is not, or that [d] is a stop and [s] is not, or that [d] has voice in it and [s]
sequence /k+ae+ t/. Nevertheless, the phonetic similarities between the u t­ has none. Any one of these features is sufficient to separate the two sounds
terances will probably be more striking than the differences. But variants of and it is not necessary to quote all three. But if I have to classify [s], [d] and
the same phoneme will frequently show consistent phonetic differences; [t], one feature is no longer enough; [s] is a fricative but both [d] and [t] are
such consistent variants are referred to as allophones. <...> the [k] sounds not; [d] and [t] are both stops, whilst [s] is not; [d] has voice in it, but both [s]
which occur initially in the words key and car are phonetically clearly differ- and [t] have none. So we need two features to classify them: presence or ab­
22 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds 23
Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds

sence of voice and presence or absence o f stop or friction. If we want to clas­ Aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops in Korean
sify sounds of a particular dialect we shall need more than these two features;
(a) [phul] ‘grass’ (d) [tal] ‘m oon’
all the sounds o f English will need more features again, and if we attempt to
(b) [pul] ‘fire’ (e) [kheda] ‘dig’
classify all sounds of all languages, still more features will be needed, since no
(c) [Tal] ‘mask ( 1) [keda] ‘fold’
single language makes use of all the possibilities of the human vocal tract.
But there is a certain economy in the use to which features o f this kind In these Korean data, aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops may oc­
are put in making distinctions of sound; we do not necessarily have to look cur in the same place (at the beginning of a word). The range of places
for a new feature every time we have to separate one sound from another. To within a word which a given sound may occur in is called its distribution. In
specify the difference between [t] and [d] in too and do we may select the the English data we have looked at, the distribution of unaspirated and as­
feature o f voicing, [t] being voiceless and [d] voiced. Then when we come to pirated stops is mutually exclusive: where you get one kind of stop, you nev­
[p] versus [b] and [k] versus [g] we find the same feature operating, [p] and er get the other. This is called complementary distribution.
[k] voiceless, [b] and [g] voiced. To separate all six, we need only add the Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. —
three different places of articulation.
Blackwell Publishers, 1999. —pp. 37—42.
O’Connor J.D. Phonetics. —Penguin, 1991. —pp. 126—127.
1. What distribution is called complementary? Illustrate with your own
1. O ’C onnor is explaining the idea of distinctive features. W hat features examples.
specify the difference between the following groups of sounds: [i, e, ae]
versus [o, o:, u]; [b, d, g] versus [m, n, q]; [f, v, p, b] versus [s, z, t, d]? ***

* * *
Complementary distribution does not take into account those variant
realizations o f the same phonem e in the same situation which may consti­
Let us begin by considering voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirat­ tute the difference between two utterances of the same word. When the
ed stops in English and Korean. Speakers of most accents o f English ha­ same speaker produces noticeably different pronunciations o f the word cat
bitually utter both aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops. The following (e.g. by exploding or not exploding the final /t/) , the different realizations
English data exhibit both of these. of the phonemes are said to be in FR EE VARIATION. Again, the word very
Aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops in English may be pronounced [ven] (where the middle consonant is an approximant)
(a) [rphu:l] ‘pool’ (g) ['stop] ‘stop’ or [ven] (where the middle consonant is a tap). The approximant and the
(b) [a’pria] ‘appear’ (h) [do'stioi] ‘destroy’ tap are here in free variation. Variants in free variation are also allophones
(c) [rsp3:t] ‘spurt’ (i) ['khiliq] ‘killing’ (since, like those in complementary distribution, they are not involved in
(d) [da'spait] ‘despite’ (j) [o'khju:] ‘accrue’ changes of meaning).
(e) [Top] ‘top’ (k) [’skotrfd] ‘scold’ It is usually the case that there is some phonetic similarity between the
(f) [a'thsek] ‘attack’ ( 1 ) [di'skvvg] ‘discover’ allophones of a phoneme: for example both the [1] sounds discussed above,
as well as the voiceless fricative variety which follows /p / or /k / in words
<...> From these data, it appears that voiceless stops are aspirated when such as please and clean, are lateral articulations. It sometimes happens that
they are at the beginning of a stressed syllable, as in pit and appear, but un­ two sounds occur in complementary distribution, but are not treated as al­
aspirated when preceded by a voiceless alveolar fricative, as in spurt. That is, lophones of the same phoneme because of their total phonetic dissimilarity.
in these data, wherever the unaspirated voiceless stops appear, the aspirated This is the case of [h] and [q] in English; they are never significantly op­
ones do not, and vice versa. Compare the English data with the following posed, since [h] occurs typically in initial positions in the syllable or word,
data from Korean: and [q] in final position. <...>
24
Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds hmclional Aspect of Speech Sounds 25

The ordinary native speaker is, in fact, often unaware o f the allophonic lllld velar voiceless stops are concerned. But at the phonemic level (the mental
variations o f his phonemes and will, for instance, say that the various allo- level), the two languages are quite distinct: the Korean speaker has six mental
p h o n eso f/ 1/ we have discussed are the ‘sam e’ sound; [h] and [rj], however, allegories where the English speaker has only three. As far as voiceless stops
he will always consider to be ‘different’ sounds. When he makes a statement иге concerned, Korean speakers have twice as many phonemic contrasts as
o f this kind, he is usually referring to the function o f the sounds in the lan­ Kngl ish speakers. The difficulty which the English speaker encounters in learn­
guage system and can thereby offer helpful, intuitive, information regarding ing to pronounce and perceive Korean voiceless stops is therefore a mental
the phonemic organization o f his language. In the case o f a language such one; it is a phonological difficulty, not a purely articulatory one.
as English prejudices induced by the existence o f written forms have natu­
rally to be taken into account in evaluating the native speaker’s reaction. Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. —

Blackwell Publishers, 1999. pp. 37—42.


Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation o f English. —Arnold In­


ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 44—46. I. What distribution is called parallel? Illustrate with your own examples.

1. W hat are free variations o f a phonem e according to the author?


* is *
2. Why is the ordinary native speaker often unaware o f the allophonic vari­
ations o f his phonemes?
<...> There are problems of different types. In some cases, we have dif­
ficulty in deciding on the overall phonemic system of the accent we are
it is is studying, while in others we are concerned about how a particular sound fits
into this system.
Compare the English situation with the Korean one. It is clear that the <...> The affricates tf and <fe are, phonetically, composed of a plosive
distribution o f aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops in Korean is over­ followed by a fricative <...> It is possible to treat each of the pair tf, cfe as a
lapping; there is at least one place (at the beginning o f words) in which ei­ single consonant phoneme; we will call this the one-phoneme analysis of tf,
ther type o f sound may occur. This kind o f distribution is referred to as cfe. It is also possible to say that they are composed of two phonemes each —
parallel distribution, where ‘parallel’ means ‘overlapping to some degree’. t plus J and d plus 3 respectively — all of which are already established as
Furthermore, the distinction between aspirated and unaspirated voice­ independent phonemes of English; this will be called the two-phoneme
less stops can make a crucial difference in Korean; when the Korean speak­ analysis of tf and cfe. <...>But how can we decide which analysis is prefera­
er says [phul], it does not m ean the same thing as [pul]. The difference be­ ble? The two-phoneme analysis has one m ain advantage: if there are no
tween the two sounds is said to be semantically contrastive. Pairs o f words separate tf and cfe phonemes, then our total set of English consonants is
which differ with respect to only one sound are called minimal pairs. Their smaller. Many phonologists have claimed that one should prefer the analy­
existence is important, since they demonstrate that the two sounds in ques­ sis which is the most “economical” in the number o f phonemes it results in
tion are both in parallel distribution and semantically contrastive. <...> However it is the one-phonem e analysis that is generally chosen by
We therefore want to say that, unlike the English speaker, the Korean phonologists. <...> There are several arguments; no single one of them is
perceives the six aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops [p], [ph], [t], [th], conclusive, but added together they are felt to make the one-phonem e anal­
[k] and [kh] in terms of six different mental categories. That is, [p], for in­ ysis seem preferable. We will look briefly at some of these arguments.
stance, is a realization of the / p / phoneme, whereas [ph] is a realization of a i) One argument could be called “phonem ic” or “allophonic”: if it
distinct /p h/ phoneme <...>
could be shown that the phonetic quality of the t and J (or d and 3 ) in tf, cfe
The distinction between aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops is pho­ is clearly different from realizations of t, J, d, 3 found elsewhere in similar
nemic in Korean but allophonic in English. Both English and Korean speakers contexts, this would support the analysis of tf, cfe as separate phonemes.
habitually utter both aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops. O n the pho­ <...> This argument is weak one: there is no clear evidence that such pho­
netic level, the two languages are therefore equivalent as far as bilabial, alveolar netic differences exist <...>
26 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds I''unational Aspect of Speech Sounds 27

ii) It could be argued that the proposed phonemes tf and cfe <...> have cat, half, cart contain the phonem es /as/, / a : /, and / a : / respectively. But
distributions similar to other consonants, while other combinations of plo­ one type of Scottish English has only one vowel phonem e for all three
sives plus fricative do not <...> words, the words being phonemically /k at, haf, k art/ (the pre-consonan-
<...> this argument, although supporting the one-phonem e analysis, tal / r / being pronounced). Such a dialect of English has one phonem e less
does not actually prove that tf, cfe must be classed with other single conso­ Ilian southern British English, since the opposition Sam/psalm is lost. On
nant phonemes. the other hand, this smaller num ber o f phonem es is sometimes counter-
iii) If tf, cfe were able to combine freely with other consonants to form ballanced by the regular opposition of the first elements of a pair such as
consonant clusters, this would support the one-phonem e analysis. <...> It witch/which, which establishes a phonem ic contrast between /w / and
could not <...> be said that tf and cfe combine freely with other consonants /w /.
in forming consonant clusters; this is particularly noticeable in initial posi­
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
tion.
ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 44—46.
This rather long discussion o f the phonem e status o f tf and cfe shows
how difficult it can be to reach a conclusion in phonemic analysis. 1. How does the author explain the coexistence of different phonemic sys­
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr. tems?
Univ. Press, 1987. -pp. 121-124; 2000. 2. Prove that distribution of phonemes and allophones and their distinc­
tive features are different in different languages.
1. What point of view concerning the phonemic status of the English af­
fricates do you support?
it it it
2. Find examples to support the arguments in favour o f the one-phonem e
analysis. It sometimes happens that a sound may be assigned to either of two
phonemes with equal validity. In English, examples o f this kind are to be
*** found in the plosive series. The contrast between English /p ,t,k / and /b ,d ,g /
is shown in word-initial position by pairs like pin/bin, team/deem, come/
Statements concerning phonemic categories and allophonic variants gum. However, following / s / there is no such contrast. Words beginning /
can be made in respect o f only one variety of one language. It does, not fol­ sp-, st-, sk -/ are not contrasted with words.beginning /sb-, sd-, sg-/, al­
low that, because [1] and [I] are not contrastive in English and belong to the though a distinction sometimes occurs word-medially, as in disperse/dis­
same phoneme, this is so in other languages-in some kinds of Polish [1] and burse, and discussed/disgust (which suggests a syllable division between the
[i] constitute separate phonemes. Or again, although /rj/ is a phonem e in /s / and the following plosive). In such circumstances we say that the con­
English, in Italian the velar nasal [rj] is an allophone o f / n / which occurs trast between /p ,t,k / and /b ,d ,g /, the contrast between voiceless and voiced,
between /k / and /g /. Indeed, in English, too, / p / has not always had pho­ is neutralized following / s / in word-initial position. Words like spin, steam,
nemic status. Nowadays, [rj] might be considered an allophone of / n / be­ and scar could equally well be transcribed with /b ,d ,g / as with /p ,t,k /. In­
fore / k / and /g /, as in sink and finger, were it not for the fact that / g / in deed, even though the writing system itself suggests /p ,t,k / ( /k / may be
words such as sing was lost about 400 years ago; once this situation had written with <k> or <c>), the sounds which actually occur following /s /
arisen, a phonemic opposition existed between sin and sing. In some parts can in some respects be considered closer to /b ,d ,g / since the aspiration
of north-west England, the situation is still the same as it was 400 years ago, which generally accompanies /p ,t,k / in initial position is not present after
e.g. not only is sink pronounced [sirjk] but sing is pronounced [sipg], and in /8/. <...>
such dialects [p] can be considered an allophone o f /n /. Another case of neutralization concerns the allophones o f /m / and /n /
Thus the num ber o f phonemes may differ as between various types of before / f / or /v / in words like symphony and infant. The nasal consonant in
the same language. In present-day southern British English, the words each case is likely to be [rr>] in rapid speech, i.e. a labiodental sound antici-
28 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds Fimctional Aspect of Speech Sounds 39

paring the labiodental [f]. Here again, / m / and / n / are not opposed, so that ruble phonemes in different systems; variation in the distribution of pho­
the sound could be allocated to either the / m / or the / n / phoneme. In prac­ nemes in words and even within the speech of one individual according to
tice, since in a slow pronunciation an [nj] would tend to be used in sym­ the situation. It is im portant to remember this likelihood o f complication in
phony and an [n] in infant, the [rgj is usually regarded as an allophone of both the system and its realization.
/m / in the one case and o f / n / in the other.
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­ ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. pp. 46—47

ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —p. 46.


1. What are the reasons for phonetic discrepancies in the realizations of
1. What is the author’s idea of neutralization? comparable phonemes in different systems?
2. How does the author account for the variation in the distribution of
*** phonemes in words and within the speech o f one individual?

It should not, however, be assumed that the phonemic systems of two * * *


dialects are different only because they have a lesser or greater number of
phonemes in certain areas. The sound sequence [set], i.e. with a vowel in A connected text represented in terms o f phonem es is known as a
the region of Cardinal 3, may be a realization of sat in one dialect and of set ‘phonemic transcription’, or, almost equivalently, ‘a broad transcription’.
in another; the phonemic categories commonly represented as /i,e,ae/ etc, The term ‘broad’ sometimes carries the extra implication that, as far as
may nevertheless be present in both dialects, the system of short front vow­ possible, unm odified letters of the Rom an alphabet have been used. This
els in the first dialect being somewhat more ‘closed’ than that of the second. restriction may facilitate printing, and might be considered particularly if
Or again, the diphthong [au] is a realization of the phoneme o f boat in edu­ a phonemic transcription is to form the basis o f a writing system. Under
cated southern British, but is frequently a realization o f the vowel in boot in this definition a transcription o f English hideout as /h a id a u t/ would be
one type of Cockney; however, the same num ber of vowel phonemes occurs broad, while /h a id a u t/ would not be because it introduces letter shapes to
in both kinds of English. the symbol for the phonem e / a i / and the phonem e / a u / which are not
Moreover, speakers o f different dialects may distribute their phonemes absolutely necessary for the unambiguous representation of the phonemes
differently in words, as when a speaker from the north of England pro­ of English, but which may be desirable to rem ind the reader o f the pho­
nounces after, bath and pass with /se / where a speaker from the south o f netic realization of these phonemes. Frequently, though, ‘broad’ is used
England pronounces them with /a :/. Even speakers o f the same dialect (as merely as a way of referring to transcriptions which are phonem ic, regard­
well as those o f different dialects) may distribute the same num ber o f pho­ less o f the letter shapes used to represent the phonemes. Phonem ic tran­
nemes differently among the words they use. In southern British English, scriptions are one type o f ‘systematic’ transcription, meaning they require
some will say elastic with /ae/ in the second syllable, others / a : / and some the phonological patterns or ‘system’ of a language to be known before
will say /'ju:nizn/ for unison, others /'ju:m sn/. they can be made.
Lastly, even individuals are inconsistent; in certain situations, they may The term ‘narrow transcription’ m ost commonly implies a transcrip­
change the num ber of their phonemes, e.g. the occasional use o f //&/ in tion which contains details of the realization o f phonemes. There are two
southern British in words like which, and they may not always use the same ways in which such a transcription may come about. If a transcription is
phoneme in a particular word or group o f words, e.g. the erratic use, in the made in circumstances where nothing can be assumed about the phono­
same person’s speech, o f / a / or / 0 :/ in words like off. logical system, it is necessary to include all phonetic details because it is
To sum up, we may conclude that a phonemic analysis of a num ber of not clear which phonetic properties will turn out to be important. The
varieties of one language is likely to reveal: different coexistent phonemic transcription would be made taking into account only the phonetic prop­
systems; considerable phonetic discrepancies in the realizations of compa- erties o f speech. This type o f narrow transcription, as might be made in
.10 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds 31

the first stages o f field work, or when transcribing disordered speech, is complexity of the utterance as revealed by the various methods o f physio­
sometimes called an impressionistic transcription or a general phonetic logical and acoustic investigation. This type of transcription is useful when
transcription. <...> the focus is on particular details o f pronunciation.
The other kind of narrow transcription containing realizational informa­ Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
tion is termed allophonic. If the relevant phonological system is known, a ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. pp. 48—49.

transcription can be devised which includes any number of additional sym­


bols to indicate the phonetic realizations of the phonemes, i.e. their allo- I. What does the allophonic transcription reflect?
phones. An allophonic transcription is also known as a systematic narrow
transcription.
* * *
The Handbook of the International Phonetic Association. — Cam­
bridge University Press 1999. pp. 28—29.
— In phonemic transcription a different principle operates —namely, that
of one symbol per phoneme. Thus a phonemic transcription of the type of
1. M any dictionaries give inform ation about pronunciation by giving the English described in this book uses 44 different symbols (24 consonants and
words in transcription. Which sort o f transcription is used? 20 vowels). The basis on which an actual symbol is chosen depends on two
2. Speech therapists sometim es find th a t they are dealing w ith som eone further principles; (a) using the phonetic symbols of the most frequent al-
who produces particular phonem es in an unusual way. W hat sort of lophones, and (b) replacing non-R om an symbols arising from (a) by R o­
transcription should they use to represent w hat they hear? man symbols where these are not already in use. Thus the phonetic symbol
3. Field-workers discover a language that has not been m et before, and for the most comm on allophone of the phoneme at the beginning of red is
w ant to write down w hat they hear. W hat type o f transcription is / j / but the phonemic transcription replaces / j / by / r / on the basis of (b).
suitable? But in the transcription of vowels Romanization (i.e. the principle under
(b)) is not completely carried through in this book, e.g. the transcription
•k k k
uses / 0 / and / 0 :/ for the vowels in cot and caught where it would be possible
to use / 0 / and / 0 :/. Transcription of these vowels as used here is called com ­
The transcription of an utterance (analysed in terms of a linear sequence parative phonemic because it allows comparison with vowels in other lan­
o f sounds) will naturally differ according to whether the aim is to indicate guages to be made, even though a phonemic transcription is being used. It
detailed sound values — an allophonic (or narrow) transcription — or the follows from the principle mentioned above that, even using the IPA, it is
sequence of significant functional elements —a phonemic (or broad) tran­ possible to construct different sets of symbols for the 44 symbols of English,
scription. although the one used in this book is the most common one in use for the
In the former, allophonic type o f transcription, an attempt is made to type of English described.
include a considerable am ount of information concerning our knowledge of It must be remembered that a phonemic transcription does not by itself
articulatory activity or our auditory perception of allophonic features. The indicate how a sequence is to be pronounced. Only if we know the conven­
International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) provides numerous diacritics for a tions which tell us how a phoneme is to be realized in different positions do
purpose such as this; e.g. the word titles might be transcribed as ['tsha etTF]. we know its correct pronunciation. Nevertheless a phonemic transcription
Such a notation would show the affrication and aspiration of the initial [t], is particular useful as a corrective instrument in a language like English
the fact that the first element o f the diphthong is centralized from Cardinal where the orthography does not consistently mirror present-day pronunci­
4 and is long compared with the second element, which is a centralized Car­ ation.
dinal 2 , that the [I] has a back vowel resonance and is partly devoiced in its By now it will have become clear that slant brackets are used for a pho­
first stage, and that the final [ J is completely devoiced. Such a notation is nemic transcription, e.g. /ta itlz / while square brackets indicate an allo­
relatively explicit and detailed, but gives no more than an impression of the phonic transcription, e.g. ['tsha-etft]. Sometimes we may wish to show just
33
32 Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds functional Aspect of Speech Sounds

the phonetic detail of one segment in an otherwise phonemic transcription. N. Sort out the oppositions according to the following features: constric-
In such cases square brackets must still be used, e.g. [taitfc]. Slant brackets live/occlusive, noise/sonorant, occlusive/affricate.
may only be used if the whole sequence is represented phonemically. a) f i: t- b i: t d) to :tf - to :k g) s i k - s i p
b) rid - sid e) sl3u - b b u h) to:t - 0o:t
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
c) cfeAdj-bxcfc f) tfeo —peo i) b 3 u t-n 3 u t
ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 48—49.
9. Sort out the oppositions according to the following features: front/cen­
1. What does the phonemic transcription reflect?
tral, m id/open, diphthong/m onophthong
a) maen - m en d) bed —b3:d g) maed —mad
Read on the topic “The Functional Aspect of Speech Sounds” and b) po:k - p3uk e) steo —st3: h) b3ut —bau
answer the questions: c) li:k —Lvk f) so:t —set i) nut —nait
1. Is palatalization a distinctive feature in English? In Russian? Prove it.
2. Is lip rounding a distinctive feature in English? In Russian? Prove it. 10. Are the following oppositions singular, double, multiple?
3. Is force of articulation a distinctive feature in English? In Russian? f) do:n —to:n k) b i l - t i l
a) k k - k b
Prove it. g) fi:l —mi:l 1) d $ t - kset
b) p e n - p e i n
4. State the differences between the allophones in the following pairs of h) s tik -s til m) waif - laif
c) p u : l - p u l
words; i) w e t- m e t n) ri:d - ni:d
d) f3u n - k 3u n
a) p a t —pit e) in the desk —in a desk j) ôei —sei o) wir) —win
e) sta: —sto:
b) scare —care f) stop Mary —stop Peter
c) hick —rick g) glow —go
d) cradle —trade h) garden —guide

5. Give your own examples of different allophones of the phonemes [p, d,


k].
6 . Are the following mistakes phonetic or phonological (narrow transcrip­
tion is used here!)?
a) beat - [bi:t] f) bad - [bed]
b) meat - [mit] g) bar - [bar]
c) star - [stha;J h) car - [ka;]
d) work - [wo;k] i) little - [Titl]
e) days - [deis] j) tease - [t'i:z]

7. Sort out the oppositions according to the following features: bilabial/


labio-dental, forelingual/backlingual, alveolar/interdental
a) ni:z —3i:z f) trai - krai
b) so:t —ko:t g) mo; —fo:
c) bu:5- bu:t h) gru: - tru:
d) 0ik -d ik i) w i:k -v i:l
e) fo;m —wo:m
SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF ENGLISH WORDS Nyllnbic Structure of English Words N
ie 1e *

In any utterance some sounds stand as more prominent or sonorous than


Key words: ambisyllabic Z monosyllabic j polysyllabic, closed Z covered j
others, i.e. they are felt by listeners to stand out from their neighbours. Another
open Z uncovered syllable, coda, constitutive / distinctive function, intervo­ way of judging the sonority of a sound is to imagine its ‘carrying power’. A
calic consonant, loudness theory, onset, phonotactics, sonority theory, syl­ vowel like [a] clearly has more carrying power than a consonant like [z] which
labic vowel, syllable, theory of muscular tension.
In lum has more carrying power than a [b]. Indeed the last sound, a plosive, has
virtually no sonority at all unless followed by a vowel. A sonority scale or hier­
archy can be set up which represents the relative sonority of various classes of
sound; although there is some argument over some of the details of such a hier­
Questions: archy, the main elements are not disputed. One version of the hierarchy is as
follows (the most sonorous classes are at the top of the scale):
1. What is the syllable?
open vowels
2. What are the two aspects of the syllable?
close vowels
3. W hat theories o f syllable formation do you know? Comments on each
of them. laterals
nasals
4. What features o f the syllable can be singled out on the functional level?
approximants
5. What is syllable formation in English based on?
trills
6 . What types of syllables are distinguished in English? Give your own ex­
amples. fricatives
affricates
7. What types of syllables are the most widely spread in English? in Rus­
plosives and flaps
sian?
<...> The number of syllables in an utterance equates with the number
8 . What is the linguistic importance of syllable division in different lan­
of peaks of sonority <... > This accords with native speakers’ intuition. How­
guages?
ever, there are some cases where contours plotted with the sonority hierar­
9. What does phonotactics study?
chy do not produce results which accord with our intuition. Many such cas­
10. Comment on the problem of syllable division in English. Give your own
examples. es in English involve ZsZ in clusters <...>
11. Com m ent on the two im portant functions of the syllable. Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
12. What are the peculiarities of the English syllabic structure which are ternational Students’ Edition, 2001. —pp. 49—50.
relevant for learners o f English?
1. According to the article, which of the following sounds will be the most
sonorous? The least?
[b], [a:], [g], [n], [h], [r], [i], [rj], [®], [d], [o], [3.], [u], [w]

***

Although the onsets and codas of syllables are obviously clearly identifi­
able at the beginnings and ends of words, dividing word-medial sequences of
consonants between coda and onset can be problematical. In many languages
such dividing o f words into syllables is a relatively straightforward process (e.g.
36 Syllabic Structure of English Words 37
Syllabic Structure of English Words

in Bantu languages, in Japanese, and in French). In other languages, like ii) Some syllables have an onset (that is have more than just silence pre­
English, it is not. The sonority hierarchy tells us how many syllables there are ceding the centre of the syllable): “bar” ba:, “key” ki:, “m ore” mo:
in an utterance by showing us a number of peaks of sonority. Such peaks rep­ iii) Syllables may have no onset but have a coda: “am ” asm, “ought” o:t,
resent the centres o f syllables (usually vowels). Conversely it would seem rea­ "case” i:z
sonable for the troughs o f sonority to represent the boundaries between syl­ iv) Some syllables have onset and coda: “ru n ” rAn, “sat” saet, “fill” fil
lables. Sounds following the trough would then be in ascending sonority up to This is one way of looking at syllables. Looking at them from the pho­
the peak and sounds following the peak would be in descending sonority up nological point o f view is quite different. What this involves is looking at the
to the trough. But problems arise because the hierarchy does not tell us wheth­ possible combinations of English phonemes; the study of the possible pho­
er to place the trough consonant itself with the preceding or the following syl­ neme combinations o f a language is called phonotactics. It is simplest to
lable; an additional problem is caused by the downgraded [s] mentioned in start by looking at what is called initial position —in other words, what can
the previous sections. So, for example, syllable division is problematical in occur at the beginning o f the first word when we begin to speak after a pause.
words like funny, bluer, mattress, extra / ’ekstra/. We find that the word can begin with a vowel, or with one, two or three con­
Various principles can be applied to decide between alternatives: align sonants. N o word begins with more than three consonant. In the same way,
syllable boundaries with morpheme boundaries where present (the m or­ we can look at how a word ends when it is the last word spoken before a
phemic principle); align syllable boundaries to parallel syllable codas and pause; it can end with a vowel, or with one, two, three or (in a small number
onsets at the ends and beginnings of words (the phonotactic principle); if cases) four consonants. No word ends with more than four consonants.
align syllabic boundaries to best predict allophonic variation, e.g. the de- <...> There are still problems with this phonetic description of the syl­
voicing o f / r / following [t]. Unfortunately, such principles often conflict lable: an unanswered question is how we decide on the division between
with one another. A further principle is often invoked in such cases, the syllables when we find a connected sequence o f them as we usually do in
maximal onset principle, which assigns consonants to onsets wherever pos­ normal speech <...>
sible and is said to be a universal in languages; but this itself often conflicts One of the most widely accepted guidelines is what known as the maximum
with one or more o f the principles above. onsets principle. This principle states that where two syllables are to be divided,
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­ any consonants between them should be attached to the right-hand syllable,
ternational Students’Edition, 2001. —pp. 51—52. not the left, as far as possible <... > within the restrictions governing syllable onsets
and codas. <...> However there are many problems still remaining. For exam­
1. State the possible ways of finding syllable boundaries. ple, in looking at isolated syllables, we never find one ending with one o f the
vowels i, e, ae, a , n, or u , so we must conclude that syllables with a short vowel
*** and no coda do not occur in English (unless the vowel is 9 <...>).
<... > One further possibility should be mentioned: when one consonant
Phonetically (that is in relation to the way we produce them and the way stands between vowels and it is difficult to assign the consonant to one syl­
they sound), syllables are usually described as consisting of a centre which lable or the other - as in “better” and “carry” —we could say that the con­
has little or no obstruction to airflow and which sounds comparatively loud; sonant belongs to both syllables. The term used by phonologists for a conso­
before and after this centre (that is, at the beginning and end o f the syllable), nant in this situation is ambisyllabic.
there will be greater obstruction to airflow and/or less loud sound. We will Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
now look at some examples: Univ. Press, 1987. -pp. 70-78;2000.
i) What we might call a minimum syllable would be a single vowel in iso­
lation, e.g. the words “are” a:, “or” o:, “err” 3 :. These are preceded and fol­ 1. What are the two ways of describing a syllable?
lowed by silence. Isolated sounds sush as m, which we sometimes produce to 2. State the differences and similarities in the views of R Roach and
indicate agreement, or/, to ask for silence, must also be regarded as syllables. A. Gim son (A. Cruttenden) concerning syllable boundaries.
38 Syllabic Structure of English Words Syllabic Structure of English Words

* * *
средств, способствующих передаче эмоционального состояния лич­
ности, выражению модальности, также оказывается и средством
<...> Известно, что границы русского слова вариативны. П ри­
индивидуализации личности говорящего. Границы слога «плаваю­
чины вариативности —типы стечения согласных внутри слова, темп
щие», поэтому можно дать следующее определение: слог —единица
речи, психофизиологическое состояние говорящего, ситуация ком ­
речи, представляющая собой поле реализации согласных, органи­
муникативного акта.
зованных слогообразующим гласным.
<...> П ри акустическом и перцептивном анализе слогоделения
учитывались следующие факторы: ритмический тип фонетического Златоустова Л. В. Русское слогоделение и учение И. А. Бодуэ­
слова, место словесного ударения, типы стечения согласных, их на де Куртенэ об антропофонтеских единицах / / Бодуэновс-
место в слове, положение фонетического слова во фразе, индивиду­ кие чтения: Бодуэн де Куртенэ и современная лингвистика:
Междунар. науч. конф. (Казань, 11—13 дек. 2001 г.). Казань:

альные и ли групповые характеристики говорящего: наличие оста­
Изд-во Казан, ун-та, 2001. — Т. 1. — С. 107—108.
точных диалектных явлений, остаточных иноязычных явлений,
темп речи, ситуация речепроизводства, психофизиологическое со­
стояние личности. I. What are the factors influencing the place of a syllable boundary in the
Russian language? Can they be applied to the English language?
Показателем закрытости конечного слога служит оглушение
шумных согласных, хотя в современном произнош ении оглушению
подвергаются и сонанты (чаще р), причем не только после глухих it it it

согласных, но и гласных (двор, самовар).


<...> Первый эксперимент, направленный на выявление роли It is also true that in all languages there are constraints on the way in
тем па в организации открытых и закрытых слогов, обнаружил, что which <...> phonem es can be arranged to form syllables. These con­
с увеличением среднезвукового времени увеличивается и процент straints are sometimes known as phonotactic or phonem e sequence con­
закрытых внутренних слогов. straints and they severely lim it the num ber o f syllables that would be
<...> Реализация тех же фраз с базовыми эмоциональны ми ак­ theoretically possible if phonem es could be com bined in an un co n ­
центами на ключевых словах выявила несомненное влияние типа strained way. Some simple examples o f phonotactic constraints in Eng­
акцента на слоговые границы. Т енденция к открытости п ри стече­ lish include: all three-consonant clusters at the beginning of a word start
нии согласных внутри слова, особенно стечений шумный + ш ум­ with / s / ( ‘sprint’, ‘squire’, ‘stew’ etc); nasal consonants cannot occur as
ны й, шумный + сонант, сонант + сонант в позиции после ударного the second consonant in w ord-initial consonant clusters unless the first
гласного, дает открытость слога в 90 % случаев при позитивных ба­ consonant is / s / (e.g. there are no words in English th at begin with /b m
зовых эмоциях. Негативные базовые эмоции гнев (злость) показы ­ d n / etc), although this is certainly possible in other languages (e.g. G er­
вают закрытость слога — 82 %, негативные же эмоции ирония, н е­ m an which allows / k n / in words like ‘K noten’, m eaning ‘k n o t’ —we can
довольство в зависимости от степени выраженности эмоции see from the spelling that English used to allow this sequence as well).
обнаруживают значительный разброс значений. В среднем закры ­ A nother im portant point about phonotactic constraints is th at they vary
тость слога наблюдалась в 53 % случаев. from language to language, as this example of English and G erm an has
Необходимо отметить увеличение общего времени реализации just shown.
слова при определенных типах эмоций, особенно за счет ударного сло­ <...> One o f the m ain reasons, then, why languages have phonotac­
га, однако при позитивных эмоциях «растягивается» заударный слог. tic constraints is because their sequential arrangem ent is itself a cue to
Особенностью негативной эмоции (гнев, злость) является значитель­ the num ber of syllables in a word. W hen we produce an English word
ное увеличение длительности согласных, особенно ударного слога. like ‘p rin t’ for example, we want to convey to the listener not only th at
Таким образом, слог служит сохранению ритмического каркаса this word is com posed o f a certain num ber and type o f phonem es, but
слова, верш ина слога — слогообразующий гласный; слог — одно из also that the word happens to be monosyllabic: and the listeners’ per-
Kyllubic Structure of English Words 41
Syllabic Structure of English Words

ccption o f how m any syllables there are in a word depends to a certain cause / s / is more sonorous than /p /) and so does ‘act’ (because /k / and / t /
extent on the arrangem ent o f phonem es in sequence <...> are equally sonorous).
Harrington, Jonathan and Cox, Felicity. Phonotactic Constraints. —
Harrington, Jonathan and Cox, Felicity. Phonotactic Constraints. —
http://clas.mq.edu.au/phonetics/phonology/syllable/syll_phono- http://clas.mq. edu. au/phonetics/phonology/syllable/sylljhonot-
tactic.html. actic.html.

1. What are the reasons for phonotactic constrains in languages? Are they I. What is sonority profile? D o all the syllables in a language conform to
universal for all languages? the sonority profile? Prove it with your own examples.

* * *
Phonotactic constraints: Combinatory and Distributional

Some Combinatory Constraints in English:


Sonority is an acoustic-perceptual term that depends on the ratio of en­
ergy in the low to the high part o f the spectrum, but it is also closely linked / 0 / cannot be preceded by long vowels or diphthongs;
with the extent to which the vocal tract is constricted. In general terms, /tf, d 3 , 5, z/ do not cluster;
open vowels like [a] have the highest sonority because the vocal tract is open /r, w, 1/ only occur alone or as non initial elements in clusters;
and a large am ount of acoustic energy radiates from the vocal tract. At the /r, h, w, j / do not occur in final position in British English, but / r / can occur
other extreme, voiceless oral stops have least sonority because there is no in final position in rhotic dialects such as American English;
acoustic energy during the closure in which the vocal tract is constricted. in final position only / 1/ can occur before non-syllabic / m / and /n /.
Languages prefer to build syllables with the most vowel-like sounds
nearer the middle, and the least vowel-like sounds (=oral stops, voiceless Some Distributional Constraints in English:
fricatives) near the edge(s). Syllables structured in this way are said to con­
/r)/ cannot occur word initially;
form to the sonority profile, i.e. oral stops are less sonorous than fricatives
which are less sonorous than nasals etc. /e , se, t>, u, 0 / cannot occur word finally;
/ u / cannot occur initially;
If they conform to the sonority profile, consonants sequences in syllable
/ 3/ only occurs initially before / 1, i:, as, 0 / in foreign words such as genre.
onsets increase in sonority from left to right and consonant sequences in
syllable codas decrease in sonority from left to right. From this we can pre­ Harrington, Jonathan and Cox, Felicity. Phonotactic Constraints. —

dict which consonant sequences are more probable for syllable onsets and http://clas.mq. edu.au/phonetics/phonology/syllable/syll_phonot-
codas; actic.html.

probable: /pla fni lju sma pile/ /alp ims ort/ 1. What types of phonotactic constraints exist in English? Find some ex­
less probable: /lp a nfi jlu lfpe/ /a p lis m o tr/ amples of phonotactic constraints in Russian.
Why? The syllables on the right have two sonority peaks — and so it’s
much more difficult to produce them so that they sound like one syllable. So Read on the topic “The Syllabic Structure of English Words” and do
a language is more likely to build monosyllabic words from the combination the tasks:
of phonemes on the left than on the right.
<...> It m ust be recognized that there is only a tendency for syllables to 1. Characterize the following syllables according to the distribution o f
conform to the sonority profile. So while m ost syllables do conform to the vowels and consonants (open, closed, covered, uncovered):
sonority profile in English, many syllables that contain a consonantal clus­ a) do c) tree e) lit g) this i) blue
ter with / s / do not. <...> a word like ‘spin’ violates the sonority profile (be­ b) took d) rhythm f) eight h) or j) stay
Syllabic Structure of English Words
WORD STRESS
k) kog m) pie o) out r) eye
I) tidt! n) stamp P) put s) act
2. Group the following words according to the number o f syllables Key words: accent, constitutive / distinctive / identificatory (récognitive)
(1Z2Z3Z4Z5): function, dynamic / musical (tonic) stress, duration, fixed / free Z shifting
a) military h) communal stress, fundamental frequency, intensity, vowel length, loudness, muscular
o) communist effort, pitch, primary (strong, main, principal) j secondary (half-strong,
b) politics i) probing p) militia
c) problematic j) problem half-stressed) / tertiary Z weak (unstressed) syllable, prominence, recessive
q) politician
d) machine k) coming Z retentive / rhythmical tendency, sonority, stress, stress attracting, stress
r) smilitaristic
e) come 1) mechanical
pattern, stress-fixing, stress-neutral, syllable weight.
s) mechanize
f) poll m) miller t) probe
g) millet n) mechanistic u) commune
Questions:
3. Divide the following words into syllables:
a) cottage i) pantry 1. Which syllables are called stressed?
q) occur
b) family j) bedroom 2. What is the stress pattern of the word?
r) mimics
c) pity k) sixty 3. Com m ent on the terms “stress” and “accent” .
s) memory
d) table 1) January 4. Describe the phenom enon o f word stress from the point of view o f pro­
t) introduce
e) tablet m) dinner duction and perception.
u) bathroom
f) fishing n) parents 5. What is dynamic word stress? What languages are characterized by dy­
v) alone
g) exam o) education namic stress?
w) over
h) mister p) downstairs 6 . W hat parameters of English word stress are singled out by British schol­
ars?
7. Speak on the role of loudness, pitch, length and vowel quality in creat­
4. Apply your knowledge of phonotactics and define which words are im ­
possible in English? ing the effect o f prominence?
8 . How many degrees of stress are distinguished in English?
a) prill c) skrikt e) blafit g) rmut i) thole 9. Speak about the classification o f languages into those with free word
b) lsig d) tosp f) mgla h) dnom j) flitch stress and those with fixed stress.
10. Characterize the placement o f word stress in English.
11. What factors should be taken into account to define the position of word
stress in a particular word?
12. How does the type of suffix influence the location o f word stress?
13. What are the typical tendencies in the placement of word stress in com ­
pound words?
14. Speak on the correlation of word stress location and the position of the
word in the sentence.
15. What tendencies affect the position of word stress in English?
16. Describe the recessive tendency, give examples to illustrate it.
17. Describe the rhythmical tendency, give examples to illustrate it.
18. Describe the retentive tendency, give examples to illustrate it.
44 45
Word Stress Word Stress
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- j
19. What are the functions of word stress? j
When there is an increase in the am ount o f air being pushed o ut o f
20. Com m ent on the accentual structure o f compound words with regard to i the lungs, there is an increase in the loudness o f the sound produced.
the semantic value o f their components. j Some books define stress simply in terms o f loudness, but this is not a
21. Which aspects of English word stress present difficulties to Russian very useful definition if loudness is considered to be simply a m atter of
learners o f English? (lie am ount o f the acoustic energy involved. We have already noted that
some sounds have m ore acoustic energy than others because o f factors
k k k such as the degree o f m outh opening.
A m uch m ore im portant indication o f stress is the rise in pitch that
What are the characteristics o f stressed syllables that enable us to identify usually occurs. You can check for yourself that an increase in the flow of
them? It is important to understand that there are two different ways o f ap­ air out o f the lungs causes a rise in pitch even w ithout an increase in the
proaching this question, one being to consider what speaker does in produc­ activity o f the laryngeal muscles. Ask a friend to press against the lower
ing stressed syllables and the other being to consider what characteristics o f part o f your chest while you stand against a wall with your eyes shut.
sound make a syllable seem to a listener to be stressed. In other words we can Now say a long vowel on a steady pitch and have your friend push against
study stress from the point of view of production and perception; the two are your chest at an unexpected m om ent. You will find that at the same time
obviously closely related, but are not identical. The production of stress is as there is an increase in the flow o f air out o f your lungs (as a result o f
generally believed to depend on the speaker using more muscular energy than your friend’s push), there will also be an increase in the pitch o f the
used for unstressed syllables. Measuring muscular effort is difficult, but it vowel.
seems possible, according to experimental studies, that when we produce Ladefoged P. A Course in Phonetics. 5,h ed. — Boston: Thomson/
stressed syllables, the muscles that we use to expel air from the lungs are more Wadsworth, 2005. P. 225.
-

active, producing higher subglottal pressure. It seems possible that similar


things happen with muscles in other parts o f our speech apparatus. 1, How does the author view the phenom enon o f stress in terms o f speech
M any experiments have been carried out on the perception o f stress, production?
and it is clear that many different sound characteristics are im portant in
making a syllable recognizably stressed. From the perceptual point o f view,
* k k
all stressed syllables have one characteristic in common, and that is prom i­
nence; stressed syllables are recognized as stressed because they are more Stressed syllables tend to be more prominent. W hat contributes to
prominent than unstressed syllables.
prominence? Prominence of sounds is relative. There is no absolute m ea­
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. Cambridge: Cambr.
— sure o f prominence. Sounds are only prominent in relation to another
Univ. Press, 1987. pp. 85-86.
- sound. Length, loudness, pitch and quality all contribute to a speaker’s per­
1. W hat are the possible approaches to identifying syllables as stressed? ception o f a syllable as prominent.

k k k Length
The length o f a vowel contributes to prominence. Syllables containing
In contrast to the nature of syllables, the nature of stress is fairly well un­ long vowels tend to be more prominent than those which contain short vow­
derstood. Stressed sounds are those on which the speaker expends more mus­ els, even when they are unstressed.
cular energy. This involves pushing out more air from the lungs by extra con­
traction of the muscles of the rib cage, and by extra activity o f the laryngeal Loudness
muscles, so that there is an additional increase in pitch. There may also be Hearers often perceive stressed syllables as louder than unstressed ones.
increases in the muscular activity involved in the articulatory movements. This is a direct result o f speech production factors such as greater muscular
46 47
Word Stress Word Stress

***
effort in forcing air between the vocal cords, which in turn vibrate more vig­
orously. This increased activity is ultimately perceived as an increase in Словесное ударение можно определить как выделение с помощью
loudness. Some linguists refer to loudness as intensity. тех или иных просодических признаков одного из слогов слова. К этим
признакам относятся высота тона и ее изменения, длительность элемен­
Pitch
тов слога, громкость гласного и качество гласного. Таким образом, меж­
This term is applied to the rate o f vibration of the vocal cords. If the ду ударными и безударными слогами создается контраст по ряду фонети­
pitch changes on a syllable then that syllable will be perceived as prominent.
ческих признаков.
This is often called ‘pitch prominence’. It does not m atter whether the pitch Чаще всего в языках используется один тип ударения, и поэтому есть
moves up or down, what counts is that it moves.
только различие между ударными и безударными слогами, но нет проти­
вопоставления разных способов выделения ударного слога. Таково уда­
Quality
рение в русском, немецком, английском, чешском, украинском, финс­
The quality of a sound also contributes to its prominence. In general ком и многих других языках. По традиции словесное ударение этого типа
vowels are m ore prom inent than consonants, but within each group there называют динамическим (или силовым), что предполагает наибольшую
is a hierarchy. The m ore open a vowel is, the more prom inent it is. /a :/ is роль интенсивности звука как признака ударения. Однако на самом деле
m ore prom inent than either / i : / or /u :/. Approximants and nasals are такое словесное ударение имеет сложную природу, и для выделения
m ore prom inent than fricatives, which are more prom inent than stops. ударного слога могут использоваться одновременно или в разных соче­
While all o f these factors contribute to the prom inence o f syllables, таниях все перечисленные выше фонетические признаки. При этом по
some are m ore im portant than others in determining stress. It would seem традиции в разных языках чаще используется то или иное их сочетание,
logical that loudness is a m ajor contributor to prominence, but this is not а отсутствие одного признака может компенсироваться другим.
the case. As we discussed above, some sounds are more prom inent, that is Так, для русского языка наиболее важными признаками являются
they sound louder, than others by virtue o f their quality. While it is true длительность и качество ударного гласного. В немецком и английском
that stressed syllables tend to be louder (or m ore intense) than unstressed языках наряду с длительностью большую роль, чем в русском, играет
ones, pitch movement is the m ost obvious cue to prominence for the интенсивность. Еще важнее она для ударения в чешском и финском
hearer.
языках. Кроме того, в разных языках взаимодействие словесного уда­
O f the remaining three factors, length contributes quite strongly to рения и фразовой интонации не одинаково. Но при этом, как правило,
prominence. Quality also plays a role but to a lesser extent than either наиболее существенные интонационные признаки связаны с ударным
pitch movement or length. Although stressed syllables tend to be louder
слогом.
than unstressed ones, loudness by itself as a marker o f prominence is the Традиционное обозначение ударения как динамического не отража­
least effective o f four contributory factors. In general, a stressed syllable ет его акустической природы, однако при восприятии ударный слог при
will tend to be marked by a change of pitch and, in comparison with u n ­ любом способе его выделения оценивается как более сильный, и поэто­
stressed ones, to be longer and louder. Stress is the result of the cum ula­ му термин динамическое ударение может быть оправдан с перцептивной
tion o f two or more o f these properties on a single syllable.
точки зрения.
Kuiper, Koenraad, Allan W.Scott. An Introduction to English Lan­ Бондарко Л. В., Вербицкая Л. А., Гордина М. В. Основы общей
guage. Sound, Word and Sentence. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. —

фонетики. —СПб.: Филологический факультет СПбГУ; М.:
pp. 109-110.
Издательский центр «Академия», 2004. С. 117.

1. W hat is the authors’ idea o f the phenom enon of prominence? 1. W hat is the role o f particular components of word stress in different lan­
2. Com m ent on the contribution o f different components to the percep­ guages?
tion of syllables as stressed? 2. How do the authors explain the term “dynamic stress”?
Word Stress Word Stress 49

*ft *** (he second syllable. The second syllable of kangaroo is unstressed and is the
least salient syllable in that word. Let us say that the syllables in a word
На материале русского языка легко продемонстрировать смысло­
which receives most stress has prim ary stress, and that syllables such as the
различительную функцию ударения. Достаточно привести различаю­
first syllable in kangaroo have secondary stress; while syllables which have
щиеся местом ударения пары типа пи'ли пили', сте'ны — стены',

neither primary nor secondary stress are unstressed syllables. We could
з а 'мок —замо Лк и т. п. Сходным образом, в английском языке мы име­
therefore say that a given word will have a kind of stress pattern: in the case
ем пары типа subject «предмет» — subject «подчинять», desert «пусты­
of kangaroo, a syllable with secondary stress, followed by an unstressed syl­
ня» —desert «дезертировать» и т. п. Однако имеются языки, в которых
lable, followed by a syllable with prim ary stress.
слова не различаются местом ударения. Таков, например, французс­
кий, все тюркские, финно-угорские и многие другие языки. Какова же Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. —

функция ударения в этих языках? Прежде всего, оно объединяет слоги Blackwell Publishers, 1999. —pp. 87—88.
вокруг некоторого центра (кульминативная, или вершинообразующая
функция). Такое объединение слова одновременно позволяет разби­ 1. How does the author describe the degrees of stress?
вать поток речи на ритмические кванты, задает членение фразы на 2. What is the stress pattern of a word?
ритмические группы. Иначе говоря, кульминативная функция соот­
несена с делимитативной (разделительной) функцией. Одновременно * * *

ударения задают ритмическую схему предложения, на которой стро­


ится ритмическая структура следующего иерархического уровня: здесь We now come to a question that causes a great deal o f difficulty, par­
в соответствии с законами фразовой ритмики словесные ударения ticularly to foreign learners (who cannot simply dismiss it as an academic
ранжируются по силе. В языках типа русского и английского ударение question); how can one select the correct syllable or syllables to stress in an
совмещает все указанные функции. English word? As is well known, English is not one of those languages where
word stress can be decided simply in relation to the syllables o f the word, as
Кодзасов С. В., Кривнова О. Ф. Общая фонетика. — М.: Рос. can be done in French (where the last syllable is usually stressed), Polish
гуманит. ун-т, 2001. — С. 310.
(where the syllable before the last —the penultimate syllable — is stressed)
or Czech (where the first syllable is stressed). Many writers have said that
1. How do the authors view the functional aspect of word stress?
English word stress is so difficult to predict that it is best to treat stress place­
m ent as a property o f the individual word, to be learned when the word itself
* ** is learned. Certainly, anyone who tries to analyse English stress placement
has to recognize that it is a highly complex matter. However, it must also be
English speakers can tell which syllable in a word receives most stress in recognized that in m ost cases when English speakers come across an unfa­
the absence of any conscious knowledge o f exactly what “stress” might be. miliar word, they can pronounce it with the correct stress (there are excep­
While the native speaker may not know consciously what stress is, it seems tions to this, of course); in principle, it should be possible to discover what
clear that, the more stressed a syllable is, the more salient it is, perceptually. it is that the English speaker knows and to write in the form of rules. Never­
For instance, most native speakers o f English will agree that, in the word theless, practically all the rules have exceptions and readers may feel that
photography, it is the second o f four syllables which is m ost stressed, that, in the rules are so complex that it would be easier to go back to the idea of
kangaroo, it is the last of the three syllables, which receives most stress, and learning the stress for each word individually.
so on. It is equally striking that the native speaker can judge that, while the Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. - Cambridge: Cambr.
final syllable in kangaroo receives m ore stress th an either o f the others, the Univ. Press, 1987. - P. 88; 2000.
first syllable in turn receives more stress than the second. The first, third
and fourth syllables o f photography are unstressed and are less salient than 1. What causes difficulties in the placement of word stress in English?
50 Word Stress 51
Word Stress

* * *
makes no difference: all single- stressed compounds behave as if they were
Com pound words are, simply, words which can be analysed as consist­ single words. If we place the nucleus on one, it goes on the stressed syllable
ing o f two words, rather than a base and an affix. For instance, while second- of the first element:
class is a compound, boldness is not {-ness is a suffix, not a word). Is that my library book?
The question arises o f where the stress goes in a compound: on the first or I ’ve lost my credit cards.
second element? Both types of case occur in English, but there is a general They were playing video games.
rule which determines where the stress goes. If the first part of compound is I need some new running shoes.
adjectival in its meaning, the stress goes on the second element, as in second- Are you still at high school.
class and three-wheeler, whereas, if the first element is a noun, the stress goes At ten we have physics class
on that element, as in fruitcake, sunrise, etc. Note that the first kind o f case <...> Open compounds can be misleading for the student o f E FL be­
mirrors the stress pattern in syntactic phrases consisting of an adjective and a cause superficially a compound may look like a phrase consisting o f adjec­
noun, as in second man, whereas the second kind of case does not. tive plus noun. Compare running shoes and running water. The first is an
Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. — open compound, single-stressed; running is a gerund (a verbal noun). The
Blackwell Publishers, 1999. P. 95.
— second is a phrase in which each word has its own lexical stress; running is a
participle (a verbal adjective):
1. How does the author explain the placement of stress in compound (i) I need some new running shoes.
words? (ii) They made the outhouse into a bathroom\ and installed running water.
The last lexical item in (i) is running shoes, a single-stressed compound.
k k k
The last lexical item in (ii) is water.
Unlike compounds, phrases consist of two or more lexical items. They have
Most compounds in English are single-stressed, that is the m ain lexical
stress goes on the first element. (Alternative terms for ‘single-stressed’ are one lexical stress for each. The nucleus normally goes on the last o f them:
‘front-stressed’ and ‘early-stressed’.) It was a bitter disappointment, {bitter disappointment is a phrase)
bedtime, grassland, wheelbarrow, newsgroup, keyboard, highlight Phrases such as bitter disappointment are ‘double-stressed’, as opposed
If a com pound is to bear the nucleus, th e n —just as with simple words — to the single lexical stress o f compounds.
the accent is located on the lexically stressed syllable: Wells J. C. English Intonation. An Introduction. — Cambridge Uni­
I t’s well past your bedtime. versity Press, 2006. pp. 100—102.

Put the grass in the wheelbarrow.


Don’t look at the keyboard. 1. W hat kind of compounds does the author call “open”?
Where’s your grandmother ? 2. What is the difference in the placement o f nuclear tone in open com ­
Here’s another highlight. pounds and phrases?

Many English compounds are written as two separate words, even


though the m ain stress is still on the first element of the compound. These ***
are called open compounds (or two-word compounds).
In order for one syllable to be perceived as stressed, the syllables around
library book, credit card, running shoe, high school
it need to be unstressed. For stressed syllables, three features are identified:
It does not m atter whether a single-stressed compound is written as one loudness, pitch change and a longer syllable. Unstress may be described as
word, or hyphenated, or as two words. As far as intonation is concerned, it the absence o f these.
53
52 Word Stress Word Stress

In the word syllabus the first syllable is stressed. This logically implies mary stress, noting whether the suffix leaves the accent on the stem un­
that the final two are unstressed. Also, in the word banana the first and third changed (as with the inflexional suffixes, with adjectival -y, with adverbial
syllables are unstressed, and the middle one is stressed. -ly and with -er, and -ish), whether it takes the accent itself (as with -atiori)
This idea, as we will see later, is a little simplified here, but the basic con­ or whether it moves the accent on the stem (as with -ate and -ity).
trast between stressed and unstressed syllables is a useful concept to hold on
Learners should also pay particular attention to the role of accentual
to, and for many classroom situations, this level of detail is enough to help contrast in those cases where word classes are distinguished by a shift of ac­
students towards more successful pronunciation. cent, at the same time making appropriate reduction of unaccented vowels.
On the subject of unstressed syllables, however, there are various things to They should not, however, extend such variation of accentual patterns in­
notice. In chapter 3, we considered the phoneme known as ‘schwa’ (the pho­ discriminately to all disyllables, e.g. report, delay, select, reserve, account
netic transcription is /a /) . This syllable can be heard in the first syllable of about, etc., have the same pattern in both verb and noun/adjective functions.
in the second syllable of paper, and also in the third syllable of intricate. Gimson A.C., revised by A. Cruttenden: Gimson’s Pronunciation of
/ a / is the most commonly occurring vowel sound in English. It never ap­ English (5th ed.). —Edward Arnold, 1994. —P. 235.
pears within a stressed syllable. Schwa is by nature an unstressed sound. If you
try to stress any syllable which naturally contains /a /, you change its proper­ 1. What recommendations does the author give to foreign learners of Eng­
ties, and another phoneme is produced. lish?
Schwa is not unique to the English language, but it is its most frequent
sound. Difficulties may arise for students if this sound does not occur in Read on the topic “Word Stress” and do the tasks:
their first language, or from the interference of other pronunciation rules
and tendencies that they might bring over into spoken English. Perception 1. Put the stress mark in the following words:
is also crucial, in that as / a / is such a comm on feature of English, lack of a) apple-tree e) museum i) housewife
awareness o f its role may add to students’ difficulties in understanding na­ b) good-looking f) police j) dining-room
tive speaker speech. c) examination g) introduction k) ninety
d) secretary h) fourteen 1) somebody
Kelly, Gerald. How to Teach Pronunciation. — Pearson ESL,
2001. -pp. 67-68, 2... Translate the following words and word combinations into Russian,
mind the semantic importance of word stress:
1. How does the author describe the correlation of “stress” and “u n ­ a) 'tall hoy —'tallboy e) 'after 'noon —'afternoon
stress”? b) 'black b ird —blackbird f) ’some ’thing —’something
c) 'yellow 'cup —'yellowcup g) 'green 'house —'greenhouse
Advice to Foreign Learners d) black board —blackboard h) 'dark 'room —'darkroom
3. Translate the following words and word combinations into Russian,
Many learners come from language backgrounds where word accent is reg­
mind the semantic importance of word stress:
ular, on the first syllable in Finnish and German, on the penultimate syllable in
Polish and Spanish, and on the final syllable in French and Turkish. But in a) 'content - con'tent f) 'insult - in'sult
English there is no such regular pattern and the differing accentual patterns of
b) 'contest —con’test g) 'transport - trans'port
words are as important to their recognition as is the sequence of phonemes. c) 'record - re'cord h) 'contract —con'tract
Although the accentual patterns are not as regular as in many other lan­ d) 'desert - de'sert i) 'process - pro'cess
guages, there are nevertheless tendencies and the foreign learner can defi­ e) 'import —im'port j) 'extract —ex'tract
nitely be helped by learning some of these tendencies. In particular, he 4. Find your own examples to prove the semantic importance of word
should pay attention to the influence o f suffixes on the placement of pri­ stress in English and in Russian.
INTONATION Intonation 55

ItMfV ' ***

Any stretch o f continuous conversation will consist o f a num ber of


Key words: complex / compound Z simple nuclear tones, emphatic Z hesita­
lone groups. There are some criteria which would allow us to place bound-
tion Z syntactic pause, focal point (focus), fundamental frequency, head,
aries between adjacent tone groups. We may use grammatical, semantic
intensity, intonation contour, intonation pattern, loudness, nucleus, pausa-
and phonetic criteria to delimit tone groups.
tion, pitch, pitch level (key, register), pitch range, pre-head, prosody, syn-
Tone group boundaries tend to occur at m ajor grammatical bounda­
tagm, tail, tempo, timbre (tamber), time (duration), tune (melody), tone
(intonation) group, vocal gestures, voice quality. ries, for example those between phrases.
There are two tone groups in each o f the following examples. In the
lirst example the boundary falls between the two clauses, while in the sec­
ond it falls between phrases but not in the middle of them. The tone groups
coincide with grammatical constituents, and also have meaning. If the
Questions: boundary were to fall between alligator and eyed, then the tone group
would cut across grammatical constituents, and produce a tone group
1. What branch of Phonetics studies intonation?
which was semantically anomalous. This tendency for tone group b ound­
2. Justify the existence of various approaches to the description of intona­
tion. aries to coincide with major grammatical boundaries gives tone groups
3. What is intonation on the perception level? both grammatical and semantic coherence.
4. Comment on the British, American and Russian approaches to intona­ It was only yesterday \ that I decided not to go.
tion. The large evil alligator eyed the spectators.
|

5. What is prosody?
Kuiper, Koenraad, Allan W.Scott. An Introduction to English Lan­
6 . What are the acoustic correlates of pitch, loudness and tempo? guage. Sound, Word and Sentence. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. —

7. Speak about each component of intonation as a system. pp. 106—107.


8 . What types of pauses are distinguished according to their length and
function? 1. What is a tone group and what are the criteria for their delimitation?
9. Give the definition of the intonation pattern. What are its constituents? Give your own examples for each criterion.
10. What is the intonation group?
11. Speak about different points of views on the classifications of nuclear
tones. Whose conception do you support? ***
12. Is it possible to specify the meanings of nuclear tones? Illustrate your One possible phonetic marker of tone group boundaries is the pause.
answer with your own examples.
Furtherm ore, pauses may coincide with m ajor phrase boundaries. The
13. Com m ent on the other components of the intonation pattern, their occurrence of a pause at a m ajor phrase boundary suggests strongly that
structure, types and function.
this is also the location of a tone group boundary. However, not all units
14. What is the meaning of the intonation group derived from? Illustrate that are bounded by pauses are tone groups. As tone groups m ust contain
your answer with your own examples.
a tonic syllable, which is always stressed, then any unstressed syllable
15. Com m ent on different types of representing intonation in the text.
bounded by pauses cannot be a tone group.
16. Which m ethod o f intonation notation do you prefer? Justify your Furtherm ore, it is also the case that an intonation contour which goes
choice.
from one pause to the next is not necessarily a single tone group. Even if
this sentence were uttered without any internal pauses, it would contain
two tone groups. In most people’s intonation there will be a break in the
56 57
Intonation Intonation

continuity o f the intonation after yesterday. This break in continuity sug­ To describe the meaning o f any intonation feature, we have to think o f
gests that a boundary occurs at this point. Support for the placing o f a (lie tone unit as being part o f some interactive event: that is to say, the
tone group boundary in this position comes from the behaviour o f the speaker is to be thought o f as addressing a known listener, or listeners, at
pitch o f the voice. After the tonic syllable, which falls on the final syllable ¡i particular m om ent in tim e. Each feature then reflects the speaker’s view
o f yesterday, and is uttered w ith a falling tone, there is a slight step up in of what state o f background understanding exists at that m om ent between
pitch to the next syllable, which is unstressed. This change o f pitch be­ speaker and listener. This means, of course, that discussion o f the intona­
tween a stressed and an unstressed syllable usually indicates a tone group tion o f isolated sentences m ust be avoided: the context m ust always be
boundary.
taken into account.
Finally, the tonic syllable is often the stressed syllable o f the final lexi­
Brazil, David. Pronunciation for Advanced Learners of English. —
cal word in a tone group. Having identified the tonic syllable, th e tone
Cambridge University Press, 1994. —pp. 15—17.
group boundary may be placed after the tonic and any associated u n ­
stressed syllables. These associated syllables may be part o f a syntactic
1. Why is there m uch disagreement in describing meanings o f intona­
constituent, or if the tonic does not fall on the final syllable o f a word,
th en the boundary will occur after the remaining (unstressed) syllables. tion?

Kuiper, Koenraad, Allan W.Scott. An Introduction to English Lan­ * * *


guage. Sound, Word and Sentence. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
— —

pp. 106-107. When, as speaker, you assign a prominent syllable to a word, you indi­
cate that this word represents a selection. The existing state o f speaker-lis-
1. W hat are possible markers and places o f tone group boundaries? tener understanding determines whether each successive word selects one
possibility from a number of them, or whether there is effectively no choice.
The procedure can be seen at work in
* * * ZZ in the F IR ST street on the LEFT / / .
Intonation is not a ‘tu n e’ im posed arbitrarily upon speech: its use Here, the word ‘left’ occurs at a time in the narrative at which the alter­
contributes to how speech carries a message. The goal to be aim ed at is a native ‘right’ could easily have occurred; part of what the speaker needed to
situation in which students recognise and use the variations as meaningful be told was that the required turning was on the one hand rather than on the
choices. Even in a pronunciation course, therefore, meaning has to be the other. Under these circumstances, one of the syllables of ‘left’ (and since it
starting point. is a monosyllable that is the only one) is given prominence. A very similar
A m ajor source o f difference among the ways intonation has been de­ argument applies to the other prominent syllable ‘first’. But in a tone unit
scribed has been disagreement about how its meaning can best be repre­ that comes later,
sented. Some note that a change in intonation seemingly alters the gram ­ ZZ and TOOK the left turning ZZ (where she’d said)
matical organisation o f a sentence. O thers see a relationship between the
intonation o f certain utterances and the supposed attitude or em otional ‘left’ has no prominence. This is because by this time the likelihood of its
state o f the speaker. A problem with observations like these is that they being anything other than a left turning has been ruled out. What matters now
seem only to apply on particular occasions. The task o f pairing different is whether she took it or went straight past it, so ‘took’ is prominent. No rel­
kinds of utterance with different intonation patterns seems like an enor­ evant selection is made by ‘turning’ in either tone unit, something that is
m ous, and perhaps even an open-ended, one. Having explained how into­ made evident by the fact that in some styles o f conversation it could easily be
nation affects one sentence, you move on and find that a quite different missed out:
kind o f explanation is needed for the next.
/ / i n the F IR ST on the L E F T //.
58 59
Intonation Intonation

Yet another possibility enables us to take the notion o f selection a step like ‘Wait a m om ent while I work out what to say next’. N ot surprisingly,
further: this kind of orientation shift is com m on in the speech o f people —w heth­
er learners o f the language or native speakers — who are having to think
ZZ in the F IR ST road on the LEFT / / .
before they speak.
Clearly, there are cases where alternative words, like ‘turning’ and ‘road’ Brazil, David. Pronunciation for Advanced Learners of English.

can occur and where the use of one rather than the other might be said to be Cambridge University Press, 1994. pp. 22—23.

the outcome o f a process of ‘selection’. But since in this context the choice
makes no difference to the message — since for all practical purposes the I. Speak about two kinds o f speech orientation and their peculiarities.
two words are interchangeable —we can say that no sense selection is in­
volved. And when this is the case no prominence is assigned.
is it it
In any discourse there are words which, at the moment they are spoken,
do represent a sense selection and other words which do not. The way prom ­
Intonation is traditionally equated with variations in the perceived
inence is distributed reflects the speaker’s view o f how this two-way division
o f words is made. pitch o f the speaking voice. Pitch varies continuously from the m om ent
anyone begins speaking to the m om ent they end. An accurate descrip­
Brazil, David. Pronunciation for Advanced Learners of English. — tion o f the variation would be exceedingly complex and would reveal
Cambridge University Press, 1994. —pp. 15—17. nothing o f the significantly patterned phenom enon that we take intona­
tion to be. This is because n o t all the variation has the same kind of
1. What does prominence in a phrase depend on? comm unicative significance. The only m eaning is of the kind that can
be represented as the result o f a speaker having m ade an either/or choice.
it * * We are concerned w ith identifying a set of oppositions th at reside in the
language system, knowledge of which we m ust assume the speaker shares
Some speech events, however, like some kinds o f ‘reading out’ and the with h is/h e r hearer.
carrying out o f certain ritualised procedures, am ount to no more than the Suppose there is a language system that includes an opposition we can
vocalising o f what is written, or what is habitually said. This is to say that no describe in the following terms: having pitched a particular syllable at a
assumptions at all are m ade about a listener. Speech which occurs in these certain level, the speaker can, at some subsequent syllable, make a m ean­
circumstances is obliquely orientated: the speakers can be thought o f as be­ ing choice between the same pitch, a higher one or a lower one. G rap h i­
ing engaged with the language purely as language. We can say that they are cally, we might represent the choices at the second syllable thus:
thinking about what they are saying rather than about what message they
are trying to convey. S2 (high)
SI < ...> < ...> ---------------- S2 (mid)
Oblique discourse makes use o f proclaim ing tones in the special sense
S2 (low)
of ‘I tell you w hat is written here’, or ‘I tell you what it is customary to tell
you on occasions like this’. It also makes use o f the special level tone or Two im portant conditions are inherent in the kind of situation we have
o-tone.
postulated at S2:
As well as occurring in pre-coded discourse, level tone often occurs at
- if the speaker produces S2 at all he/she cannot avoid choosing one o f
points o f hesitation. Speakers often hesitate because they are having some
the three possibilities specified (there is no fourth choice).
kind o f difficulty in putting together th e language the present situation
demands. In these circumstances, there is a tem porary shift o f attention — the communicative value of any one choice is defined negatively by ref­
from the listener (direct orientation) towards th e language (oblique orien­ erence to the other options available (the value of “high” is whatever is
tation). The effect o f such a shift can often be interpreted as something not m eant by “mid” and “low” taken together).
Intonation 61
Intonation

***
This account misses out one very obvious thing we might say about
what our speaker does. Having decided on a higher choice, he/she must The final topic within the general subject of prosody is voice quality,
then make a further decision, as to how much higher to pitch the syllable. To defined as the long-term and stable characteristics o f a given voice which
deal with this kind of decision, any descriptive enterprise would have td span stretches o f speech. Voice quality is the term used to describe the audi­
concern itself with variation on a continuous scale, and would demand a tory impression made by a certain mechanical setting of the speech organs
quite different analytical m ethod from that used here. So, a small set o f ei­ over stretches o f speech. The term voice setting is sometimes used in the
ther/or choices can be identified and related to a set of meaning oppositions same way as voice quality but can also m ean the physical postures o f the
that together constitute a distinctive sub-component of the m eaning-po­
articulators which produce a particular voice quality <...> Different indi­
tential o f English.
viduals and groups of speakers have different ways o f setting their tongue,
Brazil, David. The Communicative Value of Intonation in Eng­ jaw opening, lip shape and vocal cords to achieve a characteristic voice
lish. Cambridge University Press, 1997. - pp. 1—3.

quality.
<...> intonation and stress, as well as the articulation o f vowels and con­
1. What sets o f opposition does intonation form? sonants, are produced within the limits o f the voice quality set by the articu­
lators and the breath stream coming up from the lungs. For example, if the
*** setting of the vocal cords is very tense, it is not possible to produce as full a
range of pitch as when they are set at a more moderate level o f tension. As a
A spoken utterance consists of words put together in a grammatical con­ second example, if the voice is set at low volume —i.e. soft voice —the pos­
struction; this part is verbal and vocal. While people are producing such ut­ sibilities for producing stress contrasts are thereby reduced <...>
terances, they are also communicating something, intentionally or not, by
Pennington, Martha C. Phonology in English Language Teaching:
elements that are not part o f language, neither vocal nor verbal, such as ges­ an International Approach. — Longman: London and New York,
tures, appearance, stance, and proximity to the addressees — popularly 1996. - P. 156.
called body language, labelled kinesics by those who study such things sys­
tematically. Some of the elements may be considered vocal gestures that
1. Give the definition of voice quality.
accompany speech; laughing, giggling, whispering, falsetto, a quavering or 2. State the difference between voice quality and voice setting (if any).
‘breaking’ voice. Some are individual ways o f speaking; some people are 3. Prove that voice quality is an aspect o f prosody (intonation).
louder than others, or louder at certain times; some have higher-pitched
voices than others; some speak in a near m onotone while others have a
broad pitch range; some clip syllables short by comparison with others who * * *
drawl. These and other such phenomena are part of speech but not part of
language. Because o f its associated physiological correlates, voice quality is a sign
Intonation is vocal, non-verbal, and part o f language. It is the use of of the speaker’s overall physical and mental condition. Speakers who are
(relative) pitch changes in patterns used and recognized by all speakers of a elderly, tired or in very poor health often have a creaky voice quality, as a
language (allowing for dialect differences analogous to other phonological result of a tense posture of the vocal cords and their slow and somewhat ir­
and semantic differences) and which can impart different meanings to oth­ regular vibration. One manifestation o f psychological tension is a tense set­
erwise identical utterances. ting of the vocal cords, which shows in the voice as a harsh or strained qual­
ity that is generally accompanied by heightened pitch. Conversely, a
Kreidler, Charles W. Describing Spoken English. An Introduction. —
Hartnolls Limited, Bodmin, Cornwall, 1997. —pp. 192—193. generally relaxed state o f m ind and body results in a relaxed vocal posture as
well, producing a lax or slack setting o f the vocal cords that lowers pitch and
1. Comment on the ways o f communication. may produce breathy voice as well <...>
62 Intonation Inlonation

A loud voice, which would be appropriate in situations where it is nec­ ing a voice with a lowered larynx creates a deeper, more adult voice end NO
essary to get someone’s attention, might also indicate a state of high emo­ might be the voice adopted by a child attempting to imitate an adult, espe­
tion, such as anger, surprise or excitement. If part o f a speaker’s norm al cially a male adult. An army drill sergeant might “bark out” orders in a
voice set, a loud voice might be interpreted as a sign o f the speaker’s confi­ harsh shout while also placing his chin on his chest, thereby lowering the
dence, or, less positively, of an aggressive or dogmatic personality. A soft larynx and making the voice lower and more “commanding” <...>
voice <... > can be indicative of shock or terror, or of a sad or depressed state. Pennington, Martha C. Phonology in English Language Teaching:
As a normal vocal feature, a soft voice might be interpreted as an indication an International Approach. Longman: London and New York,

that the speaker is a gentle, shy or timid person. 1996. —pp. 160—161.
A high-pitched voice —including falsetto or false voice —expresses sur­
prise and is also used for joking and discussion of non-serious matters <...> 1. What effects can be achieved by changing voice quality?
As a stable trait, high pitch is associated with a non-threatening, pleasant or
playful personality, and with femininity. Less positively, it might be viewed
as an indicator of someone who is childish or who cannot be taken seri­
ously <...>
Pennington, Martha C. Phonology in English Language Teaching:
an International Approach. — Longman: London and New York,
1996. P. 159.
-

1. How can voice quality indicate the speaker’s physical and psychological
state?
2. What impressions does a loud/soft/falsetto voice produce?

***

Because different voices have different natural and symbolic associa­


tions, they are often exploited in acting, pretending or playing various roles.
In English and some other languages, labialized articulation can signify
baby talk <...> A combination o f retroflex and labialized articulation made
the American actor, Jimmy Stewart, seem ingenuous - a combination of
childlike and rural. A palatalized articulatory setting, sometimes with nasal­
ization, is used in English for baby talk as well as for mocking. The combi­
nation of nasal voice and a spread lip setting in the speech of the American
actor, Jack Nicholson, gives a sinister impression —a m an who mocks and
smiles at the same time.
By raising the larynx — e.g. by raising the chin and leaning the head
backward —an adult voice can be made to sound more like that as a child,
as this stretches the vocal cords and raises the pitch as a consequence. This
is a setting that might be used for the voice of a cartoon character (e.g.
Mickey M ouse), a doll or an adult playing a child <... > In contrast, produc-
65
FUNCTIONS OF INTONATION I'mictions o f Intonation

Functions of English
We will move on to look more closely at its functions. Perhaps the best
Key words: actual f attitudinal meaning, attitudinal f distinctive (phono-s
way to start is to ask ourselves what would be lost if we were to speak without
logical) Z organizing / pragmatic Z rhetorical / social / indexical Z stylistic
Intonation: you should try to imagine speech in which every syllable was
function, delimitation (segmentation) Z integration, discourse, infbrmatiotf
mi id on the same level pitch, with no pauses and no changes in speed or
content, information focus, intonology, marked Z unmarked position, op­
loudness. This is the sort of speech that would be produced by a “m echani­
position of nuclear tones, phonopassage, phrase, rheme Z theme, syntactic
types o f sentences. cal speech” device that made sentences by putting together recordings of
isolated words. To put it in the broadest possible terms, we can see that in­
tonation makes it easier for a listener to understand what a speaker is trying
to convey. The ways in which intonation does this are very complex, and
many suggestions have been m ade for ways o f isolating different functions.
Questions: Among the m ost often proposed are the following:
1. View intonation on the functional level. Prove that intonation is a pow­ i) Intonation enables us to express emotions and attitudes as we speak,
erful means o f hum an communication. and this adds a special kind of “meaning” to spoken language. This is
2. Which are the functions o f intonation described (distinguished) by pho­ often called the attitudinal function o f intonation.
neticians?
ii) Intonation helps to produce the effect o f prominence on syllables that
3. Which function o f intonation is considered the m ain one?
need to be perceived as stressed, and in particular the placing of tonic
4. What is m eant by distinctive function of intonation?
stress on a particular syllable marks out the word to which it belongs as
5. How do prosodic means contribute to organizing the text?
the m ost important in the tone-unit. This has been called the accentual
6 . W hen can we treat intonation pattern as synonyms? Exemplify your an­
swer. function o f intonation.
7. What is m eant by marked and unm arked position of the nucleus? iii) The listener is better able to recognise the grammar and syntactic struc­
8. How can the shift o f the nuclear tone affect the information focus? ture o f what is being said by using the information contained in the in­
9. Give your summary of the communicative function o f intonation. tonation; for example, such things as the placement of boundaries be­
10. W hat role does intonation play in structuring the discourse? tween phrases, clauses or sentences, the difference between questions
11. How do prosodic means contribute to structuring an oral monologueZ and statements and the use of grammatical subordination may be indi­
dialogue? cated. This has been called the grammatical function of intonation.
12. How does the pragmatics o f discourse affect the choice of prosodic
iv) Looking at the act of speaking in a broader way, we can see that intona­
means? (the nuclear tone in particular)? Give your own example.
tion can signal to the listener what is to be taken as “new” information
13. W hat is m eant by rhetorical function o f intonation? Use your own ex­
and what is already “given”, can suggest when the speaker is indicating
ample to prove that the choice o f nuclear tones, prosodic parallelism, some sort o f contrast or link with material in another tone-unit and, in
pausation, etc. can make the rhetorical discourse effective.
conversation, can convey to the listener what kind of response is expect­
14. W hat is referred to as social and indexical function of intonation?
ed. Such functions are examples of intonation’s discourse function.
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
Univ. Press, 2000. -pp. 183-184; 1987.

1. Why is intonation important?


2. Comment on the most often proposed functions of intonation.
66 functions of Intonation 67
Functions of Intonatio

★ * 4c I. Why is it im portant for foreign learners to master the appropriate ways


to use intonation?
The attitudinal function has been given <...> much importance in past
work on intonation <...>, although it should eventually become clear that i
overlaps considerably with the discourse function. In the case of the othe 2) The attitudinal function of intonation
three functions, it will be argued that it is difficult to see how they could b Let us begin by considering how one might analyse the attitudinal func­
treated as separate; for example, the placement o f tonic stress is closely linke' tion of intonation. One possibility would be for the analyst to invent a large
to the presentation o f “new” information, while the question/statement dis* number of sentences and to try saying them with different intonation patterns
tinction and the indication of contrast seem to be equally important in gram* (i.e. different combinations o f head and tone), noting what attitude was sup­
m ar and discourse. What seems to be common to accentual, grammatical an posed to correspond to the intonation in each case; of course, the results are
discourse functions is the indication, by means of intonation, of the relation^ then very subjective, and based on an artificial performance that has little re­
ship between some linguistic element and the context in which it occurs. The semblance to conversational speech. Alternatively, the analyst could say these
fact that they overlap with each other to a large degree is not so important u different sentences to a group of listeners and ask them all to write down what
one does not insist on defining watertight boundaries between them. attitudes they thought were being expressed; however, we have a vast range o f
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr . . adjectives available for labelling attitudes and the members of the group would
Univ. Press, 2000. - P. 184; 1987. probably produce a very large number of such adjectives, leaving the analyst
with the problem of deciding whether pairs such as ‘pompous’and ‘stuck-up’,
1. Prove that all functions of intonation are interrelated. or ‘obsequious’ and ‘sycophantic’ were synonyms or represented different at­
2. What is your idea of the discourse function of intonation? Which func­ titudes. To overcome this difficulty, one could ask the members o f the group
tion does it overlap with? < lo choose among a small number of adjectives (or “labels”) given by the ana­
lyst; the results would then inevitably be easier to quantify (that is, the job of
counting the different responses would be simpler) but the results would no
1) The attitudinal function o f intonation longer represent the listeners’ free choices of label. An alternative procedure
would be to ask a lot o f speakers to say a list o f sentences in different ways ac­
Many writers have expressed the view that intonation is used to convey
cording to labels provided by the analyst, and see what intonational features
our feelings and attitudes; for example, the same sentence can be said in d if-!
ferent ways, which might be labelled “angry”, “happy”, “grateful”, “bored” are found in common (for example, one might count how many speakers
used a low head in saying something in a “hostile” way). The results of such
and so on. It has also been widely observed that the form of intonation is d if-'
experiments are usually very variable and difficult to interpret, not least be­
ferent in different languages; for example, the intonation of languages such as
cause the range o f acting talent in a randomly selected group is considerable.
Swedish, Italian or Hindi is instantly recognisable as being different from thati
o f English. N ot surprisingly, it has often been said that foreign learners of Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
English need to learn English intonation. Some have gone further than this Univ. Press, 2000. —pp. 185; 1987.
and claimed that, unless the foreign learner learns the appropriate way to use ‘
intonation in a given situation, there is a risk that he or she may unintention­ 1. W hat are the approaches to the study of the attitudinal function of into­
ally give offence; for example, the learner might use an intonation suitable for nation, their possible outcomes and problems?
expressing boredom or discontent when what is needed is an expression o f
gratitude or affection. This misleading view o f intonation must have caused , 3) The attitudinal function o f intonation
unnecessary anxiety to many learners of the language.
A m uch more useful and realistic approach is to study recordings of dif­
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
Univ. Press, 2000. -pp. 184-185; 1987. ferent speakers’ natural, spontaneous speech and try to make generalisa­
69
68 Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation

tween emotion and attitude, emotion representing a speaker state (He is


tions about attitudes and intonation on this basis. Many problems remain,
(feeling) happy, sad, <...>) an d attitude representing a kind o f behaviour
however. In the m ethod described previously, the analyst tries to select sen­
tences (or passages of some other size) whose meaning is fairly “neutral” (He is being condescending, friendly <...>).
<...> [However] there are some attitudes which are not to do with be­
from the emotional point o f view, and will tend to avoid material such as
haviour but which are better described as opinions, beliefs or knowledge
“Why don’t you leave me alone?” or “How can I ever thank you enough?”
because the lexical meaning o f the words used already makes the speaker’s about something <...>
I will therefore categorise as ‘expressive’ intonation, those intonational
attitude pretty clear, whereas sentences such as “She’s going to buy it to­
characteristics which appear to convey both pure emotion, and emotion
morrow” or “The paper has fallen under the table” are less likely to preju­
arising from beliefs, knowledge and opinion. ‘Attitudinal’ intonation, on
dice the listener. The choice of material is m uch less free for someone study­
the other hand, is in my view any aspect of intonation (including expressive
ing natural speech. Nevertheless, if we are ever to make new discoveries
intonation) which in a given context reflects a certain speaker behaviour, as
about intonation, it will be as a result of studying what people, actually say
intended by the speaker, or as perceived by the receiver, or both. I believe
rather than inventing examples o f what they might say.
that this kind of attitude is part of speaker meaning. To understand it and to
The notion o f “expressing an emotion or attitude” is itself a more com­
establish the role of intonation in communicating it, we must see it as a part
plex one than is generally realised. First, an emotion may be expressed invol­
untarily or voluntarily; if I say something in a “happy” way, this may be be­ o f pragmatics.
cause I feel happy, or because I want to convey to you the impression that I am Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. — Pearson Ed­
happy. Second, an attitude that is expressed could be an attitude towards the ucation Limited, 2000. pp. 144—145.
-

listener (e.g. if 1 say something in a “friendly” way), towards what is being


said (e.g. if I say something in a “sceptical” or “dubious” way) or towards 1. How does the author categorise expressive and attitudinal intonation?
some external event or situation (e.g. “regretful” or “disapproving”). 2. Com m ent on the difference between “em otion” and “attitude” .
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. - Cambridge: Cambr.
Univ. Press, 2000. -pp. 185-186; 1987. k k k

1. Describe the most realistic m ethod of studying the attitudinal function Speaker m eaning, in so far as it deviates from the surface meaning of
o f intonation. What are the problems in its application? an utterance, is generated in a systematic way, usually when there is a per­
2. Which approach to the study do you favour? Explain your choice. ceived mismatch between the content of an utterance and the context in
which it is conveyed. I assume that at least some intonationally conveyed
attitudes are also conveyed by some kind o f mismatch, for example be­
Attitudinal intonation: interaction and international meaning tween the intonation and the message, or between the intonation and the
There is a long and honourable tradition in intonation research of pro­ context. Some attitudes, of course, are not conveyed by mismatch. Som e­
viding attitudinal labels to explain the perceived, imagined or predicted ef­ times we say w hat we mean. The response wonderful! with a smile and a
fect of international features used in a particular context. The profusion of high fall to a friend’s announcement that he is to become a father needs
labels has so far been the m ain problem, along with the assumption that ev­ little explanation. The wide pitch range is a typical expression o f strong
ery label must refer to something different, or even to anything at all <...> feeling (here, given the meaning o f ‘wonderful’, it conveys pleasure - the
And yet we all know intuitively that intonation can express something same pitch contour on no! might express a very different emotion); the
which we loosely term ‘attitude’. One of the problems lies in distinguishing expression of pleasure can be interpreted as a positive attitude towards the
‘attitude’ from other kinds of affective meaning such as ‘em otion’ <...> proposition contained in the message, and this in turn is likely to be in­
An attempt at bringing some order into this complex issue was made by ferred by the receiver as implying a positive attitude, such as ‘friendly’ or
Couper-Kuhlen (1986: 185—7), who suggested a possible distinction be­ ‘supportive ’, towards himself.
71
70 Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation

Many intonationally conveyed attitudes, however, in particular negative 2. Rise


ones, are the result of some kind o f mismatch. In the situation I just de­ M ost of the functions attributed to rises are nearer to grammatical than
scribed, the response wonderful! with a narrow pitch range and no smile attitudinal, as in the first three examples given below; they are included here
would indicate that the speaker m eant something else, although any im ­ mainly to give a fuller picture o f intonational function.
plied or inferred meaning would depend on the situation. Clearly, if we are
to investigate mismatches we must first have a clear idea of what constitutes General questions: Can you ’help me
a ‘m atch’. It must be possible to assign to a particular intonation pattern, or Is it 'over
some aspect of intonational behaviour, a ‘norm al’ or ‘expected’ meaning Listing: 'Red 'brown 'yellow or 'blue
which then has the potential to be exploited in an unexpected way, either (fall is normal on the last item)
intentionally, generating a prosodic implicature, or unintentionally, gener­
ating an inference on the part o f the receiver. These implied or inferred “M ore to follow”: I phoned them right a 'way
meanings are in my view the key to many cases of perceived ‘tone of voice’ (and they agreed to come)
or attitude. However, until we are in a position to identify a ‘norm al’ asso­ You must write it a ’gain
ciation between intonation, text and context we are not in a position to (and this time, get it right)
identify any deviation from that norm. Encouraging: It won’t ’hurt
<...> different people may make very different inferences from the same
interaction, depending on their beliefs about the nature o f the context.
3. Fall-rise
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. — Pearson Ed­ Uncertainty, doubt: You ''may be right
ucation Limited, 2000. —pp. 145-146; 1987. Its ’'possible
1. Do we always say what we mean? What helps listeners to understand Requesting: Can I vbuy it
speaker meaning? Will you vlend it to me
2. Give your own examples of mismatches between the intonation and the
message, or between the intonation and the context. 4. Rise-fall
3. Compare Anne W ichman’s approach to the attitudinal function of into­
nation with Peter Roach’s point o f view. Surprise, being impressed: You were first
nAll o f them

* * is
Generalisations such as these are, however, very broad, and foreign
What advice, then, can be given to the foreign learner of English who learners do not find it easy to learn to use intonation through studying
wants to learn “correct intonation”? It is certainly true that a few generali­ them . Similarly, within the area o f prosodic com ponents m ost generalisa­
sations can be made about the attitudinal functions of some components of tions tend to be rather obvious: wider pitch range tends to be used in ex­
intonation. W ithin tone, for example, most books agree on some basic cited or enthusiastic speaking, slower speed is typical o f the speech of
meanings; here are some examples: someone who is tired or bored, and so on. M ost of the generalisations one
could make are probably true for a lot o f other languages as well. In short,
1. Fall o f the rules and generalisations that could be m ade about conveying atti­
tudes through intonation, those which are not actually wrong are likely to
Finality, definiteness: That is the end o f the 'news
I’m absolutely 'certain be too trivial to be worth learning. I have witnessed m any occasions when
Stop 'm/king foreigners have unintentionally caused m isunderstanding or even offence
72 Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation

in speaking to a native English speaker, but can remember only a few oc­ 2) The accentual function of intonation
casions when this could be attributed to “using the wrong intonation” ;
The location of the tonic syllable is of considerable linguistic impor­
m ost such cases have involved native speakers of different varieties of Eng­
tance. The most common position for this is on the last lexical word (e.g.
lish, rather than learners o f English. Sometimes an intonation mistake can
noun, adjective, verb; adverb as distinct from the function words) of the
cause a difference in apparent grammatical meaning <...> It should not be
tone-unit. For contrastive purposes, however, any word may become the
concluded that intonation is not im portant for conveying attitudes. What
bearer of the tonic syllable. It is frequently said that the placement of the
is being claimed here is that, although it is of great im portance, the com ­
tonic syllable indicates the focus of the information. In the following pairs
plexity of the total set o f sequential and prosodic components of intona­
of examples, (i) represents normal placement and (ii) contrastive:
tion and of paralinguistic features makes it a very difficult thing to teach or
learn <...> The attitudinal use of intonation is something that is best ac­ i) 11 want to know where he’s travelling to |
quired through talking with and listening to English speakers, and this (The word ‘to’, being a preposition and not a lexical word, is not stressed.)
course aims simply to train learners to be more aware of and sensitive to ii) (I ‘don’t want to ‘know where he’s travelling/ram)
the way English speakers use intonation. 11 want to know where he’s travelling to |
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. - Cambridge: Cambr. i) | She was wearing a red dress \
Univ. Press, 2000. -pp. 188-190; 1987. ii) (She wasn’t wearing a green dress) | She was wearing a red dress |
Similarly, for the purpose of emphasis we may place the tonic stress in
1. What generalisations does Peter Roach make about the attitudinal func­
other positions; in these examples, (i) is non-emphatic and (ii) is emphatic:
tions of intonation?
2. Why is it so difficult for foreign learners to learn “correct intonation”? i) | It was very bon ng |
3. What advice does the author give to foreign learners? D o you agree it is ii) | It was very boring |
the only way to learn the attitudinal use of English intonation? i) | You 'mustn’t talk so loudly |
ii) | You mustn’t talk so loudly |
1) The accentual function of intonation Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
Univ. Press, 2000. -pp. 193—194; 1987.
When writers say that intonation has accentual function they imply that
the placement of stress is something that is determined by intonation <...> 1. What effect could we achieve by shifting the tonic stress?
One particular aspect of stress could be regarded as part o f intonation; this is
the placement of the tonic stress within the tone-unit. It would be reason­
able to suggest that while word stress is independent o f intonation, the 3) The accentual function of intonation
placement o f tonic stress is a function (the accentual function) of intona­ However, it would be wrong to say that the only cases of departure from
tion. Some older pronunciation hand-books refer to this area as “sentence putting tonic stress on the last lexical word were cases of contrast or empha­
stress” , which is not an appropriate name; the sentence is a unit of gram­ sis. There are quite a few situations where it is normal for the tonic syllable
mar, while the location of tonic stress is a m atter which concerns the tone to come earlier in the tone-unit. A well-known example is the sentence ‘I
unit, a unit of phonology.
have plans to leave’; this is ambiguous:
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. - Cambridge: Cambr. i) 11 have plans to leave |
Univ. Press, 2000. - P. 193; 1987.
(i.e. I am planning to leave.)
1. How do you distinguish a word stress, a sentence stress and a tonic ii) 11 have plans to leave |
stress? (i.e. I have some plans/diagrams/drawings that 1 have to leave.)
74 Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation 75

Version (ii) could not be described as contrastive or emphatic. There are Let us look further at the role of tone-unit boundaries, and the link b e­
many examples similar to (ii); perhaps the best rule to give is that the tonic tween the tone-unit and units o f grammar. There is a strong tendency for
syllable will tend to occur on the last lexical word in the lone-unit, but may tone-unit boundaries to occur at boundaries between grammatical units of
be placed earlier in the tone-unit if there is a word there with greater im por­ higher order than words; it is extremely comm on to find a tone-unit bound­
tance to what is being said. This can quite often happen as a result of the last ary at a sentence boundary, as in:
part of the tone-unit being already “given” (i.e. something which has al­
ready been mentioned or is completely predictable); for example: 11 'won’t have any tea | I d o n ’t like it |

i) | ‘H ere’s that book you asked me to bring | In sentences with a more complex structure, tone-unit boundaries are
(The fact that you asked me to bring it is not new.) often found at phrase and clause boundaries as well, as in:

ii) | I’ve got to take the dog for a walk | | In France | where farms tend to be smaller | the subsidies are more important |
(‘For a walk’ is by far the most probable thing to follow I ’ve got to take It is very unusual to find a tone-unit boundary at a place where the only
the dog’; if the sentence ended with ‘to the vet’ the tonic syllable would grammatical boundary is a boundary between words. It would, for example,
probably be ‘vet’.) sound distinctly odd to have a tone-unit boundary between an article and a
following noun, or between auxiliary and m ain verbs if they are adjacent
Placement o f tonic stress is, therefore, important and is closely linked to (although we may, on occasions, hesitate or pause in such places within a
intonation. tone-unit; it is interesting to note that some people who do a lot of arguing
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr. and debating, notably politicians and philosophers, develop the skill of
Univ. Press, 2000. -pp. 194-195; 1987. pausing for breath in such intonationally unlikely places because they are
less likely to be interrupted than if they pause at the end o f a sentence).
1. Comment on other reasons when the tonic syllable can change its nor­ Tone-unit boundary placement can, then, indicate grammatical structure
mal location in the tone-unit. to the listener and we can find minimal pairs such as the following:
i) The Conservatives who like the proposal | are pleased
1) The grammatical function of intonation ii) The Conservatives | who like the proposal | are pleased
The word “grammatical” tends to be used in a very loose sense in this The intonation makes clear the difference between (i) “restrictive” and
context. It is usual to illustrate the grammatical function by inventing sen­ (ii) “non-restrictive” relative clauses; (i) implies that only some Conserva­
tences which when written are ambiguous, and whose ambiguity can only tives like the proposal, while (ii) implies that all the Conservatives like it.
be removed by using differences of intonation. A typical example is the sen­ Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. - Cambridge: Cambr.
tence ‘Those who sold quickly made a profit’. This can be said in at least Univ. Press, 2000. —pp. 195—196; 1987.
two different ways:
i) | Those who sold quickly | made a profit | 1. What do we m ean by grammatical function of intonation?
ii) | Those who sold \ quickly made a profit \ 2. Prove that the position of the tone-unit boundary can change the m ean­
ing o f the sentence.
The difference caused by the placement of the tone-unit boundary is
seen to be equivalent to giving two different paraphrases of the sentences,
as in: 2) The grammatical function of intonation
i) A profit was made by those who sold quickly. Another component of intonation that can be said to have grammatical
ii) A profit was quickly made by those who sold. significance is the choice of tone on the tonic syllable. One example that is
7« Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation f!

very ft miliar is the use of a rising tone with questions. Many languages have The difference illustrated here could reasonably be said to be as muoh
the possibility of changing a statement into a question simply by changing attitudinal as grammatical. Certainly there is overlap between these two
the tone from falling to rising. This is, in fact, not used very much by itself functions.
in the variety o f English being described here, where questions are usually Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
grammatically marked. The sentence “ The price is going up” can be said as Univ. Press, 2000. —pp. 196—197.
a statement like this:
| The 'price is going up | 1. What components of intonation have grammatical significance?

(the tonic stress could equally well be on “up”). It would be quite accept­
able in some dialects of English (e.g. many varieties of American English) to 2) The discourse function of intonation
ask a question like this: If we think of linguistic analysis as usually being linked to the sentence
(Why do you want to buy it now?) | The 'price is going up | as the maximum unit of grammar, then the study of discourse attempts to
look at the larger contexts in which sentences occur <...>
But speakers in Britain would be more likely to ask the question like If we consider how intonation may be studied in relation to discourse,
this: we can identify two m ain areas: one of them is the use of intonation to focus
(Why do you want to buy it now?) | Is the 'price going up | the listener’s attention on aspects o f the message that are most important,
and the other is concerned with the regulation o f conversational behaviour.
It is by no means true that a rising tone is always used for questions in We will look at these in turn.
English; it is quite usual, for example, to use a falling tone with questions In the case o f “attention focusing” , the m ost obvious use <...> is the
beginning with one of the “wh-question-words” like ‘what’, ‘which’, placing of tonic stress on the appropriate syllable of one particular word in
‘when’, etc. Here are two examples with typical intonations, where (i) does the tone-unit. In some cases it is easy to demonstrate that the tonic stress is
not start with a “wh-word” and has a rising tone and (ii) begins with ‘where’ placed on the word that is in some sense the “most im portant” , as in:
and has a falling tone.
| She 'went to 'Scotland |
i) | 'Did you 'park the 'car |
ii) | Where did you 'park the 'car \ Sometimes it seems more appropriate to describe tonic stress placement
in terms o f “information content” : the more predictable a word’s occur­
However, the fall in (ii) is certainly not obligatory, and a rise is quite rence is in a given context, the lower its information content is. Tonic stress
often heard in such a question. A fall is also possible in (i). will tend to be placed on words with high information content <...> This is
The intonation o f question-tags (e.g. ‘isn’t it’, ‘can’t he” , ‘should she’, the explanation that would be used in the case of the sentences
‘w on’t they’, etc.) is often quoted as a case of a difference in meaning being
due to the difference between falling and rising tone. In the following ex­ i) | I ’ve got to take the dog for a walk |
ample, the question-tag is “aren’t they”; when it has a falling tone, as in (i), ii) | I ’ve got to take the dog to the vet |
the implication is said to be that the speaker is comparatively certain that The word ‘vet’ is less predictable (has a higher information content)
the information is correct, and simply expects the listener to provide confir­ than ‘walk’.
mation, while the rising tone in (ii) is said to indicate a lesser degree of cer­ However, we still find many cases where it is difficult to explain tonic
tainty, so that the question-tag functions more like a request for informa­ placement in terms of “importance” or “information”. For example, in
tion.
messages like:
i) | They 'are 'coming on ' Tuesday | 'arent they | Your coat’s on fire The wing’s breaking up
ii) | They 'are 'coming on 'Tuesday \ 'arent they \ The radio’s gone wrong Your uncle’s died
fl Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation 79

probnbly the majority of English speakers would place the tonic stress on i) a drop to a lower part of the pitch range (“low key”);
the subject noun, although it is difficult to see how this is more important ii) increased speed;
than the last lexical word in each of the sentences. The placement o f tonic iii) narrower range o f pitch; and
stress is still to some extent an unsolved mystery; it is clear, however, that it iv) lower loudness, relative to the non-subordinate tone-unit(s).
is at least partly determined by the larger context (linguistic and non-lin- The use o f these components has the result that the subordinate tone-
guistic) in which the tone-unit occurs. units are less easy to hear. Native speakers can usually still understand what
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. —Cambridge: Cambr. is said, if necessary by guessing at inaudible or unrecognizable words on the
Univ. Press, 2000. - pp. 197—199. basis of their knowledge of what the speaker is talking about. Foreign learn­
ers of English, on the other hand, having in general less “common ground”
1. What main areas can we identify in the study of discourse intonation? or shared knowledge with the speaker, often find that these subordinate
2. How can intonation assist in focusing attention? tone-units - with their “throw-away” , parenthetic style - cause serious dif­
ficulties in understanding,
2) The discourse function of intonation Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr.
Univ. Press, 2000. pp. 199—200.

We can see at least two other ways in which intonation can assist in fo­
cusing attention. The tone chosen can indicate whether the tone-unit in 1. What are other uses of intonation connected with the focusing of atten­
which it occurs is being used to present new information or to refer to infor­ tion?
m ation which is felt to be already possessed by speaker and hearer. For ex­ 2. What is implied by intonational subordination?
ample, in the following sentence:
| Since the last time we met | when we had that huge dinner | I ’ve been on a 3) The discourse function of intonation
diet | Intonation is also im portant in the conversational interaction o f two
the first two tone-units present information which is relevant to what the or more speakers. M ost of the research on this has been on conversational
speaker is saying, but which is not something new and unknown to the lis­ interaction of a rather restricted kind - such as between doctor and pa­
tener. The final tone-unit, however, does present new information. Writers tient, teacher and pupil or between the various speakers in court cases. In
on discourse intonation have proposed that the falling tone indicates new such material it is comparatively easy to identify what each speaker is ac­
information while rising (including falling-rising) tones indicate “shared” tually doing in speaking - for example, questioning, challenging, advis­
or “given” information. ing, encouraging, disapproving, etc. It is likely that other forms of conver­
Another use of intonation connected with the focusing of attention is sation can be analysed in the same way, although this is considerably more
intonational subordination; we can signal that a particular tone-unit is of difficult. In a more general way, it can be seen that speakers use various
comparatively low importance and as a result give correspondingly greater prosodic components to indicate to others that they have finished speak­
importance to adjacent tone-units. For example: ing, that another person is expected to speak, that a particular type o f re­
sponse is required and so on. The difference between falling and rising
i) | As I expect you’ve heard | they’re 'only admitting emergency cases | intonation on question-tags is supposed to indicate to the listener what
ii) | The Japanese | for some reason or other | drive on the left | like us | sort o f response is expected. It seems that key (the part of the pitch range
In a typical conversational pronunciation o f these sentences, the first used) is im portant in signalling information about conversational interac­
tone-unit of (i) and the second and fourth tone-units of (ii) might be treat­ tion. We can observe many examples in non-linguistic behaviour of the
ed as intonationally subordinate; the prosodic characteristics marking this use o f signals to regulate turn-taking: in many sports, for example, it is
are usually: necessary to do this - footballers can indicate that they are looking for
80 Functions of Intonation 81
Functions of Intonation

someone to pass the ball to, or that they are ready to receive the ball, and graphs, indentations etc.) which are available to the readers o f written texts.
doubles partners in tennis can indicate to each other who is to play a shot. In the absence of typographic cues, listeners processing speech in real time
Intonation, in conjunction with “body language” such as eye contact, fa­ have to rely on other cues to identify coherence relations between utter­
cial expression, gestures and head-turning, is used for similar purposes in ances, and major breaks in that coherence, such as the boundary between
speech, as well as for establishing or confirming the status of the partici­ two topic units. Some of these cues are prosodic, and it is this ‘discourse’
pants in a conversation. prosody which is the subject o f this book.
Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge: Cambr. Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. — Pearson Ed­
Univ. Press, 2000. pp. 200—201; 1987.
— ucation Limited, 2000. pp. 13—14.

1. How can intonation regulate conversational behaviour? 1. W hat does the term discourse imply?
2. Could all the separate functions o f intonation be seen as different as­ 2. Prove the importance of discourse prosody.
pects of discourse function?
1) Intonation in conversation: structure and meaning
Intonation in Text and Discourse
<... > we now turn to how intonation is used in conversational interac­
The term ‘discourse’ when applied to speech is often taken to mean ex­ tion. This requires us to consider not just the textual influences on intona­
clusively conversation. Applied to writing it tends to refer to whole texts. I tion but also the effect o f the interactive context. <...> we m ust consider
use ‘discourse’ in this book mainly to refer to the speech o f one speaker — how it organises the collaborative event which is conversation. I am using
whether reading aloud a primarily written text or speaking spontaneously. the term loosely here, to m ean an unscripted spoken text constructed be­
Most descriptions of intonation to date apply to individual utterances, tween two or more participants.
usually sentences read aloud. But just as written texts are not merely strings Typically, perhaps, we think o f informal conversation between peers,
o f isolated sentences, spoken texts are not merely strings o f isolated utter­ but there are of course different kinds o f conversation or ‘activity types’
ances. We are for the m ost part intuitively aware that all texts, spoken and <...> which include interviews, debates and service encounters such as,
written, consist o f sentences or utterances which clearly belong together and for example, telephone enquiries. In contrast to such asymmetrical and
form meaningful, coherent units, units which in turn constitute the text as a often specifically goal-oriented dialogues, casual conversation is assumed
whole. These units of text or discourse are often referred to as topical units, to be informal, symmetrical, and have primarily the function of upholding
reflecting the assumption that a unit is coherent because it is recognisably social relations. Conversation Analysts devote m uch attention to this kind
about something. o f interaction, while the demands o f speech technology create a greater
In written texts, the boundaries between meaningful subdivisions of interest am ong speech scientists in goal-oriented, asymmetrical encoun­
text, in other words where they begin and end, can be highlighted typo­ ters, such as eliciting train information etc. Thus the kind o f data cur­
graphically by the setting o f paragraphs. A glance at a printed page shows us rently being examined for the role of intonation depends very m uch on the
how the text is divided up, simply by means of indentations, headings, sub­ perspective of the analyst. Other approaches to the analysis of conversa­
headings, and white spaces. The internal unity of printed paragraphs is also tion (Discourse Analysis, Pragmatics) go beyond closely-observed struc­
reflected typographically, in the use of punctuation marks such as the full tural features o f conversation, and take into account the wider context in
stop, the comma (to varying degrees), the colon and semicolon, which show which the talk occurs, relating language to relatively stable contextual fea­
that while successive elements may be syntactically independent they none­ tures such as social class, region of origin, ethnicity etc. (discourse analy­
theless relate to each other in some way. sis) and to more ephemeral features such as social role or relative status
The hearer o f a spoken text, however, has no access to the visual, typo­ (pragmatics) <...> Such analysis works on the premise that the coherence
graphic cues to coherence and segmentation (punctuation, headings, para­ o f discourse cannot be understood solely on the basis o f linguistic struc­
13 Functions of Intonation Functions of Intonation 83

ture and prepositional meaning. The role o f intonation in this wider sense made on the basis o f the orthographic transcription alone. Sometimes its
o f interactive m eaning has so far over the years been relegated to the u n ­ identification lies in the prosody and not in the words.
satisfactory category o f ‘attitudinal intonation’.
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. —Pearson Ed­
Despite differences, there is a shared assumption that intonation does
ucation Limited, 2000. —pp. 138—140.
have a role in the organising of the interaction.
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. —Pearson Ed­ 1. Com m ent on the term “backchannels” . Is backchannelling important
ucation Limited, 2000. —pp. 123—124. in the interaction?
2. What is m eant by non-com pliant behaviour?
1. Comment on different types o f conversation. What is understood by 3. W hat is the difference between turn-competitive and non-competitive
‘symmetrical’ and ‘asymmetrical’ conversations? interruptions?

2) Intonation in conversation: structure and meaning Read on the topic “Functions of Intonation” and do the tasks:
Some contributions to a conversation are not intended as an indepen­ 1. Locate the nucleus in each intonation group.
dent contribution but to encourage the current speaker to continue. Such
‘backchannels’ can include nods, and verbal responses such as mmmhh, a. I’ve got a small bottle | but I want a large bottle.
yes, right, oh, oh yes etc, or verbal echoes, repetition and reformulation of b. I can see the top of the slide | but where’s the bottom of the slide?
current utterances. c. He can come tomorrow | but not today.
<...> One assumption we make about conversation is that in principle d. She’ll have finished by twelve o ’clock | but not by eleven o ’clock.
participants co-operate. Of course this is not always the case — questions e. I can recognize the front row | but who’s in the back row?
are not answered, summonses are not responded to, and backchannel feed­ f. I spotted the first mistake | but didn’t spot the second mistake.
back is withheld if a participant so chooses. This is, of course, independent g. She wasn’t wearing a green scarf | she was wearing a red scarf.
of intonation, but intonation can play a subtle role in indicating non-com - h. I don’t like skate and chips 11 like plaice and chips.
pliant behaviour. i. D o you want a m edium cola | or a large cola?
An obvious example is the competitive interruption, the attempt to take j. My son’s a lawyer | and I want my daughter to be a lawyer | too.
a turn before the current speaker has ceded the floor. <...> competitive in­
terruptions are ‘markedly raised in pitch and loudness’ W hen both raised 2. Suggest a question to which each sentence might be a response with a)
pitch and loudness are present in an interruption, the current speaker m od­ marked nucleus (focus) and b) unmarked nucleus.
ifies his or her speech prosodically, indicating a willingness to relinquish the a. I’m riding a bike.
floor or, presumably by further raising pitch and loudness, the intention to b. She’s visiting her parents.
continue. c. It was a dark night.
There are times when verbal responses are realised in a way which con­ d. I ’ve bought some brown bread.
stitutes not so m uch encouragement or support for the current speaker’s talk e. H e’s teaching literature.
but a challenge to it. Backchannelling, for example, is essential to the m ain­ f. They’re getting a new car.
taining of interaction, but speakers may choose to do apparently conflicting
things; provide the required ‘yes, I’m listening’ responses but at the same 3. Under what circumstances might you say the following? Com m ent on
time discourage the other speaker in some way (signalling disaffiliation the position of the nucleus.
while observing interactional rules). This distinction can be crucial to the
a. 1. It was a very difficult problem
understanding o f the discourse processes but is one which cannot always be
2. It was a very diffi.cult problem
84 Functions of Intonation 85
Functions of Intonation

3. It was a very difficult problem ' 3. N o, she wants sausage and chips.
4. It was a very difficult problem ' 4. N o, she wants sausage and chips.
b. 1. We’re flying to Toronto tomorrow. f. 1. We’ve got a really tiny garden.
2. We’re flying to Toronto tomorrow. 2. We’ve got a really tiny garden.
3. We’re flying to Toronto tomorrow. 3. We ’ve got a really tiny garden.
4. We’re flying to Toronto tomorrow. 4. We’ve got a really tiny garden.
c. 1. This train! will terminate at Edinburgh g. 1. Ah, but he didn’t see the pedestrian.
2. This train| will terminate at Edinburgh 2. Ah, but he didn’t see the pedestrian.
3. This train| will terminate at Edinburgh 3. Ah, but he didn’t see the pedestrian.
4. This train| will terminate at .Edinburgh
5. Locate the nucleus. Could the pronouns attract the nucleus? Why?
d. 1. The next thing we shall be doing | is writing down what we hear.
2. The next thing we shall be doing | is writing down what we hear. a. You like it when you win | but not when he does.
3. The next thing we shall be doing | is writing down what we hear. b. I know what you like | but what do they like?
4. The next thing we shall be doing | is writing down what we hear. c. M ary knows where I live | but I don’t know where she lives.
d. It’s clear what they want | but not what she does.
e. 1. I ’d like lamb and rice.
e. I ’ll visit you on Saturday | but when will you visit me?
2. I ’d like lamb and rice.
f. The Smiths want to go to the park | but what would we rather do?
3. I ’d like lamb and rice.
g. Susan | says Henry likes pop music,| but what does she like?
h. Chloe and I are going to the cinema. W hat would you like to do?
4. Com m ent on the difference in intonational meaning in the following i. You’ve told me about their holidays | but where did you go?
sentences. Think o f appropriate contexts in which you might use each. j. I’m happy to go to Spain | but what would you prefer?
a. 1. In fact it was a pretty big mistake
2 . In fact it was a pretty big mistake 6. Vary the placement of the nucleus in the following sentences. Comment
b. 1. I love your paintings. on the change in the meaning.
2 . 1 lave your paintings a. We were walking down Abbey road.
3. I love your paintings b. The boys have finished all the yoghurt.
4. / love your paintings. c. Is Britney ready to show her videos?
d. Do they want to order pasta?
c. 1. I ’ve eaten your apple
e. Try to keep singing quietly.
2. I ’ve eaten your apple
f. When on Friday do the students want to dance?
3. I ’ve eaten your apple
g. W hat is the latest news?
4. I ’ve eaten your apple
h. We’ll try to finish the house next Saturday.
d. 1. Actually, I ’ve finished the ironing. i. The jury found Michael Smith not guilty.
2. Actually, I ’ve finished the ironing. j. All the candidates have handed in their essays,
3. Actually, I ’ve finished the ironing. k. Who wants to sing on Saturday night?
1. That’s a very great disappointment to us.
e. 1. N o, she wants sausage and chips.
m. She was very surprised by his conduct,
2. No, she wants sausage and chips.
n. June is planning to fly to South America.
Il Functions of Intonation RHYTHM
o. They haven’t taken their vouchers.
p. Are you going to take part in the performance?
q. I ’ve just bought some new shoes. Key words: aesthetic / pragmatic function, alliteration, arhythmicality / rhyth-
r. Are you going to answer those e-mails? micality, assonance, delimitation / integration, enclitics/ proclitics, intonation
s. She was trying to fix the TV set. group, isochrony, phonopassage, phrase, repetition, rhyme, rhythm, rhythmic
t. Mary and Ann would like to start with Caesar salad. unit, speech rhythm, stress-timed / syllable-timed, syntactic parallelism, foot
(the rhythmic group), line, stanza.
7. Explain the difference in intonational meaning in the following pairs or
triplets.
a. 1. She was talking to me.
2 . She was talking to me. Questions:
b. 1. I ’ll see you next. 1. What is understood by rhythm in a broad sense?
2 . I ’ll see you next. 2. What does the notion of speech rhythm imply?
c. 1. You’d better ask him. 3. Into what groups are languages divided depending on their type of
2 . You’d better ask him.
rhythm?
3. You’d better ask him. 4. What languages are called syllable-timed?
5. What languages are called stress-timed?
d. 1. Are you going to fo llow us? 6 . What phenomena create the spiky effect of English rhythm?
2 . Are you going to follow us? 7. Give the definition of the rhythmic group.
3. Are you going to follow us? 8 . Comment on the tendencies o f grouping of stressed and unstressed syl­

e. 1. I don’t like her. lables in a rhythmic group. Which tendency is more typical of English?
2 . I don’t like her.
9. What are the constituents of rhythmicality?
3. I don’t like her. 10. What factors regulate speech rhythm?
11. What is the most rhythmical style of speech?
12. What are the basic rhythmic units in poetry?
13. What other devices contribute to the effect of rhythmicality in poetry?
Illustrate your answer with your own examples.
14. Comment on the hierarchy of rhythmic structures in prose. Illustrate
your answer with your own examples.
15. Speak about the rhythmical organization o f spontaneous speech.
16. Comment on the functions of rhythm.
17. What recommendations would you give to Russian learners of English
concerning the acquisition of English rhythm?
88 Rhythm Rhythm 89

*** quite a different pattern. They are known as ‘syllable-timed’ languages.


Each syllable receives approximately the same am ount of stress as the oth­
Imagine yourself at public auditions in which four conductors are
ers in a word or a sentence. These languages thus have quite a different
competing for the top job in an orchestra. Each competitor has to conduct
rhythm from that o f English.
the same piece o f music, and each to the same m etronome. As he waves
his baton, the first conductor begins with the words, “ One, two, three, McKenzie-Brown, Peter. The Stress-timed Rhythm of English. —

four.” The second says “One and two and three and four.” The next says http://languageinstinct.blogspot.com/2006/10/stress-timed-
“One and a two and a three and a four.” And the last aspirant says “One rhythm-of-english.html, 2006.
and then a two and then a three and then a four.” Which of these conduc­
tors will miscue the orchestra? The answer is “N one.” Each o f these four 1. W hat is typical o f English rhythm? Give your definition o f stress pat­
sentences takes exactly the same am ount o f time to say. This illustrates a tern.
key and yet peculiar feature of our language. It is called the stress-timed 2. What is the key to the stress-timing?
rhythm of English. 3. Comment on the difference between syllable-timed and stress-timed
Stress-timing: We can illustrate with almost any word o f two or more languages.
syllables - for example, “syllable.” We stress this word using the pattern
Ooo, placing prim ary emphasis on the first segment o f the word. In Eng­ ***
lish every long word has its own stress pattern. Think o f the words “im ­
p o rt” and “record,” for example. Both words can be pronounced using A particular problem in carrying out studies of comparative rhythm is the
either the pattern Oo or the pattern oO. Which pattern you use fundam en­ subjective nature of the task, which is apparently much influenced by the
tally changes the m eaning o f the word. Something else happens after you m other tongue o f the speaker.
choose which syllable to stress. The pronunciation of the m ain vowel in Of particular interest would be a language which manifested both stress-
the unstressed syllable changes, often to the sound ‘u h ’ which is the single timing and syllable-timing, as native speakers could try out their intuitions
m ost com m on sound in the English language. This sound has its own spe­ against both types, and some interesting experiments could be devised to bear
cial nam e, schwa, and about 30 per cent of the sounds we make when we on the issue. Such ‘mixed’ situations m aybe more common than is often rea­
speak English are the sound schwa. In English, schwa can be represented lised <...> Just how m uch syllable-timing is there in English, for example?
by any vowel. If we go looking (I restrict my search to British English), we shall cer­
<...> This practice o f replacing unstressed vowels with schwa also oc­ tainly find it. For example, I have heard it recently in the following range of
curs in connected speech - English as we use it in our daily lives. If I ask contexts:
“Where are you from ?” I will stress the word “from ,” pronouncing the It can be heard when adults use baby-talk to very young children or ani­
short ‘o’ sound quite clearly. If you answer “I ’m from Sydney,” you will mals. A great deal of infant speech (at least, until the fourth year) itself dem­
m ost likely reduce the ‘o ’ to schwa. The reason is that you are likely to onstrates this rhythm, especially when children are trying out new structures.
stress the word “Sydney” instead. This reduction o f vowel is the key to the It is not surprising, therefore, to find it when adults adopt a comic infantile
stress-timing o f m ost forms of English. speech style.
<...> Native English speakers <...> frequently use schwa in unstressed Syllabic rhythm is common in speech which is expressive of several emo­
syllables. This is why it takes the same am ount of time to say “ One, two, tions, such as irritation and sarcasm. ‘Oh we are in a bad m ood today’, with a
three, four” as it does to say “One and then a two and then a three and clipped stress on each syllable.
then a four.” Reducing vowels enables us to speed through unstressed syl­ Many cartoon characters are given a syllable-timed mode o f speech, es­
lables. This is how we achieve the particular rhythm of English, in which pecially those representing monsters, aliens, bad guys and other stereotypes.
stressed syllables are roughly equidistant in time, no m atter how m any syl­ A great deal o f popular music is syllable-timed. A clear example is the
lables come in between. M ost of the world’s other major languages have rhythm o f ABBA’s ‘Money, money, money’.
Rhythm 91

Speech standards for the air and sea services (known as Airspeak an' There is a syllable-timed English emerging all over the world. It is no­
Seaspeak), because they need to articulate with extra clarity, often tend tol ticeable in South Africa, where it is a dom inant feature o f Afrikaans-influ­
wards syllable-timing, with grammatical words made prominent and att enced English, and of the English of many black people. M ost other African
even rhythm throughout. Public announcem ents (at bus stations, railway varieties of English are syllable-timed <...> It is noticeable in the United
stations and other such locations) are generally syllable-timed. States, especially in those areas where mixed varieties o f Spanish and Eng­
Various television and radio commercials adopt a staccato or spiky, lish (such as Tex-Mex) have developed. There are millions in Florida, Tex­
rhythm in their slogans ‘Drinka pinta m ilka day’ is one o f the most famous. as, California and New Mexico who speak a variety of English which dis­
Several media presenters (especially news reporters,) also adopt the same plays the syllable-timed rhythms o f Spanish. M any in the cities of the north
style o f delivery, presumably striving to convey an impression o f control, are second- or third-generation Italian immigrants whose speech is distinc­
crispness and precision. tively Italian in rhythm, It is too early to say what is happening in the cor­
ridors of power of the European Community, but according to several local
Crystal, David. Documenting rhythmical change. / / Studies in gen­
observers a form of ‘Eurospeak’ is already emerging.
eral and English phonetics by J. Windsor Lewis (ed). — London:
Routledge, 1994. pp. 174-175.
- Crystal, David. Documenting rhythmical change. / / Studies in gen­
eral and English phonetics by J. Windsor Lewis (ed). — London:
1. Is there any totally syllable-timed and stress-timed language? Routledge, 1994. —pp. 176—177.
2. Com m ent on the noticeable changes in rhythm of today’s Standard
British English? 1. Give the most vivid examples of syllable-timed English.

***
* * k

The linguistic situation is far more fluid than our early attempts at pro­
It is still the case that British English as a whole would give the general
sodic classification would lead us to expect. It is also —at least in respect of
auditory impression of being stress-timed. Is it possible to conceive of a
English —more rapidly changing than at any time in recent centuries. Per­
single language in which stress-timing and syllable-timing are both present
haps some kind of rhythmical bidialectism will emerge, as the varieties come
in significant proportions and in comparable speech situations?
increasingly into contact with each other. Or perhaps the whole question of
There is such a language. And it is in fact English — or, to be precise,
rhythmical types has been overrated and nothing of consequence will take
World English. T he situation is probably unique, arising out of the unprece­
place in the language, while it develops its new rhythmical dimension.
dented status of English as a world language, within the last hundred years or
so, which has brought it into contact with a range of languages of diverse ! David Crystal. University of Wales, Bangor
structural types. These situations have resulted in varieties of m odem English
in which the syllable-timing has been transferred from the contact languages, 1. Comment on the author’s point of view about the future of English.
producing a natural variety of isosyllabic English spoken as a mother tongue What is m eant by bidialectism?
by large numbers o f people, and viewed as a local spoken standard.
This situation is most dramatic in the subcontinent o f India, where one of ***
the most noticeable features of Indian English is the failure to preserve tradi­
tional stress distinctions because of the isosyllabic rhythm. Syllable-timing is a Stress in many languages is what defines the rhythm o f speech. Rhythm
noticeable feature o f the native languages of India, and is a characteristic of the can be defined as the pattern of occurrence in time of relatively ‘strong’ and
official language, H indi <...> The second most noticeable area where syllable- relatively ‘weak’ events. In a language like English, the strong events are
timing is normal is the Creole English spoken throughout many of the islands stressed syllables and the weak events are the unstressed ones. There is a
of the Caribbean, and now (through immigration) in several parts of Britain. tendency, and perhaps it is no more than that, for stressed syllables to occur
92 Rhythm Rhythm 93

at roughly equal intervals in time in English and in other languages. If we ***


listen to a sentence like: John can’t have forgotten Sally’s birthday, the strong
We all make judgements about how quickly someone is speaking, but it
beats that fall on the stressed syllables appear to be roughly equally spaced
is not at all easy to work out what we base these judgements on <.. .> Can we
in time, although as we can see, the number of unstressed syllables between
establish scientifically that there really are characteristic differences in
each pair o f beats varies: 0 between the first pair, 2 between the second pair,
speaking speed? There are, it seems to me, three possibilities:
and 1 between the third and fourth pairs. In table 1 are some very rough
measurements in milliseconds of the durations of each stressed syllable and ( 1 ) some languages really are spoken more rapidly, and some more slowly,
any following unstressed ones, taken from a recording of the sentence. than others as a natural result of the way their sounds are produced.
(2 ) we get the impression that some languages are spoken more quickly
Table 1. Foot duration measurements
than others because of some sort o f illusion.
Foot Syllable count Duration (ms) ( 3 ) in some societies it is socially acceptable or approved to speak rapidly,
John 1 406 and in others slow speaking is preferred.
can’t have for­ 3 542
We need to look for appropriate ways to measure how quickly someone
gotten 2 427
is talking. We are used to measuring the speed at which someone can type,
Sally’s 2 500 write or take shorthand dictation in terms of how many words per minute
birthday 2 675 are taken down. In measuring speech, we can do the same thing —we can
give someone a passage to read, or a speaking task such as describing what
Each stressed syllable and any following syllables constitute a unit they did on their last holiday, and count how many words they speak in a
known as a foot. Compare the duration of the first and second feet. Cer­ given time. However, in speech it makes a big difference whether or not we
tainly the second is longer than the first, but it is nowhere near three times include pauses. M ost studies of speaking have found it necessary to make
as long, although there are three times as many syllables. This means that two different measurements of the rate at which we produce units of speech:
the syllable rate in the second foot must be faster than that o f the first foot. the rate including pauses and hesitations, and the rate excluding such things.
The constant alteration o f syllable rate to m aintain a roughly equal foot du­ The terms usually used are speaking rate and articulation rate <...> It is quite
ration is characteristic o f many accents o f English and also of other lan­ possible that some languages make more use of pauses and hesitations than
guages. These languages are sometimes called stress-timed. Not all lan- ; others, and our perception of speed o f speaking could be influenced by this.
guages, and not even all accents o f English, are like this. French, for example, In comparing different languages, however, there is a more serious problem:
tends to have, or at least to sound as if it has, most syllables equal in dura- ’ some languages (e.g. German, Hungarian) have some very long words while
tion. Languages like this are called syllable-timed. others (e.g. Chinese) have very few words of more than one or two syllables.
This distinction between stress-timed and syllable-timed languages is It has been found that Finnish was faster than English if syllables per second
very probably an oversimplification. It is probably more accurate to say that are measured, but slower if words are counted, since Finnish words tend to
some languages make greater use of one kind o f rhythm, but both types can be longer than English words. Many investigators have chosen instead to
be found in most languages. It is also true that different accents of the same measure the num ber of syllables spoken in a given am ount of time. This
language may have different rhythmic characteristics. usually results in a syllables-per-second measurement, and at this more de­
Ashby M. and Maidment J. Introducing Phonetic Science. — Cam­ tailed level of measurement it is usual to exclude pauses. However, we should
bridge University Press, 2007. —pp. 161-162. bear in m ind that different languages have very different syllable structures.
Many of the world’s languages do not use syllables with more than three or
1. What defines rhythm in English? four sounds, while others allow syllables o f many more sounds. So if a lan­
2. What languages are called syllable-timed and stress-times? guage with a relatively simple syllable structure like Japanese is able to fit
94 Rhythm Rhythm 95

more syllables into a second than a language with a complex syllable struc­ k k k

ture such as English or Polish, it will probably sound faster as a result. It


seems, then, that we should compare languages’ speaking rate by measuring Social factors influence the speakers o f a language in different ways:
the number o f sounds produced per second, rather than the number of syl­ in some societies it is regarded as acceptable or approved to speak rap­
lables. Within a particular language, it is clear that speech rate as measured idly, while in others slow speech is preferred. There is alm ost certainly
in sounds per second does vary quite widely: In theory, then, it could hap­ an interaction with gender here, with slow speech usually being preferred
pen that in speaking quickly I might produce no more sounds per second for males. This would m ean that, while at norm al speaking speed the
than when speaking slowly. In order to get a meaningful measure, it would sounds-per-second rate for all languages may be effectively the sam e,
be necessary to count not the sounds actually observable in the physical some languages are characteristically using higher and lower speaking
signal, but the “underlying phonem es” that I would have produced in care­ rates than other languages in particular social situations. In a carefully
ful speech. ■ controlled study, Kowal et al (1983) looked at two very different types of
speech (storytelling and taking part in interviews) in English, Finnish,
‘Language Myths’, eds. BauerL. and TrudgillP. — Harmondsworth: French, G erm an and Spanish. They found significant differences be­
Penguin, 1998. - pp. 150—158.
tween the two styles o f speech (both in term s o f the am ount o f pausing
and o f the speaking rate) but no significant difference between the lan­
1. Are there any characteristic differences in speaking speed?
guages. They concluded that the influence of the language is negligible
2. How could we measure the speed of speech?
com pared with the influence of the style o f speech <...>
Certainly we are all capable o f speaking faster and slower when we
k k k
want to. There are variations in speed associated w ith the situation in
which the speech is being produced —we speak m ore rapidly if we are in
One of the questions raised <...> is the degree to which listeners can
a hurry, or saying something urgent, or trying not to be interrupted in a
detect differences o f speaking rate in their own language and in other lan­
conversation. We tend to speak m ore slowly when we are tired or bored.
guages. If it turns out that we are no good at detecting speed differences in
The em otional state of the speaker at the tim e o f speaking is clearly in ­
different languages, we will have to conclude that our judgements of speak­
fluential. There seems also to be a personal factor — some people are
ing rate are unreliable. Vaane (1982) carried out a study using recordings of
naturally fast talkers, while others habitually speak slowly, w ithin the
Dutch (the subjects’ native language), English, French, Spanish and M o­
same language and dialect and in the same situation. Research has
roccan Arabic; these were spoken at three different rates. Two groups of
shown that our opinion of speakers is influenced by their speaking rate:
listeners, one phonetically trained and the other untrained, had to try to
Giles (1992) reports that “a positive linear relationship has repeatedly
judge the speed o f utterance. Her results suggest that in fact both trained
been found between speech rate and perceived com petence” , and Ste­
and untrained listeners are quite accurate in judging the rate of speaking for
phen Cowley (personal com m unication) says th at in Zulu society, slow
their own language and also for languages with which they are unfamiliar
speech tem po is a sign o f respect and sincerity. Yet another social factor
<...> From this we can conclude that the judgements are not based on lin­
is the am ount of tem poral variability, where the alternation between
guistic knowledge (such as we use in identifying words). We must be using
speaking rapidly and speaking slowly may itself have considerable com ­
one or more phonetic characteristics of the speech that we are able to detect
m unicative value <...>
whether or not we know the language being spoken.
‘Language Myths’, eds. Bauer L. and Trudgill P. —Harmondsworth:
‘Language Myths’, eds. Bauer L. and Trudgill P. — Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1998. —pp. 150—158.
Penguin, 1998. —pp. 150—158.
1. What factors influence the speaking rate?
1. Do judgements of speaking rate depend on listeners’ linguistic knowl­ 2. Com m ent on the differences between male and female speech rate.
edge? 3. How does tempo influence our opinion of speakers?
96 Rhythm Rhythm 97

* * * subject, remembering that the large scale, objective study o f suprasegmental


aspects of real speech is difficult to carry out, and m uch research remains to
<...> It is widely claimed that English speech tends towards a regular be done.
alternation between stronger and weaker, and tends to adjust stress levels to What, then, is the practical value of the traditional “rhythm exercise”
bring this about. The effect is particularly noticeable in cases such as the fol­ for foreign learners? The argument about rhythm should not make us forget
lowing, which all show the effect of what is called stress-shift: the very important difference in English between strong and weak syllables.
compact (adjective) [kam'psekt] but compact disc ['knmpaskt'disk] Some languages do not have such a noticeable difference (which may, per­
thirteen [03:'ti:n] but thirteenth place ['03:ti:n0’pleis] haps, explain the subjective impression of “syllable-timing”), and for native
Westminster [west'minsta] but Westminster Abbey speakers of such languages who are learning English it can be helpful to
[’westminstar'aebi] practice repeating strongly rhythmical utterances since this forces the speak­
er to concentrate on making unstressed syllables weak. Speakers of languag­
In brief, it seems that stresses are altered according to context <...> es like Japanese, Hungarian and Spanish —which do not have weak sylla­
An additional factor is that in speaking English we vary in how rhythm i­ bles to anything like the same extent as English does —may well find such
cally we speak: sometimes we speak very rhythmically (this is typical of exercises of some value <...>
some style of public speaking) while at other times we may speak arhythmi-
cally (that is without rhythm) if we are hesitant or nervous. Stress-timed Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge Univer­
sity Press. 2000. —pp. 137—138; 1987.
rhythm is thus perhaps characteristic of one style of speaking, not of Eng­
lish speech as a whole; one always speaks with some degree o f rhythmicali-
1. What is the practical value of the traditional “rhythm exercises”?
ty, but the degree varies between a m inimum value (arythmical) and a max­
imum value (completely stress-timed rhythm). 2. Are such exercises useful of Russian learners o f English? Why?

Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. — Cambridge Univer­


sity Press. 2000. —P. 137; 1987. ★* *

<.. .> the occurrence of full vowels generally predicts the rhythm of Eng­
1. What are the factors that influence rhythmicality of our speech?
lish rather more usefully than any notion of stress ( <...>there is often dif­
ficulty in deciding whether a syllable is stressed when no pitch accent is
***
present <...>). For rhythmical purposes the reduced vowels are / a /, and / 1/
<...> Many foreign learners of English are made to practice speaking and / u / when they occur without a pitch accent; all other vowels are count­
English with a regular rhythm, often with the teacher beating time or clap­ ed as full vowels. The one simple rule of English rhythm is the BORROW­
ping hands on the stressed syllables. It must be pointed out, however, that IN G RULE whereby a syllable with a reduced vowel ‘borrows tim e’ from
the evidence for the existence of truly stress-timed rhythm is not strong. any immediately preceding syllable containing a full vowel. By the predic­
There are many laboratory techniques for measuring time in speech, and tion of the Borrowing Rule full-vowelled syllables each take approximately
measurement of the time intervals between stressed syllables in connected an equal amount of time (although in practice this will be somewhat af­
English speech has not shown the expected regularity; moreover, using the fected by the innate length of the vowel and the consonants in the syllable).
same measuring techniques on different languages, it has not been possible Each syllable containing a reduced vowel is m uch shorter, and by the Bor­
to show a real difference between “stress-timed” and “syllable-timed” lan­ rowing Rule a full-vowelled syllable is itself shortened if immediately fol­
guages. Experiments have shown that we tend to hear speech as more rhyth­ lowed by a syllable with a reduced vowel.
mical than it actually is, and one suspects that this is what the proponents <...> Rhythmical shortening of full vowels occurring before /a , i/
of the stress-timed rhythm theory have been led to do in their auditory anal­ should be attended to; such shortenings can be practised in pairs like short
ysis of English rhythm. However one ought to keep an open m ind on the vs shorter, lead vs leading, bus vs buses, wet vs wetted, John vs John looked ill,
98 Rhythm
Rhythm 99

one vs one for tea, John vs John’11go etc. Those with a syllable-timed LI like
Read on the topic “Rhythm” and do the tasks:
Cantonese, French, Hindi, Italian, Spanish, and Bantu languages, must
give particular attention to such shortenings. 1. Divide the phrases into rhythmic groups. Observe: a) enclitic tendency,
Learners who aim at a native English accent (British or American) must b) semantic tendency:
learn the weak forms of function words and regard them as the regular pro­
a. What is your idea of a really good holiday?
nunciations, using the strong forms only on those limited occasions where
b. Try some o f this fruit pie.
they are used (e.g. under special emphasis or contrast, and in final posi­
c. Perhaps she wants to go somewhere this evening.
tions). The reduction to / э / in these words will not automatically follow
d. It became the largest seaside resort.
from the teaching o f rhythm.
e. An old lady came up to a train conductor.
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson’s Pronunciation of English. —Arnold In­
ternational Students’Edition, 2001. —pp. 251—255.
2. Read the poems and find examples of phonetic, syntactical and seman­
1. What does the Borrowing Rule imply? tic devices which contribute to the impression of rhythmicality:
2. What advice does the author give to foreign learners o f English?
a. With rue my heart is laiden,
For golden friends I had,
* * *
For many a rose-lipped maiden,
For many a light-foot lad.
Ритмическая структура —объективно существующая в речи еди­
ница ритма <...> Ритмические структуры существуют в памяти чело­
By brooks too broad for leaping
века в некоторой обобщенной форме. Принципиально важным для
The light-foot boys are laid.
определения ритмической структуры оказываются место ударного
The rose-lipped girls are sleeping
слога в структуре, количество слогов, их позиция по отнош ению к
In fields where roses fade.
ударному слогу, маркеры консонантных и вокальных элементов, ти­
(A. E. Housman)
пичные для концов и начал структуры, позволяю щ ие определить ее
границы. Особенности реализации ритмической структуры в потоке
b. Down by the Sally Gardens my love and I did meet,
речи зависят от следующих факторов: позиции ритмической струк­
She passed the Sally Gardens with little snow-white feet.
туры в синтагме, фразе, сверхфразовом единстве; характера текста
She bid me take love easy, as the leaves grow on the tree,
(рода и жанра); вида речевой деятельности (чтения, говорения); под-
But I being young and foolish with her would not agree.
готовленного-неподготовленного чтения; спонтанного, квазиспон-
танного говорения; принадлежности говорящего к произноситель­
In a field by the river my love and I did stand,
ной литературной норме или диалектной речи. Важно учитывать
And on my leaning shoulder she laid her snow-white hand.
также и экстралингвистические факторы.
She bid me take life easy as the grass grows on the weirs,
Златоустова Л. В., Потапова Р. К., Потапов В. В., Трунин- But I was young and foolish and now am full of tears.
Донской В. Н. Общая и прикладная фонетика. М.: Изд-во

(W. B. Yeats)
МГУ, 1997. -pp. 261-262.
c. Some say the world will end in fire
1. What is a rhythmical structure? Some say —in ice.
2. What does the realization of a rhythmical structure in speech depend From what I tasted of desire
on? I hold with those who favour fire.
100 Rhythm Rhythm

But if it had to perish twice Oh, they looked at one another


I think I know enough of hate By the light of day.
To say that for destruction ice
Is also great In the blue and silver morning,
And will suffice. In the hay-lock as they lay
{Robert Frost) Oh, they looked at one another
And they looked away.
d. When I was one and twenty {A. E. Housman)
I heard a wise m an say:
Give crowns and pounds and guineas,
But not your heart away.
Give pearls away and rubies,
But keep your fancy free,
But I was one and twenty -
N o use to talk to me.

When I was one and twenty


I heard him say again:
The heart out o f the bosom
Was never given in vain.
‘Tis paid with sighs a plenty
And sold for endless rue.
And I’m two and twenty
And Oh, ‘tis true, ‘tis true.
{A. E. Housman)

e. Oh, when I was in love with you


Then I was clean and brave,
And miles around the wonder grew
How well did I behave.

And how the fancy passes by,


And nothing will remain.
And miles around they’ll say that I
Am quite myself again.
(A. E. Housman)

f. In the morning, in the morning,


In the happy field o f hay
Phonostylistics 103
PHONOSTYLISTICS
13. How is discourse described in terms o f the number of addressees.
14. Try and suggest types o f speech-situations that lead to spontaneous
speech.
Key words: academic (scientific) / conversational (familiar) / declamatory
15. What are the m ost im portant characteristics of a spoken spontaneous
(artistic) Z informational / publicistic (oratorial) style, aim (purpose) of
text?
communication, functional style, degree of formality, degree o f spontane­
16. Why is the speaker’s attitude included into the set of style forming fac­
ity, dialogue / monologue / polylogue, extralinguistic, formal / informal,
tors?
forms of communication, gender, general activity types, participants, pho-
17. Enumerate the forms of communication. In what way do they deter­
nostylistics, setting, social status, speaker’s attitude, specific subject matter,
mine the choice of phonetic means?
speech behaviour, style forming / modifying factors, tenor o f discourse;
18. What classifications of phonetic styles do you know and what are they
accommodation, assimilation, coarticulation, colloquial (casual) speech, based upon?
consonant cluster, elision, formal speech, monophthongization, reduction 19. Which extralinguistic factor determines the stylistic modifications of
(qualitative / quantitative), simplification. speech sounds?
20. Which extralinguistic factor determines the variations o f intonation?
21. What factor in the given classification based on?
22. Which phonetic styles are singled out according to this classification?
Questions:

Problems o f Phonostylistics Stylistic Modifications o f Sounds

1. What factors are called extralinguistic? 23. How does the degree of formality o f speech situations influence speech
2. What is the selection and arrangement of language means motivated behaviour?
by? 24. What phonetic processes take place in rapid colloquial speech?
3. What does phonostylistics study? 25. Describe the stylistic modifications of consonants.
4. What is “the style”? Explain the difference between phonetic and func­ 26. Describe the stylistic modifications of vowels.
tional style. What criterion is used for singling out phonetic and func­ 27. How should these phonetic processes be viewed in terms of pronuncia­
tional styles? tion teaching?
5. What is the extralinguistic situation?
6 . Enumerate the components of the extralinguistic situation.
Stylistic Use o f Intonation
7. Speak about the purpose of communication. In what way does it direct 28. Speak about each phonetic style: the sphere o f discourse, extralinguistic
the activities of the participants throughout the situation? and prosodic characteristics:
8 . Point out the factors included in the “participants” component of the — Informational style;
extralinguistic situation? — Academic style;
9. Comment on the features that constitute the “setting” component of — Publicistic style;
the situation. — Declamatory style;
10. Enumerate the factors that determine the variation of phonetic means. — Conversational style.
11. Why is the aim of communication called the most im portant “style
forming factor”? What aims of communication can be distinguished?
Give your own examples.
12. Comment on the formality of the situation. What are social relations
reflected in?
104 Phonostylistics 105
Phonostylistics

* * *
a very simple hierarchical analysis of English style was offered by M artin
‘Style’ refers to a way of doing something. Think o f architectural styles Joos in his strangely titled book “ The Five Clocks” (1962). The ‘clocks’
and the striking rustic style o f house-building in rural Sweden. That par­ were levels o f form ality in spoken and w ritten English, which Joos la­
ticular style - what allows us to call it a style - is an assemblage of design belled ‘frozen’, ‘form al’, ‘consultative’, ‘casual’, ‘intim ate’. It was based
choices. It involves the use o f tim ber frames, a particular type of roofline on an intuition about degrees o f fam iliarity/intim acy between people
and so on. We can place this style. It belongs somewhere, even if this style which, Joos argued, im pacted on com m unicative style. The detail of
is lifted out o f its home territory and used somewhere else. It has social how Joos m eant these terms to be applied is not particularly im portant
meaning. The same is true for styles in all other life-domains. Cultural here, but the ‘clocks’ idea endorses a linear scale o f ‘form ality’. Form al­
resonances of tim e, place and people attach to styles o f dress and person­ ity or communicative ‘carefulness’ is assum ed to dictate a speaker’s sty­
al appearance in general, to styles in the making of material goods, to listic choices or designs.
styles o f social and institutional practice, perhaps even to styles of think­ Coupland N. Style. Language Variation and Identity. — Cambridge
ing. The world is full o f social styles. University Press, 2007. —pp. 10.
This general account of style can o f course be applied to linguistic
forms and processes too. We are all familiar with the idea of linguistic 1. W hat were early stylistic studies focused on?
style, and m ost people will think first o f language in literary style. Literary
style relates to the crafting of linguistic text in literary genres and to an * * *
aesthetic interpretation o f text. This book is about style in speech and about
ways o f speaking, not about literary style, although it would be wrong to Now it is also observable language events do not occur in isolation
force these areas o f study too far apart. from other aspects o f hum an behaviour; rather, we know that they oper­
Coupland N. Style. Language Variation and Identity. — Cambridge ate w ithin the m anifold complex o f hum an social behaviour and are m u­
University Press, 2007. pp. 1—2.
— tually related to it. They take place in situations, and situation is the
third aspect o f the language event: ‘the environm ent in which text comes
1. How does the author view style in cultural and social context? to life’ (Halliday, 1975b). For the m om ent, situation can be thought of
2. How does he describe the concepts of “literary style” and “linguistic as the relevant extra-textual circum stances, linguistic and non-linguis-
style”? tic, of the language event/text in question.
These, therefore, are the three essential aspects o f the language
event: substance, which is either phonic (audible sound waves) or graph­
*** ic (visible, or in the case of Braille, tactile, m arks on a surface); form , its
m eaningful internal pattering; and situation, its relevant extra-textual
The discipline label ‘stylistics’ was popularized in the 1950s, and it circum stances, linguistic and non-linguistic. These aspects of the lan­
came to be thought o f a discrete field o f linguistics or applied linguistics. guage event are relatable to the levels or strata of language and linguistic
‘G eneral stylistics’ was interested in all forms o f language text, spoken description. The lexico-gram m atical level (syntax, m orphology and vo­
and w ritten, distinguished from the sub-field o f literary stylistics. Early cabulary) is concerned with form; sem antic statem ents correlate the
stylistics was dom inated by linguistic structuralism , which emphasized contextual relations between situation and form; and phonology links
the structural properties o f texts at different levels o f linguistic organiza­ form and substance, attem pting to be explicit about how sounds and fea­
tion (phonological, gram m atical, lexical, prosodic). It gloried in the tures o f sound are utilized in a given language in order to realize the
technical sophistication o f linguistic description, at a tim e when linguis­ m eaningful contrasts of gram m ar and lexis.
tics was still developing m om entum . Stylistics was largely based on tax­ A framework for understanding and describing language varieties
onom ies —lists of language features, levels and functions. For example, has to deal w ith the constant features o f the situational circum stances of
106 Phonostylistics Phonostylistics 107

language events that can be consistently related to variety in the lan- ; controlling, etc. Functional addressee relationship and functional tenor of
guage texts. discourse are the categories to cope with this constant source o f significant
situational and linguistic variation.
Gregory M., Carroll S. Language and Situation. — London: Ron-
tledge and Kegen Paul Ltd, 1978. p. 4.
— Gregory M., Carroll S. Language and Situation. — London: Ron-
tledge and Kegen Paul Ltd, 1978. pp. 8—9.
-

1. Comment on “situation” as a component of language event.


2. How does the author view the role of phonetic means in communica­ 1. How does the author define the “mode of discourse”?
tion? 2. What is m eant by the “tenor of discourse”?
3. Nam e general situational categories for the description of language
events.
it it it

The mode of discourse is the linguistic reflection of the relationship the ***
language user has to the medium of transmission. Initially, this relationship
may be seen as a simple one: which medium is being used, speech or writ­ Monologuing is taken to be the users’ medium relationship in those
ing. However, as soon as relationships such as those between conversation speech situations in which the other people present, if any, do not join in, or
in real life and dialogue in novels and plays, or between a speech and an ar­ at least are not meant to, except perhaps to show the approval or disapproval.
ticle, are considered, then more delicate distinctions are necessary, and dif­ Benson and Greaves contrast monologuing and conversing as follows:
ferences between spontaneous and non-spontaneous speech, and between Monologuing is the speaking by one individual in such a way as to exclude
what is written to be spoken and what is written “to be read with the eye” , the possibility of interruption by others. Conversing is speaking in such a way
become relevant. as to invite the participation of others. It is quite possible for one person to
Categories such as user’s individuality, temporal provenance, geograph­ converse with another and be the only speaker; he need only ask a series of
ical provenance, social provenance, range of intelligibility, purposive role, genuine questions, for example, without receiving an answer. Similarly two
medium relationships and personal and functional addressee relationship people can monologue at each other. Try listening to a conversation between
are, then, general situational categories for the description of language crashing bores at a social gathering for an example of this phenomenon.
events. They pattern with idiolect, temporal, geographical, social, standard The types of speech situation which lead to this kind of sustained spon­
and non-standard dialects, field, mode, and personal and functional tenors taneous speech include classroom teaching, television and radio interviews
of discourse, which are general contextual categories when they are applied (particularly if the person being interviewed is in a highly verbal profession),
to a particular language. sporting commentaries on radio and television of an event actually taking
The relationship the user has with his audience, his addressee(s), is the place, and what are often mistaken to be conversations between experts in a
situational factor that is involved in tenor of discourse. Tenors of discourse particular field and which are in fact exchanges of monologues. There is, of
result from the mutual relations between the language used and the rela­ course, a cline o f more-to-less spontaneity in this particular medium rela­
tionships among the participants in language events. When the relationship tionship. The sporting commentator has studied notes and has described
is considered on the personal axis, variation ranging from extreme degrees this sort of thing before; and people whose professions are highly verbal
of formality through norms to extreme degrees of informality is relevant, ones, such as the journalist, the politician, the preacher, the teacher, the
and the user’s personal addressee relationship and personal tenor of dis­ lawyer and the stage entertainer, become accustomed to monologuing, and
course are appropriate general categories. However, there are also variations are very often called upon to speak spontaneously about the same area of
related to what the user is trying to do with language (in a sense that is dif­ experience. This means that although they have no written text in front of
ferent from the purposive-role/field-of discourse factors) for, or to, his them there are elements of preparation and repetition in their speaking per­
addressee(s) - whether he is teaching, persuading, advertising, amusing, formances which give them some of the characteristics of written models.
108 Phonostylistics Phonostylistics

M onologue texts are characterized by more phonological, gram m ati­


cal and lexical cohesion than many conversational texts: pronouns and
demonstratives are more likely to have an intratextual referent. There is Non-spontaneous speech may be sub-categorized either as reciting OF
about them a considerable am ount o f linguistically realized completeness. as the speaking of what is written. Reciting as a technical term refers to th®
They often rely less than conversation on shared experience between medium relationship that is involved in the telling of stories, the recitation
of poems and the singing of songs that belong to an oral tradition and do not
speaker and hearer(s), or on features of the immediately and perceptually
present situation. The situation created by the language itself tends to be have written version behind them. This mode o f language is a major one in
more im portant than the extra-linguistic situation. This means that m ono­ non-literate societies. In a culture such as ours it is usually manifested in
logue usually has m ore apparent continuity and self-containedness than certain varieties of children’s language (usually associated with games) and
m uch conversation. in jokes and lyrics of the kind that used to be described as ‘doubtful’.
In literate cultures most non-spontaneous speech is the speaking of
Abercrombie D. Elements of General Phonetics. — Edinburgh Uni­ what has been written. The text which has been written may be written to be
versity Press, 1967. —pp. 1—2. spoken as if not written (e.g. play texts), or written to be spoken (e.g. many
political speeches and lectures) with no such conventional pretence, or even
1. How is the difference between monologuing and conversing described
in the article? written not necessarily to be spoken (as, for example, are both telephone
directories and novels). This sub-categorization of writing in terms of the
2. What types o f speech situations lead to spontaneous speech?
kind and degree of its orientation towards the spoken mode needs, perhaps,
3. What are monologue texts characterized by?
some justification. In the linguistic development of both the individual and
the community, speech precedes writing. There are languages that are spo­
is is is ken and not written but every written language is spoken. M ost o f us ‘speak’
what we write when we are writing. Furthermore, in complex m edia-con­
If we compare a piece o f written English with a piece of spoken English, scious societies an increasing proportion o f language is written with the
regarding them simply as physical objects or events and forgetting for the
speaking of it definitely in mind.
m oment the fact that they convey meaning to us, it is apparent at once that When the actor performs, having learnt his lines and rehearsed them, he
they bear no resemblance to each other whatever. The piece of written Eng­ is speaking what is written to be spoken as if not written. The text he pro­
lish consists of groups of small black marks arranged on a white surface, duces is one text; the text of the play - another, which is written to be spo­
while the piece of spoken English consists o f a succession of constantly
ken as if not written.
varying noises. It would hardly be possible for two things to be more differ­
This mode of speech is most often found in performance of plays and in
ent. However, we have only to recall the fact that both of them convey
films, radio and television. On occasions some apparently spontaneous po­
meaning, to be in no doubt that, utterly dissimilar as they may be, they are
litical speeches, sermons and lectures belong to this mode. It has many
both equally English. As soon as we make explicit this identity lying behind markers similar to spontaneous speech but it is not, of course, identical with
the complete difference, we have in fact drawn the distinction in question:
it. If the actor on the stage spoke as people do in ‘real life’, with frequent non
we have recognized, in effect, that the piece o f spoken English and the piece
sequiturs, false starts, allusions, digressions, sentence fragments, etc., two
of written English are the same language embodied in different mediums, things would be likely to happen: the audience would suspect that the actor
one medium consisting of shapes, the other of noises.
had failed to learn his lines; and, more importantly, perhaps, the audience
Abercrombie D. Elements of General Phonetics. - Edinburgh Uni­ would be unlikely to be getting the information it needs to get, in order that
versity Press, 1967. pp. 1—2.
— the ‘two-hours’ traffic of the stage’ emerges as a whole and understandable
experience. Written and spoken texts of these related modes are usually dis­
1. What observations are made by the author when he compares written tinguished linguistically from other written texts because they make more
and spoken English? use of the favourite grammatical patterns of spontaneous speech such as eli­
Phonostylistics III
110 Phonostylistics

sion, exclamatory units and ‘tag’ repetitions like ‘You know that, don’t you’. avoid the conclusion that they are highly stylized-stiff imitations of the dy­
On the other hand they differ from texts of spontaneous speech because namic spontaneity of real life. With few exceptions, the language of tape-re­
they tend to make less frequent use of pronouns and demonstratives without corder dialogues is controlled, relatively formal, and articulated clearly by flu­
intra-textual referents and appear to be ‘fuller’ linguistically because they ent professionals, either phoneticians or actors, reading from scripts. The
use language to create their situations to a greater extent than people do characters which are developed in textbook families are nice, decent, and
when engaged in spontaneous speech. characterless; the situations in which they find themselves are generally un­
The scripts for most political speeches, sermons, lectures and academic real or dull. People in textbooks, it seems, are not allowed to tell long and
papers, and all news bulletins and commentaries on the news on radio and unfunny jokes, to get irritable or to lose their temper, to gossip (especially
television are also written with their vocal delivery in mind, but there is not about other people), to speak with their mouths full, to talk nonsense, or
usually any effort made to conceal the written origin o f the spoken text. swear (even mildly). They do not get all mixed up while they are speaking,
Such texts may be characterized as written to be spoken. forget what they wanted to say, hesitate, make grammatical mistakes, argue
erratically or illogically, use words vaguely, get interrupted, talk at the same
Gregory M., Carroll S. Language and Situation. — London: Ron- time, switch speech styles, manipulate the rules of the language to suit them ­
tledge and Kegen Paul Ltd, 1978. p. 42—43.

selves, or fail to understand. In a word, they are not real. Real people, as ev­
erybody knows, do all these things, and it is this which is part of the essence
1. What type of non-spontaneous speech is typical of ‘literate cultures’? of informal conversation. The foreign learner will of course be quite conver­
2. What is typical of the texts that the author describes as ‘written to be sant with these features from his native language already; it is part of our pur­
spoken’? In what spheres is this m ode of communication to be found? pose to extend his feel for such matters in English. Here are typical linguistic
issues involved in effective communication in dialogue, and which cause
* * * problems of the kind that we think an English course should attempt to an­
swer. How do you hesitate in English? Are there different kinds of hesitation
There are a number of general com m ents which have to be made by way which have different meanings? Does facial expression affect the interpreta­
o f introduction to the data and approach o f this book. The main aim, as al­ tion of intonation? (The answers are ‘yes’ to both of these questions). How do
ready suggested, is to provide samples and analyses of ‘natural, everyday, in­ you indicate that you would like to speak if someone else is already speaking?
formal conversation’, and to make suggestions as to how this material might Or (more to the point) how do you do this politely? Here is an example in
be pedagogically used. But what is meant by label? We might simply have more detail. A foreigner may think that he can relax in a conversation while
talked about ‘conversation’ throughout; but we feel that this term, on its own, the English participant is talking - but nothing is further from the truth. On
is too vague and broad to be helpful. After all, it may be used to refer to almost the contrary, full participation in a conversation requires continual alertness.
any verbal interchange, from casual chat to formal discussion; hence we have Norm al conventions require the person not doing the talking to none­
used the term ‘informal conversation’, to emphasize which end of the conver­ theless keep up a flow of brief vocalizations, such as ‘m ’, ‘m hm ’, and so on.
sational spectrum we are concerned with —conversation on informal occa­ If you do not use these responses, the person talking will begin to wonder
sions, between people who know each other, where there is no pressure from whether you are still paying attention, or if you are being rude. If you use
outside for them to be self-conscious about how they are speaking. What hap­ too many, the impression may be one of overbearing pugnacity or of embar­
pens when people simply want to talk in a friendly relaxed way? The result is rassing friendliness (depending on your facial expression). And if you put
very different from what introductory textbooks about conversation usually them in the wrong places, you may cause a breakdown in the intelligibility
lead one to expect, both in subject-matter and construction. And, for the for­ of the communication. For instance, if the speaker pauses after the definite
eign learner who finds himself a participant in such informal situations, there article in the following sentence, as indicated by the dash, a ‘m ’ inserted at
are immediately problems o f comprehension and oral fluency. this point is likely to sound quite inappropriate ‘you see it’s the - exercise
If one thinks for a moment of the specimens of English which the learner that’s the problem’. If you use a falling tone (especially the type which falls
is often presented with under the heading of conversation, it is difficult to
112
Phonos tylistics Phonostylistics ИЗ

from high to m id in pitch, used to express non-com m ittal sym pathy), the может точно так же пропускать мимо ушей то, что ему говорится, ТО
speaker is likely to be puzzled, not having said anything to be sym pathized же и в печати; как может читающий книгу вкривь и вкось перетолко­
with yet, and he may get the impression that you are so anxious to break it вывать ее, так же и слушающий ушами; как в книгах можно —как мы
that you can’t bear to wait for him to say it. And if you give an encouraging это и видим — много писать лишнего и пустого, так точно можно и
rising tone to the vocalization, you would sound like a television interviewer говорить. Разница есть, но разница иногда в пользу устного, иногда в
prompting him to speak —which he might not appreciate! пользу печатного общения. Выгода устной передачи та, что слуша­
Crystal, David and Davy, Derek, Advanced Conversational Eng­ тель чувствует душу говорящего, но тут же и невыгода та, что очень
lish. —Longman Group Limited 1979. —pp. 2—5. часто пустые говоруны, как, например, адвокаты одаренные даром
слова, увлекают людей не разумностью речи а мастерством ораторс­
1. What is “informal conversation”? кого искусства, чего нет при книге. Невыгоды книги те, что, во-пер­
2. What specimens of English conversation are usually presented in text­ вых, бумага все терпит и можно печатать всякий вздор, стоящий та­
books? ких огромных трудов рабочих, бумаги и типографщиков, чего нельзя
3. What aspects o f informal conversation usually present problems to for­ делать при устной передаче, потому что вздор не станут слушать; во-
eign learners of English? 2 -х, те, что они (книги) разрастаются в огромном количестве и хоро­
шие теряются в море глупых, пустых и вредных книг. Но зато выгоды
*** печати тоже очень велики и состоят, главное, в том, что круг слуша­
телей раздвигается в сотни, тысячи раз против слушателей устной
One assumption we work on here, of course, is that on the whole people речи. И это увеличение круга читателей важно не потому, что их ста­
want to be friendly; they want to get on well with others, which involves tell­ новится много, а потому, что среди миллионов людей разнообразных
ing jokes, making pleasantries, and the like. And the point is that a good народов и положений, которым доступна книга, отбираются сами
deal o f everyday humour, as well as m uch of the informality o f domestic собой единомышленники и благодаря книге, находясь за десятки ты­
conversation, relies on deviance from accepted norms o f one kind or an­ сяч верст друг от друга, не зная друг друга, соединяются в одно и ж и­
other. Person A may adopt a ‘posh’ tone of voice in making a point to В ; he вут единой душой и получают духовную радость и бодрость сознания
may deliberately speak in an archaic, or religious, or journalistic way to get того, что они не одиноки.
a particular effect; or he may extend a structural pattern in the language
Толстой Л. Н. Заметки и размышления/ / Толстой Л. Н. Полн.
further than it is normally permitted to go —as when, on analogy with ‘three собр. соч.: В 90 т. —М.; Л.: Гослитиздат, 1928—1958. — Т.68.—
hours ago’. All this might be referred to as ‘stylistic’ variation (using a rath­ сс. 263-264.
er restricted sense of ‘stylistic’ here).
Crystal, David and Davy, Derek, Advanced Conversational Eng­ 1. What are the advantages and disadvantages of spoken and written com­
lish. —Longman Group Limited 1979. —p. 10. munication?

1. Comment on “stylistic variation” as seen by the authors.


Speaking styles
* * * Language is subject to variation depending on the user and on the situ­
ation in which it is being used. This holds equally for speech and writing.
Письмо и печать только увеличили в тысячи, сотни тысяч раз Most studies of lexical and syntactic variation in speech and writing are car­
число людей, которым может быть слышен выражающий свои мыс­ ried out within a sophisticated framework o f “context of situation” . This is
ли, но отношение между выражающим и воспринимающим остается not yet the case in the study of prosody, where one finds only occasional
то же; как в устной беседе слушающий может вникать и понимать, references to different kinds of discourse. Two common distinctions are
114 Phonostylistics Phonostylistics 115

made in the study of discourse intonation. The first is that between m ono­ is is is

logue and dialogue, i.e. the text of a single speaker or the jointly constructed
text of multiple speakers <...>. A further distinction, although a m uch more We can also distinguish between public and private speech. Interac­
problematic one, is that made between spontaneous and read speech. Ref­ tional behaviour exhibited in private may be constrained by the conven­
erences in speech research to ‘speaking style’ usually refer to this distinc­ tions of a public arena. M edia interviewers are trained, for example, not to
tion, which is one of mode. give too m uch back-channel feedback. An interviewee, aware of wanting
The read/spontaneous distinction as it is commonly used conflates two to sound as articulate as possible, may consciously suppress filled pauses
different parameters. We can distinguish between speech which is scripted (iums and ers). A politician wishing to avoid the interruption o f an aggres­
(read) or unscripted, and each of those styles can be more or less spontane­ sive journalist may develop techniques o f dispensing with any end-of-sen-
ous. Reading at sight is not the same as reading a well-studied text. Speak­ tence pauses that might offer an opportunity to interrupt, pausing only
ing freely from detailed notes is not the same as conversing informally. D e­ m id-phrase where an interruption is less likely.
grees o f preparedness can apply equally to monologue and dialogue. A As we have seen, there are many different kinds of speech, or speaking
fluent monologue can be completely unrehearsed, while an apparently styles, varying according to a num ber of contextual parameters. I have
spontaneous response of a politician to an interviewer’s question may in fact discussed here only a subset o f these param eters, summarized below:
be well-rehearsed and often repeated. speech event: monologue vs. dialogue
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. —Pearson Ed­ public vs. private
ucation Limited, 2000. pp. 19—20.

goal-oriented vs. unconstrained
mode: scripted vs. unscripted
1. What are the distinctions made in the study of stylistic variations of in­ rehearsed V.Í. spontaneous
tonation?
There are many other contextual factors, such as speaker-hearer rela­
tionships (including power relationships) which may also be crucially im ­
Unscripted speech portant. Future research in discourse prosody will have to consider very
m any more dimensions of variation than is currently the case.
Unscripted speech differs in a num ber of ways from (skilled) oral read­
ing. Depending on whether it is to some degree prepared or rehearsed, or Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. —Pearson Ed­
entirely spontaneous, it will to a greater or lesser extent display syntactic and ucation Limited, 2000. —pp. 22.
prosodic disfluencies — hesitations, repetitions, incomplete utterances.
1. What are the differences between public and private speech?
These are symptomatic of the fact that unscripted speech is simultaneously
2. What contextual factors determine the style of speech?
process and product, while oral reading is the performance of a scripted, i.e.
3. What other contextual parameters can be added to the list given by the
pre-formed text. Pauses, for example, can reflect the structure of the text,
author?
just as they do in reading, but in unscripted speech they also reflect the
mental processes involved in creating it. This can make intonation analysis
is is is
difficult, particularly if we are operating within a framework designed for
syntactically impeccable sentences. <...> The cohesive devices in a text link related parts together, and are
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. — Pearson Ed­ fundamentally semantic resources. They create coherence of meaning.
ucation Limited, 2000. —pp. 21. The m ost familiar strategy, however, is that which uses words and ex­
pressions as cues to the boundaries between discourse segments. Such cues
1. Which prosodic characteristics of unscripted (spontaneous) speech are vary in part according to the type o f text; in other words they are to a cer­
described by the author? tain extent genre-specific.
116 Phonostylistics Phonostylistics 117

• In conversational interaction we typically find discourse particles such Reading


as well, now, which indicate shifts in the topic structure and generally
Reading aloud does not differ only according to how m uch it has
introduce a new segment. Particles such as incidentally, anyway, can in­
been rehearsed. Brazil et al. (1980) m ake this im portant distinction be­
dicate the beginning or end of a digression.
tween ways o f readings: '< ...> H e (the reader) has two entirely different
• In more formal, prepared speech we might expect to find more explicit options: he can either enter into the text, interpret it and “perform ” it
cues to text structure: in the first place, secondly etc.; to digress fo r a mo­ as if he him self were speaking to the listener, saying as it were “this is
ment, I now turn to <... > w hat the text m eans” ; or he can stand outside the text and sim ply act
as the m edium , saying “this is w hat the text says” (1980: 83). At the
• In written and spoken narrative we commonly find segment boundaries
m ost ‘aesthetic’ end o f the scale we have highly stylized perform ance,
signalled by adverbials of time and place (the next day, meanwhile', at the
to be judged in p art at least by aesthetic criteria. R ecitation o f prose
other end o f the street) or by explicit (not pronominal) references to pro­
and poetry was regarded as an art form in V ictorian tim es, and today
tagonists. All these signal a shift in the underlying narrative framework
we have the m odern equivalent — talking books. A British journalist
of time, place and persons.
w rote o f them recently ‘How do we judge their perform ances? C er­
There are clearly many different ways o f analysing texts. Which model tainly it is an art. Too m uch vitality and you bludgeon listener, too little
we use depends to some extent on whether we are interested in what speak­ and you b o re ’. This is reading as entertainm ent, not sim ply for infor­
ers do or what listeners use. If we are concerned with modelling the real m ation. At the other end o f the scale we have w hat we m ight call the
time processing o f spoken discourse then formal models are appropriate. ‘citation’ form o f the text. This w ould be the style used if som eone said
“An argument has a linear sequence and a hierarchical composition, and ‘just tell m e w hat it says on this in struction leaflet, will you? I haven’t
the transition from one position or level to another is determined by local got my specs.’ T he role o f the reader is clear: to pass on som eone else’s
cues encountered during a single left-to-right traversal of the material” message. O ne is n o t required to invest any m ore o f oneself th an o n e ’s
(cover blurb — Reichman 1985). These local cues include surface features ability to decode the text and convert it into speech.
(cue words and phrases), reference phenom ena (anaphor, cataphor) and W ith all its variety, oral reading is very m uch p art o f our oral ‘ecol­
inferences derived from the perceived purpose o f utterances. Those models ogy’. A bercrom bie’s dismissive reference to ‘spoken p ro se ’ (1965) was
(Grosz and Sidner 1986, Hobbs 1990, Reichman 1985) are applied in into­ rightly aim ed at those who assum ed it to be the only form o f speech
nation research mainly to the analysis o f coherence relations inside m acro­ w orth studying, but we cannot therefore ignore it altogether. We m ust
structures and the identification o f m acrostructures rather than to the rhe­ not forget, however, th at it is a skilled activity. This is a disadvantage
torical relations between the macrostructures themselves. for read-aloud laboratory speech, particularly in the case o f texts long­
If we are not so m uch concerned with how listeners process spoken texts er th an a single sentence, since on the whole people are n o t very good
in real time, but wish on the other hand to investigate the way in which a at reading aloud. M ost people read aloud rarely, and to do it well re ­
skilled reader performs a previously constructed text, in particular literary quires considerable skill. H ours spent listening to students’ carefully
text (e.g. broadcast short stories, poem s, talking books) then we may need collected recordings o f them selves, friends and relations reading aloud,
recourse to a higher level, rhetorical m odel o f the text. Only then are we in convince me th at the num ber o f readers on w hich research studies d e ­
a position to claim some motivation other than artistic licence for some in­ pend, far exceed the num ber o f those who can be relied on to read well,
tonation patterns. particularly at the level o f discourse. In a study carried out by Esser
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. —Pearson Ed­ (1988) an interesting difference was noted betw een the reading o f p ro ­
ucation Limited, 2000. pp. 18.

fessional and am ateur readers, particularly in their ability to signal text
structure. ‘Only the professional reader is consistent in his use o f high
1. What are strategies o f creating coherence in meaning? key at the five paragraph beginnings’. Professionals are paid highly for
2. What do the ways of analysing texts depend on? this skill — if everyone could read aloud well, newsreading would not
118 Phonostylistics Phonostylistics

be so prestigious, and we w ould not need professional actors to read приведены быть могут на радость и н а гнев, стары е перед ПРОЧИМИ
talking books. страстьми склоннее к ненависти, к лю бочестию и к зави сти , стряб«
Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. —Pearson Ed­ ти в них возбудить и утолить труднее, нежели в молоды х; 2) п о л , ибо
ucation Limited, 2000. —pp. 20—21. мужеский пол к страстям удобнее склоняется и скорее о н ы е о став ­
ляет, но ж енский пол, хотя на оные еще и скорее побуждается, о д ­
1. What are the distinctions between different ways of reading according to нако весьма долго в них остается, и с трудом оставляет; 3) воспита­
D. Brazil? ние, ибо кто к чему привы к, от того отвратить трудно; напротив
2. What is the author’s opinion of ‘talking books’? того, большую к тому же возбудить склонность весьма свободно:
спартанского жителя, в поте и пыли воспитанного, трудно прину­
* * к дить, чтобы он сидел дома за книгами; напротив того, аф инеанина
едва вызовешь ли от учения в поле; 4) наука, ибо у людей, обучен­
Но основанием красноречия, как и всего другого, является ф и ­ ных в политике и многим знанием и искусством важных, надлежит
лософ ия. В самом деле, самое трудное в речи, как и в ж изни — это возбуждать страсти с умеренною живностью и с благочинною бод-
понять, что в каком случае уместно. Н азовем это, если угодно, ростию, предложениями важного учения исполненными; напротив
уместностью. Об этом -то в ф илософ ии есть немало прекрасных того, у простаков и у грубых людей должно употреблять всю силу
наставлений, и предмет этот весьма достоин познания: не зная стремительных и огорчительных страстей, и для того что нежные и
его, сплош ь и рядом допускаеш ь ош ибки не только в ж изни, но и плачевные столько у них действительны, сколько лютна у медведей.
в стихах и прозе. Оратор к тому же должен позаботиться об умест­ П ри всех сих надлежит наблюдать время, место и обстоятельства.
ности не только в мыслях, но и в словах. Ведь не всякое полож е­ И так, разумный ритор при возбуждении страстей должен посту­
ние, не всякий сан, не всякий авторитет, не всякий возраст и п о­ пать, как искусный боец: умечать в то место, где неприкрыто, а
давно не всякое место, время и публика допускаю т держаться особливо того наблюдать, чтобы тем приводить в страсти, кому что
одного для всех рода мыслей и вы ражений. Н ет, всегда и во всякой больше нужно, пристойно и полезно.
части речи, как и в ж изни, следует соблюдать уместность по отн о­ Ломоносов М. В. Из риторических сочинений / / Об ораторском
ш ению к предмету, о котором идет речь, и к лицам как говорящ е­ искусстве. —М.: Изд. политической литературы, 1973. — СС.
го, так и слушающих. 73-74.
Цицерон, Марк Тулий. Из трактатов об ораторском искус­
стве / / Об ораторском искусстве. М.: Изд. политической

1. What qualities are important for a rhetorician? Enumerate them and
литературы, 1973. — С. 53. comment on them.

1. How is ‘appropriateness’ interpreted by philosophy? k k k


2. How does it apply to public speaking?
Слово речь в тесном смысле означает рассуждения, составленные
k k k по правилам искусства и назначенное к изустному произношению.
Сие рассуждение заключает в себе одну какую-нибудь главную мысль,
Нравы человеческие коль различны и коль отменно людей со­ которая объясняется или доказывается для убеждения слушателей.
стояние, того и сказать невозможно. Для того разумный ритор при­ Слушатель может быть убеждён очевидностью предлагаемых истин,
лежно наблюдать должен, хотя главные слушателей свойства, т. е. исчислением вероятных причин и силой доводов или доказательств.
1 ) возраст, ибо малые дети на приятны е и нежные вещ и обращаю т­ Завидный талант составлять такого рода сочинения соединенные со
ся и склоннее к радости, милосердию и стыду, взрослые способнее способностью произносить и приятно и убедительно, называется
120 Phonostylistics Phonostylistics 121

вообще красноречием', обладающий всеми дарованиями, для того твуют в тоже время на нашу волю, заставляют нас принять участие в
потребными, именуется оратором. предмете, представляемом оратором, управляют наш ими склоннос­
Речи по их содержанию и намерению бывают различных родов. тями и производят в нас или привязанность, или отвращение.
Главное содержание речи может быть или общее, или частное. Об­ Мерзляков А. Ф. Из краткой риторики / / Об ораторском
щее бывает теоретическое или практическое. Частное имеет еще искусстве. —М. : Изд. политической литературы, 1973. — СС.
многие виды. По сим отношениям есть речи духовные, в которых 101-108.
предлагаются истины и обязанности религии; есть речи политичес­
кие, в которых оратор рассуждает о выгодах, отношениях и потреб­ 1. What is m eant by eloquence/oratory?
ностях общества; судебные, где защ ищ айся невинно притесненный 2. Enumerate speech styles and comment on them.
или обличается преступник; похвальные, заключающие в себе похва­ 3. What is the speaker’s m ain goal while delivering his speech?
лу заслуг умерших или живых знаменитых особ; академические речи, 4. In what way does the subject o f speaking influence the character of
касающиеся до ученых предметов из природы или наук. У древних speech?
все речи разделялись на три рода: на похвальные, советовательные и 5. What are the speaker’s three intentions? How are they interrelated?
судебные.
Речь, принятая вообще, весьма много сходствует с рассуждением,
о котором говорили мы прежде, и многие правила сего рода сочине­
ний могут быть к ней приноровлены. Однако цель оратора простира­
ется далее, нежели цель философа, предлагающего просто свои рас­
суждения. Сей последний доволен ясным изложением своего
предмета: связь и порядок, сохраненные между мыслями, составля­
ют для него единственное орудие к убеждению. Оратор, напротив
того, старается не только убедить разум, но особенно хочет действо­
вать на волю. Убеждения рассудка служат ему средством к достиже­
нию цели, к сильнейшему воспламенению страстей.
Внутреннее и наружное расположение речи вообще зависит от
свойства предмета, в ней предлагаемого. Сей предмет не всегда бы­
вает единственно главным содержанием сочинения, оно изменяется
до бесконечности, точно также как намерение оратора; впрочем,
правило единства должно быть сохраняемо ненарушимо. Содержание
сочинения не всегда зависит от выбора оратора; бывают случаи, в ко­
торых он обязан говорить вдруг, не приготовясь, и все его искусство
ограничивается одним благоразумным расположением данной уже
материи.
В слове или речи заключаются три намерения оратора: научение,
убеждение и искусство тронуть слушателя. Все сии намерения долж­
ны быть соединены в одно и служить друг другу взаимным пособием.
Представляя предмет со всей ясностию и подробностию, мы научаем
и в то же время убеждаем разум справедливостью или по крайней
мере вероятностью наш их доводов. Сии научение и убеждение дейс­
SOCIAL AND TERRITORIAL VARIETIES Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 123

OF ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION
22. Is English intonation subject to changes?
23. Are all the changes in RP phonemes recognized as a norm?
Key words: accent, advanced / conservative / general /near- / refined / re­ 24. Com m ent on regional non-R P accents o f England.
gional RP, BEPS, bilingualism / monolingualism, Brummie, Cockney, 25. What are the most typical features of
dialect, dialectology, diglossia, Estuary English, ethnolinguistics, General a. Southern English Accents
American pronunciation (GA), idiolect, literary pronunciation, national b. Northern and M idland Accents
pronunciation standard, national variant, orthoepic norm, Received Pro­ c. Yorkshire accents?
nunciation (RP), Scouse, sociolinguistics. 26. Comment on the speech situation in Wales.
27. How does Welsh English pronunciation standard differ from RP?
28. How will you define the status of Scottish English?
Questions: 29. What is the Scottish English pronunciation standard characterized by?
1. What is the connection between sociolinguistics and other branches of 30. What are the reasons for the difference between English pronunciation
linguistics? standards in N orthern Ireland and in the Republic of Eire?
2. What is the national variant of the language? 31. Comment on Northern Ireland English pronunciation peculiarities.
3. How do you understand the term “national pronunciation standard”? 32. Discuss the sociolinguistic situation in the United States.
What is another term for it? 33. Do you agree that American English is the national variant of English,
4. What are national pronunciation standards for Great Britain, the USA, or is it a different language?
Australia? 34. How can you explain the fact that there are fewer dialects in American
5. Prove that national pronunciation standards are not fixed. English that in British English?
6 . Comment on the phenomena of bilingualism and monolingualism. 35. What three main types of cultivated speech are recognized in the USA?
7. State the difference between a regional dialect and a regional accent. 36. Comment on the peculiarities of General American.
8 . What are the reasons for one of the dialects becoming the standard lan­
guage o f the nation?
9. What regional dialect of Great Britain has become the national stan­
dard of the English language? Is it homogeneous?
10. What is diglossia and how does it differ from bilingualism?
11. How do western and Russian linguists view the influence of society
upon language?
12. What are social dialects and social accents?
13. How can you define the term “idiolect”?
14. In what countries is English spoken as the native language?
15. What are British English pronunciation standards and accents?
16. Why can we say that RP is a regionless accent within Britain?
17. What groups are distinguished within RP? Comment on each of them.
18. What changes are observed in the sound system of the present-day Eng­
lish?
19. What aspects of vowel quality are subject to changes?
20. Comment on the changes in RP consonants.
21. Discuss the non-systematic variations in RP phonemes.
124 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 125

it it it dren of the upwardly mobile socially. For these groups the standard pro­
nunciation is often “Estuary English” . My contention is that “Estuary Eng­
The British are well-known for being extremely sensitive about how
lish” describes the speech of a far larger and currently more linguistically
they and others speak the English language. Accent differences seem to re­
influential group than “Advanced” RP speakers. The popularity o f “ Estuary
ceive more attention here than is general anywhere in the world, including
English” among the young is significant for the future.
other English-speaking countries. It may be for this reason that native and \
non-native teachers of English view the m atter with considerable interest. ' Rosewame David. Estuary English: Tomorrow’s R P ?// English To­
Additionally, their own pronunciation is important because it is the model day 37, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1994. pp. 1—2, 7.

for their students to imitate. The teacher of British English as a foreign lan­
guage typically chooses Received Pronunciation as the model (or BBC 1. What is the circle of Estuary English usage?
English, Standard English, Queen’s English or Oxford English as it is some­
times called). RP (for short) is the most widely understood pronunciation it it it
of those in the world who use British English as their reference accent. It is
also the type of British English pronunciation that Americans find easiest to <...> On the level of individual sounds, or phonemes, “Estuary English”
understand. is a mixture o f “London” and General RP forms. Although there are indi­
vidual differences resulting from the speech background and choices of pro­
Rosewame David. Estuary English: Tomorrow’s R P ?// English To­
nunciation made by the speaker, there is a general pattern. An example of this
day 37, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1994. —p. 1.
is the use of w where RP uses / in the final position or in a final consonant
cluster. An “Estuary English” speaker might use an articulation like a w in­
1. Why is RP typically chosen as a model in teaching pronunciation?
stead o f the RP 1 as many as four times in the utterance: ‘Bill will build the
wall.’
*** N on-Londoners often comment on what they see as the jerkiness of the
speech of the capital. This is because of the use of a glottal stop in the place
<...> It seems, however, that the pronunciation of British English is o f the t or d found in RP, as in the stage Cockney phrase: “A li’le bi’ of breab
changing quite rapidly. What I have chosen to term Estuary English may wiv a bi’ of bu’er on i’.” This process seems to be analogous to the loss o f the
now and for the foreseeable future, be the strongest native influence upon t in such words as “ Sco’land”, “ga’eway” , “G a’wick” , “sta’em ent” , “sea’-
RP. belt” , “trea’m ent”, and “n e’work” . N ot all RP speakers would sound these
“Estuary English” is a variety o f modified regional speech. It is a mix­ ts. As would be expected, an “Estuary English” speaker uses fewer glottal
ture o f non-regional and local south-eastern English pronunciation and in­ stops for t or d than a “London” speaker, but more than an RP speaker.
tonation <...> Similarly the proverbial “Cockney” would be unlikely to pronounce the
The heartland of this variety lies by the banks of the Thames and its es­ phonetic / j / which is found in RP after the first consonant in such words as
tuary, but it seems to be the most influential accent in the south-east of “news” or “tune”. The process of shedding /j/s is now established in RP.
England. It is to be heard on the front and back benches of the House of Many speakers of current General RP do not pronounce a / j / after the / of
Commons and is used by some members of the Lords, whether life or he­ “absolute” , “lute” , “revolution”, or “salute”. They would say “time off in
reditary peers. It is well established in the City, business circles, the Civil loo” rather than “time off in lieu”. For many speakers “lieu” and “loo” are
Service, local government, the media, advertising as well as the medical and now homophones. Similarly it is common not to pronounce the /]/ after the
teaching professions in the south-east. “Estuary English” is in a strong po­ / s / o f “assume” , “consume”, “presume” , “pursuit” or “suit(able)”. It could
sition to exert influence on the pronunciation of the future <...> be argued that these are now the established forms of current General RP and
<...> In the circles of those privileged young people who are likeliest to that those who pronounce the /j/s in these environments are what Professor
be influential in the ftiture, the accepted pattern is very often set by the chil- Gimson would term “Conservative RP speakers”. It was he who drew atten­
126 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 127

tion to this change in RP. It seems unnecessary to look across the Atlantic for ciolinguistically it gives a middle ground between all types of RP on one (Ida
the origin of this change when this pronunciation is so well entrenched in and regional varieties on the other. “Estuary English” speakers can cauie
London speech. The likeliest explanation is maybe that of imitation of an their original accents to converge until they meet in the middle ground.
“Estuary” pronunciation reinforced by exposure of RP speakers to American Because it obscures sociolinguistic origins, “Estuary English” is attrac­
English through films and television. tive to many. The motivation, often unconscious, of those who are rising
Vowel qualities in “Estuary English” are a compromise between un­ and falling socio-economically is to fit into their new environments by com­
modified regional forms and those of General RP. For example, vowels in promising but not losing their original linguistic identity. Again, often un­
final position in “Estuary English” such as the /i:/ in “m e” and the second consciously, those RP speakers who wish to hold on to what they have got
/1 / in “city”, are longer than normally found in RP and may tend towards are often aware that General RP is no longer perceived as a neutral accent
the quality of a diphthong. in many circles. They are also aware that “Conservative” and more so “Ad­
vanced” RP can arouse hostility. What for many starts as an adaptation first
Rosewame David. Estuary English: Tomorrow’s RP?//English To­
day 37, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1994. —p. 5. to school and then working life, can lead to progressive adoption of “Estu­
ary English” into private life as well. Complicated as this may sound to a
1. State the difference in vowel/consonant articulation between RP, Lon­ foreign user of English, these developments may be seen as a linguistic re­
don accent and Estuary English. flection of the changes in class barriers in Britain.
It is interesting to speculate on the future of “ Estuary English”. In the
long run it may influence the speech of all but the linguistically most iso­
k k k lated, among the highest and lowest socio-economic groups. Both could
become linguistically conservative minorities. The highest may endeavour
The intonation of “Estuary English” is characterized by frequent prom ­ to retain their chosen variety of speech and the lowest their unmodified re­
inence being given to prepositions and auxiliary verbs which are not nor­ gional accents. The majority may be composed of speakers of “Estuary
mally stressed in General RP. This prominence is often marked to the ex­ English” and those for whom it may form part of their pronunciation. The
tent that the nuclear tone (the syllable highlighted by pitch movement) can latter group might use certain features of “Estuary English” in combination
fall on prepositions. An example of this would be: “Let us get TO the point”. with elements of whatever their regional speech might be.
There is a rise fall intonation which is characteristic of “Estuary English” as For many, RP has long served to disguise origins. “Estuary English”
is a greater use of question tags such as “isn’t it?” and “don’t I?” than in RP. may now be taking over this function. For large and influential sections of
The pitch of intonation patterns in “Estuary English” appears to be in a the young, the new model for general imitation may already be “Estuary
narrower frequency band than RP. In particular, rises often do not reach as English” , which may become the RP of the future.
high a pitch as they would in RP. The overall effect might be interpreted as
Rosewame David. Estuary English: Tomorrow’s RP?/ / English To­
one of deliberateness and even an apparent lack of enthusiasm. day 37, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1994. pp. 7—8.

Rosewame David. Estuary English: Tomorrow’s RP?//English To­


day 37, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1994. - p. 6. 1. What are the reasons for the development and spread o f “ Estuary Eng­
lish”?
1. State the difference in intonation between RP and Estuary English. 2. How do you see the future of RP?

* * * * * *

Speculation as to the reasons for the development and present growth of <...> What is unusual about RP <...> is that it is the accent o f English
“Estuary English” is necessarily somewhat impressionist at this stage. So- English with the highest status and that it is totally non-regional. It is a
128 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 129

defining characteristic o f the RP accent that, while it is clearly a variety the big Public Schools, are still for the m ost part R P speakers. Their R P
that is associated with England, and to a certain extent also with the rest has some new features, but these features are all, including ZtZ-glottal-
of the U nited Kingdom, it otherwise contains no regional features w hat­ ing, non-regional features and therefore m ust still be considered as b e­
soever. O f course, typologically it has its origins in the southeast of Eng­ ing RP.
land <...> The point is, however, that it is not possible to ascribe any geo­ Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistic Variation and Change. —Edinburgh:
graphical origins to a genuine native RP speaker other than that they are Edinburgh University Press, 2001. —pp. 176.
almost certainly British, and probably English. This peculiar lack o f re-
gionality m ust be due to a peculiar set o f sociolinguistic preconditions, 1. Is RP still spoken in Great Britain?
and has in fact often been ascribed to its origin in British residential, and 2. Is an RP accent considered to be of an advantage or a disadvantage in
therefore also non-regional, schools for the children of the upper-classes, m odem British society? Prove it.
the so-called Public Schools.
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistic Variation and Change. — Edinburgh: k k k
Edinburgh University Press, 2001. —pp. 172—173.
<...> It is easy to obtain an impression from reading some o f the
1. What is the origin of RP —geographical or sociolinguistic one? com m entators that ‘Estuary English’ is advancing on all fronts. I would
like to dispute this, in some measure. There are a num ber of explanatory
k k k
factors for this perception. First, as we have already seen, many people
who in earlier generations would have becom e speakers of adoptive RP
<...> D iscrim ination on the grounds o f accent still, unfortunately, no longer becom e so. People who are upwardly socially mobile or who
occurs in British society. But this discrim ination is no longer against all come into the public eye may still in fact reduce the num ber of regional
regional accents but only against those from , as it were, lower down the features in their speech but they will no longer remove all such features.
triangle. And it is also no longer perm itted in British society to be seen It is therefore undoubtedly true that m any m ore people than was for­
to discrim inate against som eone on the basis o f their accent — it has to merly the case can be heard in public situations, especially in the m edia,
masquerade as som ething else. This hypocrisy is a sign of progress, of an speaking with lower m iddle-class regional accents. And o f course the
increase in dem ocratic and egalitarian ideals. This has also, probably, m ost prom inent o f these are from the southeast o f England, (a) because
though again we lack the research, had the consequence that an RP ac­ this is the largest region of England in terms of population, and (b) b e­
cent can be even m ore o f a disadvantage in certain social situations than cause there is a considerable m etropolitan bias in the m edia, with m ost
was formerly the case. In m any sections o f British society, some o f the nationally available m edia being broadcast from or published in L on­
strongest sanctions are exercised against people who are perceived as be­ don. Secondly, there has been a certain am ount of upward social m obil­
ing ‘posh’ and ‘snobbish’. These factors also m ean that m any fewer peo­ ity in the last twenty years which has found people from lower m iddle-
ple than before are now speakers of what Wells <...> has called adoptive class backgrounds in socially prom inent positions in which it would have
RP: that is, m any fewer people than before who are not native speakers been unusual to find them previously. Thirdly, at least some o f the p h o ­
o f R P attem pt, as adolescents or adults, to acquire and use this accent. nological features associated with ‘Estuary English’ are currently spread­
Even Conservative Party politicians no longer have to strive for RP ac­ ing, as L ondon-based features have done for centuries, outwards into
cents, as a recent Conservative Prim e M inister once did. surrounding areas. In East Anglia, for example, Z1Z-vocal isation has not
<...> As far as RP is concerned, the ongoing work o f Fabricius (2000) yet reached N orw ich, but, as discussed (with maps) in Trudgill (1986),
shows that the younger generations o f those sections o f the com m unity it reached Cam bridge and Colchester some decades ago and is begin­
one would expect to be R P speakers still are R P speakers. Pupils at Eton, ning to affect Ipswich. It is therefore undoubtedly the case that lower-
and undergraduates at Cambridge University who are form er pupils at m iddle-class south-eastern accents cover a wider geographical area than
130 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 131

was formerly the case, and will probably continue to spread for some forms of /t/-glottaling at least to advanced students. But I would not advo­
tim e to come. cate the teaching o f ‘Estuary English’ or o f features associated solely with it,
such as diphthong-shifted vowels or /l/-vocalisation, since these are spe­
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistic Variation and Change. — Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 2001. —p. 178. cifically regional features.
<...> I am a non-R P speaker, but I believe that it is convenient that
1. What are the reasons of Estuary English growing popularity? students learning English English still have a non-regional model available
to them. The fact is that in spite of the developments just outlined, the tri­
angle model remains an accurate one for a description of social and region­
is is is al patterns of accent variation in Britain. The development of a network of
regional varieties in Britain is taking place, as it were, underneath a non-
W hat I would strenuously dispute, however, is that this means that ‘Es­ regional, nationwide layer provided by RP. This layer is thinner than it
tuary English’ is going to be the ‘new R P’. It is unlikely that it will ever be­ was —the minority is probably even smaller than it was —but it is likely to
come anything more than a regional accent, albeit the accent of a rather remain intact until British society undergoes even more radical changes in
large region covering, together with its lower-class counterparts, the Home its social structure than it has already undergone in the last twenty years.
Counties plus, probably, Sussex, Hampshire, Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire,
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistic Variation and Change. — Edinburgh:
Suffolk and parts of Northamptonshire. The sociolinguistic conditions are
Edinburgh University Press, 2001. —pp. 179—180.
not such that it could turn into the new RP. There is no parallel here to the
nationwide network of residential Public Schools which gave rise to RP.
1. Do you agree with the author’s reasons for teaching RP to non-native
What we know about the geographical diffusion of linguistic innovations,
speakers?
moreover, indicates that there is no way in which the influence of London
is going to be able to counteract the influence of large centres such as Liver­
is is is
pool and Newcastle which are at some distance from London. And we also
know that linguistic innovations are not spread by radio and television. <...> Arguably, dialect levelling can be seen as due to three interrelated
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistic Variation and Change. —Edinburgh: trends:
Edinburgh University Press, 2001. —pp. 178-179.
— economic changes leading to a more efficient agriculture and hence the
loss of rural employment - a process almost complete today <...> Rural
1. Compare the views of P. Trudgill and D. Rosewame on the status of RP
employment has become more diversified, and commuting is common,
and Estuary English.
leading to a loss o f traditional local networks and an expansion of the
range of individual personal network ties.
is is is
— two world wars m eant a change in social roles within the family: women
went out to work, and hence had a wider range of social contacts, in ad­
<...> This leads me again to raise the topic of which model to employ
dition to family and neighbours. Men, especially in World War 2, met
for teaching so-called ‘British English’, in reality English English, to non­
people from a wider range of geographical and social backgrounds.
native learners. It has been suggested that it would now make more sense to
teach learners ‘Estuary English’ rather than RP. O f course, it m ust be true — the construction of suburbs in the first half of the century, and new
that there are more speakers of ‘Estuary English’ in England than there are towns in the second half <...> led to considerable migration out of the
of RP. And of course it is a good idea if 24-year-old Poles, say, sound as big cities to formerly rural areas. This led to great changes in people’s
much as possible like 24-year-old, rather than 94-year-old, English people. networks, and to widespread dialect contact <...> in the new neigh­
I would therefore advocate rather strongly teaching intrusive / r / and some bourhoods.
132 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 133

<... > N on-R P versions o f standard English can be heard on every radio pronunciation, the researchers say. Could the older generation have resisted
and television station. The exception, for the time being, is newsreaders on the influence of the young?
the BBC. But even there, there are now Welsh and Scottish accented speak­ So D r Harrington and his colleagues went straight to the older genera­
ers - though not, as yet, Estuary speakers! tion at the pinnacle of the British establishment. “The Queen’s Christmas
To illustrate the strength of this new movement away from R P I will cite a broadcasts were ideal for addressing this issue. Firstly they have been an­
story told by a friend of mine who explained that he had been disqualified from nual for a long period of time; secondly the Queen’s accent is obviously not
becoming an announcer on a local radio station because his voice was too ‘cul­ going to be influenced by geographical changes; thirdly any changes we ob­
tured’. This is someone who speaks near-RP with a very few Merseyside (Liv­ serve are not going to be influenced by changes to style and content of the
erpool) features. Doctors, scientists, lawyers, teachers, lecturers, industrialists messages, because these have been quite consistent throughout.”
and politicians who appear in the media can be heard using mild Estuary Eng­ With the blessing of Buckingham Palace and help from the BBC ar­
lish or another mild regional accent, whereas 30 years ago that would have been chives, the team compared the royal vowels of the 1950s and 1980s with the
the exception. The NATO spokesman during the 1999 Kosovan war, Jamie vowels of other female broadcasters. They found that in each case the
Shea, was entmsted with this highly responsible presentation job despite being Queen’s accent had drifted towards the vowels of the younger generation.
a speaker of quite marked Estuary English with a number of London features in “We are all familiar with the change that has taken place in the vowels
his pronunciation. And all this culminated in the appointment in 2000 of Greg of words like ‘that m an’ where, in the 1930s, we still had something like
Dyke, an Estuary speaker, as Director General of the BBC. ‘thet men,’ ” said Jonathan Wells, professor o f linguistics at University Col­
lege London. “ She is only following along trends that exist in any case. She
Kerswill, Paul. Mobility, Meritocracy and Dialect Levelling: the
still remains well behind them , shall we say, and of course she still sounds
Fading (and Phasing) out of Received Pronunciation. Reading

University’s School of Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, upper-class, the way she always did.”
2001. -pp. 7-11. The Queen’s English of today: My ‘usband and I ... Special report:
thefuture of the monarchy, science editor Radford, T im // Guardian
1. What are the reasons for dialect levelling? Unlimited (C) Guardian News and Media Limited, Thursday De­
2. Prove that non-R P English is replacing RP. cember 21, 2000. - http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/
queen.htm.

k k k
1. What are the changes in the Queen’s pronunciation? Do they reflect the
tendencies in m odem British English pronunciation?
“Our analysis reveals that the Queen’s pronunciation of some vowels
has been influenced by the standard southern British [SSB] accent of the
1980s, which is more typically associated with speakers younger and lower k k k

in the social hierarchy,” said Jonathan Harrington and three colleagues at


Macquarie University in Sydney. “We conclude that the Queen no longer In a Brompton Road bar sit three expensively dressed girls, surrounded
speaks the Queen’s English o f the 1950s, although the vowels of the 1980s by shopping bags. They are decked out from head to toe in well-cut finery,
Christmas message are still clearly set apart from those of an SSB accent.” but this year’s most fashionable accessory is worn on the tongue. “E ’s go’ a
The researchers report in Nature today that they see the gentle shift tewwibuw ‘abit” , they say, in deepest Estuary, as they discuss a friend with
from cut-glass to cockney as part of the blurring of class distinctions in Brit­ a cocaine habit;
ain. M odem Received Pronunciation, for instance, resists the dropped “h ” Ten years ago they would have been sharing dorms and speaking like
of those bom within the sound of Bow bells, but there is a cockney-influ­ royalty. Today they are footloose and consonant-free.
enced tendency to pronounce the “1” in milk as if it were a vowel. Some of Tamara Beckwith despairs of them. “I would certainly never pretend
these changes have been led by younger people who reject establishment that I was brought up in Hackney,” she has said, and complains that some
134 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation 135

of her friends from “equally grand families” are prone to such outbursts regional accent is alive and well. “Let’s face it,” said a Home Counties re­
as —she mimics — “Aawight, Tam, know worra mean, innit?” cruitment consultant quoted in a recent report, “people with Scouse accents
Relax, Tamara — when the girls go home normal service will be re­ sound whiny and people with Brummie accents sound stupid.” In a survey of
sumed. They are simply following the new rule: Never say “brown” in town, British attitudes, Received Pronunciation came out on top, with the indus­
it’s always “bran” . These days you don’t just change your clothes to suit the trial accents: Glaswegian, Scouse, Brum and Cockney at the bottom.
occasion, you change your accent too. Sir Roy Strong may have complained Sellars, Kirsten. We wanna talk like common people. Telegraph

long ago about Princess D iana’s “com m on” accent, but now it is the Group Limited, 1997. http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/

Knightsbridge norm for modish young Sloanes. OK yah-ing is so Eighties. sellars.htm.


There is, of course, a long tradition o f rich girls slumming it. However,
even at the height of proletarian chic, there were limits. Posh punks kept up 1. Why do people pick up a certain accent?
standards in the Seventies: their artfully ripped bin-liners were worn with a 2. Enumerate all the accents mentioned in the extract and comment on
cut-glass accent. The difference today is that Tamara’s pals are not making their peculiarities.
a statement — they’re just going with the flow. Speech codes, like dress
codes, have been relaxed. And if London’s the place to be, London’s the
is is is
accent to speak.
Times have changed since John Wyndham famously observed that the The Institute of Personnel and Development found that accents were
English were “branded on the tongue”. But accent does still matter. It’s just seen as crucially important by many employers. A London consultant said:
that today it is more to do with etiquette than origins. “They communicate background, education and birthplace and, frankly,
Serious “downgrading” began in the Eighties, among the students who some backgrounds are more marketable than others. I would advise anyone
colonised the inner cities, squatting in council flats and opening galleries with a ‘redbrick’ or industrial accent to upgrade. Politicians and lawyers do
and vegetarian cafés. And if you walked the walk (in black jeans and Dr it, so why shouldn’t others?“ A majority of recruiters agreed that people
Martens), you had to talk the talk too. A new lingo evolved: let’s call it with strong regional or working class accents were most likely to suffer dis­
Hackney Down. Since then it has become the lingua franca of the low-paid, crimination.
low-prestige liberal professions, such as teaching and social work. And its Public figures with recognisable provincial accents had mixed feelings
influence can be detected in all those now swimming in the m odem m ain­ about the findings.
stream, from young actresses to New Labour’s new women. The Liverpudlian poet Roger McGough, who was awarded an OBE in
<...> Sometimes people upgrade out of necessity. The big publishing the New Year’s honours list, said he thought that prejudice against regional
houses, television news and current affairs departments, and the “quality accents had died out. He was sad that it seemed to be returning. He said: “I
press”, are largely staffed by RP-speakers. RP remains the voice of authority. have lived in London for about 20 years and my accent has definitely soft­
Former citadels of RP such as the City have fallen, but accents remain segre­ ened, but I love regional accents. I think everybody should have one. As
gated: the public schoolboys are brokers and the “barrow boys” are traders. long as your grammar is good and you can speak properly then no one
Generally speaking, flexibility is the name of the game <...> This flexi­ should take any notice of your accent.”
bility may be effective, but it signals a big change in the outlook of the up­ The former Arsenal and England footballer Allan Smith now writes on
per-middle classes. In the past they wouldn’t have had to worry about fitting soccer for The Telegraph, but said he feared that his Birmingham accent
in with their social inferiors. Now middle class men embrace “working would obstruct a move into broadcasting. “I have done some radio, but I
class” male culture because they want to fit in and not draw attention to don’t think that my accent would help if I wanted to make it a permanent
themselves. job,” he said. “ Scottish accents work really well on the radio, but you don’t
All accents are in a constant state of flux, geographically as well as so­ hear many Brummies. I don’t think it’s discrimination —just that my nasal
cially <...> While Estuary sweeps all before it in the South, prejudice about tones don’t come over that well.”
136 Social and Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation PRESENTING AN ARTICLE
Edwina Currie, Tory M P for Derbyshire South and originally from Liv­
erpool, admitted to adapting her accent to the nature of her audience. She
said: “ I used to have a really strong Scouse accent and in the 1960s it would
open all sorts o f doors, but it has softened a bit now. When I am in the M id­ Useful Phrases
lands I have a m uch stronger accent and if I am having an argument in a pub
The article is devoted to, illustrates, contains an overview of, introduces
then I can do a Midlands voice as well as the rest of them. Nowadays I
The author gives an overview of
would say the biggest discrimination is against ‘Oxford posh’.”
The author highlights, point out, outlines, specifies, claims, argues,
Clare Short, the Labour frontbencher, said she believed that there was
proves
resistance to the Birmingham accent. “I have never tried to change mine
Special focus (attention) is given to
and no one has ever been rude about it,” she said. “But I think people have
In terms of
tended to look down their noses at the Brummie voice. We should hang on
As regards
to regional accents and not try to iron them all out. That would be so dull.”
It is highly relevant
The M idland Bank said that it had carried out extensive research before
Respectively
making the decision to base its telephone bank, First Direct, in Leeds. “Our
In a broad sense, in a general sense
research showed that people found a northern accent more acceptable,” a
The established approach is
spokesman said.
It is generally acknowledged
Watson-Smyth, Kate. How you say it puts the accent on success / / It is implied
The Daily Telegraph, 2 January 1997. — http://www.phon.ucl.ac. The idea is supported by
uk/home/estuary/smyth .htm. The crucial factor (question) is
The explanation is based upon
1. Do “negative” accents really exist in your opinion? The m ost obvious conclusion to draw here is
2. Do you agree that accents create a certain image of a person? An influential linguist
To m aintain, to claim, to assume, to convey
Reliable criterion
To tend
To be bound to
It follows from this that
To be faced with
As contrasted with
Indication of
To state a problem

Connectives

Therefore
Moreover
Firstly, secondly, lastly
Similarly
On the whole
138 Presenting an Article QUESTIONS AND TASKS FOR REVISION
On the contrary 1. Who was the originator o f the Phoneme Theory?
As it is 2. What branch of Phonetics studies the functional aspect of speech sounds?
In other words 3. What science is not connected with Phonetics?
In addition A - Psychology B —Physics C —Chemistry
Finally 4. What are articulatory differences between vowels, consonants and so-
norants?
5. For which sound(s) are the lips rounded?
Commenting
6 . For which sound(s) do we need to use teeth?
The article was designed to establish (identify, describe) 7. For which sound(s) can you feel your Adam’s Apple vibrate?
The key concept is 8 . Compare the places of articulation of the English [h] and the Russian [x].
The basic assumption is 9. In what word will the vowel be the shortest? The longest? Why?
The author’s primary concern is duty —do —doom
I ’d like to give an overview 10. What principles of the classification of English vowels are relevant? Ir­
It’s a very crucial area relevant? Find examples to prove it.
If we look at 11. What principles of the classification of English consonants are relevant?
Now a quick word on Irrelevant? Find examples to prove it.
What needs to be stressed here 12 . [p —b] and [f —v] pairs differ by the feature:
It is clearly evident A —The degree of noise
It is perfectly clear B —The m anner of articulation
We can note that C —The place of articulation
It is most marked in 13. Is the following opposition singular, double, multiple?
All this shows conclusively that wet —met
To sum up 14. Is palatalization a distinctive feature in English? In Russian?
Finally I ’ll try to outline the relevant conclusions 15. Is force of articulation a distinctive feature in English? In Russian?
16. Where is commutation test used?
17. The phonemes in the [b-m] pair differ by:
A —one feature B —two features C —three features
18. There exists a triple distinction between:
A -[p],[5]B -[p],[0]C -[b],[9]
19. The phonemes [w], [j], [r] possess one common property. They are all
A - back consonants
B —lingual consonants
C —sonorants
20. What type of modifications of sounds does not refer to consonants?
A - Assimilation B - Reduction C —Elision
21. Which principle of the consonant classification is relevant?
A —Presence of voice
B - Place of obstruction
C —Aspiration
140 Questions and Tasks for Revision Questions and Tasks for Revision 141

22. Which principle of the vowel classification is irrelevant? 48. What is the general meaning of Fall-Rise?
A —Length 49. How can intonation mark the communicative centre?
B — Stability of articulation 50. What is the role of pitch?
C —Tongue position 51. What is the intonation pattern?
23. What is the phone? 52. What is the difference between prosody and intonation according to
24. Is lip position a relevant feature? British scholars?
25. What is a diphthong? 53. What is the general meaning o f Low Fall?
26. What does the invariant of the phoneme consist of? 54. What is the syntagm?
27. Is vowel length relevant? 55. What is the function of a tail?
28. Can you pronounce an allophone? 56. What is the structure of intonation?
29. What is a vowel? 57. What is pitch range and its function/role?
30. What is a subsidiary allophone? 58. Divide the phrases into rhythmic groups. Observe a) enclitic tendency,
31. Can you pronounce a phoneme? b) semantic tendency:
32. What is a consonant? It became the largest seaside resort.
33. What are minimal pairs? 59. What extra-linguistic factor is a style forming one?
34. Why do we need International Phonetic Alphabet? 60. What style is a hesitation pause typical of?
35. How many syllables are there in the word “tablet”? 61. What is our classification of phonetic styles based on?
A —One B - Two C —Three 62. Which style is considered to be neutral?
36. The English language is A —Conversational B — Informational C —Scientific
A —stress-timed B —syllable-timed 63. Which style requires special training?
37. How many syllables are there in the word “little”? 64. What is assimilation?
A - One B —Two C - Three 65. State the type of sound modifications in the following word combina­
38. The English stress is tions: don’t go.
A —fixed B —shifting 6 6 . State the type of sound modifications in the following word:
39. How is stress achieved? blackboard
40. How can you explain the difference between m en’s, women’s and chil­ 67. What type of assimilation is observed in just think (complete/partial,
dren’s voice qualities (timbres)? progressive/regressive)?
41. What is the acoustic correlate o f pitch? loudness? speed o f utterance? 6 8 . What is reduction?
42. What is the auditory impression o f a periodical sound wave? N on-peri­ 69. What is the difference between an accent and a dialect?
odical? 70. What is Received Pronunciation?
43. Without which part can’t the intonation pattern exist? 71. What is diglossia?
44. Intonation is a complex of 72. What is Estuary English?
A —pitch, tempo, loudness 73. What do we call the Standard English Pronunciation?
B —pitch variations A —General English
C —prosodic variations B —Educated English
45. Functionally pauses may be: C —Received Pronunciation
A —short B —long C —hesitational
46. What does the number of intonation groups in a sentence depend on?
47. What is a nucleus?
GLOSSARY Glossary 143

Academic style — also Scientific style, a Auditory Phonetics —a branch of phonet­ Communicative centre, also Semantic Diphthongold - a vowel articulated when
style of speech used in lectures, scien­ ics which is concerned with the way centre — a word or a group of words the change in the tongue position Is
tific discussions, conferences, etc. our auditory mechanism works to pro­ which conveys the most important fairly weak, in this case the articulated
Accent — 1) type of pronunciation, that is cess speech information, also Percep­ point of communication in the sen­ vowel is not pure, but it still consists of
the way sounds, stress, rhythm and in­ tual Phonetics. tence or the utterance. one element.
tonation are used in the given language Back vowels — vowels formed with the Commutation test — the procedure of Direct methods — methods of phonetic
community. 2) see stress. tongue in the back part of the mouth. substituting a sound for another sound investigation which consist in observ­
Accommodation — modifications of con­ Back-advanced vowels — vowels formed in the same phonetic environment with ing the movements and positions of
sonants under the influence of the with the tongue in the back-advanced the aim of establishing the phonemic one’s own or other people’s organs of
neighbouring vowels and vice versa. position in the mouth. system of a language speech in pronouncing various speech
Acoustic Phonetics —science which deals Back-lingual — see velar. Comparative Phonetics — a branch of sounds, as well as in analysing one’s
with the physical property of sounds. BBC English - the accent used on B B C phonetics which studies the correlation own kinaesthetic sensations during the
Affricates — noise consonants produced radio and T V channels, is considered a between the phonetic systems of two or articulation of speech sounds and in
with a complete obstruction which is standard English spoken in Great Brit­ more languages comparing them with the resultant au­
slowly released and the air stream es­ ain, also Received Pronunciation. Consonant - a sound made with air ditory impressions.
capes from the mouth with some fric­ Bilabial — sounds produced when both stream that meets an obstruction in the Dorsal — sounds produced when the
tion. lips are active. mouth or nasal cavities. blade of the tongue is active.
Allophones —variants of a phoneme, usu­ Bilingualism —the command of two dif­ Conversational style —also Familiar style, Duration — the quantity of time during
ally occur in different positions in the ferent languages by a person. a style of speech used in everyday com­ which the same vibratory motion, the
word, cannot contrast with each other British English — the national variant of munication. same patterns of vibration are main­
and are not used to differentiate the the English language spoken in Great Declamatory style — a style of speech tained.
meaning. Britain. used in stage speech, recitations, etc. Elision — complete loss of sounds, both
Alveolar — sounds produced with the tip Broad transcription - also phonemic Delimitation — segmentation of speech vowels and consonants, often observed
of the tongue against the upper teeth transcription, provides special symbols into phrases and intonation groups. in spoken English.
(alveolar) ridge. for all the phonemes of a language. Dental —sounds produced with the blade Enclitic — unstressed words or syllables
American English — the national variant Broad variations —a subclass of the verti­ of the tongue against the upper teeth which refer to the preceding stressed
of the English language spoken in the cal positions of the tongue which in Descending head —a type of head in which word or syllable.
USA. this case is placed slightly lower in the syllables form a descending sequence Estuary English - a variety of modified
Amplitude — the distance to which the air mouth cavity. Descriptive Phonetics —a branch of pho­ regional speech, a mixture of non-re -
particles are displaced from their posi­ Cacuminal — sounds articulated with the netics that studies the phonetic struc­ gional and local south-eastern English
tion of rest by the application of some tip of the tongue curled back. ture of one language only in its static pronunciation and intonation. Estuary
external force. Central vowels —sounds articulated when form, synchronically. English speakers place themselves “be­
Apical — sounds articulated with the tip of the front part of the tongue is raised to­ Devoicing — a process that results in a tween Cockney and the Queen”.
the tongue. wards the back part of the hard palate. voiced consonant being pronounced as Experimental Phonetics — a branch of
Applied Phonetics — a branch of phonet­ Checked vowels —short stressed vowels fol­ voiceless. phonetics which deals with research
ics used for practical purposes. lowed by strong voiceless consonants. Dialect — a variety of language which dif­ work carried out with the help of dif­
Articulatory Phonetics — also Physiologi­ Checkness — a vowel property which de­ fers from others in vocabulary, gram­ ferent technical devices for measure­
cal Phonetics, a branch of phonetics pends on the character of articulatory mar and pronunciation. ments and for instrumental analysis
which is concerned with the study of transition from a vowel to a consonant Diglossia — a phenomenon when an indi­ Extra-linguistic factors — non-linguistic
speech sounds as regards their produc­ Close vowels — sounds articulated when vidual may speak RP in one situation, a factors, such as the purpose of utter­
tion by the human speech organs. the tongue is raised high towards the native local accent in other situations. ance, participants and setting or scene
Ascending head —a type of head in which hard palate. Dynamic stress — force accent based of speaking, which result in phonosty-
syllables form an ascending sequence. Closed syllable — a syllable which ends in mainly on the expiratory effort. listic varieties.
Assimilation - The modification of a a consonant. Diphthong — a vowel which consists of Familiar style —see Conversational style.
consonant by a neighbouring conso­ Coda — one or more phonemes that fol­ two elements, strong (a nucleus) and Forelingual — sounds articulated with the
nant in the speech chain. low the syllabic phoneme. weak — (a glide). front part of the tongue
144 Glossary Glossary 145

Fortis consonants —voiceless consonants Head — part of the intonation group, Intonograph — a technical device which Modifications of sounds —positional and
pronounced with strong muscular ten­ contains stressed syllables preceding gives pictures of sound waves of sylla­ combinatory changes of sounds in con­
sion and strong expiratory effect. the nucleus with the intervening un­ bles, words and utterances. nected speech.
Free variants — variants of a single pho­ stressed syllables. Kinetic — relating to motion. Monophthong —a vowel articulated when
neme which occur in a language but Hesitation pause — silent or filled pause Labial — sounds articulated by the lips. the tongue position is stable, in this
the speakers are inconsistent in the way mainly used in spontaneous speech to Labiodental — sounds articulated with case the articulated vowel is pure, it
they use them, as for example in the gain time to think over what to say next. the lower lip against the edge of the up­ consists of one element.
case of the Russian words “галоши/ Historical Phonetics — a branch of pho­ per teeth Mouth cavity - the cavity between the
калоши”. netics that studies the phonetic struc­ Laryngoscope — a special device which teeth and the pharynx.
Free vowel — a weak vowel followed by a ture of a language in its historical de­ helps to observe the vocal cords, epi­ Narrow transcription — also Phonetic
weak (lenis) voiced consonant or by no velopment, diachronically. glottis and the glottis. transcription, provides special symbols
consonant at all. Idiolect — individual speech of members Larynx —part of the vocal tract contain­ for all the allophones of the same pho­
Frequency — a number of vibrations per of the same language community ing the vocal cords. neme
second. Informational style — a style of speech Lateral — sounds produced when the Narrow variations —a subclass of the ver­
Fricative — constrictive noise consonants used by radio and television announc­ sides of the tongue are active. tical positions of the tongue which in
articulated when the air escapes with ers conveying information or in various Lateral plosion — sudden release of air this case is raised slightly higher in the
friction through the narrowing formed official situations. which escapes along the sides of the mouth cavity
by speech organs. Instrumental methods — methods of pho­ tongue. Nasal consonants — sounds articulated
Front vowels — vowels in the production netic investigation based upon regis­ Lax — historically short vowels in the ar­ when the soft palate is lowered and the
of which the body of the tongue is in tering or computing machines and ticulation of which muscular tension of air stream goes out through the nose.
the front part of the mouth cavity and technical devices speech organs is weak. Nasal cavity — the cavity inside the nose
the front of the tongue is raised. Intensity - a property of a sound pro­ Lenis consonants —voiced consonants pro­ which is separated from the mouth
Front-retracted vowels — vowels pro­ duced by the amplitude of vibrations. nounced with weak muscular tension. cavity with the soft palate and the uvu­
duced with the body of the tongue in Interdental - sounds articulated with the Lip rounding —a position of the lips when la.
the front but retracted position in the tip of the tongue projected between the their comers are brought toward one Nasal plosion — sudden release of air by
mouth cavity. teeth. another so that the mouth opening is lowering the soft palate so that the air
Functional Phonetics — see Phonology. International Phonetic Alphabet —a set of reduced. escapes through the nose.
General American — the national stand­ symbols adopted by the International Loudness — the intensity of sound is pro­ National variants — the language of a na­
ard of the English language spoken in Phonetic Association as a universal duced by the amplitude of vibrations. tion, the standard of its form, the lan­
the USA. system for the transcription of speech Manner of articulation —one of the prin­ guage of its nation’s literature.
General Phonetics — a branch of phonet­ sounds. ciples of consonant classifications Neutral vowel — a mid central vowel, also
ics that studies all the sound-produc­ Intonation — pitch (or melody) variations which is connected with the type of schwa.
ing possibilities of the human speech used to convey meaning. See also pros­ obstruction to the air stream. Neutralisation — the loss of qualitative
apparatus and the ways they are used ody Maximum onsets principle — this princi­ and quantitative characteristics of vow­
for purposes of human communication Intonation group - an actualized syntagm. ple states that where two syllables are to els in unstressed positions.
by means of language. Intonation pattern - pitch movements be divided, any consonants between Noise consonants — consonants in the
Glide —the second weak element of Eng­ together with loudness and the tempo them should be attached to the right- production of which noise prevails over
lish diphthongs. of speech extending over an intonation hand syllable, not the left, as far as pos­ voice, (compare with sonorants).
Glottal — sounds articulated in the glot­ group. sible within the restrictions governing Normative Phonetics - see Practical Pho­
tis. Intonation style - a complex of interre­ syllable onsets and codas. netics.
Glottal stop — a sound heard when the lated intonational means which is used Medio-lingual — sounds produced with Notation — another term for Transcrip­
glottis opens suddenly and produces an in a social situation and serves a defi­ the front part of the tongue raised high tion.
explosion resembling a short cough. nite aim of communication. to the hard palate Nuclear tone — a significant change of
Glottis — the opening between the vocal Intonogramme —the picture of the sound Minimal pair — a pair of words or mor­ pitch direction on the last strongly ac­
cords, through which the air passes. wave of a syllable, word or an utterance phemes which are differentiated by one cented syllable in an intonation pat­
Hard palate - the roof of the mouth. received with the help of intonograph. sound only in the same position. tern. In general nuclear tones may be
146 Glossary Glossary 147

falling, rising and level or a combina­ Perceptual Phonetics —see Auditory Pho­ phone of the same phoneme; in this case Pragmalinguistics - a branch of linguis­
tion of these movements. netics. the meaning of the word is affected. tics that studies what linguistic means
Nucleus — 1) the last strongly accented Pharynx — the part of the throat which Phonology - also Functional Phonetics, a and ways of influence on a hearer to
syllable in an intonation pattern; 2) the connects the larynx to the upper part branch of phonetics that is concerned choose in order to bring about certain
most prominent part of a diphthong; of the vocal tract. with the social functions of different effects in the process of communica­
3) the centre of a syllable, usually a Phonation — voicing, the vibration of the phonetic phenomena. tion.
vowel. vocal cords. Phonosemantics —a branch of psycholin­ Pragmaphonetics — a branch of Pragma­
Obstructer mechanism - a group of Phone — a sound realised in speech and guistics that studies the relations be­ linguistics whose domain is to analyse
speech organs which form obstructions which bears some individual, stylistic tween the sound structure of a word the functioning and speech effects of
during articulation of consonants, it and social characteristics of the speak­ and its meaning. the sound system of a language.
includes tongue, lips, hard and soft er. Phonostylistics — a branch of phonetics Pre-head —the unstressed syllables which
palate and teeth. Phoneme — the smallest further indivisi­ that studies the way phonetic means of precede the first stressed syllable of the
Occlusive — sounds produced when a ble language unit that exists in the the language function in various oral head.
complete obstruction to the air stream speech of all the members of a given realizations of the language. Primary stress — the strongest stress com­
is formed. language community as such speech Phonotactics — the study of the possible pared with the other stresses in a word.
Onset — sounds that precede the nucleus sounds which are capable of distin­ phoneme combinations of a language. Principal allophones - allophones which
of a syllable. guishing one word of the same lan­ Physiological Phonetics - see Articulato­ do not undergo any significant changes
Open syllable —a syllable which ends in a guage or one grammatical form of a ry Phonetics. in the chain of speech.
vowel. word from another grammatical form Pitch — the auditory characteristic of a Proclitic — unstressed words or syllables
Open vowels —vowels produced when the of the same word. sound, it corresponds to the funda­ which refer to the following stressed
tongue is in the low part of the mouth Phonemic transcription - see broad tran­ mental frequency (the rate of vibra­ word or syllable
cavity. scription. tions of the vocal cords). Prosody - a complex unity formed by
Opposition — see Phonetic oppositions. Phonetic mistakes — pronunciation mis­ Pitch level — a particular height of pitch. significant variations of pitch, tempo,
Oral consonants - sounds articulated takes made when an allophone of some Pitch range — the interval between two loudness and timbre.
when the soft palate is raised and the phoneme is replaced by an allophone pitch levels or two differently pitched Psycholinguistics — a branch of linguistics
air stream goes out through the of a different phoneme. syllables or parts of a syllable. which covers an extremely broad area,
mouth. Phonetic oppositions — comparison of Place of articulation - the place in the from acoustic phonetics to language pa­
Organs of speech — the human organs sounds, words and morphemes in or­ vocal tract where the air stream is ob­ thology, and includes such problems as
which together with biological func­ der to single out their minimal distinc­ structed. acquisition of language by children,
tions take part in sound production. tive features. Plosives - consonants produced when memory, attention, speech perception,
Palatal — sounds produced with the front Phonetic transcription —see narrow tran­ the air stream is completely stopped for second-language acquisition and so on.
part of the tongue raised high to the scription. a short time, also stops. Publicistic style - a style of speech used
hard palate. Phonetics — a branch of linguistics which Post-alveolar — sounds articulated with in public discussions on political, judi­
Palatalisation — softening of consonants is concerned with the human noises by the tip or the blade of the tongue cial or economic topics, sermons, par­
due to the raised position of the middle which the thought is actualized. Pho­ against the back part of the teeth ridge liamentary debates.
part of the tongue towards the hard netics analyses the nature of these Power mechanism —a group of speech or­ Qualitative — connected with the spectral
palate. noises, their combinations and their gans which supplies energy for sound characteristics of a sound.
Palato-alveolar — sounds made with the functions in relation to the meaning. production, it includes lungs, dia­ Quantitative —referring to the length of a
tip or the blade of the tongue against Phonological analysis — analysis whose phragm, windpipe, bronchi. sound.
the teeth ridge and the front part of the aim is to determine which differences Practical Phonetics - a branch of pho­ Received Pronunciation (RP) — the na­
tongue raised towards the hard palate, of sounds are phonemic/non-phone- netics which teaches how to pronounce tional standard of the English lan­
thus having two places of articulation mic and to find the inventory of the sounds correctly and what intonation guage spoken in Great Britain.
(two foci). phonemes of this or that language to use to convey this or that meaning or Reduced vowel — a weakened vowel.
Paralinguistics - a branch of linguistics Phonological mistakes - pronunciation emotion. It is called Normative Pho­ Reduction — weakening (either qualita­
which is concerned with non-verbal mistakes made when an allophone of the netics because teaches the “norm” of tive or quantitative) of vowels in un­
means of communication. phoneme is replaced by another allo- English pronunciation. stressed positions.
148 Glossary Glossary 149

Resonator mechanism —a group of speech Special Phonetics - a branch of phonet­ Tail — any syllables between the nucleus Unstressed - bearing no stress.
organs which can change their shape ics which is concerned with the study and the end of the utterance. Utterance — a spoken sentence or a
and volume, thus forming the spectral of the phonetic structure of one lan­ Tempo — the rate of the utterance and phrase.
component of the sound, it includes guage only. pausation. Uvula — the end of the soft palate.
nasal and mouth cavities. Spectrogram — a picture of the spectrum Tense - historically long vowels in the ar­ Velar — consonants produced with the
Rhythm — recurrence of stressed syllables of sounds, their frequency, intensity ticulation of which muscular tension of back part of the tongue raised towards
at more or less equal intervals of time and time. speech organs is great. the soft palate.
in speech. Spectrograph — a device which carries Terminal tone — the nucleus and the tail Vibrator mechanism - a group of speech
Rhythmic group - a speech segment out the spectral analysis of speech. of the utterance. organs which vibrate while the air pass­
which contains a stressed syllable and a Stops —see plosives Tertiary stress — a less strong stress than es through, thus producing voice, it in­
number of unstressed ones. The most Stress — a greater degree of prominence the primary one, usually follows the cludes larynx, vocal cords, glottis.
frequent type of an English rhythmic • which is caused by loudness, pitch, the primary stress in a word. Vocal cords — two soft folds in the larynx
group includes two-four syllables, one length of a syllable and the vowel qual­ Theoretical Phonetics — a branch of pho­ which can be brought together and
of which is stressed. ity. netics which is mainly concerned with apart, thus producing voice.
Rounded — a sound articulated with add­ Stress-timed languages — in these lan­ the functioning of phonetic units in the Voice quality —timbre.
ed lip rounding. guages stressed syllables tend to occur language. It discusses the problems of Voiced consonants — sounds produced
Schwa — see Neutral vowel. at relatively regular intervals irrespec­ phonetics in academic terms and gives when the vocal cords are brought to­
Scientific style — see Academic style. tively of the number of unstressed syl­ a scientific approach to the phonetic gether and vibrate.
Secondary allophones — allophones lables separating them. theory. Voiceless consonants — sounds produced
which undergo some predictable Strong vowel —the full form of a vowel in Timbre —voice quality. when the vocal cords are apart and
changes in different phonetic context, the stressed position. Tone languages — the meaning of words don’t vibrate.
also Subsidiary allophones. Stylistic modifications — sound changes in these languages depends on the vari­ Vowel — a sound in the production of
Secondary stress — a less strong stress which happen under the influence of ations of voice pitch in relation to which no obstructions are made.
than the primary one, usually precedes extra-linguistics factors. neighbouring syllables. Weak form — the unstressed form of a
the primary stress in a word. Subsidiary allophones - see secondary al­ Tongue — the most movable and flexible sound or a word.
Segmental Phonetics — a division of pho­ lophones. speech organ. Windpipe —trachea or air passage.
netics which is concerned with indi­ Suprasegmental Phonetics —a division of Transcription - the system of symbols to Word stress — a greater degree of promi­
vidual sounds (“segments” of speech) phonetics whose domain is larger units represent speech in written form, (see nence on one of the syllables in a
Segmentation — division of speech into of connected speech: syllables, words, Notation) word.
phrases and intonation groups. phrases and texts
Semantic centre — see Communicative Syllable - a sound sequence, consisting
centre. of a centre which has little or no ob­
Sentence stress — the greater degree of struction to airflow and which sounds
prominence given to certain words in comparatively loud; before and after
an utterance. this centre there will be greater ob­
Sociolinguistics — a branch of linguistics struction to airflow and less loud
that studies the way the language inter­ sound.
acts with society. Syllable-timed languages — in these lan­
Soft palate — the back, soft part of the guages all syllables, whether stressed or
hard palate. unstressed, tend to occur at regular
Sonorants — consonants in the produc­ time-intervals and the time between
tion of which tone prevails over noise stressed syllables will be shorter or
(compare with Noise consonants). longer depending on the number of
Sonority — a degree of loudness relative unstressed syllables separating them.
to that of other sounds with the same Syntagm — a group of words which is se­
length, stress and pitch. mantically and syntactically complete.
References References 151

18. Crystal, David. Documenting rhythmical change. ZZ Studies in general and Eng­
lish phonetics by J. Windsor Lewis (ed). — London: Routledge, 1994. —pp. 174—
1. Бондарко Л. В ., Вербицкая Л. А., Гордина М. В. Основы общей фонетики: 179.
Учеб. пособие для студ. филол. и лингв, фак. высш. учеб. заведений. — 19. Dr. Rodney Ball. Introduction to Phonetics for Students of English, French,
С П б .: Филологический факультет С П б Г У ; М .: Издательский центр Germ an and Spanish. - University of Southampton, 2002. - 90 p.
«Академия», 2004. - 160 с. 20. Gimson A. C., revised by A . Cruttenden: G im son’s Pronunciation of English
2. Златоустова Л. В. Русское слогоделение и учение И . А . Бодуэна де К ур­ (5th ed.). - Edward Arnold, 1994. - 320 p.
тенэ об антропофонических единицах / Л. В. Златоустова ZZ Бодуэновс- 21. Gregory M ., Carroll S. Language and Situation. — London: Rontledge and Ke-
кие чтения: Бодуэн де Куртенэ и современная лингвистика: Междунар. gen Paul Ltd, 1978.
науч. конф. (Казань, 11—13 дек. 2001 г.): Труды и материалы: В 2 т. / Под 22. Harrington, Jonathan and Cox, Felicity. Phonotactic Constraints. — http:ZZclas.
общ. ред. К . Р. Галиуллина, Г. А. Николаева,- Казань: Изд-во Казан. У н ­ mq.edu.auZphoneticsZphonologyZsyllableZsyll_phonotactic.html.
та, 2001.- Т . 1. 23. Jespersen, Otto. What is the use of phonetics? ZZ Educational Review, February,
3. Златоустова Л. В., Потапова Р. К , Потапов В. В., Грунин-Донской В. Н. 1910. - http:ZZinterlanguages.netZphonetics.html.
Общая и прикладная фонетика. - М .: Изд-во М Г У , 1997. - 416 с. 24. Kelly, Gerald. How to Teach Pronunciation. — Pearson E S L , 2001. — 160 p.
4. Кодзасов С. В., Кривнова О. Ф. Общая фонетика. — М .: Рос. гуманит. ун-т, 25. Kerswill, Paul. Mobility, Meritocracy and Dialect Levelling: the Fading (and
2 0 0 1 .- 5 9 2 с. Phasing) out of Received Pronunciation. - Reading University’s School of
5. Ломоносов М. В. И з риторических сочинений Ц Об ораторском искусст­ Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, 2001. — http:ZZwww.lancs.ac.ukZ
ве. — М .: Изд. политической литературы, 1973. fssZlinguisticsZstaffZkerswillZpkpubsZKerswill2001MobilityMeritocracyRP.
6. Мерзляков А. Ф. И з краткой риторики ZZ Об ораторском искусстве. — М .: pdf.
Изд. политической литературы, 1973. 26. Kreidler, Charles W. Describing Spoken English. An Introduction. — Hartnolls
7. Толстой Л. Н. Заметки и размышления / / Толстой Л . Н . Полн. собр. соч.: Lim ited, Bodmin, Cornwall, 1997. - 236 p.
В 90 т. - М .; Л.: Гослитиздат, 1928-1958. - Т . 68. - сс. 263-264. 27. Kuiper, Koenraad, Allan W. Scott. An Introduction to English Language. Sound,
8. Цицерон, Марк Тулий. И з трактатов об ораторском искусстве ZZ Об ора­ Word and Sentence. — Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. — 400 p.
торском искусстве. — М .: Изд. политической литературы, 1973. 28. Ladefoged P. A Course in Phonetics. 5th ed. - Boston: ThomsonZWadsworth,
9. Abercrombie D. Elements of General Phonetics. - Edinburgh University Press, 2005. - 320 p.
1 9 6 7 .-2 0 9 p. 29. ‘Language Myths’, eds. Bauer L . and Trudgill P. - Harmondsworth: Penguin,
10. Ashby M. and Maidment J. Introducing Phonetic Science. - Cambridge U n i­ 1998. - 189 p.
versity Press, 2007. — 230 p. 30. McKenzie-Brown, Peter. The Stress-timed Rhythm of English. - http:ZZlan-
11. Brazil, David. Pronunciation for Advanced Learners of English. - Cambridge guageinstinct.blogspot.comZ2006Z10Zstress-timed-rhythm-of-english.html,
University Press, 1994. — 159 p. 2006.
12. Brazil, David. The Communicative Value of Intonation in English. - C am ­ 31. O ’Connor J. D. Phonetics. — Penguin, 1991. — 320 p.
bridge University Press, 1997. — 204 p. 32. Pennington, Martha C. Phonology in English Language Teaching: an Interna­
13. Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: A n Introduction. — Blackwell tional Approach. — Longman: London and New York, 1996. — 282 p.
Publishers, 1999. - 192 p. 33. Roach P. English Phonetics and Phonology. - Cambridge: Cambr. Univ. Press,
14. Celce-Murcia, Marianne, Donna M. Brinton, Janet M. Goodwin. Teaching Pronun­ 1 9 8 7 .- 284 p.; 2000.
ciation: a Reference for Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages. — 34. Rosewame, David. Estuary English: Tomorrow’s R P ? 11 English Today 37, Vol.
Cambridge: Cambr. Univ. Press, 1996. - 447 p. 10, No. 1, January 1994.
15. Coupland N. Style. Language Variation and Identity. — Cambridge University 35. Sellars, Kirsten. We wanna talk like common people. - Telegraph Group Lim ­
Press, 2007. — 224 p. ited, 1997. - http:ZZwww.phon.ucl.ac.ukZhomeZestuaryZsellars.htm.
16. Cruttenden, Alan. G im son’s Pronunciation of English. - Arnold International 36. The Handbook of the International Phonetic Association. — Cambridge U n i­
Students’ Edition, 2001. — 340 p. versity Press 1999. — 214 p.
17. Crystal, D avid and Davy, Derek, Advanced Conversational English. - Long­ 37. The Queen’s English of today: M y ‘usband and I ... Special report: the future of
man Group Limited 1979. — 88 p. the monarchy, science editor Radford, Tim ZZ Guardian Unlimited (C ) Guard-
152 References

ian News and Media Limited, Thursday December 21, 2000. — http://www.
phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/queen.htm.
38. Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistic Variation and Change. — Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 2001. - 197 p.
39. Watson-Smyth, Kate. How you say it puts the accent on success // The Daily
Telegraph, 2 January 1997. - http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/
smyth.htm.
40. Wells J. C. English Intonation. A n Introduction. - Cambridge University Press,
2 0 0 6 .- 2 7 6 p.
41. Wichmann, Anne. Intonation in Text and Discourse. — Pearson Education
Limited, 2000. — 162 p.