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Zachary Rhoads
Professor McAllister
8 February 2019
The United States is the land of the free built on a foundation of fundamental human
rights and laws ; or at least most Americans would like to think that is the case. Unfortunately
the United State, like every county in the world, has its own set of problems. This paper will
focus on the rights every American and the consequent laws put forth to protect the amended
rights. Marc Tran’s “Combatting Gender Privilege and Recognizing a Woman’s Right to Privacy
in Public Spaces: Arguments to Criminalize Catcalling and Creepshots” will be analyzed and
critiqued as the purpose of his research. Tran explains his stance on the criminalization of street
harassment and some of the steps he believes should be taken to achieve a meaningful law
enactment. Unfortunately for Tran, his argument is too broad and provides little information that
provides a clear reason that will make street harassment a criminal offense. His argument, or lack
thereof, will ultimately render his writing as insignificant; or at least his argument on
Tran, a J.D. candidate at the University of California Hastings School of Law, argues for
the criminalization of “catcalling” and “creepshots”. Focus we be shifted away from creepshot
and based solely on the criminalization of catcalling. I will agree with Tran, that street
harassment is a problem. It is unfortunate people, especially women, have to worry about sexual
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or threatening remarks made at them whilst in a public space. Yet, this is not a problem that laws
and government can fix. There is a larger social issue that has risen that must be fixed by society.
Tran argues that street harassment can lead to physical violence and even rape. He follows by
saying the street harassment could have an emotional toll on the victim. Yes these issues could
all be possible but, does that make it a criminal offense because something might happen. A
friendly conversation with a stranger could turn violent, so does that mean speaking with
strangers should be illegal? There is always a chance something could happen to anyone. It is
harassment in their lifetimes, [m]ore than half (57%) of all women had experienced verbal
harassment, and 41% of all women had experienced physically aggressive forms,
including sexual touching (23%), following (20%), flashing (14%), and being forced to do
describes a horrific amount of women that had experienced street harassment. Unfortunately the
study did not include men nor did the survey describe the frequency of street harassment. Using
this survey alone does not provide enough information to conclude whether street harassment is a
gender related issue, but it is a common assumption that women are more often harassed than
their male counter parts. There should be efforts made to identify what street harassment looks
like and how people can stop themselves from partaking in the action. Public projects could be
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made or advertisements could be made to show what street harassment is and how people can
Tran opens his argument with what he calls a “legal solution.” The so called “solution” is
a Kansas City’s City Councils ordinance concerning street harassment. Tran explains that the
ordinance can provide the framework for other cities and municipalities to create their own
anti-street harassment ordinances. Unfortunately the ordinance does not explain or describe the
type of street harassment is trying to combat in the first place. Yes the ordinance can serve as a
foundation for new laws, there is not disputing that fact; yet for the ordinance to be taken
seriously for lawmakers looking to specifically stop street harassment, it should have been added
to the original Kansas City ordinance. The ordinance lacks the representation of street
harassment in the form in which Tran is trying to make an argument against. The Kansas City
City Counsel had the opportunity to address harassment that is directed towards someone in a
sexualised or unwanted attention, but the ordinance only emphasises harassment in the form of a
threat.
Tran tranzitions and tried to explain the arguments against criminalising street
harassment. He generalizes and claims that proponents of anti-criminalization fall into three
categories “(1) opinions that criminalizing street harassment is too extreme, (2) questions about
what enforcement would look like, and (3) whether enforcement would be effective” (Tran 6).
Tran counters the first argument by discussion domestic violence. In about two paragraphs, Tran
explains that street harassment can be seen in the same light as domestic violence. He explains
that domestic violence in today's society is seen as an expected prosecutable offense and should
be treated as one and that since domestic violence is seen as a non controversial offense, street
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harassment might one day be also seen as a non controversial offense (Tran 7). He does explain
that there are difference between the two offenses, but does not explain the severity of each
offense. Although street harassment can lead to physical altercations, domestic violence is
exactly that; a violante act that involves a physical action upon a person. To imply street
harassment can be categorized with domestic violence is a stretch. Surely, if an instance of street
harassment becomes physical, a more harsh punishment would be given, but trying to compare
street harassment and domestic violence would be the same as trying to argue oranges and apples
are the same fruit. Yes they may be fruit but, they are completely different. Yes domestic
violence and street harassment can be repremendable offences, yet they are still different
offenses with different severities. Unlike street harassment, domestic violence already has strict
Tran does not offer the legality of street harassment. Per the first amendment in the Bill
of Rights “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances” (US
stranger to another, does the offender not have an inherent constitutional right to protect his
speech. Whether street harassment is deemed ethically wrong or not, all persons speech is
protected by the first amendment. There have been amendments to change the constitution, but to
change the meaning of free speech might have larger repercussions than the original effort to
change the amendment for one offense that may or may not be enforced properly by law
enforcement. Changing the first amendment for what seems to be a minor offense, opens the
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door for lawmakers to change other amendments to take away the rights of the people. Today,
there are talks of changing the second amendment and the right to bear arms. There has been a
massive outcry to preserve the second amendment; the argument being that the right to bear arms
is protected by the amendment itself. “A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of
a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed” (US
Constitution. Amend. II). The same is applied for the previously stated first amendment
“Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech….” (US. Constitution. Amend. I). If the
societal split between “gun keepers” and “gun leavers” is great, imagine the split and uproar that
could be caused by the stripping of the constitutional right the free speech.
Enforcement and who will be enforcing street harassment laws comes into question when
dealing with street harassment. Tran truly describes a ludicrous task force of police personnel
specifically deployed on the streets for harasers. “However, there may be a disparity in the way
that parking violations are handled and how street harassment violations could be handled
because there are entire subsets of law enforcement dedicated to parking enforcement. Perhaps a
similar fleet of street harassment officers could be dispatched” (Tran 8). While this idea of
adding a task force for street harassment may add jobs, it takes away resources for other
departments for more serious behaviors. That being said, an alternative solution could be the
implementation of a special unit that deals with street harassment cases. An example of a special
unit in place in some police stations are cyber crime units that deal with cyber crimes
specifically. A victim can report the harassment directly to the special unit and a police officer
that is already portoling the area could be dispatched to handle the altercation at hand. An
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entirely new division of policing is unnecessary and will ultimately cost more time and resources
Tran offers some great arguments, but lacks depth in his arguments. He more so talks
about an issue, but he talks about it broadly and allows for a critical analysis to his writing.
Unfortunately Tran does does not provide enough information to conclude a solid reasoning for
the criminalization of street harassment. All hope is not lost with Tran’s work, as he explains a
larger social issue about gender related crimes. More efforts should be applied to research this
Work Cited
Tran, Marc. "Combatting gender privilege and recognizing a woman's right to privacy in public
(2015): 185.
www.stopstreetharassment.org/our-work/nationalstudy/.