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Rationale:

Political parties are central to any political system. It is generally acknowledged

that they have two essential roles: interest articulation and interest aggregation

(Heywood, 2000) . They serve as the essential link between the government and the

people and are vital institutions for democratic consolidation. What makes a party a

party is that it exercises power behalf of the general public (Lawson 1989, 252-253). A

prevue to the nature of the political parties in the Philippines, Filipino party system is

largely composed of “transient parties” or those political parties that “are not founded on

some distal source, like political cleavage, issue or ideology” (Manacsa and Tan

2005:784). The Philippine parties are delineated in many ways but it seems that they are

often contrast to what political parties are supposed to be (Aceron). In other words when

we discourse about the parties in the Philippines there is a wide gap of practice and

standards. If we were able to follow how Nohlen (1844; 49) defines on how a party

system is “referring to number of parties, relative strength, ideological dimensions and

distances of competing parties” in that sense, Philippine party system can thus be

delineated as a multi-party, fluid, non-ideological, non-participatory and not offering

programmatic choices(Nohlen 1844:49). As of these result, citizens in the country do not

ascertain with any political party nor could they even compare politicians with political

party and this is reflected to the low number of people who vote in the party-list and this

is also lead to the rampant turncoatism in the political arena. Political Turncoatism refers

to the politicians that tend to change different political party over time that thus not even

driven with any principle based reasons.

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The importance of patron ties and the strength of regional and linguistic affinities

cause Philippine politics to be highly personalistic and particularistic according to

American author David Timberman the country’s political culture explains the lapses or

mal development of parties. And by that the citizen believes that the decisions and events

that shape their lives are determined more by a particular individuals than by impersonal

systems and institutions. Consequently, the maintenance of good personal relations with

those in power is critical. As a result of the personalization of public life there has been

relatively little concern with institution or ideologies. Both two scholars, John T. Sidel

and Patrico Abinales have proposed to pay more attention to the roles of the state and

institutions rather than society and culture.

Institution is an organization which establish, administer and apply laws (​Alistair

Boddy-Evans​, 2017). They often arbitrate conflict, make governmental policy on the

economy and social system and also provide representation for the populous. Institution

function as parameters defining the patterns of politics as rules of the game, in other

words the political institution has an impact in the law, culture and society as a whole.

According to the Commission of Election (COMELEC), there are over 100 political

parties registered and literally also hundreds of unregistered parties mostly very small

operating in the country. These parties represent views across the political spectrum. That

said, given the entire mosaic of Philippine politics, parties basically serve as bit players

compared to the role that personalities play.

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The Commission on Elections Chair Sixto Brilliantes said that The Philippines

will never attain maturity not unless we stop basing political parties on personalities but

rather look at their ideological stance and effort to reform Philippine Political parties

which have been initiated in the Senate on the 12th Congress, the idea of having a

political party reform was accepted and recognized by the National Conference of

Political Parties.

The Congress of the Philippines is composed of representatives coming from

different political parties. This branch exerts its efforts in crafting bills on the matter of

the political party reform aiming to strengthen the political party system, appropriate

funds and for other purposes. The Party Development Act of 2007 seeks to promote the

institutionalization of political parties in the Philippines by addressing four essential

reform issues, namely on the matter of campaign finance reform, state subsidy to political

parties, a ban on party switching, and strengthening citizen-parties linkages. Through the

passage of this bill it is seen as a positive step towards reforming Philippine Politics,

however the struggle for a political party reform was initiated 10 years ago which

remained pending in the congress.

To sum up, the nature of the Philippine political party system reform is not yet

close to perfection but a progress that needs a concrete solution. There are already

existing studies on the Philippine political party system; however, there are no existing

studies about the Philippine political party system reform based on different institutions.

Thus, there is a need to establish a study because existing research had already pointed

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out that there were already reforms about the political party system in the Philippines

however, as to presenting the factors that establish failures, success and motivation on

initiatives from different political institution on the matter of political reform remained

unstated.

Statement of the Problem:

To analyze the Philippine political party reform through local and national

political institutions

Specific Objectives:

1. To determine the political party system reforms in the Philippines.

2. To identify the initiatives of institutions involved in the Philippines political

party system reform.

3. To present the evolution, motivation and challenges of Philippine institutions on

political party system reform.

Statement of Assumptions

This research study is anchored on the assumption that the political party system

in the Philippines is a flawed system and various political institutions face issues that

pushes reform on political party system in the Philippines.

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Statement of Hypothesis

The study hypothetically asserts that by analyzing political party system reform

including its evolution, motivation, challenges, and processes from different political

institutions in the Philippines we can say that they are noteworthy measures that stand to

strengthen the country’s democratic system but reforming this system may not be easily

accomplished.

Significance of the Study

This study is determined to contribute to the following:

Interest Groups​: To provide these groups, with an understanding on how political party

system should function and to provide information on the ideas , reasons and explanation

on the issues presented in the study

Reform-minded societal groups​: To provide these groups the information as to the

significant issues and solutions presented that differ from each institutions selected in the

study.

Policymakers: ​This study would benefit policymakers to give them insight of several

reforms as to its lapses and challenges in order to promote a reform policy that focuses on

the solutions of the challenges faced.

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Academe: To contribute to the discourse of elucidating the challenges that faced the

political party system in the Philippines and to provide information on the efforts

presented by different institutions

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Scope and Limitation of the Study

The study is descriptive in nature and focuses on the reform efforts to strengthen

and enhance the political party system in the Philippines. The research data will be

gathered from literature review on political parties in the Philippines and from all the

reform initiatives on political party systems formulated by different political institutions

in the Philippines specifically the Institute of Political and Electoral Reforms,

Commission on Elections (Provincial and the main office), Central Visayas Network of

NGO’s, Congress, including partylists in the Philippines such as Liberal, Akbayan,

BOPK and PDP-Laban. The primary data gathering method used were open-ended

interviews and documentary reviews relating to the nature of the political party system in

the Philippines. This research used purposive sampling for the interviews in which

membership and grade level among the respondents will apply. Verbatim quotes from the

respondents will also be utilized.

This study is limited to the efforts of different political institutions to reform the

Philippine political party system. There is still no law aiming to enhance the role of

political parties that has been passed and this paper investigates why this is so. We limit

our study to the exchange of ideas from different perspectives and to address the

perceived structural deficiencies of the party system of the country and of other countries.

The intent of this publication is to share this discourse.

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We would like to offer the readers information on the challenges which the

selected institutions are facing, the efforts undertaken to strengthen their position within

the political system and the gaps that still need to be addressed. The following papers do

not claim to represent the whole possible spectrum of analytical approaches. Rather, they

share perspectives from advocates.

This study will also provide insights into how political parties in the Philippines

strive to overcome the fact that they are commonly identified as a central weakness of

Philippine politics and to also provide insights on reform efforts within political parties in

the country. However, in this qualitative study, the findings could be subject to other

interpretations.

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DEFINITION OF TERMS

To establish a common frame and to facilitate better understanding of the

research, the following terms are defined below as they were used in the study:

​ he difficulties faced by the legislators in implementing the political party


Challenges. T

system reform bills.

Critical junctures. ​Political actors consider as a window of exceptional opportunity.

Document​. This refers to the record and interviews conducted to present a baseline data.

​ hanges throughout the reform initiatives of the different political institutions.


Evolution. C

Identify.​ This term is used in the second objective and refers to the evolution, challenges,

motivations and initiatives from different political institutions.

​ he belief of the political parties of a certain goal in reforming


Ideological orientation. T

their system.

Improvements.​ Refers to suggested actions which can address the challenges in

implementing reform bills.

Institutional design. The laws and policies governing the institution and as to how they

function.

Internal dynamics. ​It is the way which Congress analyze an issue and how they

aggregate decisions to solve them.

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Motivation. ​The reasons why political institutions pursue reform efforts on political

parties.

Political Institutions. ​Organizations which create, enforce and apply laws in the

Philippines.

Political party. ​Organizations of active political agents who are concerned with

controlling governmental power and competing for popular support with other groups

holding divergent views.

Processes.​ The steps in formulating reform agendas for political parties.

Programmatic policy choices. ​Meaningful choice of policies through coherent political

programmes.

Structural deficiencies. ​The impairment of the dynamics of the institution that led to the

degradation of political parties.

Turncoatism. ​When a politician who runs for public office changes parties.

Verbatim quotes. ​Using the exact words of the respondents in the data.

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ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This thesis paper shows the evolution, initiatives, focus and challenges of the

political party reforms in the Philippines through the lens of different institutions.

Chapter 1 mainly consists of the introduction of our study and the concepts the

researchers would use. It is in Chapter 1 that the rationale is built it serves as an opening

to what the study is about. The researchers first identified our main objective, the need to

research the topics and the gaps of the study presented. The statement of the problem it is

in this part that we presented the specific objectives of this study , assumption of the

study what the researchers would like to assure, statement of hypothesis, the significance

of the study it is where different actors were identified that would benefit to our study and

the scope and limitations. This part presented the weaknesses and limitations of the study.

Chapter 2 introduces our theories and models in detail. The researchers first made

an introduction to different concepts by different authors that is related to our study and

followed by the frameworks which we would use such as

Chapter 3 provides brief descriptions to what the researchers methodology would

be included in this chapter are the tools or instruments used to validate the statement of

the study. The researcher’s environment is also stated it focuses the particular place that

this study shall center on and it also includes the respondents selected for the research

and also identified how the treatment and gathering of the date will be.

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Chapter 2

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Review of Related Literature

This chapter includes literature, theories and concepts that are significant in

reviewing the status of the Philippines political party system and the efforts in addressing

the problems of the system. The literatures gathered are based from scholarly articles,

books, and laws.

Parties are inevitable: No free country has been without then and no one has

shown how representative government could work without them (Bryce 1921,119). How

about the important functions that political parties fulfill in a democracy? The first and

most obvious task is naturally to present programs and candidates for public office

through general elections, They also serve as links between the population and elected

assemblies in other contexts, Thus we expect that they should be able to integrate and

socialize citizens into political life and they can function as channels for an organized

interest and social movements sphere.

Parties have been handful of institutions whose activities are absolutely essential

and relevant for the proper function of a representative democracy. Political parties

function as an institution that aggregate interests from the people. It serves as a

representative that should legislate meaningful policies for the civil society. Without

political parties, a modern representative democracy is not conceivable. Only, the parties

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ensure that the citizens are permanently capable to act politically. They articulate and

integrate different interests, visions and opinions. They are also the main source for the

recruitment of political elites. They offer to the citizens the possibility to influence

politics and political decisions (Wilhelm Hofmeister and Karsten Grabow, 2011). The

formation and recruitment of the elites molding them to govern the body politics and this

is the crucial function of the party as mentioned above. The formulations of goals To

attract popular support for the programs of the government in order to be develop.

Socialization and Mobilization it is where parties formulate national agenda and conduct

public discourse to raise political awareness and lastly, the organization of government is

the power given to the political party in order to garner the necessary vote needed for a

government al elite to be constituted. It is important to study political parties and the roles

they play in modern democracies. To begin with, parties have always been among the

handful of institutions whose activities are absolutely essential for the proper functioning

of representative democracy. Given the centrality and fundamental mission of political

parties, it is not surprising that students of democracy have since the very beginnings of

modern political science, recognized the importance of constantly monitoring and

analyzing their evolution and the quality of their performance. There are list of functions

that a certain political party must execute, one crucial function is the selection of

candidate (Co 2005;75) in which a party must guarantee that those who join and

eventually run for electoral race are the best qualified for public office that is why it is

important for the party to undergo screening of candidates. The practice of political

parties is in line with their agenda that in order to function in carrying out the demands

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from the people they must simply choose the most qualified to run for office and be the

representative that adheres the needs of the people whom they should serve. It also

imperative that one of their requirement is to have the same belief as of the principles of

the party list.

Historical Development of Philippine Political Parties

According to Professor Javad Heydarian of DSLU, political parties are central to

modern and mature democracies. He elaborates that political parties “serve as

transmission belts for diverse interests in the society.” He adds that political parties also

provide a clear vision and stand for specific policy positions, in addition to providing

financing and logistical support to the candidates they field for the elections.

Long before the country’s transition to a multi-party system, two major political

parties dominated the Philippine government: the Nacionalista Party and Liberal Party.

The Liberal Party is the oldest political party in the Philippines and Asia, having been

found in 1907, and the latter served as a breakaway from the Nacionalista Party.

However, in a 1967 journal entitled “The Philippine Political Party System” by Carl H.

Lande, these political parties were described to be identical.

Since the 1980s, the political parties in the country have grown in number.

However, for DLSU Lecturer Louie Montemar, from the Political Science Department,

the functions of political parties in the country still seem very limited. Political parties in

the system play various roles and serve various purposes.

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“Philippine political parties are not very ideologically defined. They are basically

organizations that revolve around personalities or particular sectoral groupings,”

Montemar explains. The more established political parties are trying to define themselves

through certain platforms but have not progressed so far, he adds.

Heydarian asserts that the personality-based political parties in the Philippines

primarily rely on powerful patrons to fund their campaigns. “We are left with candidates

who bank on their family name and/or resources of patrons or sometimes that of the

government, while appealing to emotions and prejudices of the electorate,” Heydarian

laments. These political parties lack progressive mechanisms in creating concrete policy

proposals or platforms on how to realistically deal with national challenges.

According to a 2009 study published by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Foundation,

political parties in the country can be described as “temporary political alliances” and

mere “fan clubs” mainly because of the politicians’ “inability to go beyond their political

ambitions and vested interests.” The study suggests that there should be a review of the

institutional-legal system in which the political parties operate.

Philippine political parties are essentially non-ideological vehicles for personal

and factional political ambition. Party systems in the middle of the 1990s resembles the

pre-martial law years when the Nacionalista and Liberal parties alternated in gaining

political power. Although they lacked coherent political programs, they generally

championed conservative social positions and avoided taking any position that might

divide the electorate. All political parties appeals to all regions, all ethnic groups, and all

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social classes and fostered national unity by never championing one group or region.

Neither party had any way to enforce party discipline, so politicians switched

capriciously back and forth. The parties are models of patron-client relationships

stretching from the remotest villages to the rural areas of the territory. They existed to

satisfy particular demands, not to promote general programs. Because nearly all senators

and representatives were provincial aristocrats, the parties never tackled the fundamental

national problem--the vastly inequitable distribution of land, power, and wealth.

Political Parties in the Philippines

One important function of a political party is to perform a articulation of interest

and aggregation, the situation in the Philippines is not much the same as it is defined in

ways that often contrast to what political parties are supposed to be ( Heywood 2000).

They do not fulfill the task of interest aggregation but instead serve mechanisms for

patronage politics to perpetuate vested interests. Parties do not select candidates, but are

instead formed by candidates themselves as vehicles for their own campaign. To sum up,

when we talk of parties in the Philippines, there is a wide gap of practice and standard.(

Lande ).Philippine political parties are unabashed 'old boys clubs'. There are non-elite

individuals, mostly men, who identify with one or another party, but all of them are

followers ("retainers" might be a better word) of elite individuals.( Office of the

Ombudsman ). As what Lande stated theres is a clear gap between the ideal standard and

what is really practiced. Other distinct characteristics of Philippine political parties, the

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shifting character of membership and leadership and the absence of ideological or

programmatic differences between parties are linked to the nature of differentiation in the

elite (Rocamora). These characteristics can be directly linked to the unprogressive and

weak state of the Philippines Political System. The introduction of the party-list election

in the 1987 Constitution was an institutional attempt to widen the narrow path to

legislative power by providing an opportunity for marginalized sectors and their

organizations to be represented in Congress. Significantly, organizations belonging to

several left traditions and blocs participated and succeeded in successive party-list

elections since 1998.Akbayan (Citizens Action Party) has emerged to be the most viable

exponent of democratic socialism in the Philippines. Founded in 1998, Akbayan is an

amalgamation of former national democrats, social democrats, Christian socialists, and

other left-wing tendencies.(Teehankee). Akbayan recognizes the need to function within

the traditional political system while working to institute reforms. (Rocamora, 2008)

Issues in the Philippine’s Political Party System

It was mentioned by Rocamora that the Philippine’s political party system is

actually flawed and far from the ideal standard presented. Senator Angara also said that

the political party system in the Philippines is basically confined to personalities rather

than issues and political platform (Angara). The political party system as defined by

Meyer that “Parties are usually large organizations with a certain amount of centralization

and presence across the country. If they are well organized, they are able to combine the

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development of political objectives in communities, cities and villages with a decision

making process on all levels of the political organization that the party members deem

fair. At the grassroots level, well- functioning party democracies are established in a

broad and active civil society. It was explained by Joy Aceron that with the Philippine’s

structures are weak and with low civic participation it hinders parties to function well as

they are a direct link to state and society . Unable to command party discipline, leaders

and government functionaries are therefore induced to gather legislative and local support

through the use of patronage, privilege and pork, and other forms of rent-seeking

activities.( Joy Aceron) .What has kept the Philippine state weak is that no one class has

been strong enough to bend the state to its will. Instead, the Philippine upper classes are

divided into class fractions dependent on government. (Rocamora). These shows or

proves that the Philippines is a state of elites in which the power distribution among

classes are unequally divided resulting for the concentration of power to the elites.

“Because of its weaknesses, the party system,” according to Almonte, “has failed to offer

meaningful policy choices—and so to provide for orderly change” (Aceron). This

explains that due to a weak sake in result a weak representation and to add up a

characteristic in the Philippine political party system in which the selection of candidates

is not based on the platforms presented but instead is based on the personality. This

practice can result to what we call as clientelism between the political parties and the

people. In the Philippines, clientelism continues to shape the organization of party

politics to a great extent (Teehankee).“Philippine politics revolves around interpersonal

relationships – especially familial and patron–client ones – and factions composed of

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personal alliances” (Kerkvliet 1995: 401). Politics in the Philippines revolves not with the

ideologies and agendas presented but with connections from personalities. Political clans

are the real political parties in the Philippines.(Simbulan 2007:33) Political clans promote

patronage relationships or clientelism. It became a practice in the Philippines to vote for

the candidate because of a particular family or clan. It is all about interpersonal relations

and “owing favors” that caused bias not because of preference in the platform but with

the reason of personal connection to the candidate. In the Philippines, clientelism

continues to shape the organization of party politics to a great extent (Teehankee).

Political parties are also affected of such behavior thus it produces weak and unstable

political parties that do not function as what it should be. Political Turncoatism is the act

of changing party affiliation by a candidate. It is deeply embedded in the country’s

political culture as most aspiring politicians only use political parties as financial vehicles

and machinery during elections (Office of the Ombudsman). Turncoatism presents as

another hindrance in the Philippine’s political system.

Political Institutions in the Philippines

Political Institutions are the arrangements for aggregating individuals and

regulating their behavior through the use of explicit rules and decision processes enforced

by an actor or set of actors formally recognized as possessing such power (Levi 1990).

Institutions namely National Conference on Political Science, Commission on Elections,

Citizen’s Movement on Federal Philippines, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Institute of Political

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and Electoral Reform, Congress, Center of Youth Advocacy and Networking, Ateneo

School of Government . These institutions paid attention in developing a more inclusive

and accountable political party system and that includes support for initiatives on

governance reform both at the local and national level ( FES Philippines). Several

initiatives were made by these said institutions. Political Reform Exponent of the

Philippines is an example of an initiative that is organized as a dialogue, cooperation and

collaboration mechanism of convener institutions and one of it is the Institute of Political

and Electoral Reform. Institute of Political and Electoral Reform came into being as the

answer to the call of Filipinos after the regime of Ferdinand Marcos. The said institution

aims to educate grassroot organizations and local government officials on local

governance and development, with the end in view of having a more responsive, effective

and dynamic local government ,To act as a pioneering organization for the genuine

democratization of governance and the empowerment of the citizenry through

parliamentary and electoral struggle and to build a network and help coordinate citizen’s

action on political and electoral campaigns, and development advocacy ( IPER 2005).

Political Reform Exponent in the Philippines is Federalism Dialogue Initiative Project

composed of study groups from the Local Government Development Foundation

(LOGODEF) ( ​Edmund Tayao, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Santo

Tomas (UST​), Mr. Tayao also stated ​that PREP’s main objective is to discuss detailed and/or

specific issues on federalism and that federalism is more on “shared” rule than

“delineated” rule, meaning powers and authorities depends on capacity and capability of

the parties. PREP included that in order for Federalism to work there must be changes in

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the political and electoral system. In order to democratize political power, we propose to

make the anti-dynasty provision in the Constitution self-executing and In order to

establish strong and cohesive political parties, Parliament shall be mandated to promote

the development of political parties as public institutions that shall serve as a mechanism

for communication and cooperation between the people and the government, facilitating

political organization and representation ​(Local Government Development Foundation ,

2016​).Another initiative presented in this paper is Ateneo School of Government’s

Citizen Reform Agenda 2010 or CReforms 2010 is a consultation process initiated by the

Ateneo School of Government (ASoG) through its PODER program that aims to bring

together the broadest possible representation of citizen organizations in the country to

identify key reform agenda or issues that candidates and political parties that must

address com 2010 election. This initiative includes that the major political party reform

bill have been pending in Congress for the past seven years. It aims for the strengthening

of political parties through state subsidy, addressing political turncoatism and established

rules and regulations. Political parties need to be strengthened first vis-à-vis the

individual politicians and the political dynasties. Their proper functioning as the

mediating institution between the people and government should be secured (​ASoG​).

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung has been active in the Philippines since 1964. In its cooperation

with civil society organizations, labor groups, the academe and the government, it seeks

to contribute in consolidating democratic institutions and in strengthening an inclusive

political system and a people centered development ( FES Philippines, 2013)​ . This

particular foundation partnered with ASoG of this initiative which is ​Elections Under

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Repair 3.0,​ in partnership with the Political Democracy and Reform (PODER) Program

of the Ateneo de Manila University – School of Government (ASoG) to highlight the

urgent political and electoral reform issues related to the 2013 elections. ( ​FES

Philippines, 2013​). The Center for Youth and Advocacy Networking is an institution that

centers on societal change. This institution also presented an initiative on political party

system reform. The Youth Participation in Political Party Reform Debate Caravan is

intended to train the youth on party-building processes, financing, membership

management, and ideological discussions, among others, to encourage dialogues among

students especially those involved in campus politics on party platforms and ideologies,

to raise awareness on the importance of political parties in schools and to help build

support among the youth for political party reform. The output of this initiative would be

the Debate Caravan (Debate Competition/Forum on Political Party Reform/Forum on

Democracy and Citizenship) in 4 Universities all over the country; Participation in

Congress and Senate discussions on political party reform bills. (​CYAN Philippines​).

Electoral System

The electoral character of political parties in a democratic environment

distinguishes it from other organizations in that “it constitutes a group of individuals

whose primary objective is to attain control of the government through the electoral

process.” (Tancangco, 1988: 97) In the Philippine setting, political parties are not

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identified with visions or platforms but are seen as mere electoral vehicles of

convenience for the elite politicians.

Effective political parties play an important role in the democratization and

political maturity of society. (Valdemer, 1952; Timerman, 1991; Wolinetz, 2002). They

are supposed to be important vehicles for collective action and empowerment of their

constituencies to influence and shape public policy where the masses can emerge from

the inertia of powerlessness to improve their lives and lift them from poverty. Political

parties are also expected to provide much of the political education of their

constituencies. They act as venues for the articulation of the concerns of their

constituencies and help them to influence or fiscalize policy-making in government. The

divergent classes, specific groups or sectors in society are the natural constituencies of

political parties which mobilize them to nominate and elect candidates for government

office.

Political Party Reform

With the power structure of the political party system, Philippine democracy

remains weak, limiting, elitist, oligarchic and contested. Particular interests are upheld,

patron-client relationships are perpetuated, and corruption remains prevalent. While

significant progress has been made in modernizing processes and procedures of the

electoral exercise, and on how they are being managed by the Commission on Elections,

significant reforms have yet to be seen to enable that shift in power-holders. Ironic as it

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may sound, the system has yet to be democratized in order to regulate political monopoly

and promote competitiveness in the political arena. Such reforms in the electoral and

party system are critical not only in having the potential of changing the composition of

power, but also in sustaining the other ways power structure could be changed. In other

words, electoral and party reforms are most important because it is central in ensuring the

success of economic empowerment and citizen engagement in achieving political reform.

The notion of party reform was accepted and recognized by the National

Conference of Political Parties when it incorporated the idea in its own reform agenda in

2002. In July of the same year, a workshop was held in Clark convening major parties,

party list groups, civil society advocates as well as members of the COMELEC.

The constitution of the Philippines failed to promote political parties as

institutions of democracy and for this reason the drafted constitution of the CMF or the

Citizens Movement for a Federal Philippines proposed a separate Article on Political

Parties in recognition of the importance of Political parties. Through reforming the

current political party system, the political parties will be mobilize more political

participation and shall be building responsible and accountable political parties

(Abueva,2006). As for the citizen's vote for their chosen leaders and also their political

parties, they will eventually be more conscious of the important role of the political

parties in the governance in the arena of the National Government and the autonomous

territories and regions. The people can hold the ruling party responsible and accountable

for the successes or even the failure of its governance and exercise of power. Thus,

political parties will become more important in relation to individual politicians and

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personalities. Political parties shall be able also to be mobilize the participation of the

people or the citizens in the affairs of government at any level. Not only in the looming of

the election season but rather also in making policies and decisions. Through reforming

the political parties, we shall make the National Government, the government in the

autonomous region and other local governments effectively responsible and as public

office is a public trust they shall be remain accountable to the people for their conduct

and performance in or out of office. The citizens will become more informed, interested

and involved in government and public affairs for political parties to be more effective

institutions in our democracy.

Running for office cost too much, expenditures provide a playing slots among

political parties for a seat in government. Political Parties are required to submit to the

Commission on Election(COMELEC) their Statement of Election Contributions and

Expenditures or SECE. The COMELEC failed to monitor or validate the items reported

and recorded in the SECEs. The proposed senate version of the bill there should be a

established campaign finance department in the COMELEC that focuses on the

administration and implementation of campaign finance regulations and would

implement sanctions to those who will violate. Through this it limit the playing field

among the political parties, with the proposed act to address the essential reforms in the

matter of campaign finance reform, state subsidy to political parties therefore, the

campaign expenditures are exposed wherein the political parties are required to public

their assets and liabilities and to be examined by the Commission on Audit.

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Electoral reform advocates, as put forward in a forum sponsored by the Institute

for Political and Electoral Reform (IPER) in 2008, are certain that the bills addresses a lot

of the perceived ills of the political and electoral system, as it is a key measure that sets

the behavior of political players. Ramon Casiple, Executive Director of IPER, affirms

that on the whole, even though the bills have been subjected to various compromises and

pressures leading to the weakening of its original provisions, the bills are real electoral

reform measures and is the best shot in institutionalizing electoral reforms.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is a foundation for social democracy and one

of the oldest political foundations in Germany. This foundation focuses on the core ideas

and values of social democracy, freedom, justice and solidarity.

The foundation also exerts its effort to support civil society organizations,

academic institutions and political parties to achieve a more participatory, representative

and effective political system. A particular attention is being paid to electoral reform and

in developing a more inclusive and accountable political party system. This includes

support for initiatives on governance reform both at the local and national levels.

One the political system reform projects and program conducted by the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung foundation is the “Election Under Repair 3.0” it is in partnership

with the Political Democracy and Reform (PODER) Program of the Ateneo de Manila

University to highlight the urgent political and electoral reform issues related to the

elections. The program problematizes the link of governance reforms and elections and

the critical role of reform in the Philippine electoral system as well as the development of

26
party politics in sustaining the reform gains that have been achieved by the

administrations. The first Elections Under Repair 3.0 forum with the title “Reforms:

What Have We Achieved And How Can it Be Sustained?” was conducted in August to

introduce the said project of the FES and its series topics with a general stock-taking of

the reforms so far achieved in anti-corruption, peace and local governance and will throw

initial thought on how these reforms can be sustained by beyond the year 2016.

Delineating how other countries support to strengthen their political parties and

party systems is thus a relatively new phenomenon; an interesting comparison can be

made with the engagements that exist in Germany, USA the United Kingdom and the

Netherland. The NDI or the National Democratic Institute for the International Affairs

and the IRI or the International Institute of USA, common to these institutions is that they

work within the brad filed where to support the political parties is only a part. The IRI

perhaps works with the development of political parties and parliament and centered its

activities on educational issues at grassroots level. On the other hand, The NDI has a

more diversified portfolio, with different forms to support the party work, the civil

society, legislations, and elections and also to support the local self-government. These

foundations work parallel to several parties in one country

After several years of discussions based on experiences of support to parties in

South Africa, the political parties in the Netherlands recently created a fund for support to

parties in a wider circle of countries, the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy.

27
IMD aims is to support democratic development in younger democracies through

contributing to creating a functional, sustainable, pluralistic system for party policies. The

institutions also underlines that, to guarantee ownership by the recipient, demand steers

the work, i.e. political parties in partner countries approach the IMD with proposals for

different projects.

Political Party Reform in other countries

Throughout Asia, Corruption is widely entrenched and has led to public

disillusionment in many institutions and made political target as central target for

criticism. Thus, the distrust in parties and their leaders on the issue of reform has been

justified. As Asian political parties frequently build support through a patronage

connections, rather than through promoting issue-oriented platforms based on the interest

and the need of the citizens. The will to reform within parties is needed if parties are to

play an effective role in national reform efforts. Furthermore, there must be greater public

confidence in political party's ability to act as agents for change.

Many of the countries recently adopted laws that regulates parties and campaign

financing and established independent anti-corruption and election commissions. Fro

example, in South Korea and Thailand has a extensive legal frameworks, but still money

continues to dominate political competition while in Taiwan on the other hand have a few

28
laws regulating parties, but greater efforts are made by the parties themselves to meet the

expectation of the public for good governance.

Thailand , This country introduced new party, political finance and election laws through

their 1997 Thai Constitution. These laws strictly regulate party operations and accounting

practices in order to enhance the transparency and accountability within the party system

also they wanted to strengthen parties as ideological bodies and broaden their

membership bases in order to reduce the prevalence of patronage and vote buying in the

country. The main theme of this reform is disclosure, all party officials must present and

declare their assets and liabilities to the Election Commission of Thailand or ECT and

these reports shall be made available for the public

In South Korea, The 1987 Korean Constitution perhaps requires political parties to be

democratic in their own organization and operations and if they violate the Constitutional

Court can require for a dissolution. South Korea has its own political party reforms called

The Political Parties Act which was amended in the year 2000 which requires the parties

to register with the National Election Commission in order to hold or conduct party's

leaders and officials, and also to establish branch offices and this law also places a

limitation as to the number of paid employees in a party.

Another reform in this country is the Political Fund Act that was also amended in the year

2000. This reform includes provisions on fundraising, expenditures, and also the party

29
reporting. Limiting both the income and the parties expenditures at all time. Lastly

another reform established from South Korea is the Act on the Election of Public

Officials and the Prevention of Election Malpractices that was also amended in the year

2000 which made the National Election Commission or NEC in korea as the oversight

body for all electoral processes . This commission set the campaign, incomes and limits

the expenditures and also it is a requirement for a party to appoint a an accountant to

maintain a record of all financial transactions and all the receipts or record for expenses

and contributions but be recorded upon and be made available for the public inspection

for a period of three months.

In the case of reform in the other Asian countries such a Cambodia, Indonesia and

Malaysia they also have initiated efforts in order to establish a reform in their country.

Starting with Cambodia, this country has its own Cambodia's Political Party Law in 1997

specifying minimum requirements for parties which they are require to be registered with

the Ministry of Interiors also to provide a party name and to have 4000 citizens to sign or

have their signatures. What makes cambodian political reform different from other

countries mentioned above is that there are no limits on spending or even donations,

disclosure for the public its sources of funding is not even required nor even a mandatory

declarations or presenting of assets or liabilities for party officials. Although in their

Election Law(1997) requires the parties to at least submit their campaign expense but do

not somehow reveal the sources of funds and expenses to the public even the campaign

income and expenditure has no limits.

30
Indonesia on the other hand has two laws the first was on the political parties and the

other was on general elections. Distinguishing with the two laws, the political party law

establishes a set of criteria for party competitions limits the contribution. Just like other

countries they are required to file financial reports with the list of all donors and conduct

annual audit while the Election laws in the other hand sets the contribution and limits its

spendings that would require parties to present and call for campaign audits for the

parties by the election commission. The challenge of indonesia in passing such legislation

that requiring full financial disclosure and party accountability, these has not been

effectively implemented.

Political Parties in Malaysia is Governed by Malaysia's Societies Act(1966), it also

governs NGO's associations and charities in the country and all of these organizations

must register with the Registrar of Societies under the Ministry of Home Affair. Just like

the other countries experiences they are required to submit financial reports and accounts

to the Registrar but what makes it different from other countries mentioned just like

Cambodia it is not disclosed to the public and there is not a requirement for the parties to

reveal the sources of their fund. The current law in the malaysia does not prevent the

political parties from owning and managing financial enterprises and limits on spending

and contribution does not apply in this country under this law.

In the Philippines, political parties are governed only by the Omnibus Election Code

because there is no laws governing it even no laws regulating political finances outside

31
the period of campaign. As the Political Party Development Act of 200 still remained

pending in the congress , there is no limits on spending and contributions nor required to

declare such assets of liabilities even the disclosure of financial records to the public and

to the government body does not apply in the country. Several political parties and civic

organizations have advocated for the passage of a political party law to regulate party

practices and finances between elections but failed to do so. Just like the Philippines,

Nepal has currently no law governing the political parties nor a political finance

regulations. Nepal's Election Code of Conduct sets the limitations for campaign

expenditures and requires all the candidates and parties to maintains its record for their

expenses and contributions to be submitted to the election commission. Even in Taiwan

has not yet enacted a law on the matter of political party to govern such registrations ,

finances and also on the operations of the political parties. But for the first time there is a

pending Political Contributions law that can regulation the party finances and the parties

should have keep detailed and accurate on their financial period.

To sum up, even there where strict laws and regulations that have been implemented, the

parties themselves has a responsibility to adopt and practices such internal reforms.

Loopholes and circumvention of laws exists if the parties do not commit themselves to

reform and involuntarily adapt such monitoring mechanism. There is a need to reform in

order to complement and reinforce the legislative requirement and can have the

advantage of helping the goal for more structured political party.

32
Theoretical Framework

This paper seeks to provide a review of the main theoretical approaches to policy

reform. While there is a growing body of literature on policy reform and implementation,

this review can only engage with a few selected theories which were deemed the most

applicable to policy reform.

Understanding governance in the Philippines requires the study of political

institutions, the bureaucracies and the legislature, most involved in national policy

making. This study evaluates the role of theory formation in the study of political parties.

It describes the mechanisms by which important sets of political institutions interact to

give structure to political outcomes in democratic polities.

The framework that we will employ to analyze political party reforms contains

two relevant elements. First, an understanding of the changing reform initiatives from

each of the political institutions. Second, an analysis of the interests and strategies of the

state is important. The reform of a system requires some initial pressure for making the

change, but it does not develop automatically. Rather, actors perceive pressures for

change and then initiate a search process (Campbell et al. 1991). Thus, structural

constraints limit the range of interests and opportunities that actors select. Reforming the

political system occurs over time when legislators, whose choices are limited under

structural constraints, adjust to pressure for change. This study is concerned with how the

state’s ideal framework of political parties are constrained by its preexisting institutional

33
conditions. When analyzing the question of policy reform or lack thereof, one can draw

on the literature on path dependence (Pierson 2000). This model argues that it is

generally difficult to change policies because institutions are sticky, and actors protect the

existing model even if it is suboptimal (Greener 2002). Path dependence is when ‘once a

country or region has started down a track, the costs of reversal are very high’ (Levi

1997). As Pierson (2000) notes, public policies and formal institutions are usually

designed to be difficult to change so past decisions encourage policy continuity. Path

dependence is established only when it can be shown that policy change was thought of

but neglected for reasons that cannot be explained without the structure of costs and

incentives provided by the original policy choice. In order to introduce a major change,

policy-makers have to wait for a critical juncture (Capoccia and Kelemen 2007) or a

window of exceptional opportunity called a conjuncture (Wilsford 1994).

Political parties in the Philippines continue to build support through patronage

networks, rather than through issue-oriented platforms based on the needs and interests of

the citizens. Many parties are opaque in their internal operations and undemocratic in

their decision-making. They are set on clientelistic, parochial, and personal interests

rather than focus on ideologies and party platforms. Policy makers try to create reforms

in the political party but these initiatives are not fulfilled.

The main strength of the theory is that it is able to explain why policy continuity

is more likely than policy reform. Once a country already has projected plans for their

policies, it will be difficult to change this path because policy-makers and policies have

become institutionalized that necessitates great efforts and costs by actors who aspire for

34
change. However, the theory’s weakness is that it is difficult to show the costs and

incentives created by the original policy choice and how it affects decisions about future

policy choices.

Capoccia and Kelemen (2007) states that critical junctures are relatively short

periods of time during which there is a substantially heightened probability that agents’

choices will affect the outcome of interest. This means that actors face a broader range of

feasible options during a brief period of time, and their choices will likely have a

significant impact on subsequent outcomes. The role of political actors and their

decisions during critical junctures is thus important (Capoccia and Kelemen 2007).

Another model of change is the punctuated equilibrium model (Baumgartner and

Jones 1991) which proposes that once an idea gets attention it will expand rapidly and

become unstoppable. Many ideas are competing for attention but then something happens

at some point. The process comes about from external events that disrupt the political

system, particularly the ones that are big enough to disrupt or punctuate its equilibrium.

First, one has to show that punctuations occur and second that they occur because of

political changes. Punctuated equilibrium is the process of interaction of beliefs and

values concerning particular policy with the existing set of political institutions. It

explains both times of extreme stability and short periods of rapid change.

The presented theories have highlighted so far that introducing, sustaining and

assessing policy reform is a political process’ because it addresses issues of conflict and

representation among multiple actors (Hargreaves 1998). Politics affects origins,

35
formulation and implementation of public policy especially when significant changes are

involved (Reich 1995). Reforms are possible when there is political will and when

changes to a sector are designed and implemented by capable planners and managers.

A strong and narrow political party improves the capacity of political leaders to

resist the pressures of economic costs. Reich (1995) argues that for reform to succeed,

policymakers need effective methods to analyze relevant political conditions and shape

key political factors in favor of policy reform. According to him, different models for

policy reform exist, and they provide three political conditions under which policy reform

can occur.

• Political will model: decisions by political leaders are necessary and sufficient for a

policy reform. This model shows a technocratic approach with a rational actor model of

decision-making, but it tends to disregard political constraints to policy reform. This

model is more likely under political circumstances such as ‘a strong mandate, strong

state, narrow coalition and strong leadership’ (Reich 1995).

• Political Factions model: politicians seek to promote the wants and needs of different

groups. Rational analysis is the main means to serve organizational interests. Reform

occurs when it corresponds to a preferred distribution of benefits to specific constituent

groups of government leaders.

• Political Survival model: government officials protect the society’s interests as power

holders in order to maintain and expand their advantage over resources. It assumes that

politicians operate in a logic of opportunistic politics, in which decision-makers

36
manipulate policies to achieve desired means. Reform occurs when it provides the

personal political survival or the personal interests of political leaders (Reich 1995).

Policy reform can possibly have negative consequences due to the classic

collective action problem like multiple individuals would benefit from an action, but

costs make it unlikely that any individual can or will solve it alone. These problems can

be resolved by alliances with other political elites and compensatory benefits. Bargains

reached with external actors have to be politically acceptable and sustainable in the

domestic political game. As a result, passing a new policy requires a well-organized and

highly mobilized interest group.

37
Conceptual Framework

38
Chapter 3

RESEARCH METHODOLO​GY

This study will be conducted through the qualitative method in which the researcher will

made use of an in-depth interview wherein it is a loosely structured interview. It allows

freedom for both the interviewer and the interviewee to explore additional points. In

order to acquire the data that is needed to address the problem in this study, most of the

respondents in this research are institutions therefore, the instruments that shall be utilize

in this study to address the objective is through participant/member checks, interviews,

questionnaires and other qualitative based tools. At the end of the study, it will provide

justification as to the efforts of different institutions in initiating a Philippine political

party reform. Through a document review of the data that was gathered, reviewing

documents on the passed bills and was further validated through an informant interview.

Research Environment

The research environment of this study will took place in the the nearest local

institution wherein it would at the branch of COMELEC Cebu which would be at ​WDC

Bldg. Cor. P. Burgos St. Osmena Blvd. However, we don’t limit our environment for the

research within the Cebu city area only but also outside Cebu depending on the location

of the institutions that may provide available data which is related to our research and to

the problem of the study. Moreover, the results of this study will aid the gap as to the

initiatives of different institutions on the political party reform.

39
Research Respondents

The respondents of this research are selected political institutions that has relation

or linked with the political party reform and will help us in answering the objectives of

this research.

COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS

The criteria for elections are simply to be free and fair. Recognition is given to the

individuals who come out to participate in the process either as voters, media watchdogs,

monitors, citizen-voter educators, and even citizen arms. Yet there are major areas of

interest that threatens the very existence of free and fair elections in the Philippines.

These areas are of political party strengthening, election administration, enforcement of

election laws, voter registration, election modernization, prosecution of election

offenders, and citizen-voter education.

To be sure, many of these areas of concern can be remedied by law or by judicious

actions and by the Commission on Elections. However, many others can be traced to the

constitutional provisions on the electoral system and on the Commission of Elections.

Advocacy for electoral reforms cover a broad range of subject matter: from the rules of

the electoral process itself, to reforms in the electoral administration, to reforms in the

political party system and conduct of electoral contestation, to electorate behavior and

choice, and the broadening of meaningful participation of politically-marginalized

sections of the body politic. With all of this, the researchers will have the right data for

40
the study especially on their advocacies for electoral reform and reforms in the political

party system.

CONGRESS

Political parties in our country are normally used as political vehicles to win an

election. Political party system is centered on personalities rather than ideology and

political platform. Most political aspirants change political parties for convenience, rather

than because of conviction. This only shows the lack of ideological commitment of the

members of party because they choose parties based on the rise and fall of the tide of

opportunity. For these reasons, efforts to reform Philippine political parties have been

initiated by the Congress since the 12th Congress.

Congress has the power to pass a measure that will institutionalize and strengthen

political parties as pillars of the country's democratic system. It is imperative that the

country's political party system should be strengthened in order to achieve genuine

political development and democratization. Bills that have been proposed over the years

by both houses are aimed at promoting party loyalty, discipline and adherence to

ideological principles, platforms and programs. By studying their motives in proposing

bills to improve the political party system in the Philippines, the researchers can gain

prominent information in their agenda to reform the political party system.

41
Institute of Political and Electoral reforms (IPER)

Institute of political and economy reforms (IPER) is an institution in the

Philippines advocates for necessary electoral reforms to ensure citizen participation in

elections and to maintain the credibility and legitimacy of the electoral process. It also

advocates necessary constitutional, legislative and other political reforms necessary to

build and consolidate Philippine democracy. (IPER, 2005) It is a non-governmental

organization that partners with United Nation’s global development network. This NGO

pioneers for a genuine democratization of governance and citizen empowerment. The

researchers intend to trace and analyze the political party system reforms in the

Philippines in local and national institutions. The researchers will elucidate information

through crafted specific questions that answers the objectives that were stated in this

paper. Institute of political and electoral reform have programs and activities that are

about the Philippine political party system such as Consortium for political party reforms

(CPPR) core group that work group meetings. The said NGO is a qualified respondent for

this paper because they have influence in the development of the Political party system

reforms in the Philippines. To further know their challenges and dynamics on Political

party system reforms the researchers will reach out to the said institution through a

formal email requesting for an approval on answering the questions that the researchers

set up. The researchers can only acquire the needed information through online

interaction because they are based in Manila City and is also a national institution.

42
CENTRAL VISAYAS NETWORK OF NGO’s

This Non-Government Organization offer a various development programs

serving the different sectors in the region that includes youth, agrarian reform, people

organizations and academe they are also engage with local governance, The network's

members are composed of civil society members who work for different advocacies such

as legal rights, democratic reforms, volunteerism and peace. Other than that, they are

affiliated with the other active NGO around the country that assess the country’s level of

democracy based on the functions and performance of political parties and NGOs. This

NGO is qualified to provide data for the objective of this paper be answered, in addition

to that, NGO has an influence on political parties such that NGOs are established for

citizens to exercise their right to association and to pursue goals set by the founders and

proponents. NGOs may either pursue a public or a mutual interest. Although political

parties are established under the same right to free association, their goal is to legally

accede to power by selling their governing programs to the electorate. That is exactly

why very frequently political parties are considered to be some sort of interface between

the society and state bodies. By including NGO’s as one of our institution the researcher

can determine the initiative and and the role NGO’s take part in reforming the Philippine

Political party system.

43
LIBERAL AND AKBAYAN PARTYLIST

Political parties are central to any political system as they serve as the essential

link between the government and the people and are vital institution for democratic

consolidation. Philippine political parties as what Aceron said that they are delineated in

many ways. One of the know parties in the country is the Liberal party, aside from being

the progressive and oldest continually-active political party in the country it is the second

oldest extant political party in the Philippines, Akbayan is also noted to be a leading

member of the Democratic Left community in the Philippines that seeks to contribute to

the development of a political party system that is based on programs and

accountabilities, and not on political opportunism. It envisions a political culture where

citizens are genuinely aware, responsive and free.

These two political parties had made history in the Philippine politics and by that they

can be a pillars on reforms through overseeing their initiatives and role in reforming the

Philippine Political Party System based on their ideology or views that compels

stakeholders to pursue political reforms through active citizenship and inclusive

mechanisms. The researchers in touch with the political parties as one of the respondents

44
BOPK AND PDP-LABAN CEBU

Taking into consideration the local political parties such as BOPK and

PDP-Laban which have been the progressive party in the province of Cebu may

contribute inputs on their different views on the matter of reforming the Philippine

political party in a local level. The researchers can also determine in which part of the

system they strive to change or reform.

​Research Instrument

The instruments that this study will be utilizing will be ​participant​/member check,

interviews and documents review in ​establishing validity and reliability in this qualitative

research. Below are the needed data for this research and stating as to why such data is

needed in the research.

I. The Political Institutions

Institution is an organization which establish, administer and apply laws (​Alistair

Boddy-Evans,​ 2017). They often arbitrate conflict, make governmental policy on the

economy and social system and also provide representation for the populous. The

researcher conceive that by determining the political institutions we can also determine if

45
there is an initiative of reforming the political party system in the county and ascertain on

what drive these institution in regulating such reform.

II. The Initiatives

Through determining the initiatives of the various institutions, the researchers would be

able to accomplish one of its objectives to present the evolution, motivation and

challenges of Philippine institutions on political party system reform. Through a

document review, a checklist will be provided through this, the researchers can conduct a

comparison as to how these reforms from different institution differ from each other and

deduce an insights as to the dynamics of reforms proposed of these different institution.

Research Procedures

This paper will first investigate the initiatives of different political institutions

which are relevant to the reform of the political system in the Philippines. The

researchers shall document review and look at the factors of the success and failures of

proposals made. The researchers shall also look at the evolution of political party reform

of each institutions that would be mentioned in the study and analyze the factors of how

political party system reforms undergo in each institutions that would establish the

commonality and differences of the other.

46
Gathering of Data

The researchers shall gather datas through documents review from different political

institutions that engage in the Philippines political party system reform. The researchers

shall also interview member/s from the institutions presented in the study. The

researchers will also review documents from other countries in order to point out how

they differ in programmatic policy choices for political parties.

Treatment of Data

The documents review gives us a perspective on the political party system reform

through different political institutions in the Philippines. The available data was analyzed

per institution mainly using the lens of political institutions such as the ​Congress,

Commission on Elections, Institute of Electoral and Political reform, Friedrich Ebert

Stiftung Foundation, Institute of Political and Electoral Reform and political parties such

as BOPK, Liberal Party, Akbayan and PDP-LABAN​. To further achieve the objectives of

this paper, the documentary review and the responses of the Key Informant Interview

provides us the data on the factors of how political party system reforms undergo in each

institutions that would establish the commonality and differences of the other, the

variables that contributes to the degradation of political parties in the Philippines and the

challenges in pursuing to legislate the reforms. To sum up, these instruments aided us in

determining the problems on why reforms to enhance and strengthen political parties in

the Philippines were still not accomplished.

47
Chapter 4

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS and INTERPRETATION

This chapter of the study intends to present the data which have been gathered by

the researchers through the procedures specified in this study namely: Key Informant

Interviews and Documents Review. This chapter will provide the analysis and

interpretation of which by utilizing the framework stipulated in the previous chapters.

Further, the data generated from both methods fall within the scope and limitations

designated by the researchers.

The data gathering proper took place in the whole month of June extending to the second

week of July. To emphasize, the researchers had to do a step-by-step process of: (1) Key

Informant Interview and (2) Documents review for validation of answers.

To complete this study properly, it is necessary to analyse the data collected in order to

test the hypothesis and answer the research questions. As already indicated in the

preceding chapter, data is interpreted in a descriptive form. This chapter comprises the

analysis, presentation and interpretation of the findings resulting from this study.

The data gathering process also included the identification of research respondents. The

selection of respondents was based on their works and efforts in reforming the political

48
party system in the Philippines. The respondents introduced in this study are political

institutions in the Philippines in different categories such as governmental or

non-governmental, local or national. Below is a table provided to display the rate of

response of the respondents.

Table 1. Research Respondents

Institution Accepted Declined No Feedback Remarks

Congress /

Institute of Political /
and Electoral Reform
(IPER)

Central Visayas / / Repetitive


Network of NGO’s follow ups
(CENVISNET) were made

Bando Osmeña – / / Repetitive


Pundok Kauswagan follow ups
(BOPK) were made

Akbayan Citizens' / /
Action Party

Partido Demokratiko / Repetitive


Pilipino–Lakas ng follow ups
Bayan (PDP-Laban) were made

Liberal Party /

Commission on / Repetitive
Elections (National) follow ups
were made

Commission on /
Elections (Cebu)

49
Political Party System Reforms in the Philippines

It is worthy to note that the chosen political institutions have different ways in improving

the political party system in the Philippines. Besides from what has been mandated by the

law, these institutions exert much effort to go beyond what is on the law.

These institutions observe similar programs, policies, practices and initiatives when it

comes to reforming the political party system in the Philippines. However, these

initiatives have not made a major difference in the system.

The table below shows a summary of the different initiatives and policies on reforming

the political party system in the Philippines made by the institutions that were chosen by

the researchers as respondents for the study.

Table 2. Outline of Political Party System Reforms in the Philippines

Institutions Distinction Initiatives on Philippine Date Date Filed Significance


Political Party Reform Drafted

CONGRESS ● Political Party Drafted


Governmental Development Act : 2002

13th Congress
● House DATE NATIONAL
Bill/Resolution FILED :
NO. HB00190 2004-07-01
(Political Party Act of
2004)

50
DATE
● House FILED :
Bill/Resolution 2004-07-01
NATIONAL
NO. HB00244
(The Political Party
Development Act of 2004)

● HBO 5877 DATE


Previously FILED :
HB00190 2006-10-11
(An Act Strengthening
the Political Party NATIONAL
System and Providing
Funds Thereof)
SHORT TITLE :
"Political Party Act of
2006​"

14th Congress
● HBO 3655
(Political Party
Development Act of 2008)
DATE
FILED :
​15th Congress 2010-07-01

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00049
(The Political Party
DATE
Development Act Of NATIONAL
FILED :
2010)
2010-07-01

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00403
(AN ACT

51
STRENGTHENIN
G THE
POLITICAL NATIONAL
PARTY SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS
THEREFOR AND
FOR OTHER
PURPOSES)
DATE
FILED :
2012-09-11
● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB06551
(The Political Party
Development Act Of
2012)

DATE
16th Congress
FILED: NATIONAL
2013-07-01

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00308
(AN ACT
STRENGTHENING THE
POLITICAL PARTY
SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATING DATE
FUNDS THEREFOR FILED :
AND FOR OTHER 2013-07-01 NATIONAL
PURPOSES)

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00389

52
(AN ACT
STRENGTHENING
THE POLITICAL
PARTY SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS THEREFOR, DATE
AND FOR OTHER FILED : NATIONAL
PURPOSES) 2013-10-23

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB03242
(AN ACT
STRENGTHENIN
G THE
POLITICAL
PARTY SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS DATE
THEREFOR AND FILED :
2014-02-20 NATIONAL
FOR OTHER
PURPOSES)

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB03978
(The Political Party
Development Act of
2014) DATE
FILED :
2016-06-30
17TH CONGRESS

● House
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00490

53
(AN ACT GRANTING NATIONAL
AMNESTY TO
MEMBERS OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY
OF THE
PHILIPPINES-NEW
PEOPLES
ARMY-NATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC FRONT
(CPP-NPA-NDF) AND
OTHER INDIVIDUALS DATE NATIONAL
AND GROUPS FILED :
INVOLVED IN PAST 2016-06-30
POLITICAL
CONFLICTS)

DATE
FILED :
● House 2016-06-30
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00522
(The Political
Party
Development Act
Of 2016) DATE
FILED :
● House 2016-07-19
Bill/Resolution
NO. HB00697
(AN ACT
STRENGTHENING THE
POLITICAL PARTY NATIONAL
SYSTEM AND
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS THEREFORE)

54
● House DATE
Bill/Resolution FILED :
NO. HB01695 2018-02-01
( AN ACT
STRENGTHENI NATIONAL
NG THE
POLITICAL
PARTY SYSTEM
AND
APPROPRIATIN
G FUNDS
THEREFORE)

● House
Bill/Resolution NATIONAL
NO. HB07088
FULL TITLE : AN ACT
STRENGTHENING THE
POLITICAL PARTY
SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS THEREFOR
AND FOR OTHER
PURPOSES

NATIONAL

55
COMELEC Governmental

IPER Non- ● IPER revived the


Governmental initiative in 2008 in
the 14th Congress,
initiating a
conference-review
of the bill, and
establishing a
separate
Consortium for
Political Party
Reforms (CPPR),
and participating in
congressional
hearings of the bill.

● IPER engages
various
governmental
institutions such as
the Philippine
Congress, the
Executive
Department and its
agencies,
constitutional
bodies, as well as
the local
governments
regarding the
legislation and
implementation of
political and
electoral reforms.

● Participation in the

56
first and only
National Party
Conference and
supported its
resolution to
strengthen the
political party
system in the
Philippines.

● IPER, through the


Consortium on
Electoral Reforms
(CER), of which it
serves as the
secretariat, together
with the support
and participation of
the respective
committees on
electoral reforms in
the Senate and
House of
Representatives,
drafted the bill on
political reforms.

● IPER participates
in the project of the
PDP-Laban and the
administration
Duterte to pursue
federalism through
charter change
wherein among the
proposals was to
include provisions
in the new
constitution on
political party
reforms.

● Promotes higher
awareness among

57
the politicians,
public officials,
and the general
public on the need
for political party
reforms.

● IPER has
succeeded in
putting political
party reforms in the
national agenda.

LIBERAL Political ● Initiate internal


PARTY Institution party reforms

● Senate Bill 226:


An Act FILED ON:
Strengthening the July NATIONAL
Political Party 04,2016
System

AKBAYAN Political ● Initiate a internal


PARTYLIST Institution party reform

● HB no. 2283 FILED ON: NATIONAL


(An act amending RA no. August 02,
7941 , otherwise known as 2016
the "Party- list
System Act)

● HB no. 3200 FILED ON: NATIONAL


(Promoting Women August 23,
Participation and 2016
Equitable Representation
in and by Political Parties
giving incentives
therefore, creating the
women in political parties
empowerment fund, and
for other purposes)

PDP-LABAN Political ● Proposed PDP NATIONAL

58
Institution Laban Model of
PH
Federalism

BOPK Political
Institution

CENVISNET Non-
Governmental

Analysis

Table 1 and 2 shows that all the researchers intended by the respondents have agreed to

answer the questions set by the researchers that would enable them to answer the

objectives of the study. In table 2 it shows that numerous bills were repetitively passed

but none were successful to have passed the committee meeting. Political Party

Development Act which was drafted on 2002 was an enacted bill supported by IPER

which aims to strengthen the political party system in the Philippines but later on

crumbled due to the Gracillano tape scandal that prevented the former president GMA to

further develop the bill. Multiple political party reform bills were passed from the 13th

Congress until the 17th Congress. The table also shows the different institutions which

were involved with the specific bills stated therein which reflects the work or effort each

have contributed for the strengthening of the political party system in the Philippines.

Each bill having the same purpose but with different focal points.

59
Data Interpretation

In order to understand the whole phenomena of the study, the theoretical framework will

be utilized to contextualize the theories postulated by the researchers.

Path dependency model argues that it is generally difficult to change policies because

institutions are sticky, and actors protect the existing model even if it is suboptimal

(Greener 2002). Path dependence is when ‘once a country or region has started down a

track, the costs of reversal are very high’ (Levi 1997). As Pierson (2000) notes, public

policies and formal institutions are usually designed to be difficult to change so past

decisions encourage policy continuity. Path dependence is established only when it can

be shown that policy change was thought of but neglected for reasons that cannot be

explained without the structure of costs and incentives provided by the original policy

choice. In order to introduce a major change, policy-makers have to wait for a critical

juncture (Capoccia and Kelemen 2007) or a window of exceptional opportunity called a

conjuncture (Wilsford 1994). In this analytical context, critical junctures are cast as

moments in which uncertainty as to the future of an institutional arrangement allows for

political agency and choice to play a decisive causal role in setting an institution on a

certain path of development, a path that then persists over a long period of time.

Institutions strive to reform the political party system in the Philippines but,

unfortunately, not one of their initiatives has actually changed the system. This is either

because the system is difficult to change, political actors tend to protect to existing

60
system because of its advantages, larger political issues such as incoming elections or

scandals are more likely to be prioritized, or all of the above.

The main strength of the theory is that it is able to explain why policy continuity is more

likely than policy reform. Once a country already has projected plans for their policies, it

will be difficult to change this path because policy-makers and policies have become

institutionalized that necessitates great efforts and costs by actors who aspire for change.

However, the theory’s weakness is that it is difficult to show the costs and incentives

created by the original policy choice and how it affects decisions about future policy

choices.

Initiatives of Political Institutions in the Philippines

Different institutions both from national and local were chosen by the researchers in

order to determine their efforts in reforming the political party system in the Philippines.

The mentioned institutions may have similar title of their initiatives but somehow differ

in their target point of reform in which they want to change in the political party system

likewise as to their status.

The table shown below is profiled based on the scope of the institutions, the substantive

topic of the initiative and its status.

61
Table 3. Initiatives of Political Institutions in the Philippines

Institutions Scope Initiatives on Philippine Substantive Status


Political Party Reform Topic

CONGRESS NATIONA 13th Congress


L

● House proposes REFERRAL TO


Bill/Resolution public funding THE
NO. HB00190 for political COMMITTEE ON
(Political Party Act of parties SUFFRAGE AND
2004) ELECTORAL
REFORMS ON
● House 2004-07-27
Bill/Resolution The bill seeks to SECONDARILY
NO. HB00244 strengthen the REFERRED TO
(The Political Party political party THE
Development Act of system and COMMITTEE(S)
2004) uphold party ON
loyalty. APPROPRIATION
S

● HBO 5877
Previously The bill seeks
HB00190 to minimize PASSED AS A
(An Act Strengthening political SENATE BILL
the Political Party patronage and
System and Providing develop a
Funds Thereof) strong political
party system

62
SHORT TITLE : by prohibiting
"Political Party Act of turncoatism.
2006​"

14th Congress

● HBO 3655
(Political Party
Development Act of
2008)

REFERRAL TO
THE
15th Congress COMMITTEE
ON SUFFRAGE
● House AND
Bill/Resolution Strengthens ELECTORAL
NO. HB00049 political REFORMS ON
(The Political Party parties by 2010-07-27
Development Act Of introducing
2010) reforms in
campaign
financing and
providing
financial
subsidies to
political
parties

63
● House REFERRAL TO
Bill/Resolution THE
NO. HB00403 COMMITTEE ON
(AN ACT SUFFRAGE AND
STRENGTHENIN ELECTORAL
G THE REFORMS ON
POLITICAL 2010-07-27
PARTY
SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATIN
G FUNDS
THEREFOR AND
FOR OTHER
PURPOSES)

● House PASSED AS A
Bill/Resolution SENATE BILL
NO. HB06551
(The Political Party
Development Act Of
2012)

16th Congress
REFERRAL TO
THE
● House COMMITTEE ON
Bill/Resolution SUFFRAGE AND
NO. HB00308 ELECTORAL
REFORMS ON

64
(AN ACT Aims to 2013-07-23
STRENGTHENING THE strengthen the
POLITICAL PARTY political party
SYSTEM, system in the
APPROPRIATING country in order
FUNDS THEREFOR to develop,
AND FOR OTHER achieve genuine
PURPOSES) political
development
and
democratization
. REFERRAL TO
THE
COMMITTEE
ON SUFFRAGE
● House AND
Bill/Resolution ELECTORAL
NO. HB00389 REFORMS ON
(AN ACT 2013-07-23
STRENGTHENING
THE POLITICAL Seeks to
PARTY SYSTEM, institutionalize
APPROPRIATING and strengthen
FUNDS THEREFOR, political
AND FOR OTHER parties in the
PURPOSES) country by
introducing
reforms in
campaign
financing and
provide
financial REFERRAL TO
subsidies to THE
political COMMITTEE ON
parties to SUFFRAGE AND
● House augment their ELECTORAL
Bill/Resolution expenditures REFORMS ON
NO. HB03242 for campaign.

65
(AN ACT 2013-11-18
STRENGTHENIN
G THE
POLITICAL
PARTY
SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATIN
G FUNDS
THEREFOR AND
FOR OTHER
PURPOSES)
REFERRAL TO
● House THE
Bill/Resolution COMMITTEE
NO. HB03978 ON RULES ON
(The Political Party 2014-02-24
Development Act of
2014)

To strengthen
the political
party system
Institutionalize
reforms in the
financing of
electoral
campaigns, so
as to promote
accountability
and
transparency;
promotes party
loyalty and
discipline; and
encourages
and supports

66
17TH CONGRESS continuing
voter’s REFERRAL TO
● House education and THE
Bill/Resolution civic literacy COMMITTEE ON
NO. HB00490 programs PEACE,
(AN ACT GRANTING through the RECONCILIATIO
AMNESTY TO political N AND UNITY
MEMBERS OF THE parties. ON 2016-07-26
COMMUNIST PARTY
OF THE
PHILIPPINES-NEW
PEOPLES
ARMY-NATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC FRONT
(CPP-NPA-NDF) AND
OTHER INDIVIDUALS
AND GROUPS
INVOLVED IN PAST
POLITICAL
CONFLICTS)
REFERRAL TO
● House THE
Bill/Resolution COMMITTEE
NO. HB00522 ON SUFFRAGE
(The Political AND
Party ELECTORAL
Development Act REFORMS ON
Of 2016) 2016-07-27

REFERRAL TO
THE
COMMITTEE ON
SUFFRAGE AND

67
● House ELECTORAL
Bill/Resolution REFORMS ON
NO. HB00697 2016-07-27
(AN ACT
STRENGTHENING THE
POLITICAL PARTY
SYSTEM AND
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS THEREFORE)

REFERRAL TO
● House THE
Bill/Resolution COMMITTEE
NO. HB01695 ON SUFFRAGE
( AN ACT AND
STRENGTHENI ELECTORAL
NG THE REFORMS ON
POLITICAL 2016-08-02
PARTY
SYSTEM AND
APPROPRIATI
NG FUNDS
THEREFORE)

REFERRAL TO
● House THE
Bill/Resolution COMMITTEE ON
NO. HB07088 SUFFRAGE AND
FULL TITLE : AN ACT ELECTORAL
STRENGTHENING THE REFORMS ON
POLITICAL PARTY 2018-02-06
SYSTEM,
APPROPRIATING
FUNDS THEREFOR
AND FOR OTHER
PURPOSES

68
COMELEC NATIONA
L

IPER NATIONA ● IPER revived the


L initiative in 2008
in the 14th
Congress,
initiating a
conference-review
of the bill, and
establishing a
separate
Consortium for
Political Party
Reforms (CPPR),
and participating
in congressional
hearings of the
bill.

● IPER engages
various
governmental

69
institutions such as
the Philippine
Congress, the
Executive
Department and its
agencies,
constitutional
bodies, as well as
the local
governments
regarding the
legislation and
implementation of
political and
electoral reforms.

● Participation in the
first and only
National Party
Conference and
supported its
resolution to
strengthen the
political party
system in the
Philippines.

● IPER, through the


Consortium on
Electoral Reforms
(CER), of which it
serves as the
secretariat,
together with the
support and
participation of the
respective
committees on
electoral reforms
in the Senate and
House of
Representatives,
drafted the bill on
political reforms.

70
● IPER participates
in the project of
the PDP-Laban
and the
administration
Duterte to pursue
federalism through
charter change
wherein among
the proposals was
to include
provisions in the
new constitution
on political party
reforms.

● Promotes higher
awareness among
the politicians,
public officials,
and the general
public on the need
for political party
reforms.

● IPER has
succeeded in
putting political
party reforms in
the national
agenda.

LIBERAL NATIONA ● Initiate internal


PARTY L party reforms

● Senate Bill 226: To Pending in the


An Act institutionalize Committee
Strengthening the and strengthen (8/2/2016)
Political Party the political
System parties and
penalize

71
turncoatism

AKBAYAN NATIONA ● Initiate a internal


PARTYLIS L party reform
T
● HB no. 2283 REFERRAL TO
(An act amending RA no. THE
7941 , otherwise known COMMITTEE ON
as the "Party- list SUFFRAGE AND
System Act) ELECTORAL
REFORMS ON
2016-08-09

● HB no. 3200
(Promoting Women REFERRAL TO
Participation and THE
Equitable Representation COMMITTEE ON
in and by Political Parties WOMEN AND
giving incentives GENDER
therefore, creating the EQUALITY ON
women in political parties 2016-08-30
empowerment fund, and
for other purposes)

PDP-LABA LOCAL ● Proposed PDP In order to


N Laban Model of establish strong
PH and cohesive
Federalism political parties,
Parliament shall
be mandated to
promote the
development of
political parties
as public

72
institutions that
shall serve as a
mechanism for
communication
and cooperation
between the
people and the
government,
facilitating
political
organization
and
representation.

BOPK LOCAL

CENVISNE LOCAL
T

Analysis

Table 3​ shows that the number of bills passed supported and contributed by various local

and national institutions passed only up to the committee level before it was all

consolidated. The COMELEC did not have any initiatives it was explained by the

institution that they can only support a reform or any policy that is of their area of

expertise. They will only be referred to by the Congress if it is about the institution itself.

The table shows that from the 13th Congress until the 17th Congress they did not have

any direct involvement of any political party system reform proposed in the Philippines.

The table also showed that numerous bills passed but with different main focus point

73
such as a reform about the political party system issue on political turncoatism,

subsidiary fund etc.

Data Interpretation

In order to understand the whole phenomena of the study, the theoretical framework will

be utilized to contextualize the theories postulated by the researchers.

In the Political Survival model, government officials protect the society’s interests as

power holders in order to maintain and expand their advantage over resources. It assumes

that politicians operate in a logic of opportunistic politics, in which decision-makers

manipulate policies to achieve desired means. Reform occurs when it provides the

personal political survival or the personal interests of political leaders (Reich 1995).

It has been recognized that the problematic functioning of political parties is a

phenomenon that is happening at a global level. In his research, Thomas Carothers

describes parties as the “weakest link” because they always characterize what he calls as

a “standard lament” – parties are corrupt, self-interested organizations, dominated by

power hungry elites, who only pursue their own interests or those of their rich financial

backers and not those of ordinary citizens. Parties multiply behaviors of corrupt financing

as they increasingly work hard to win votes, which fuel their need for money to finance

their campaigns.

Reforming the political party system in the Philippines depends on the decisions of the

policy-makers wherein their decisions rely on the advantages they would receive from

their actions. Political parties are supposed to perform the important functions of

74
candidate selection, leadership formation, interest aggregation and agenda development.

But in the Philippines, parties can be best described as “temporary political alliances.”

Some would even go to the extent of saying there are no real parties in the country and

what we have are mere “fans club” of politicians. This is usually blamed on our political

leaders and politicians, and their inability to go beyond their political ambitions and

vested interests. The people are also sometimes blamed for not participating in partisan

politics and for not voting according to party affiliations. Pundits even claim that the

political parties’ lack of ideological orientation are due to the politicians who behave the

way they do because people do not vote according to party platforms or programs.

Evolution, Motivation and Challenges

I. Evolution

There had been a lot of efforts or initiatives exerted by the different institutions

selected by the researchers. The researchers look into the bills filed by the Congress, it

started with the Political Party Development Act of 2002 in the 13th Congress up to the

17th Congress. However as to the evolution of these bills there are a lot of bills filed by

the Congress but still these bills either passes as a senate bill or its status remained in the

committee level. Every bill filed has the same intention or substantive topic, in other

words there is a repetitive filing without taking into consideration the redundancy of the

initiative. Despite this, it still remained in the committee level and failed to be consistent

in continuity of its policy.

75
As to other institutions aside from the congress, to the political parties such as LIBERAL

and AKBAYAN, their members initiated efforts in reforming the political party system

not just as his duty as a legislator but also as a stalwart of the political party, as the

achievement of the members is also credited and achievements of the party.

II. Motivation

There are no genuinely democratic political parties at present. Political parties

play second fiddle to political families, clans and dynasties. According to the

COMELEC, there is no establishment of real political party system where its members

are loyal and committed to their parties. But the truth is, there is no real political party

system in the country, as members shift alliances out of convenience and survival, not out

of party principles and platform of government.

With how the political parties delineated, The researchers was able to determine what

motivates them in reforming the political party system, institutions sees that there is a

need to reform and upholds to strengthen the political party system that is democratic,

broad-based, discipline and effective. Motivating that there is need for these political

parties to be treated as public institutions, with corresponding support from the state also

answerable to the peoples for their acts. There is a need for a party discipline among the

members of the parties and also what makes to motivate in reforming the system is that

76
promoting democratic internal party process, particularly in selection, training, and

campaign of candidates. Most of those interviewed agreed that even where strict laws and

regulations have been adopted, Taking into considerations the political parties such as

LIBERAL and AKBAYAN which initiated for an internal party reform. Parties

themselves have a responsibility to adopt internal reforms. There are always loopholes

and the laws can be circumvented if parties do not commit themselves to reform and

voluntarily adapt monitoring mechanisms. Internal party reform is needed to complement

and reinforce legislative requirements.

III. Challenges

Local and National Institutions were interviewed by researchers through set up

questions that would enable them to identify the challenges of involving in political party

system reform initiatives. The researchers classified the information from Government

Institutions ( Congress & Commission on Election), Non-government Institutions (

Institute of Political and Electoral Reform and a Political Party (LIBERAL). all

institutions mentioned thinks that there are still lapses in the Philippines political party

system. The researchers included political parties so that the opinion and also as an

affected party to the reforms being proposed. Political parties serve as means to carry out

programs and agenda that reflect people’s aspiration but right now, political parties,

particularly ruling political parties, are more significant to politicians, and less to

citizens( Liberal Party, 2018). One major factor that makes our political parties weak is

the dependence of political parties on personalities rather than on issues and political

77
platforms. Traditional politicians only use Political Parties as financial vehicles to win

elections. There is absence of party loyalty as well as adherence to the party's ideological

principles, platforms, and programs. There is, arguably, the absence of a real and

democratic Political Party System in the country (Congress). It was also mentioned by

the Institute of Political and Electoral Reform that the dominance of political dynasties,

the political patronage system and the remnants of the Marcos dictatorial regime. The

Political dynasties have supplanted the political parties in its role as the main channel for

political contestation, not on in electoral contests but even during the governance period.

They prefer personalistic and elitist politics over any participative democratic politics. A

political dynasty in power may not want a genuine political party to disrupt traditional

politics . The political patronage system include largesse base on holding the political

power. This includes the financial gains, government appointments, government

contracts, favors, and other privileges of power. Those who benefit from the patronage

system may not support a genuine political party system which stresses party discipline,

programs and rules. The remnants of the Marcos Dictatorship are still with us, not only in

the family , in politics, but also their cronies. They still control a large part of the nation’s

wealth and do not want a genuine political party reforms that requires agreement among a

critical mass of the various elite political families, clans and dynasties, if done through

legislations. If viable, charter change can achieve the same thing ( Institute of Political

and Electoral Reforms, 2018). Some challenges also mentioned that After the 2016

elections, the Liberal Party, despite having won several local and national posts,

including the vice-presidency, suffered a mass exodus of its members, switching to the

78
ruling political party. But their departure from LP only made the party strive to redefine

itself into a genuine people’s party where ordinary citizens and not just politicians get to

participate and have a voice in the discussions and processing of the party (Liberal Party,

2018). The Commission on Elections believe that a two-party system is a more efficient

and reliable method than the multi-party in the political party system it is treated as a

detriment rather than an effective method (COMELEC, 2018). The institutions also

pointed out the negative and positive aspect of the political party system in the

Philippines. On the negative side, historically, the balimbingan or party switching has

been a long time practice among politicians, Everytime we elect a new president,

politicians flock to the political party of the incumbent president until a new president

from another political party gets elected given the absence of strong party system, this is

expected (Liberal Party, 2018). The political party system is seen as personality-based,

financially dependent on financiers and wealthy members, lipservice to party ideals and

principles, prone to turncoatism and has a weak political base and membership

recruitment (IPER, 2018). On a positive note, The political party system allows for

anyone, including those who will not have a chance in a two party system, to participate

in the electoral process.

Analysis

The answer that the respondents were able to supply to the researchers were all

different but one things they have in common is the need to strengthen the political party

79
system in the Philippines. Each institution gave the respondents different reasons as to

why they find it weak and in need for improvement. The respondents mentioned

patronage politics as one of the biggest explanation as to the cause of the current

condition of the political party system in the Philippines. It already became a tradition

among the Filipino citizens that when election is fast approaching they do not decide for

a candidate based on their platform and aspirations for the community but instead vote

for someone that can be easily approached in times of troubles and can provide them

short term relief when they need it. Each institution’s involvement on political party

system reforms can be seen from year 2004 until present but the data shows that the

proposals are not consistent and strong enough to be able to pass successfully. The

motivations from different institutions strive to change different aspects of the political

party system. The institutions strive to strengthen the political party system it should be

democratic, broad-based, disciplined and effective ( IPER, 2018).

Data Interpretation

In order to understand the whole phenomena of the study, the theoretical

framework will be utilized to contextualize the theories postulated by the researchers.

Punctuated Equilibrium Model (Baumgartner and Jones 1991) which proposes that once

an idea gets attention it will expand rapidly and become unstoppable. Many ideas are

competing for attention but then something happens at some point. The process comes

about from external events that disrupt the political system, particularly the ones that are

80
big enough to disrupt or punctuate its equilibrium. First, one has to show that

punctuations occur and second that they occur because of political changes. Punctuated

equilibrium is the process of interaction of beliefs and values concerning particular policy

with the existing set of political institutions. It explains both times of extreme stability

and short periods of rapid change.

The Punctuated Equilibrium Model of change "sees organisations as evolving through

relatively long periods of stability in their basic patterns of activity that are punctuated by

relatively short bursts of fundamental change" (Burnes, 2009). ​The method studies the

evolution of policy change, including the evolution of conflicts. The theory suggests that

most social systems exist in an extended period of stasis, which are later punctuated by

sudden shifts in radical change. The theory was largely inspired from the biological

theory ​of ​punctuated equilibrium developed by paleontologists ​Niles Eldredge and

Stephen Jay Gould​. The model states that policy generally changes only incrementally

due to several restraints, namely the "stickiness" of institutional cultures, vested interests,

and the ​bounded rationality of individual decision-makers. Policy change will thus be

punctuated by changes in these conditions, especially in party control of ​government​, or

changes in ​public opinion​. Thus policy is characterized by long periods of stability,

punctuated by large - though less frequent - changes due to large shifts in society or

government.

81
CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter of the study seeks to encapsulate the findings, conclusions and that

were generated under the specified tools of the study in response to the objectives

reflected herein. Further, recommendations are derived as significant actions points that

are drawn from the study.

Summary of Findings

Parties have always been viewed negatively, but they still persist, because the

functions they perform are necessary. Political parties are central to any political system.

It is generally acknowledged that they have two essential roles: interest articulation and

interest aggregation. They serve as the essential link between the government and the

people and are vital institutions for democratic consolidation. None of these roles is

performed by groups of politicians labeled as political parties in the Philippines.

Parties are also used for other purposes such as the consolidation of a support base, and a

medium for patronage and clientelism. Parties are indistinguishable and unstable because

82
they are personality-based and have a weak institutional inclination. Platforms are not

developed. Membership is temporary and loyalty to the party is hardly existing.

The researchers have found that there are several political institutions in the Philippines

such as Congress, ​Institute of Political and Electoral Reform (IPER), Bando Osmeña –

Pundok Kauswagan (BOPK), ​Akbayan Citizens' Action Party, Partido Demokratiko

Pilipino–Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban), ​Liberal Party, ​ that make efforts in reforming the

political party system.

The negative characterizations apply in the Philippines where the political landscape is

dominated by political turncoats and where political parties do not represent ideologies.

A political party reform is therefore seen as to address the problem inherent among

political parties and strengthen them.

The initiatives they have taken up aims to strengthen the operation of political parties in

the country and it also addresses what is rampant in the political culture of the country

(e.i, political turncoatism, Clientelism, Patronage politics, etc.).

Conclusions

Party politics is practiced in the Philippines yet it is no surprise that the impact of

political parties has not been favorable to democratization. Because of its lapses and its

inefficiency, it has failed to create useful policy choices and create better changes.

83
Parties do not do their tasks of interest aggregation but instead become as mechanisms for

patronage politics to perpetuate vested interests. In other words, when we talk of parties

in the Philippines, there is a wide gap between standard and practice. Consequently, the

public often views efforts aimed at party-strengthening as mere attempts to further

entrench traditional politics and elite interests.

This is perhaps the greatest challenge in changing the country’s party system. And yet,

both governmental and non-governmental institutions in the Philippines strive for change

wherein reform initiatives have been drawn up from different political institutions. The

expected outcome from these initiatives are to institutionalize and strengthen political

parties as pillars of the country’s democratic system trough instituting reforms in

campaign financing for transparency; providing equal opportunity to all political parties;

promoting party loyalty, discipline and adherence to ideological principles; instituting

measures to make political parties viable instruments of development and good

governance.

Recommendations

The researchers shal have five (5) recommendations. The first recommendation is

that the political parties be treated as public institutions, with corresponding support from

the state and also answerable to the people for their acts. The second recommendation is

to ban political turncoatism and strengthen party discipline. The third recommendation is

to set up a state subsidy fund to ensure the viability of genuine political parties. The

84
fourth recommendation is to promote equal gender representation in political parties,

particularly in candidate selection, membership and official positions.and Lastly, to

promote democratic internal party process, particularly in selection, training, and

campaign of candidates.

85
BIBLIOGRAPHY

No Author

Electoral System, Parties and Bureaucracy: The Missing Links in the Charter Change
Debate. (2006).​Senate Economic Planning Office

Building the Philippine Political Party System.​ Office of the Ombudsman

Jackson III, J., Bigiloo, N., & Green, J. (1992-2004).​ The State of the Party Elites:
National Convention Delegates.

Political Institutions and Governance. (2002). In ​World Development Report 2002​ (pp.

99-116).

Books

Brillantes, A. B., Jr., & Fernandez, M. T. (2011). ​Restoring Trust and Building Integrity
in Government: Issues and Concerns in the Philippines and Areas for Reform​ (2nd ed.,
Vol. 12). International Public Management Review.

Lande, C.H. (1965). Politics in the Philippines​ (East Asian Series). Kansas: East Asian
Studies, University of Kansas.

Co, E., Tigno, J., Lao, M.E., & Sayo, M., (2005).​ Philippine Democracy Assessment
(Free and Fair Elections and the Democratic Role of Political Parties. Friedrich Ebert
Stiftung

Periodical Articles

Agenda on Political and Electoral Reforms For Candidates and Political Parties of the
Upcoming 2010 Elections. (2010). ​Citizen Reform Agenda 2010: Political and Electoral
Reforms. ​Retrieved March 29, 2018, from https://ateneo.edu/sites/default/files/political
and electoral_final.pdf.

86
Montinola, G.R. (1999). Politicians, Parties,and the Persistence of Weak States: Lessons
from the Philippines. 30(4): 739-774.

Rocamora, J. (2004). ​Party Building and Local Governance in the Philippines.​ 3: 51-68.

Electronic Publications

About IPER. (2005). Retrieved March 29, 2018, from http://iper.org.ph/about.html#WI

Abueva, J. V. (2003). Why Reform Our Political Parties and Electoral System—A
Primer. Retrieved March 29, 2018, from
https://joseabueva.blogspot.com/2006/05/why-reform-our-political-parties-and.html

Aceron, J., Teehankee, J., Encinas-Franco, J., & Leonillo, G. (2009). ​Reforming the
​ riedrich
Philippine Political Party System: Ideas and Initiatives, debates and dynamics. F
Ebert Stiftung

Aceron, J., & Leonillo, G. (2009). ​Perspectives of the Reform – Minded on the Political
Party Reform Legislation. ​Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES)

Boddy-Evans, A. (2017, November 2). The Complete Story Behind Powerful Political
Institutions. Retrieved March 29, 2018, from
https://www.thoughtco.com/political-institutions-44026

Butler, R.L. ​Party Leadership in the Republican House. Rowan University. ​Retrieved
February 23, 2018, from uakron.edu

Casiple, M. (2008). Clarifying political party reform. Retrieved March 29, 2018, from
https://moncasiple.wordpress.com/2008/09/03/clarifying-political-party-reform/.

Cutting Edge Global Public Innovations Conference. (2013, October 3). ​Friedrich Ebert
Stiftung (FES). ​Retrieved March 29, 2018, from
http://www.fes.org.ph/events/cutting-edge-global-public-innovations-conference/

Hofmeister, W., & Grabow, K. (2011). ​Political Parties: Functions and Organization in
Democratic Societies. ​Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

Kuhonta, E.M. ​The Institutional Imperative in Reforming the Philippine’s Political Party
​ etrieved February 23, 2018, from academia.edu
System. R

Rocamora, J. (2006, November 21). Political Parties in Constitutional Reform. Retrieved


March 29, 2018, from https://www.tni.org/es/node/7392#1

87
Rocamora, J. (1998). ​Philippine Political Parties, Electoral System and Political Reform.
Retrieved February 23, 2018, from ​http://www.philsol.nl/

Lande, C.H. (1965). ​Leaders, Factions and Parties: The Structure of Philippine Politics​.
Southeast Asia Studies, Yale University

​ ast Asian Series, Reprint


Lande, C.H. (1967). ​The Philippine Political Party System. E
No. 5

Manikas, P. M., & Thornton, L. L. (2003). ​Political Parties in Asia.​ Retrieved March 29,
2018, from https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/1681_asia_polparties_050404_0.pdf

Montero, J.R. (). ​The Literature on Political Parties: A Critical Reassessment.

Other Projects. (2017, June 07). Retrieved March 29, 2018, from
https://cyanpilipinas.com/projectsandactivities/other-projects/

Shift to federalism discussed in the second day of 15th CES Conference. (2016,
November). Retrieved March 29, 2018, from
http://www.cesboard.gov.ph/anniv2016/art10.html

Teehankee, J. (2012). ​Clientelism and Party Politics in the Philippines.

Wagener, H. (n.d.). ​How Does Good Governance Come About? On Evolution of


Iinstitutions​. 173-191. doi:10.1017/9781108235471.003

(n.d.). Retrieved March 29, 2018, from http://logodef.org/

88
LYNIELLE ZAIRAH R. CRISOLOGO

6000 Junquera St., Brgy. Kamagayan, G7


Residence Hall, Cebu City
lyniellecrisologo@gmail.com
09499941029

Personal Information
● Age  :19 
● Date of Birth   :September 3,1998  
● Place of Birth   :Cebu City  
● Gender   :Female  
● Civil Status   :Single 
● Nationality   :Filipino 
● Religion   :Roman Catholic  
● Languages spoken   :English, Tagalog, Surigonon  
Education Attainment
TERTIARY (2015-PRESENT) University of San Carlos

SECONDARY ​(2013-2015) La Salle University Integrated School


(​2011-2013) Mindanao State Of University
Iligan Institute of Technology

PRIMARY ​(2005-2011) Tubod Central Elementary School

Affiliations, Leadership or Achievement’s Received

LPS Member (2017-Present) – ​Leaders of Politics for Service

89
Member, Constitutional Convention of the Carolinian Political Science Society
Constitutional Reform​, Department of Political Science, University of San Carlos
(2017)

Member​, Girl Scout of the Philippines

Chairman​, School Press Conference Journalism

Silver ( 2​nd​ Placer ) honor roll ( Secondary level)

1​st​ honorable mention ( Primary Level)

​3rd​​ Placer​,​ Yes-O Camp Division Environmental Quiz bowl

News Editor , TCES school paper

1​st​ Placer School Press Conference District Level Journalism ( News Editor)

1​st​ Placer School Press Conference Division Level Journalism ( News Editor)

3​rd​ Placer School Press Conference District Level Journalism ( Editorial Cartooning)

References

Ms. Grace Magalzo-Bualat, MPS, LLB

Chair, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

gmbualat@usc.edu.ph

Mr. Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD

Adviser, Carolinian Political Science Society

Faculty Member, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

rejene_tanlakibul@gmail.com

90
Mr. Owen Dela Victoria, LLB

Adviser, Law and Policy Studies Track

Faculty Member, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

oodelavictoria@usc.edu.ph

ANGIE DOREEN KHO

6521 Hicgop Caridad Baybay City, Leyte


khoangiedoreen@gmail.com
09273521954

Personal Information
● Age  :18 
● Date of Birth   :June 29, 1999  
● Place of Birth   :Cebu City  
● Gender   :Female  
● Civil Status   :Single  
● Nationality   :Filipino  
● Religion   :Roman Catholic  
● Languages spoken   :English, Tagalog, Bisaya and
Waray-Waray  
Education Attainment
TERTIARY (2015-PRESENT) University of San Carlos

SECONDARY ​(2011-2015) Dr. Geronimo B. Zaldivar Memorial


School of Fisheries

PRIMARY ​(2005-2011) Albuera North Central School

Affiliations, Leadership or Achievement’s Received

91
Councilor (2018-2019) – University of San Carlos Supreme Student Council

First Year Batch Representative (2015-2016) - ​Carolinian Political Science Society

LPS Track Representative (2017-Present) – ​Leaders of Politics for Service

News Bureau Editor (2016-Present) – ​Political Science Nexus

Member (2015-Present​), Coalition of Democrats Political Party

Member (2017-Present), ​TINGOG Carolinian Party

Member (2015-Present), ​Leaders of Politics for Service

Member, Constitutional Convention of the Carolinian Political Science Society


Constitutional Reform​, Department of Political Science, University of San Carlos
(2017)

4​th​ Honorable Mention, - ​DGBZMSF Batch 2015

6​th​ Placer,​ Yes-O Camp Division Environmental Quiz bowl

References

Ms. Grace Magalzo-Bualat, MPS, LLB

Chair, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

gmbualat@usc.edu.ph

Mr. Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD

Adviser, Carolinian Political Science Society

Faculty Member, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

rejene_tanlakibul@gmail.com

92
Mr. Owen Dela Victoria, LLB

Adviser, Law and Policy Studies Track

Faculty Member, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

oodelavictoria@usc.edu.ph  
ASHLEY KATE S. PATALINJUG

1-448G BF City Homes, Poblacion,


Gun-ob Lapu –Lapu City, Cebu, Philippines
Email: ashley.patalinjug@yahoo.com
Mobile Number: 09156424064

Personal Information
● Age  : 18
● Date of Birth   : July 15, 1999
● Place of Birth   : Cebu City
● Gender   : Female
● Civil Status   : Single
● Nationality   : Filipino
● Religion   : Roman Catholic
● Languages spoken   : English, Tagalog, Bisaya, Spanish

Education Attainment
TERTIARY (2015-PRESENT) University of San Carlos

SECONDARY ​(2011-2015) St. Dominic Savio International School

PRIMARY ​(2005-2011) St. Dominic Savio International School

Affiliations, Leadership or Achievement’s Received

Member (2015-Present​), Coalition of Democrats Political Party

93
Participant (2016) ,​ USC Advance Algebra Quiz bowl

Commander in Chief (2012-Present), ​Citizen’s Army Training, SDSIS

Member (2012 – 2015), - ​SDSIS Supreme Student Council

Honorable mention​ (2011 – 2015), Saint Dominic Savio International School,


semesteral awards

References

Ms. Grace Magalzo-Bualat, MPS, LLB

Chair, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

gmbualat@usc.edu.ph

Mr. Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD

Adviser, Carolinian Political Science Society

Faculty Member, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

rejene_tanlakibul@gmail.com

Mr. Owen Dela Victoria, LLB

Adviser, Law and Policy Studies Track

Faculty Member, Department of Political Science

University of San Carlos, Cebu City

oodelavictoria@usc.edu.ph

94
Ms. Jovita B. Augusto

Directress, Student Affairs

Saint Dominic Savio International School, Lapu – Lapu City, Cebu

APPENDICES

COMMUNICATION VIA EMAIL (A)

95
96
TRANSMITTAL LETTERS (B)

97
98
99
TRANSCRIPTIONS (C)

COMELEC

Respondent: COMELEC only implement laws .. the fact and ila jud mandate is to enforce
and administer all laws related to elections which includes political parties. But as to
reforms, COMELEC has no say in it.

Kay ang ato political party is mandated by the constitution and the law governing it. Ang
trabaho rajud sa COMELEC when it comes to political parties is for accreditation and
regulation. Once wa accredit siya anha pa ang comelec maka acquire of jurisdiction niya.
Sama ang BOPK, BOPK is gikuan nila na political party but BOPK was not registered
with COMELEC as a political party until now still strictly and legally speaking kung
wala sila nagpa register sa COMELEC they are not covered by election laws thatis
enforce and administer. So imo tan awon BOPK , during election dili sila pwede magpa
nominate, dili sila maka issue og wala silay CONA, Certification. Kanang ila groupo they
usually ally with a national party, mu affiliate sila so mugawas pananglitan katong last
election, ang ilahang COC ang ila I attach is Liberal Party

Researcher: Mao attorney kay ang BOPK attorney is affiliated by the liberal

Respondent: Affiliated by liberal, so walay sila maka register sa COMELEC dili sila
under sa jurisdiction sa COMELEC

As to kanang, kung di ka ma political party , dili jud ka ma regulate sa comelec . what are
the disadvantages of political party? ​You are entitled of a copy of the election returns,
the certificate of canvass , result sa election entitled ka ana , you are entitled to a
watcher during election. You are entitled to nominate through a CONA
(POSTITIVE RESPONSE) . So in return your obligation is after the election you much
file a Certification of contribution and expenditures. Separate na siya sa kandidato as a
political party mu while sd ka ana kay entitled and usa ka kandidato ibutang ta ang
national election kay 3 pesos per voter kung dili ka independent naa kay CONA sa
political party the same entitled pud syag 3 pesos.
Ang atong political party naay national ang iyang kuan is national political party tibook
pilipinas pwede sya makakuha og members naa paju local, pananglitan kanang kang
Gullas , local political party na alayun bana? Naa poy sa lilioan si congressman benjor
santiago naa sd syay iya own political party within sa district sa liloan.

COMELEC pag accredit anang political party is just file ka ngadto sa manila and we
would verify your existence and your jurisdiction. Kung national kung diri ba if you
exist . naa bay kay mga officer na members sa imo jurisdiction mao nay role sa
COMELEC when it comes to political parties. Accreditation ang regulation .

100
Researcher: What do you think of a political party system here in the philippines sir?

Respondent: Well, sauna we started sa oanahon nila macapagal , nila arroyo , two party
now pag start katong kang Cory we have the 1987 consti. Nahimo nata na multi party
system First katong party sytem that was adopted pareha sa american system .The multi
party system was consituted kay ila purpose is para wider participation kay sauna kugn
dili ka kasulod sa duha mag independent lng ka. So kanang within the party masulod jud
ngadto mahulog na malimit ang participation sa uban.

Researcher: More on democratization sir?

Respondent: Oh, mao to na ga multi party ta the difference is when we have the multi
party system wala natay majority president plurality ra kay sa dghan na political parties
usually taas na gani ng maka 30% sa presidente, I think the lowest we had the time ni
ramos mubo ra kay to 16% percent ra iya nakuha sa total number of voters who cast their
votes during election no.

So ,kada election we have a minority president tapos ​ang problema sa party system
nato kay dili strong( NEGATIVE RESPONSE) They are political parties that do not
have ideology its not strong . usualy every after election who ever the president
mamalhin tanan (NEGATIVE RESPONSE)

Researcher: So naay turncoatism

Respondent: ​Oo turncoatism, so why ngano ingon mana siya because the party
system now is dili kaayo strong ang ideology(NEGATIVE RESPONSE)

Researcher: Do you support any political party reforms?

Respondent: Yes ofcourse, kabalo ka pareha karon unsa may nahitabo sa ato ron ,
personally lng ha because ​we ​in the COMELEC we can only ang enbanc can only
recommend or were just one of the many na panaglitan mag himo ang congress if
congress makes a reform or changes in the consti to make it a two system parties the
COMELEC is one of the many kanang resource person na ila ipatawag

Researcher: so then, naa bay time sir na gi kuan mos congress na to be part of the reform?

Respondent: Yes, kanang pananlitan sa usually ana kanang ila mga working group ana
inviteton pud nila ang comelec but we are just one of the many . dili gud na na ang
comelec ang mismo mu initiate until now gani we recommend the codification of all
election laws and its changes/amendments
Until now we started that 2010 pa until now It never pass congress wala pa gihpon.
Ang kuan ana ang mga election laws katag katag. There are provisions in the omnibus
code that was already amended super seated by later enactment of laws. Sama sa fair

101
elections ha have already amended the omnibus code when it comes to campaigning. We
wanted that to be codified na mausa ra usa ray tun an , na usa ray balaod ang tun an it
happen until now. So we have just want na personally, ako rasad na ganahan ko sa ​two
party system is because I would have wanted the president have a majority in the
votes to really show that he has teh mandate of the people(POSITIVE RESPONSE)

If he has the majority mandate by the people , naa jud syay strong mandate and a political
will na to implement and create reform he need to do , maygani ta ang ato president kay
strong how about ang uban. If our president cant control the congress mahimo ba niya na
iya na gusto na reform or projects to be implemented?

Just like what happen in Cebu City, Osmena has a strong mandate, dako syag labaw but
the problem is until na naa na ang SK he has no control over the kuan council which he
needs to implement his project and programs , gusto kag program dili ka ka funding?
How could you implement projects with no funding?
So thats the problem, however ​the two party system naa gyuy clear
mandate(POSITIVE RESPONSE) so, may gani ato president is strong his people
knows how to manipulate congress, what if makakuan ta na sgeg babag ang congress?
So, that is the advantage of the two political party system.

If the political party resist reforms, ang mahitabo theres no changes in the politics
and the leadership of the party , ang pag made sad changes sa ato gobyerno perting
sang lisora (NEGATIVE RESPONSE)

we are not used of strong political parties especially when we are born in a 1987
constitution
Some parties don’t even bother to explain what are their platforms and their
ideologies
They just sing and dance. Because we are people centered
They talk about theirselves, (NEGATIVE RESPONSE)

In the part of the comelec, sama sa ako gi ingon ang ra is Accreditation and regulation
only. Thats it under the law and under the constitution, wala mi paki kung unsa ila
ideology, unsa ila buhaton within the party .

INSTITUTE OF POLITICAL AND ELECTORAL REFORM (IPER)

1. Can you enlighten us the political party system reform initiatives this institution has
proposed for a better political party system? What are the outcomes of these initiatives?

102
IPER has been involved in political party reforms since 2002, participated in the first and
only National Party Conference and supported its resolution to strengthen the political
party system. It also co-sponsored and participated in the subsequent top-level workshop
of party leaders and legislators to agree on an enabling law to implement it. IPER,
through the Consortium on Electoral Reforms (CER), of which it serves as the secretariat,
and with support and participation of the respective committees on electoral reforms in
the Senate and House of Representatives, drafted the bill on political reforms. Then
House Speaker Jose De Venecia primarily authored the bill in the House of
Representatives, while Senator Edgardo Angara likewise filed a senate version of the bill.
The unity for the bill started to crumble when GMA announced her candidacy for the
2004 presidential elections and the subsequent Garcillano tapes scandal. The presidential
legitimacy crisis prevented developments on the bill despite GMA’s own endorsement in
her 10- point “legacy program” and its inclusion in the Medium-Term Development
Program. IPER revived the initiative in 2008 in the 14th Congress, initiating A
conference-review of the bill, and establishing a separate Consortium for Political Party
Reforms (CPPR), and participating in congressional hearings on the bill. The bill was
passed on third reading in the House of Representatives. It was also issued as a
committee report signed by 18 senators in the 15th Congress. However, it was not
discussed in the second reading. This was the farthest the bill reached in Congress. The
bill was re-filed in the 16th and 17th Congresses but has not left the committee level.

In the meantime, IPER is participating in the project of the PDP-Laban and the
administration Duterte to pursue federalism through charter change. Among other
proposals, it proposed to include provisions in the new constitution on political party
reforms.

2. What challenges have you encountered in providing support for political parties? How
did you overcome those challenges?

IPER, by its mandate, does not support any political party. It supports the establishment
of genuine political parties and a strong and effective political party system as requisites
for strengthening Philippine democracy.

The main challenges encountered in this advocacy are the existence and dominance of
political dynasties, the political patronage system, and the remnants of the Marcos
dictatorial regime. Political dynasties have supplanted the political parties in its role as
the main channel for political contestation, not on in electoral contests but even during
the governance period. They prefer personalistic and elitist politics over any participative

103
democratic politics. A political dynasty in power may not want a genuine political party
system to disrupt traditional politics.

The political patronage system includes largesse based on holding the political power.
This includes financial gains, government appointments, government contracts, favors,
and other privileges of power. Those who benefit from the patronage system may not
support a genuine political party system which stresses party discipline, programs, and
rules. The remnants of the Marcos dictatorship are still with us, not only in the family in
politics, but also their cronies. They still control a large part of the nation’s wealth and do
not want a genuine political party system to restrict their growth and to a path to return to
power.

Instituting genuine political party reforms requires agreement among a critical mass of
the various elite political families, clans and dynasties, if done through legislations. If
viable, charter change can achieve the same thing.

3. As an institution that upholds strong ideals, what aspects of the political party system
in the Philippines are highly seen as negative and positive?

a. Personality-based political parties


b. Financially dependent on financiers and wealthy members
c. Lip service to party ideals and principles
d. Prone to turncoatism
e. Weak political base and membership recruitment

4. What part of the political party system in the Philippines does the institution strive to
change or reform?

IPER upholds the strengthening of the whole political party system that is democratic,
broad-based, disciplined, and effective.

Within this context, it proposes the following:

a. That the political parties be treated as public institutions, with corresponding support
from the state and also answerable to the people for their acts.
b. It also supports the ban on political turncoatism and strengthening of party disciple.
c. It proposes the setting up of a state subsidy fund to ensure the viability of genuine
political parties.

104
d. It promotes equal gender representation in political parties, particularly in candidate
selection, membership, and official positions.
e. Lastly, it promotes democratic internal party process, particularly in selection, training,
and campaign of candidates.

5. With your advocacies for necessary constitutional, legislative, and other political
reforms necessary to build and consolidate Philippine democracy, what have you
accomplished so far in regards of reforming the political party system in the Philippines?

The accomplishment so far is in the higher awareness among the politicians, public
officials, and the general public on the need for political party reforms. It has also
succeeded in putting political party reforms in the national agenda.

6. How can IPER achieve to develop in becoming a major center in the Philippine
democratic reform movement?

It is already a major center in political and electoral reform. As the first independent
political institute in the country, it has initiated, participated or led in many political
reform projects. However, it needs to more actively participate in empowerment of the
people themselves for effective participation in Philippine democracy.

7. What do you think of the current condition of the Philippines political party system?

There are no genuinely democratic political parties at present. Political parties play
second fiddle to political families, clans and dynasties.

8. Among all the efforts you have made in pursuit of a stronger political party system in
the Philippines what action of this institution made a bigger impact and influence than
others in reaching the objective of strengthening political parties?

The initiative of the coming together of political parties to pursue political party reforms
and subsequent organization of the CPPR constitute the major achievement so far. If
realized, the inclusion of pertinent provisions in the proposed constitution has also the
potential of a decisive victory for political party reforms.

9. What can we expect from this institution in pursuit of strengthening the political party
system in the Philippines?

105
IPER will continue to pursue political party reforms in various ways and in different
venues. After all, it believes, of all political reforms, political party reforms will
decisively address the various ills of the political syste, including personalistic politics,
patronage politics, the politics of “guns, goons, and gold,” and elitist politics.

LIBERAL PARTY

1. What does the party think of the current condition of the political
party system of the Philippines?
In theory, political parties serve as a means to carry out programs and agenda
that reflect the people’s aspirations. They are avenues for citizens to actively
engage in governance, exercising their basic democratic rights, breathing life
to the phrase “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
But while there are mechanisms that enumerate the process and
requirements for registration with the Comelec, lacking are those that
encourage and strengthen the institution of political parties. Political parties in
the Philippines are also largely based on personality rather than on principles
and ideologies.Right now, political parties, particularly ruling political parties, are
moresignificant to politicians, and less to citizens.

2. What is the party’s opinion on the reforms of political party system


in the Philippines?
The political party system in the Philippines has not really changed much
since the restoration of democracy in 1986. Besides the processes and
requirements for registration with the Comelec, Article IX-C, Section 6 of the
1987 Constitution states that:
“A free and open party system shall be allowed to evolve according to the
free choice of the people, subject to the provisions of this Article,”
legislation is still needed in order to strengthen the political party system in the
Country.

3. What challenges have you encountered in providing support for the


strengthening of political parties? How did you overcome those
challenges?
After the 2016 elections, the Liberal Party, despite having won several local
and national posts, including the vice-presidency, suffered a mass exodus of
its members, switching to the ruling political party.
But their departure from LP only made the party strive to redefine itself into a
genuine people’s party where ordinary citizens and not just politicians get to

106
participate and have a voice in the discussions and processes of the party.
Our online recruitment platform has generated a lot of new members among
regular folk (in contrast to politicians), including young people. They are now
engaged politically, in various issues facing them and the country.

4. As an Institution that upholds strong ideals, what aspects of the


political party system in the Philippines are highly seen as negative and
positive?
Negative:
Historically, balimbingan or party switching has been a long-time practice
among politicians. Every time we elect a new president, politicians flock to the
political party of the incumbent president until a new president from another
political party gets elected.
Given the absence of strong party system, this is expected.
Positive:
The multi-party system allows for anyone, including those who will not have a
chance in a two-party system, to participate in the electoral process.

5. Can you enlighten us the political party system reform initiatives this
political party has proposed for a better political party system? What are
the outcomes of these initiatives?
A party stalwart, Sen. Franklin Drilon, has filed Senate Bill 226, or an Act
Strengthening the Political Party System, which intends to institutionalize and
strengthen political parties as pillars of the country’s democratic system
through instituting reforms in campaign financing for transparency; providing
equal opportunity to all political parties; promoting party loyalty, discipline, and
adherence to ideological principles; instituting measures to make political
parties viable instruments of development and good governance.
However the said bill is still pending in the Senate Committee on Electoral
Reforms and People’s Participation.

6. What part of the political party system in the Philippines does the
institution strive to change or reform?
Please see answers on Question 5.
7. Among all the efforts you have made in pursuit of a stronger political
party system in the Philippines what action of this institution made a
bigger impact and influence than others in reaching the objective of
strengthening political parties?
Also please see answers on Question 5

107
BUDGET PLANNING

Estimated Budget Money Allocation

Printing Co
sts

Ring Binding P50.00 x 5 = P250.00

Printing Fees - inclusive of research P750.00


instrument printing

Subtotal: P1000.00

Transportation Fees

Transportation Costs P500.00

Subtotal: P500.00

Total: P1500.00

108
BIBLIOGRAPHY

No Author

Electoral System, Parties and Bureaucracy: The Missing Links in the Charter Change
Debate. (2006).​Senate Economic Planning Office

Building the Philippine Political Party System.​ Office of the Ombudsman

Jackson III, J., Bigiloo, N., & Green, J. (1992-2004).​ The State of the Party Elites:
National Convention Delegates.

Political Institutions and Governance. (2002). In ​World Development Report 2002​ (pp.

99-116).

Books

Brillantes, A. B., Jr., & Fernandez, M. T. (2011). ​Restoring Trust and Building Integrity
in Government: Issues and Concerns in the Philippines and Areas for Reform​ (2nd ed.,
Vol. 12). International Public Management Review.

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