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THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY

Tradition. IVlodernity and Urban Development

edited by

Lu Vasser Elsheshtawy
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LONDON AN D NEW YORK
 Chapter 10

Cities of Sand and Fog:

Abu Dhabi's Global Ambitions

Vasser Elsheshtawy

'Your majesty) my wrd) YOll know better than any Olher nU1II there has been oil ul/der this land
for tlwusands ofyears, untot/dud ill its place) rmJil your lalefather (lfter seeking roul1seljar and
near, asking queslions anti I1UJking inquiries) lold theJII) ((Now Cillry out the will ofCod!'" He
pawed and drew a difficull br~th, tflelf added, 'The 0;1 might have stayed ill the bowels ofthe
enrth, Your lvlajesly,jor hundreds oflhousands ofyears, btll divine care, approval and the good
fortune that comes olllyfrom Almighty God, said, "Be!" ana it Wils. Now, nwre than al airy
other lime, and here, above any other piau, YOllr Majesty, YOIi can transform Mooran ;11/0 a
pamdise on earth anti mit over thefor tltuf the near!'
Abdulrahman MuniC, 17u Trt11ch (Cities of Salt), p. 24

Prologue

Abdulrahmm Mun.iC well known Saudi writer, in 71re Trench, the second volume
of his epic penlology 'Cities of Salt', describes (he tr.lflSfOnnalions which have
occurred in the fictional city of Mooran - initially a desert sec-dement from where
m entire city is created from scralch. In the process he evoked the fears and desires
ofiLS residents, giving a voice (0 those bearing the brunt of modernization. At the
same rime he articulates in clear terms (he extent to which such desert cities Jre
shaped by their rulers, and how lheir whims, opinions and pcrsonahties direct
their development. The above quote suggesLS an almost messianic vision, a destiny
that is bestowed upon the rulers tDCfea/e a city- to tum it inco paradise (figure 10.1).
But they are also cities without h.iStory, Or memory. Where do we find such cities?
What do they look like? And do (hese visionary proclamations have a place in a
globalizing world? This chapter is an al1empl to answer these questions.

I ntrod uction

Cities such as Abu Dhabi are invariably known as sudden cities, instant cities,
and rapidly urbanizing cities. Sllch connotalions evoke a sudden transformation
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'SGLDBAL AMSmONS • 259

Figure 10.1. An image of Sheikh Z~)'cd on the lert and the Abu Dhabi Fort, Corniche and
watchtower as they appeared in (he I960s_

from nomadic origins, charaCterized by consrant movement, to an urban entity:

These depictions underlie a certain dismIssal; they are noe 'real', but rather
artificial creations {uelled by wealth generated {rom oil. They lack layers o{ history
which shape and characterize cradicional settlemenrs. This chapter's title evokes
and responds to thIS by using twO metaphors : the sru{ting narure o{ sand and
the ambiguous perception associated Wlrh fog - cities that constantly change and
transform; there is no permanence, no fixity - everything is subjected to change.
Or, so ir seems on the surface.
The necessary city ingredients arc rhere - streets, hjgh-rise buddings, landmarks
- but there is a certain detachment between these urban symbols and the city's
citizens as weI! as irs surroundi ng barren, desert landscape, imparting a strong sense
of artificiality. Nowhere is this more evident than in Abu Dhabi, the capital of the
United Arab Emirar.es, a city which owes its very existence to oil. It is currently
encering a fifth phase in its urban development, continuing a process chat bCgJ-n in
1962 wieh the firsc commercial exrraction of oil and which concinued uncil 2004
(figure 10.2). This was the year thar Sheikh Zayed, i[5 ruler, died. He is credited
with transforming Abu Dhabi from a prOvincial backwater to a modern city. Yee
his reluctance to {ully open Abu Dhabi to international investment prevented ir
{rom becoming global- unlike its 'noisy' neighbour Dubai . This is set to change,
however, as che current phase o{i[5 urban development is sec to unleash a financial
windfall generated {rom oil, as well as extensive overseas investment. Among the
visible manifestations of this are high-rise buildings, a newly refurbished Corniche
and of course 'mega-projectS'.
This chapter traces the histOry of Abu Dhabi's urban development - irs
260 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADmON, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

-­ -
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1%3 19n 1980 1990

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Figure 10.2. Abu Dhabi's growth from 1963 10 the late 19905.

transformation and metamorphosis. There are obvious difficulties in constructing

such a narrative. For the most part, studies in this region focus on itS history (e.g.
Halliday, 2002; Heard-Bey, 1982; Maim and Al-Hajji, 2001). Ocher writings are
tr;}vellers' accountS (Thesiger, 1991; O 'Brien, 1977; R;}ban, 1979) or depictions by
political residents (Trench, 1994). There ;ue a few studies dealing with ics urban
environment such as Unwin (1982) who examined the formation of town p);ms in
the UAE; others looked at the general development of urban planning in the region
(e.g. Melamid (1980») . Written mostly from J. geogrJphlCaI perspective such studies
tend 1:0 focus on what Fucearo (2001) called a 'rru.cro-level' of urbanism. They do
nm constitute a substantive urban discourse by being tied (0 a larger theoretical
framework. Furthermore, most are quite dated - recent developments, the extent
to which Abu Dhabi is attempting to globalize, h:;!ve not been researched at all. It
is here that examining 'artificial' cities such as Abu Dhabi may prove particularly
useful. Recent global city theory has moved towards establishing uniqueness
and differences rather than similarities, among cities . Some luve described this
as globalization from below, a tr.msnarional paradigm - in short establishing a
connection between global processes and local lives. 1 The very recem urbanization
process in the region has allowed for the emergence ,md intersection of various
localities with global orientation, thus Abu Dhabi may otTer some useful lessons
for the current debate on global and/or cranslUtional cities.
Wich that in mind, this chapter will attempt to develop a more substancive
discourse by relying on (hese hiscorical narratives and complemencing them
with firsr hand accouncs provided by loeals (e.g. AJ-Fahim, 1995) as well as
media accounts (both local and intemarional). Thus rhe first seerion will deal
with the city's history from 1761 to 1962. The second section will investigate
its contemporary developments - from 1962 [0 the present - relying on official
reports [rom planning auchorities (e .g. Abu Dhabi Mllnicip;!lity Report, 2003) as
well as research centres (e.g. [he Oxford Business Group, 2006). In addition to
these sources, aerial photographs will be used to study the city's morphology and
itS growth with the objective of understanding its current urban [arm . This p::l.rt,
by itS very nature and given the dearth of urban studies in the region, is general and
 c mES OF SAND AND FOG' ABU DHABI'S GLOBAL M1BmONS • 261

aims at providing an ovelVlew. Funhermorc, it paves [he way for the chapter's [hird
section, tided 'Spaces of Exclusion', which VIlli provide an in-depth e)G!mination
of tViO case studIes - the Central Market project and the Saadiyar Island - seen
as being representative of the ciry's current effort to globalize. An argumenc will
be made tlU[ these conSOlUte spaces responding co what David Harvey (2006)
calls 'geographies of e.xclusion' - essentially catering co a wider Glpitalist conteA"!.
A conclusion will situate these developments within the current debate on global
cities.
It is perhaps necessary before discussing Abu Dhabi, to establish the eXtent in
which it differs from its neighbour Dubai - even though this may in and of itself
constitute a separate area of study. Abu Dhabi, a relatively obscure and for many
Westerners exotic place,2 is now crying to emerge [rom the shadow of itS sister
city Dubai . It is quite telling chac uneil recently highw;!y signs leading from Al­
Ain and Dubai, in addirion to indicating remaining distance co Abu Dhabi had to
ascertain that it also is the 'Capital of the UAE' - a reminder of the city's position
within the federation which is somehow lost under rhe cons cant media attention
devoted to Dubai. Differences becween the two cities are quite scriking: Dubai
has an esoblished historic cena-c, is cosmopolitan, liberal, and forms a trading
hub becween Eas( and West. Abu Dhabi, on the other hand, lacks any significant
hiscoric centre (or S(Tucturc), is conservative and lacks the liberal entertairunent
facilities of itS rival. Furthermore, Dubai aims at a global audience and Abu Dhabi
seemed - until recently - to be looking primarily to be a regional centre. One of
the main differences is that unlike Dubai, there is no merchant tradition. Based
on a nomadic way of life Abu Dhabians had limited exposure to the outside.
Furthermore, while Dubai's development was guided by its merchant families
(see AI-Sayegh, 1986). in Abu Dhabi rhere is a sa-ong history of scate intervenrion
(see Davidson, 20(7). Sheikh Shakhbut (ruler from 1928 co 1966) was an extreme
manifestation of thiS trend as will be discussed below. And while his successor,
Sheikh Zayed (ru ler from 1966 (0 2004) began a process of modernization this
was held back by what one might describe as the ciry's conservative roots. In fact
contemporary developments could be understood within this contCX1: - a conilic[
between a desire to modernize while still harking back to [he old ways of the
Bedouin (something perfectly illustrated in Munif's second book TI,e TrelUlt).
Looking at population numbers VIlli also show some scriking differences.
Dubai's population according to the lates[ census (Ted ad , 2005) is 1.2 million,
while Abu Dhabi 's is 600,000. Locals' representation in Dubai ranges from 5 to 12
per cent, while in Abu Dhabi the percentage [ends to be higher - it is officially 21
per ceot. Esnmates of growth in Dubai suggest that the population VIlli increase
co 3 million by 2015; in Abu Dhabi the number is not expected to rise beyond
800,000. Visi(ors to the former are expected to be 15 million per year, whereas
the latter is planning for 3 million.) The total built up area in Dubai is expected
to reach 1000 km 2 by 2015 (Elsheshtawy, 2006b) against 400 lan2 for Abu Dhabi
(Abu Dhabi Municipality Report, 2003). Thus, the growth of Abu Dhabi while
262 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION. MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

still quice phenomenal is noe - according to these figures - anyrhing like the scale
of Dubai, perhaps precluding [he common perception of a competition.
Thus, while these comparisons are always made they do belie a few
misconceptions and the fact that both cities are engaged in whae one might call a
symbiotic relationship. Dubai's boom, for example, would not be possible wiehout
the wealch of its neighbour, and Abu Dhabi is lIsing some of Dubal's real-estate
Strategtes for its own developments (Davidson, 2005). Yet Abu Dhabi is also
engaged in a series of construCtions (and demolitions) through which ie is trylng
(0 (re)cbim its ritle as [he region's centre. However, its hiStOrical background

- essentially a temporary sheleer for norrudic residents and subsequently a fishing

and pearling village - as well as its multiple players and decision-makers has not,
uncil recendy, led co a coherent urban straregy or direction. An examination of
the city's urban character sugges(S a ceruin reluctance to become fully global and
to engage the region (it never claimed to become another Singapore). Rather it
aims at being the country's administrative and political cenrre w-1rhouc sacrifIcing
its rradltional (and conservative) roOts. At the same time it is crying to become
modem - ,1Ild in rum global - as well. This paradox has resulted in a series of
projects currencly undeTWdY (and some completed) iHustraring (his struggle and
ambivalence whjch thIS chapter aims at unearthing.

Origins and History: 1761-1962

This was Mooran as it had been situe Ihe beginning ofe£lrthly lime, but when the doclor arrived
thereJor the first time Ite saw only a cluster of continuous mild houses. Exapt for the Rowdh
Pa/aa and the emirate btlilJil1g, rw builJing could be distirtguisiledfrom any other... MoorQ/t's
neighborhoods were tortuOtlS am/ overlappirtg, their narrow streets (roll/ded wr~lh dust, children Fi~

ann jlies .. . Mooran was inhabited by Bedouin, and though some fwd settled, they kept their
Bedouin way <if ufo. Camels roamed the small squares Iltui IUere tied by the doonvays, tellls (11
were set tip by the mud room. . , Even <ifter the oiL hd hegrm to jlorlJ, and ships swrled arriving
daily at Harran woJfload /ons <if cargo every hour, Mooron was bareLy affected; slu still by
waitedJor rain that neve-I" came,Jor caravans lllat had lost their wa),.
Abdulrahman Muni( The Tmuh (Cities ofSale) (my emphasis), p. 21 on
17
The city ofAbu Dhabi, shaped like an elongated triangle, is situated on Abu DhabI at
Island on ehe Arab Gulf coastline extending to tbe mainland and neighbouring a S
islands (figure 10.3). Residential cluseers dace back to 1761, when Bedouins, ehe th:
Beni Vas, who were settled in an inland oasis, moved co the coasdine looking de
for better living conditions. The Beni Vas were one of the principal tribes of the of
Arabian Gulf and resided in AJ Dhafrah, in the interior, tending their flocks and WI
herds. But some individuals, reduced to poverty through the loss of their cattle,
migrated to the Gulf Coast between Dubai and (he island of Abu Dhabi. The
area was uninhabited as it was presumed to have no water (Maitra and AI-Hajji,
2001). Their living conditions were described by British traveller William Thesiger of
 cmESOF SAND AND FOG ABU Di V\BI 'SGLDBALAM8ITIONS • 263

Figure 10.3. Satellite image ofAbu Dhabi.

(1991), who notes thac homes were rectangular cabins made from palm fronds
- also known as barasb·. These cabins were enclosed by a high fence and inhabited
by one Ctmily.
Towards (he close of the eightemth century the threat of the Wahhabi forces
on Saudi Arabia forced the oibc to consider moving their headquarters. Thus, in
1761, the oibe's leader, Sheikh Dhiyab bin Isa led his people to Abu Dhabi, which
ac that arne had 20 barasli hues. The presence of water in the sen.lement became
a significant [actor in attracting more people and within 2 years chere were marc
than 400 houses. 4 The village grew rapidly and became a pennanent settlement
devoted to fishiJlgand pearling. The only visible landmark was the ruler's forc built
of stone wh.ich comrasted sharply with the surrounding huts. The reason behind
the sub-standard condicions imposed on these houses is that the ruler wanted to
exercise effective control over his subjects; building in smne would make them too
independent.
An Abu Dhabi Municipality report on the city's planning in these early stages
of itS existence notes thaI in 1793, Sheikh Shakhbout bin Dhiyab, moved his
264 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADI1l0N. tvlODERNIn' AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

headquarters from Maria Oasis to Abu Dhabi Island - effecrive/y making it [he u­
capitaL This was fol1owed by [he construcnon of the Hosn Palace - the only n
remaining historic strucrure in Abu Dhabi today. The report makes a clear effort at tl­
siLUaring these early origins within an Islamic context, noting thar the conventional rr
]slamic dements are all there: the palace; the souq; the mosque; and the narrow gc
winding roads . Such official views estlblish rhe cicy's Islamic credentials as it were Ie
- similar to Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus etc. However, accounts of early travellers D
seemingly dispUte this official version - essentially describing scenes of extreme tc
primitiveness, rhus conveying a very different image. o(
Early accounts oflife in the settlement were based on travellers' notes and visits
by missionaries, which taken togerher comprise a fascinating view of a pnmitive
town which lasted until the early 1960s. Thesiger (1991) on a visit in the 1950s
notes that a ' . . . small castle dominated the small dilapidared town which stretched
along the shore. There were a few palms, and ncar them was a well where we
watered our camels'. Furthennore, 'the ground around us was dirty, covered
with the refuse of sedentary humanity' (ibid ., p. 263). He describes a visit to a
'dilapidated' house near a market where he and his companions stayed for twenty pr
days. The marker itselfwas a place where they 'sar cross-legged in the small shops, cc
gossiping and drinking more coffee' after which they 'wandered along the beach w;
and watched the dhows being caulked and treated wlth shark-oil to prepare them
for the pearling season, rhe children bathing in the surl: and the fishermen Janding
UI
cheir catch' (Ibid., pp. 265--266). Mohamed AJ-Fahim in his 1995 biography From
Rngslo Riches writes that the hOllses were clustered together for security reasons, in 0,
addition to providingwannch during the wlnter months. Furthermore, the houses
were built a'l.V3y from the sea, presumably for protection from rising rides. The
population at that time was estimated to be around 1,500 - a significant decline
from itS early origin, attributed co a decline in the pearl ing trade. or
The ruming point of Abu Dhabi's history came in 1953 when Abu Dhabi lor.
Marine Areas ltd (ADMA) obtained offihore oil concessions resulring in royalty pel
payments .s Expectations were arOllsed that Abu Dhabi would be evenrually aft
transformed from a Bedouin Sheikhdom co a modem state.o The ruler at that
time was Sheikh Shakhbout. popularly known as a 'srubbom conservative' who
'refused to part with any of his money' (Halliday, 2002) . Orher observers. such as M
Donald Hawley, noted that one reason for th is conservatism is his nomlgia for the an
rraditiorul Anb way of life (Hawley, 1970). rh,
A few developmental steps were caken to'l.V3rds improving living conditions ov
such as the constTUction of a new school which was opened in 1958. However [he A
ruler expressed a clear desire not to engage foreign teachers. Furthermore, when prj
rhe British political officer ar [he time , Edward Henderson, prep;ued a map of oil
the tOwn, he 'l.V3oted all names to be written in Arabic. ]n addition he envisioned pfl
Abu Dhabi as having an architectural style that would be sllitable to its tradition, M
unlike American buildings which he had seen during a tour of the country 19·
(Maitra and AI-Hajji, 2001) . However the city remained in a remarkable s tate of rei
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLOBAL AMBmONS • 265

underdevelopment. Bernard Burrows, the Gulf political resident descnbed the

'muddy' condirions of [he road from the politICal agenc), co the ruler's palace, to
the extent thac his Land Rover got sruck in the sand (Burrows, 1990). Aside (rom
the political agent only a few people had cars. Water was srill being h.auled using
goat skin bags. According to Al-F..him, in 1961 the ruler took an extended leave,
leaving Sheikh Zayed (the future president) in charge, who promptly built Abu
Dhabi's first mud road - eXTending (rom wrut is now known as the Maqna bridge
co the palace . Aside from these sporadic elYo{1:S, conditions did not improve . He
offers a rem;ukable depicrion:

We hved in the eighteenth century whtle the reS t of the world, even the rest of our neighbors,
h~d .advanced into the rwentieth . We had not h ing to offn I1lSlcors. we had nothing to expo". we
had no imporunce 10 the outSide world whatsoever. Poverty, illiteracy. poor health, a high ralC
of mortality all plagued liS well inlO Ihe I 960s. (Al- Fahim, 1995, p. 88)

The discovery of oil and the signing of concession agreements initiated a

process that would transform what was lJl essence a provincial backwater, a
collection of mud huts, into a recogniz ..ble urban entity. This process, however,
was not immediare and took some time as will be discussed in the neXt section.

Urban Developments: 1962-2004

Once, Harran Iwd beet) a (ity offish£nnen (}IuJ /rave1ers (oming home, but nOtl' it belonged to
110 one; its people werejeatureless, oj aU vane/ies alld yel strangely unvaried. They were all if

humanity and yel no one lit aU, an assemblage ifklHguages, aaents, colors aw religions. TI1e
riches in Ihe city, alld wwemeath it, lVere unique in the world, yel no on.e in [-[arran was ridt
or hnd any hope ifbe.£oming 50. All oj them lVere in a rlUe, bllt none knew where to orjor hmv
long. It was like a beehive, like t1 graveyard. They even greeted one another difJi:relltly from
people in auy other pwu - a m{m greeted Oi/lffi anil t/zen looked searchingly in Iheirfaces, as if
afraid that something might happen behveen his greeting and their reply.
Abdulralunan MuniC, TIle 'freluh (Cities of Sale), p.162

Munirs depiCtion of the fiCtional city of Harr..n is quite typical of the alienation
and the sense ofloss accompanying massive urban transform arion within cities in
the Arabian Peninsula. To understand rhis fully it is necessary to provide a general
overview of rhe mam phJ.Scs of urban development which occurrcd in Abu Dhabi.
A superficial view wOllld divide these pluses into pre-oil and oil, however the
process was quice complex and tied co a variety of factors, one of them of course
oil. But other {actors range from che personal (a mler's whims and personal
preferences) co the global (being part of a capitalist scheme) . The Abu Dhabi
Municipality report states clue therc are four main phases: 1962-1965; 196&-1968;
1969-1988; and 1988-2004. A fifth phase, 2004 to che present will be added to
reflecl the dramatic shift in the: city's developmenc (ollowing (he deach of its ruler,
266 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADlnON, MODERNI1l' AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

~~"
t'r.
I
I ~,. '
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I
i 1968 11978 !1994
----­ ---------
Figure 10.4, Abu Dhabi's changtng urban morphology (rom 1968 to 2005,

Sheikh Zayed (figure 10.4). The following is a brief outline of each phase, based
on (he previously mentioned report, bllt ;llso relying on archival material from TIle
Nelli York Times which provides a firsc hand aCCOllnt of changes taJcing place in the
1960s and early 1970s; In addition literary narratives will be used to add a human
dimension, showing how che city was perceived by ordinary people - Westerners
2nd locals. To thac end Moh.amed Al-Fahim's excellent biography From Rags (0
Riches will be used, in addition to Edna O'Brien's poeric accounts ofAbu Dhabi in
its early urban sr.ages in Arabian Days, and Jon2th2n Raban's inqllisitive observations
in Arabia through the Looking Glass,

Phase 1: 1962-1965: Emerging from a Provincial Backwater

Following the first exports of oil in 1962, Abu Dhabi started a much awaited
urban development process beginningwich the establishment of me municipality
which was primarily concerned with che improvement of living conditions
- mamly provision of adequate drinking water supplies and public health. Sheikh
Shakhbout was reluetant to engage in any large-scale projects. While consultants
were hired for the developmenc of a masterplan he is said to have remarked that
' .. . this is Parisl We don't want a Pans in Abu Dhabi!' (Trench, 1994, p. 260).
Commissioned from H2lcrow & Co., the plan had a senes of features which
included: north facing buildings; a road network which was not based on straight
lines; and raising (he grOllOd level through dredging and reclm1ation. In addit.ion,
the report also recommended the removal of all buildings excepc for the Hosn
Palace (Abu Dhabi MUI1.iciaplity, 2(03). Projects initiated at (hat rime included cwo
water distillation plants, a few schools, a power station and a basic road system.
The only hospital available in the emirate of Abu Dhabi was in the nearby tOwn of
AI-Ain. The population at that time was about 4,000. Accordingly Abu Dhabi was
' . .. still a mbal society existing at subsistence level' (Trench, 1994, p. 248),7
At that time a Lebanese family built the Abu Dlubi Beach Hotel on the beach
next to (he present Sheraton Hotel. Ics relatively distant location from the cicy
at chat time, as well as its high prices prevented locals from going there . It was
used primarily by oil company representatives. Within (his early phase of Abu
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLDBAl AMsmONS • 267

Dhabi's urbanization, the ruler W;}s still adam:ant about preserving a traditional
life style. For example, he refused [0 generacc electricity, with the excepcion of
the palace which w:lS lit using portable electrical generators, making it look like
'Disneyland' (Al-Fahim, 1995, p. 116). As a furcher hindrance to development,
in 1961 he imposed a ban on any new construcclOn; business ventures had ro gee
permission which was not always forthcoming; he also disliked non Abu Dhabian
Arab merchants (Davidson, 2007). As a result the town remained in :a persistent
state of underdevelopment - with many residents leaving for nearby Dubai which
was flourishing. Recognizing the diffiClllties posed by Shakhbour., Sheikh Zayed
in 1966, with British help, removed his brorhcr and was installed as Abu Dhabi's
ruler - ushering in a new phase of the city's urban development.

Phase 2: 1966-1968: Creating a City: Contrasting Developments

Following the succession of Sheikh Zayed as ruler of Abu Dhabi the process of
urban development continlled. Modifications were made to the 1962 Halcrow
plan, which was a taSk assigned to Arabicon Consultants, under the supervision of
an Egyptian planner, Abd aI-Rahman Makhloufin 1968. 8 Accordingly, main roads
in the northern part of the isbnd were designed in straight lines. Also, a series of
public works projects were constructed such as governmental buildings, airporc,
desalinarion and eieclliciry plants, and the Maqw bridge. The municip~lity
report points oue that these improvements aimed at: 'Promoring interese of
higher aUthorities to maintain the Arab Tshmic architecrural style of public and
main buildings of the city' (Abu Dhabi Municipality, 2003, p. 47). This period
also fearured extensive weening; dredging a canal around the island; allocation
of certain areas for development sllch as che Mussafah area; spores city; the
international airport, Raha beach, resldenrial townships, and the wave breaker.
Al-Fahim (1995, p. 136) describes a scene ofbusrling activity. noting that a 'whole
city was being created from scratch'. Barasli houses, where many people had lived,
were being tom down, and people were re-housed in newly constructed homes.
To further deveiopmem, the ruler gave each Abu Dhabian three (and in some
instances four) pieces ofland, to be used for residential, commercial and industrial
purposes.9 Following the JbJcct poveny of the Shakhbouc era, the sudden release
of oil funds resuleed in an urban scene that was quite captivating - filled with
contrasting images of Bedouin primitiveness and a modem lifestyle, which
capcured the attention of the international press.
A number of reporters were dispatched to describe the changes that were
talcing place. A typical account by one New York TImes' Gloria Emerson menrions
that' ... The big, thick, glooming banks make a mockery our of the squat, peeling
buildings next door'. The airporc terminal' ... consists of two bare rooms where
passengers cannot sit or find a glass ofwater' .10 It is also noted thac the ruler, Sheikh
Zayed, strongly influenced by the British, began to display an attitude of tolerance
cowards foreigners - officially opening a church, for example.'· In another article
268 • THE EVOLVING ARAB efT'{: TRADIllON, MODERNI1Y AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

she writes rhat '" . the town of Abu Dhabi itself is not more than .J village built
on sand, where men squat to urinate in (he streets and where che roads are full of
lumps and holes'. She also noces that rhere are only cwo hotels in the cicy, there is
no cinema and resuurants are only in che two hotels. Thus, 'Europeans must learn
co waste time'.12

Phase 3: 1969-1988: SeHling the Nomad

The time frame from the late 19605 and early 1970s to the 1980s saw a surge in
consrrllction activity and the firul emergence of Abu Dhabi from a small fishing
village to an acwa) city. recognizable internationally, which is also symptomatic of
an 'instam' city whose existence is derived from I[S ad wealth . This is ::Ilso associated
with che emergence of the Uniced Arab Emirates as a political entity in 1971 after
seven emirates decided on a confederarion. Furthermore, a deciSion was made to
build a permanent capical between Abu Dhabi and Dubal, however the former was
designated as a remporary capical further enhancing its scatus (Melamid, 1980) Y
Symptomatic of the fascination with Arabia, journalists and writers flocked co
the cicy, in an artempt to discover this new land, concinuing a process that began
in the 1940s with the rravels ofWilCrcd Thesiger and others. One of them was
Edna O'Brien, well known Irish writer, whose travel accounts were published in a
pictorial book called Arabia/1 Days in 1977. Filled with poetic depictions, encounters
with locals - among them Sheikh Zayed - as well as a series of local women. Her
experiences evoke a sense of wonderment, Jnd ar times bewildennenc, at how
[hose residents of che desert are coping wich modernity Pervading the cext is a
sense of nostalgi;l for an authentic Arabia that is simply not there anymore. For
eXlmple she noces chat 'Abu Dhabi had taken a plunge into me twentieth ceneury'
and she could nm have imagined chat she would see' .. . cowers of concrete as f::lr
as the eye could see, cranes, tanks, a sense of unfinished ness as if rhe place had just
been dropped higgledy-piggledy Cram the sky' (p. 30). She cricicizes the fast pace of
development, and the danger of being 'oblivious of che past', thus' ... the illiterate
have to be made literate, a breakwarer built for che harbour, flats builr, mobile
homes hauled in, sodium srreetlighcs inscalled, a traffic system and a traffic sense
developed , kerbstones put down, paving slabs, polythene greenhouses, feed drips
for the trees' (p. 147).
Continuing along similar themes, journalist Edward Lee writes that Abu
Dhabi is in ' ... rhe midsr of a construction boom that makes the c.apiul look like
an American beach from development' .1< Another writer Edward Sheehan argues
that it IS 'a paradigm of instant development' - noring thar IC consists of'boulevards
of Parisian scope and a comiche that rivals Alexandria's crisscross sand as white
as moonlighr; cranes and scaffolds are more numerous than aees. Here is a salt
flat, mere a city dump; blink and see a bank, a school, a hospical. a Hilton hotel'.
Anriciparingcurrem migratory problems he observes thac 'the streets murmur with
Omanis and Iranians, with Indians aud Baluchis; they are che labor force and many
 c rnES OF SAND AND FOG' ABU DHABI'S GLOBALAM8rnONS • 269

of them live in hOllels'.ls Others observe with a hint of sarcasm (and racism) chat
tills ' . .. is a culmre starting from scratch, from scratching in mere sand' . j6 Jonaclun
Raban, joumalisr/writer, in his 1979 Arabia through tile Looking Clll5s describes the
city in a chapter c:itled 'Temporary People' as 'conscienceless' and that it 'had the
appearance of something obtained ready-made in bulk' (p. 120). This sense of
newness, seen in 'shimmering towers' represents for the Abu Dhabian, according
co Raban, innocence and the wide possibility of urban life . He [unher delves into
the nature of ies residencs. their 'bedu' character, and says that this constitutes the
main fabric, the infrastTllcture, of rhe cicy regulacing life in all its aspects - albeit
hidden. Thus he poignantly IIlustraccs the temporality of Abu Olubi's urbanity.
As these aCCOllnt:s illllsrrace, one of the main problems facing planners was the
seetling of nomads/bedu who were used to a lifescyle thac was quite different from
what was being offered - a Western-style way ofIiving. and most importantly a way
of life chat is based on permanent seniemenL 17 This was difficult since the bedu
life 'had been evolved as a means of regularing a society composed of wanderers
and migrants' (Jbid ., p. 146). Sheikh Zayed's aim was to lure these 'nomadic tnbes
that used to roam this barren Arab sheikdom' to governmental jobs, trade, famling
and of course a booming oil induscry18
A key figure at thac time was (he Director General of Town Planning, Abdel
Rahman Makhlou( an Egyptian who arrived in 1968, after starring town planning
in Saudi Arabia in the cicy ofJeddah. Among his achievements was the design of
a 'national house', which aims to help rhe Bedouin adapt to urban life. It consiscs
of a large one-scorey smlCture of concrete blocks with open and closed spaces
'suiced to Bedouin cradirions'. Each has two bedrooms, a kirchen, bathroom,
garden, courtyard and other open spaces. A wall hides the women's quarters. In
early depictions of these development~ a Bedouin boy notes thac We love ollr new
house because it's big and we can play outside like we did in rhe desert' .19 Another
MakhJouf project was the modem 50uq or market (to be discussed in more detail
brer in the chapcer). Sheikh Zayed had a saong influence on these early phases
of development with the primary aim of settling the Bedouin who were llsed to a
cradirional migratory cxistence. 20
Some of the main elements of the cicy, recognizable today, originated at that
rime. In 1969 the (eorral area project was introduced which specified that the
height of buildings should be between eight and cen storeys; the construction of
four markees (5011<]5) - also known as rhe central market; and the development of a
cultural cenae around the Hosn Palace designed by The Architects Collaborative
(TAC) 21 who won an open compeotion for the project in 1973 (completed in
1981). The prominent sire shares the block with the historic old palace and is across
from rhe Grand Mosque. Ies Jrchitecture is a response to the conservative climate
presem at thac time - an acremp[ [0 re-interprec craditional 'Islamic' architecture
- In many ways reflecting similar crends in [he region. Building fa~ades are plain
with small window operungs; where large areas of glass are used, deep arcades
provide shelter from rhe suo.
270 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNIIY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

The 1973 Egypti;m-led war against Israel resulted in an increase in oil price as
is well known, further spurring growth within the region. As a result, according to
Al-Fahim (1995), the price of land rocketed, and the building code (or maximum
height was changed [0 thirteen storeys. The cicy also saw an expansion of ics
luxury hotels which included a Hilton and Ramada, in addition to plms for an
InterconrmemaL}2 The last was to be, according (0 the wishes of the ruler, a
'tall, prestigious and erninem building' (FJdmpton and Klun, 2000). The design
was completed and the hotel opened in 1981. Mostly modemise in appearance,
i[ consists of a cwenty floor tower, 'local' elements are added such as 'screens,
coloured rile work. and calligraphic ornamentation' . However, consrructingsuch a
large number ofbuildings wi chin a shan time span led to fears ofoverdevelopment.
Thus, a slowdown began in 1977 when many high-rise buildings were completed,
causing an excess supply in the housing sector, which had around 15,000 empty
apamnents - ' to let' signs were visible everywhere. To couorer this Sheikh Zayed
declared a freeze on new residential and office buildings. Funhermore, recognizing
the problems associated with giving land to locals, the Khalifa Committee was
established in t 976 - whose role will be examined in more detail below - with the
purpose of administering and gnncing land to nationals (Al-Fahim, t 995). There
was also a concern aboU( the oversupply of port facilities in [he Gulf aIea, and in
tum plans for port expansion at Abu Dhabi were reduced. However, the economy
recovered, and extensive work of land reclamacion aod waterfront developmem,
which started in the 19705, continued unabated increasing the original size of
the island to 6,000 hectares - or 60 km 2 (in 1994 the (oral area became 9,400
hectares, or 94 km 2 ). The 19805 witnessed conrinllous extensive developme11(,
land reclamation and development of townships as well as major public works
proJectS.

Phase 4: 1988-2004: The Abu Dhabi Masterplan

Given rhe piecemeal developmenr which characterized the previous phase, there
was a need for the development of a comprehensive mastcrplan (Abusham,
2005). Thus, in 1988 [he Abu Dhabi ExeClltive Council decided to implement
the plan which was prepared by Abu Dhabi Town Planning depamnenr wirh the
assistance of rhe UN DP and Atkins .23 The plan comprised five main phases up to
2010. It was also called the Master Directive Plan for Abu Dhabi and its Environs
-199CJ-2010 (figure 10.5). Anticipating rapid growth, and given the limited area of
the island, the plan reconunended several areas of 'cxtcnsions'. These included [he
development of the islands surrounding the cicy which number 200 - panicularty
Saadiyat and Hadriyat. Further growth LOwards the mainland was suggested
along cwo axes: highways leading to Dubai and AI-Ain. However, significaIlt
modifications were made to [he plan. Particularly, the development of Saadiy:a
has been put on hold, although the report notes cha[ it ' .. _is a natural extension of
urbanization inAbu Dhabi island'. The same applies co Hadriyat, which represents
 c mES OF SAND AND FOG . ABU DHABI 'S GLOBAl AMsmONS • 271

Residenti al Master Dlreclive Plan

SpeCl81 Residential/Palace 1990--2010
• Ml"",d CommordaVRosidentlal

~ In<;1l!ullonaIiCommunity US<lS

IndustryJW.",hou"ng

Figure 10.5. Abu Dhabi's Mas ter Plan 1990-2010 (now modified [0 Abu Dhabi Master Plan
2030)

the nJnJrJi expansion of urbanization from [he wes(ern side? ' The masrerplan also
recorrunended (he conversion of Mussaffah area from an industrial to a residential
zone . Fllnnennore, (he direcnon of growth would be limited to the Oubai and
AI-Ain axes (Abu Dhabi Municipality & Town Planning Dep:mment, 2003, p. 94).
While the plan had significant impact on me overall growth of [he city in the 19805
and 1990s, other factors contribllted to (he urban character of Abu Dhabi shaping
its general appearance.
One of these was the Khalifa Committee, named after Sheikh ZJ.yed's son and
(he current ruler of Abu Drubl and the UAE, an institution set up .t?9i~~'i~~~~ _
sute owned land to Emirati citizens, and subsequently developing the land on
~h~lf 'oc' m~~~ citizens (househoids with a male head) . The committee was
responsible for building a hrge part of the city of Abu Dhabi . Thus, according to
rhe Oxford Business Group (2006) over 200 apartment blocks were construcced
every year in the 1980s and 1990s. While chese 'were ofeen nOt vel)' inspired in
272 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CfT'( TRADITION. MODERNIlY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

their arcrutecrure', they did adequately address housing needs for the emirate's
developing population.
The current urban fonn of the city was strongly influenced by this policy since
plots handed out were small, resulting in the construction of towers which are
parricularly evident In the city's centre. Some 95 per cent of plots in Abu Dhabi
range between approximately 25 m x is m and 30 m x 30 m, occupied by multi­
scorey buildings with an average height of twenty floors . The overall effect is a
stereotyped repetition of buildings wi[h no sense of urbanism (Antoniou, 1998).
Mixed-use developments such as malls, schools, entertainment and recreational
facilities were therefore rare. This centralized process - the committee was
responsible for the design, contracung builders) as well as receiving a share of
the income - resulted in the uniform and repetitive appearance of buildings
characterizing the city today (Oxford Business Group, 2006). The report further
notes that this system ensured [hat Abu Dhabi nationals received housing, land
and a major income stream, as well as keeping the emirace's propeny firmly OLlt of
the hands of foreign residents - a policy [hat on the one hand Emira[ized a segment
previously dominated by Lebanese, Syrian and Egyptian businesses, while on the
other hand 'ensured that the mnies of expatriate workers '" were prevented
from putting down any seriolls roots' (fbid ., pp. 157-158). However, one negative
olltcome for such a policy was a high turnover of tenants, 2S there is little incentive
co sell a hOllse or apartmenr., and an overall 'shabby' appearance of buildings due
to poor maincenance. As a result of these npid modernization elYortS one of the
charaCteristic sights in the city centre is the contrast beC\Veen crumbling 19705 and
1980s style building and recently constructed ultramodern toWers (figure 10.6).

Figure 10.6. Central area oi Abu Dhabi conlTlSling developments from the 19605 with recent
additions.
 O",'I[S OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLDBAL Alv1BmONS • 273

Figure 10.7. Abu Dhabi's

current bUlll-UP area.

The cicy's urban character is characterized by wide grid-pattern roads, and

high-density [Ower blocks (figure 10.7). On the northerly end of me island, where
the population density is highest, the nl.lin SLreets arc lined with 20-sLOrey towers.
Inside this rectangle of towers is a normal grid pattern of roads with lower density
buildings (2-storey villas or 6-storey low-rise buildings). Away from the high­
density areas, land is primanly used for govemmem buildings and private villas.
Principal thoroughfares are The Corniche, Airpon Road, Sheikh Zayed, Hamdan
and Khalifa. Many srreets are known for specialized businesses thae tend to cluster
on them. Hamdan is [he m:lin shopping meee, Khalifa is lined with banks, Al
Najdha is lmown for hardware srores, Defense is filled with mobile telephone
shops Jnd Sheikh Zayed (also known as Electra) is ehe compllter streer.
Th is phase also saw [he constTuction of 'quirky' projects characterized by ;1 0
exaggerated scale and J peculiar choice of architectural sryle. Ch ief among these is
the Emiraees Palace Hoeel, heralded as the most expensive hoeel ever blllit (figure
10.8).25 Located on [he city's Corniche, its detailing is in a neo-orientalist scyle,
which lS dominated by an assortment of domes and lavish 'Islamic' decorative
patttrns. Along these same lines is the Grand Mosque, a project initiated by Sheikh
Zayed. Plagued by consmlction problems and a halt in consrruction, ie is currendy
beingcornpleted, Massive in scale, it IS using a Mughal (Indian) sryle and IS located
at the entrance ofAbu Dhabi, next to the Maqtaa bridge, These projects underlie
J ceream ambiY.llence - a desire to sec the city apart from Dubai by consmlcring

monuments that reflece some sort of Islamic renaissance. These remained singular
274 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADInON. MODERNllY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure 10.8. Th~ Emirues

f,:!bcc HOlel.

pTOjec[S however - and while they are significlIlt landmarks within the city, rhe
following phase is set to change rhis.

Phase 5: 2004 to the Present - Going Global:

The Age of the Mega~projects and Star Arch;tec.ts

According to Molumed Abuslum, chiefurban planner at Abu Dhabi Municiaplity,

after the preparation of the Abu Dhabi Comprehensive Development Plan in 1988
the actual race of growth of urban devdopment was so immense chat it surpassed
all its expectations and proposals. The UAE in general and Abu Dhabi Emirate
in particular witnessed a significanc urban development that leapt outside the
framework predicted for 2010. This factor coupled with a ch;mge in leadership led
to a complete reworking of the original plan (Abusham, 2(05).
The year 2004 witnessed (he death of Sheikh Zayed and the rransfer of power
to his son KhaJifa. In addition a number of cabinet changes saw the introduction
of young. Western eduC!.tcd ministers - most belonging to the ruling family.
Intent on transforming Abu Dhabi into a global player a number of changes were
inrroduced which would signifiCdntly impact the cities growth and urban form .
Cruef among these is a change in the property ownership law, allowing the sale of
government granted land by nationals, as well as introducing a fonn of ownership
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLOBAL AM8mONS • 275

by foreigners26 - moves prevlOlIsly prevented by Sheikh Zayed to counter real

estate speculatlon,27 The generOlls welfare stare is thus being 'corporatized ;md
privatized' , These developments are 'expecred by m:my indusrry insiders w lead
co around a 25% per annum increase In constnlction acrivities over d1C next three
years' (Oxford Business Group, 2006, p. 157).
Abu Dhabi had kepr a low profile up umil 2004 - investing its vast oil income
through its main overseas financial ,Inn - the Abu Dhabi Investment Aurhority
(ADlA) (figure 10.9). According to TIle EwrtOtnist (2006) it has steadily accrued
wealth for me last 30 years; estimares of its size range from $200 billion to 'way
norch of$500 billion '. Funhermore, Abu Dhabi is wltnessing an increase in capital
which is due to two facrors: increasing oil prices and a changing polincal climate
which is responsible for a move home of Arab money - a 'repatriation of capita],
- due to post 9/11 security measures in the West. Thus, 'phenomenJI amounts'
of liquidity produced by [he current conditIOns have found a welcome home in
real esrate' (Oxford Business Group, 2006, p. 157). ~eal estate accounts for about
a chird of the $100 billion which the emirate expects (0 spend on itself in the
~lext 5 years. Projects range from entire new residential and COllriS[ complexes to
vasr malls and town-sized commercial and industria! developments - as well as
developing Lhe vasl number of islands surrounding (he city. More recent estimates
suggesr thac (he total value of projects has reached $270 billion.2B

Figure 10.9. Abu Dlubl

Corniche with (he ADlA
bUilding on Ihe !cfc and Ihe
Hillon Baynouna on Ihe righc
 276 • TI1E EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADiTION, MODERNITY AND URS;\N DEVElOPMENT

As a way to enhance the city's appeal to foreign investors, foreign ownership

will be allowed - under certain resrrictions md limitations - within specially
deslgnaced investment zones . These would specifically include me various islands
surrounding Abu DhabI. Ocher areas wichin che city, such as the Central Marker
project, are considered as well. A major difference from Dubai, however, is chat
ownership would only be allowed for a certain amount of time (99 years) as
opposed to the freehold cOl1cept. Further enncing invesrors as well as touriscs , a
new airline has been introduced - Etihad, dubbed 'The National Airline' - with
a new airport planned to open in 2010 accommodacing more chan 40 million
passengers.29
Another signjficant development pertains co consolidation plans among these
recently fanned real esoce companies. Four of Abu Dhabi's major property
de'(elopers have teamed up to ereace a new company. Named asAJ MiUlbnr, ·meaning
'The Gateway', ic is a joint venture between AI Qudra Real Est.;Jcc, Sorouh Real
Estate, Aldar Properties and Reem Investments, [he fOllr main operawTS in the
emirare's property market. While it is norhing new for the Gulf's leading property
developers to spread their WIngs and orget major investment projects overseas,
che fonning of such a joint venrure with the specifIC objective of going global
is according to a research srudy 'a major step forward ' (Oxford Business Group,
2(07). Such a venture is similar to che Dubai based Dub:!i Holding - which
includes some of che big names in the indusrry
In light of these massive developments (he government of Abu Dhabi
announced J modi.fied masterphn - 'Plan Abu
~- - - - - Dhabi- 2030: Urban Structure
---~. - -- - .
FrameworLPl9n'.3o Under the plan, the city is projected to grow to over chree
million -people by 2030. A series of principles are outlined, emphasizing the city's
\ fo~us on identity and sustainabilir)r (implicitly contrasring wich Dubai). Thus the
pim stares that Abu -Dhabi ~II be a 'conremporary expression of an Arab ciry' and
will contmue its practice of measured growth, refleCting a sllsuinable economy.
Furthennore it 'pledges' to respect the narural env1ronmem of coascal and desert
ecologies, and to manifest the role of Abu Dhabi as a capical city. Curiously
- drawing lines of separation - rhe plan provides for large areas of new Emirati
housing inspired by tradinonal family structures, and a diverse mix of affordable
housingopnons for low-income (expatriace) rcsidencs. The plan specifies land uses,
building heights and transport plans fOT the city- this will include an expansion of
the business district and the creation of new business and governmenral centres .
Thus, the notion of a paradigmatic shift in planning is no exaggeration .
However, such efforcs raise a series of issues - :lmong them whether chere is
sufficienc population to suscain these developments . Unlike Dubai which is
planning for a 3 million population and lS million VlsiLOrs by 2015, estirmres in
Abu Dhabi according to the Urban StruCtUre Framework Plan suggest {hac che
population in 2013 will reach 1.3 million, with 3.3 million visitors. Meanwhile
development plans are underway and conrinue unabared. For example, as of2006,
the Abu Dhabi government is demolishing eighty-five old buildings with plans
 ClllES OF SAND AND F;.. : ~ r.1U DHABI'S GLOBAL Ai'j,2rT10NS • 277

ro replace chern with modem skyscrapers. Thus wichin a span of 40 years the city
has been transfonned quiee dramacically However, this has also led to a series of
problems typical of cities in the Gulf Among them are an acuce hOllsing shortage,
an increased cost of living as well as a simmering labour problem due to lack of
appropriate hOllsing conditions. 31 \'t'hile che previous sections provlded a general
overview of these developments, the following section will cake a closer look at
cwo projects symptomatic of Abu Dhabi's artempt (0 join che rank of globalizing
cioes: The Central Markee and the culhlral district in Sudiyat Island.

Case Studies: Spaces of Exclusion

They drove the wlwle lEngth if Mooran which appeared to him a harsh, repuLsiw city. TIlLs
had been his first impressioll IIpon his arriv(I/, though the city had changed arnstically over the
years aruJ become filled wiJh villtu, with Japancse-style and EI1g1ish-style buildings amI still
others that were a milange ifstyles: in hidden PUlces, behind the wide streets mul the fall new
buildings, lay the low mud-hmues. Broad boulevards and sweeping tr1fu cirdes had blLl/tketed
the city in the last few yMrs; people's cirwmsfalUes IUid dumged, (1M so had their looks: they
were fatler ... he did not like this (ily lHut still was not used to it. NO'll) as he traversed tIll' city
till' bnBiarue if the sun showed him only dark clods if hard, tIItmly eanh that throbbed witlt
hoslllity He ,vished thai Ite had never anne 10 llris cily. He wislzed he Iwd never heard
of it .
Abdulrahman Muni( The Tmul, (Cities of Salt), (my emphasis) , pp. 430--431

Munifs lUITative of a ci()' being transformed, and in the process alienacing itS
citizens, offers a rare look into the mindset of Arabia's citizens (even though
(hey are fictional). Modernity created a ci()' that no longer resonated with itS
occllpants. Unfortunately sllch depictions are for the most part resrncrc;d to
the realm of literarure . UrbJJl planning studies in the Gulf (end to emphasize a
'voycurisoc view from above' - to quote Michel de Certeau (1984) - where the
daily, everyday life of people is simply ignored. Fuccaro (2001) argued for a shift in
urban studies in the region (har would place more emphasis on what she termed
'micro studies' - clGImining local processes chat shape the fonn and sITUcrure
of cines, which in rum would provide a more significant Insighc. The prevlous
section provided an overall view. The following part aims at addressing chis by
siruating and contexrualizing these developments through two case srudies - seen
as representarive of the changes caking place in Abu Dhabi - and taking liS closer
to the city as lived space

The Case of the Central Souq: From Makh/ouf to Norman Foster

One of the memorable sights {or anyone visiring Abu Dhabi in the 1990s was the
central markee nestled becween high-rise buildings in its central business district .
Entering it was like encountering a different world - a rot/caultian Heterotopia
278 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY. mAOITION, MODERNITY ANO URBAN DEVELOPMENT

T
fc
IS

al

'(

al

o
J!

Figure 10.10. The cemral market prior to demolilion. View (rom lhe pedes Irian bridge . d
5
- composed of small, informal shops, populned by low-income migrant workers J:
- a sense of chaos contrasting sharplywich [he ordered appearance of its immediate
comext. It projected an air ofprovinciality and infonmhry (figure 10.10) . rTonically,
in Abu Dhabi [his was [he only place [hat conveyed some sense of history and
tradition even mough [he marker was built In the early 1970s. c
One could argue that [his projecc's Story captures the rransfonnacion currendy
underway in Abu Dhabi - in all its conrradictions. [( was pan of a general scheme
to modernize, devised by the city's [OWl) planner, the Egyptian Abd al Rahman
Makhlou{ This was in 1972. Early references to [he project describe j( as a
'modem souq or market, built along old Arab principles of lanes, spaces, and partly
covered passages '. Addressing the city's primarily nomadic population, and in an
attempt [Q settle [hem within an urban entity'. " each tribe was given a quora for
shop space, with Sheik Zayed checking tbe lisr' .J2 Even though references were
made (0 Arab-Islamic principles, the market is laid out along strictly geometric
hnes, following [he general grid pacrem of the city This seeming contradiction
caught the eyes of some Western observers.
Jonarhan Raban (1979) to his account of Abu Dhabi in the 1970s uses the
SOUr] as a narrative device anchoring his experience in the Clry - ch.aracterized by

restlessness, anomie, etc. The sympcoms of decay, even squalor become signs that
(here are e1emenlS ofhfe in an 'artificial' cicy such as Abu Dhabi. His first depiction
of the market notes its genenc qUJIi(ies and that it could be home in 'Levittown' . Its
straight geometry and grid-like arrangement are lifeless . However, its inhabitants
with their shops and $[;)lIs have caken over the space and ignored 'all (he architeclS
design 00 them' (p. 125). [n one particular inSIghtful observation he writes;
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLOBAL AMsrrlONS • 279

and unocl ont.: umhn·J1:; an old mJ!1 wlch a moulhful of gold lee(h was crouched over the
Koran. The book, which loohd ,)ldcr tlJ:Ln r.,. was, was commg ~pan: in his lunds. Its pages
were bnllie and grey: Ihe oidesi. gnmiest, mOl! baucred obJccc in [he whole o( Ahu Dh~bi
(Ibid. )

The space is rhus subjected to a certain level of informality - enhancing ics appeal
(or 'Western' sensibilities. While the famIliarity - or banality - of the architecture
is eVldent, the arched backs of the praying inhabitaTlcs, and the old man gave the
architecture 'a fierce ironical !:WJst' and thus (he souk's 'remoteness was accentuated
raeher than diminished by the banality ofies appearance' (Ibid., p. 128).
The project remained a major landmark not just for foreign touristS and travel
writers but also for residentS ofAbu Dhabi. Popul.ar accounts describe it as be\llg as
'old a.s Abu Dhabi, an Intrinsic part of the city' Y For many touristS coming to the
area the place was reminiscent of a 501lq, conveying an Arabic Jtmosphere. Some
of (he shops which sold everything (rom utensils to spices, etc. were considered
among the oldeSt in the area. The Abu Dhabi bazaar - as It was sometimes called
- CliCS across the capital's t\NO main streecs, of Hamdan and Kllahfa. It housed more

than 700 shops selling a varieey of consumer items, in an Jrea covering roughly
50,000 square metres (figure 10.11). Most of the shop owners are [rolll Pakistan.
India and Iran, giving the markecp!ace ' . . , more an Asian identity than a local :aura'
according (0 one observer. The architectural character of the 50Uq is described as
'shabby cwo-storey buildings and tiny shops' - in essence suggesting du( it is time
(or the souq to be demolished. While i{ did serve ics purpose in the early days of the
city - when it looked 'like a giant modem markee place monopolizing shopping in

Figure 10. t I. A SLOrefrom in the central market.

2BO • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY -;RADITION, MODERNITY' AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure to.12. General

VIew of the centnl mlrkec
surrounded by the I-ugh­
rises of Abu DhabI 's ccntRI
disrricL

the cicy' - it is now a 'dwarfamidst surrounding skyscrapers and modem shopPIng

complexes' (figure 10.12).->4
Thus, the image of the souq is incomparible with me new, modem Abu Dhabi.
Bm, architectural criticism aside, such places have qualities that go beyond the
physical, evoking memories, and suggesring a sense of rootedness. Longtime
residents would J.Ssociare their very arrival in Abu Dhabi with the market - a place
for buying cheap merchandise as well as a hang-out. 35 However, the sense of a
curiosity prevailed - the very fact thac sllch a marker with its chaotic appearance
would not fit wich the neat and orderly image thar officials would like to project.
Plans for renewal and removal were under consideration for some time but ic was
nor until 2002 that authorities firully decided [0 build a new market in 'cradirional
Arab and Islamic design' .)/;
This initial announcement, and subsequemly me proposed replacement, did
not seek a radical deparrure from the existing layouT. Officials were suggesting that
' ... [he new market will retain its rradirional atmosphere', or clu[ It will be 'almost
a facial copy of the old one' .J7 Furthermore, the new market will retain the same
number of shops, even trying (0 keep them all in me same spot. Needless co say
(hat such assurances did not help in alleviating the sense of105s that was felt among
shop owners as well as shoppers with some going so far as to argue [hat' .. . the
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLDBAl AIv1BmONS • 281

country will lose something i{jt is demolished'. 38 A watch dealer insightfully nores
that ' ... this market is deeply associated wirhme memories of who first came CO
Abu Dhabi. Ir is hisLOry and culrure and I don't think it will be easily forgotten''>?
Urban renewal projects are of course a hal1mark of modernist planning
principles occurring all over the world in differem forms and disguises, always
eliciting similar responses of loss (one can go as far back as Jane jacobs's criticism
of urban renewal in New York in the 1960s or Herbert Gans's depiction of the
North Enders in Boston). What is striking about this particular project, however,
is how it has developed from a simple re-incarnation of an old, architectur;!lly un­
Jnspiring strucrure, to a world-class shopping destination .
Initially, Abu Dhabi M ulllcipaliry awarded the project for the new market co the
Arab Engineering Bureau (AEB), a major multi-disciplinary consulting firm bd.5ed
in the Gulf Its Abu Dhabi branch, AI Arabi Engineering Bureau, was supposed to
be carrying out rhe design and supervision work. Architects at the firm were quick
to affinn the historical character of the sOLlq (The old souq is Abu Dhabi history')
and that every attempt WIll be made to ' rebuild or reconstnlC[ history'. As a further
bonus, the new project will be 'similar to rhose ancient bazaars in DamasClls and
Cairo d.5 i( has Islamic and Arabian stTUcrural designs chat contain arcades, old
lanterns, alleys and tradirional shop lines' ..JO The rather conrradictory narure of
thesc statements is never questioned - the original sOllq a reperinve , modernist
arrangement ofshops is equivalem to old Arab-Ishmic bazaars!
Aside from these his[Qrical musing;, the project was in these initial sLlges still
viewed mostly in humanistic CCnTIS . The small, inrimate scale will be retained ; it is
contrasted with [he high-rise (OWers and so on. A municipaliry official emphasizes
(he human narure of che project and that it will be an 'attempt to restore life to the
heart of Abu Dhabi and resurrect old memories that are being obliterated by rapid
chIDges and lDodemity'.·l As sllch (he new 50/./q will be built to preserve these
goals - perhaps also alluding to rapId changes taking place, reflecting some sort of
anxiety among local residents .
From the inicial announcement of a new market in 2002 until [he old 501/q'S
demolition in 2005 a series of newsp:lper articles periodically documented
shopkeepers' and shoppers' moods, eliciting reactions and more or less playing
into (his norian of loss, and rhal Abu Dhabi is losing an 'historical landmark'.
Plans or images for the project were never made public. However, initial plans
by the Arabi Engineering Bureau were scrapped and a competition was held for a
larger scheme. The winning design by award winning archirect, Jordanian Rasem
BJdran, shows a three-storey mward oriented strucrure, in addition to a five-storey
building. The projecr displays a cullUral sensibility by incorporating elements of
what is considered Gulf-Arab architecture: a requisite non-functioning wind­
tower; window patterns modelled after reconSmlcred hOllses and a colour scheme
chat evokes mud-brick buildillgs. 42 Since Abu Dhabi had no significant urban
tradinon to begin with these elements resemble historic buildings in Dubai
In their architecrural detailing. Overall, however, the project did not show the
282 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY n 'AI);·IiOi'<. MODc.'1N!TY AND URBAN DEVU.Di'Md~'

breadch, scope or ambition th~r characterizes similar venmres in Dubai . R~ther, ir

still was relatively conservative, fitting in with che overall image of the city - slow
development and avoidance of commerCialization.
However, rhe projeCt was put on hold and no significant elTon at demolition
Took place. In 2004 after the dearh of Sheikh Zayed, Abu Dhabi embarked on a
significant construction effort emering a new phase of urbanization as outlined
above . This stage v.rirnessed the destruction of many well known landmarks in the
ciry such as the Gee roundabour, the Volcano fountain and clock tower- the only
reminder that wa5 lefr was the souq . This was seT ro change however. Among the
many development players emering the scene was government owned AL DAR­
modelled after similar venmres in Dubai such as Emaar or Nakheel. They replaced
(he municipalicy as (he principal developer for rhe sire. Things moved quickly once
the replacement was made, resulting in an announcement about the cancellation
of the previolls scheme and a complete reworkmg of the design, and rhe issuance
of eviction nonces for shopkeepers - made more urgent by a fire which partially
desrroyed the sOllq. Parallel to th.is, newspaper articles promptly begm to suggest
that the new project will be a 'gleaming showpiece for the UAE's constant push
toward modernization', and that it is 'part of a broader modernization scheme',
although it is quickly nOted that ' . . . a lot of people are quire happy wnh the old,
bumt, dusty, permanently dying souq chis city currently has' . ~)

Figure W.I3. An area of

(he cenLJal marker wh ic h
was desrroyed by fire and a
store-front.
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG ABU DHABI'S GLDBAl Alvl8lnONS • 283

Figure 10.14. The oueer

edge of the ccno-a' markel
was a popul.ar gathering
place for Olany Jow-Ill comc
expamarcs.

A site visit by rhe amhor prior to demolition shows the 50uq still in operation
with significanc commercial activity (figure 10.13). Some shops were openly
displaying their wares to the public which included a cross-section of Abu DhabI
residents: the USLlaI assomncnc ofArabs and Asians, in addition to locals. The place
still showed its attraction as a gathering point for low-income residenrs who were
sicring along the 50uq's sidewalks in large groups (figure 10.14). However, a sense
of loss and sadness pervaded the market - no doubt enhanced. by the prominence
of evicrion notices plastered rhroughout the crumbling complex (figure 1O.15a and
b). The project was finally demolished on 2 March 2005.
Following che demolition a new scheme was inn-oduced by star architect
NOlTIlan Foster, replacing the Arab arc hitect Rasem Badran . This new Dh 1.3
billion ($360 million) project hopes to create 'a prestigjous and fully integrated
mixed-use scheme at [he heart of Abu Dhabi'. This will include a hotel, luxury
shops, flats , r~taurancs, offices and a traditional market (figure 10.16) .4-1 The
company intends the Central Market [0 'redefine [he city centre of Abu Dhabi'.
Addressing culturaJ concerns, ' ... the traditional Anbian Souq will aim to
recapture the heritage of the site by olTering authentic Middle Eastern goods
including textiles, jewellery, gold, spices, perfume, uiloring, carpets and gifts '. An
ominous note is cast about the potential clientele, noting that the centre will have
' ... high-end lifestyle Stores and boutiques in the recail podium' and 'floors will
284 • THE EVOLVING ARAB Cill': TRADm ON, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure 10.154, Demolition

IlQIlCCS p Ia.s ct: red chroughou t
me crumbling complex.

_
.: r L...f"c:.. ~!
....,..-"f~ ...... .........
, ~ ,...... ~

~,.J~~;';-~..:r~~""''-
-.....~_ ~--"-- _v
.........
.............._v..........-­_____ ,
-"""'I--"-"~ ~ ~""""""'-
..,.................. ,...,.......,....
......

.. ......
, ,L.~==~~:::.
i -~----- -' ,.,....,~,. ~ ,

.. . "'~ ....~l ""'- ~

..L. , ,, -,- , ~

......... k __ .. " ­ __ ~_ -"

- i I
Figure 10. tSb_ Close-up of
the demolItion notice.

be occupied by the world's leading reLlil brands covering all possible categories,
from specialist food stores co designer fashion, with at least one level becoming (he
"Bond Street" of Abu Dhabi'.45 Norman Foster's website includes an interesting
description of che project essenrially confirming its historical origin, but then
noring that (he market will be a 'reinterpretation of the rraditional market place
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLDBAL A/'v18fT10NS • 285

Figure 10.16. Figure ground drawing or Abu Dhabi Cenlnl district showing the lootion of [he
old celllral market and me sitc o( rhe new proJect.

;lnd a new civic heart for Abu Dh;lbi'. A cluster of cowers will create a 'striking new
urban landrrurk' (foster & Partners, 2007).
In 2006 a media blicz was launched which began by displaying a darkened Abu
Dhabi skyline, with faim images of a skyscraper, and the words 'Future under
consITUction' . Anticipation chus heightened, the ne..'<t stage included a brighcened
skyline with three gleaming towerS rising from the back and the ommous words:
'Abu Dhabi will never be the same again'. The project received funher exposure
in the 2006 Cirysc.ape real est:a(e extravaganzJ in Dubai where a large model and
;In extensive exhibition stand displayed it to the (cash rich) public (figure 10.170,
b and c). A pamphlet, actually a fancy book repeatS the same ideas arguing in a1l
senousness that this scheme will 'restore Cenrra\ Market £0 irs former glory'
and Just as it was in the 60s, Central Market will be the focal poine of busmess
and social life' . The entire book is sprinkJed with images of local Arabs as well
as foreigners e~oying the finer things in life. Advertisements for the projeCt are
placed in a variety oflocarions such as [he Abu Dhabi airpon where one is greeted
with posters displayed throughout the arrival terminal.
286 • THE EVOLVING AAAB CIl'( TRADITION. MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

s
\

Figure 10. t 74: ALDAR

mnd in CITYscape 2006,
Dub.t shoWlng the model
[or rhe nL'W Abu Dhabi
Ccnrr~1 Market project.

Figure 10.17h. View

from above of the model
showing the new mal!
senion and the nsing
(owers althe back.

Figure 10.17,.
AdvernsemenLS for the
new Central Markel
project in Cu:yscape 2006,
Dubai.
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG. ABU DHABi'S GLOBAL AMSmONS • 287

The physical [actS illusc:r:ae (he sheer enormity of the project - standing in
stark concrast to ehe originaJ plan of creating a humane, small-scale environment,
which would foseer a sense of community and inc:(rmcy. This IS exemplified by the
three towers, which include a 52-storey five star luxury hotel; a 58-storey office
tower; and the piece de resisliltJu, an 88-storey residential tower. The tower is clad in
;} shimmering, gleaming curtain wall which is meant to dominate the Abu Dlubi
skyline. The lower podium is clad in a Lattice-like screen, meant to evoke some sort
of mnsltrabiy'ya. What is in essence a modem, luxurious shopping mall is covered
with such a device to address this dubious notion of an Arabian 50Uq.
Now, these are of course common pronouncements in any mixed-use, high­
end development scheme that un be found anywhere In the world . For the Gulf,
chis has almost become the linguafranca of Jrchirecrure. h is as if a project in Dubai
is being described. Most significantly, however, is the transformation which has
occurred - from a small dilapidaeed row of shops, which nevertheless caeered
to a very significant pan of the population, co :m ulrra-Iuxurious shopping mall.
What underlies all this, it seems, IS a desire (0 exclude these elements whIch were
in some way 'spoilmg' the modem metropolitan image that officials ;He trying to
porrray. There simply is no room for loieering Pakistani shoppers looking for a
cheap bargain, or a gathering of Sri Lmkan housemaids exchanging news (figure
10.18). As such this development by its very nature responds to ehe capitJi schemes

Figure 10.18. The old central

market - a popular meenng
place_
288 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADmON. MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

depicced by Harvey (2006) when he argues that capitalism f..wours a geography

(hat caters to the rich and is based primarily on social exclusion - seen here in
unmi~takably clear terms. However, this project pales nexr to what is in-;swre: the
Saadiyat Island development which will be discussed in the nexr section.

Saadiyat Island; Integrating with a Global Cultural Network

Development plans for Saadiyat Island - located approximately sao m [rom the
main shoreline of Abu Dhabi, :\nd encompassing an area of25 km 2 - go as far back
as 1992 when it was conceived initially as a major financial centre (Allison, 2000).~6
Described by The Economist in 1999 as an 'an elongated triangle of desiccated
scrub and scorched sand criss-crossed by camel tracks' but where 'skyscrapers will
sprout, bankers and stockbrokers will congregate - and a financial centre on the
scale of New York. London or Tokyo will blossom'. In 1996, allthorities created
rhe Abu Dhabi Free Zone Authority to regulate the developmenc. k in tum, hired
legal and financial consultants to develop the island's financial infrastructure. It
seems the project was well under way - in spite of concerns due it would compece
F

with Bahrain, (he traditional finmcial ccnue of the area. More significantly,
E

however, were developments taking place in Dub;}i which has been more amactivc
to foreigners for a variety o[ reasons, representing a counterpoint to what Abu
Dhabi was trying to achieve . ~7 Completion of the project was expected by 2002, r
with an entire city plafUled to house 25,000 people; it was also described as a 'digital
city' (Allison, 2000). The entire project faltered, however, and developments were
put on hold. Soon chereafter the Dubai Financial Market was founded in 2000, a
and in 2002 me Dubai lntemariorul Financial Centre (DIFC) was announced, a
opening officially III 2004 in a state-or-the art building meam to be a contemporary e
interpretacion of the Arc de Triomphe (TIl(' Economist, 2002, 2005). It seems, t
however, that Saadiyar Island was destined for bigger, and more ambitious, plans.
Harking back to irs conservative and traditional role, Abu Dhabi always saw s
itself as the centre of culrure in the UAE. In the 1970s, as already mentioned, it s
hired a well known architecrural finn to design a cultural centre and a nanonal
library. This would become a main venue for staging classical concerts, art exhibits,
as well as a major book fair. It seemed only nJcural chat irs sights would eventually
turn towards creating a more subscanrive cultural venue. Changes following the
death ofSheikh Zayed - which were noted above - involved the redevelopment of
the islands surrounding Abu Dhabi resulting in a series of projects a.nnounced on
an almost dady basis . Most significantly, in 2004, the Ahu Dhabi Tourism Authority
(ADTA) embarked on a project to develop Saadiyat Island into a 'world-class',
'cnvironmencally sensitive' tourist destination thac included as ics centTepiece the
creation of a new cultural district for Abu Dhabi and [he UAE. This was tTanslated
inco a masterplan through (he appointment of the USA's Gensler Associates and
under UAE Law No: 12, che establishment of yet another organization, the
Tourism Dcvelopmenc Investmen( Company (TDIC). Included within the
 CinES OF SAND AND FOG: ABU DHABI'S GLDBAL AMBITiONS • 289

Figure 10.19. Sa..dlY.JC Island development. View from ahove ora model at 2n exhiblClon at the
Emlrau:s Palace Hotel. A bridge connects the island to Abu Dhabi City.

massive project was an array of fearures and amenities, slIch as commercial and
residential propenies, resort hotels, recreational facilities, nature preserves, and
perhaps most significantly, (he crealion ofa duster o['world class' cultural facilities
and institutions that would be operated in partnership with escablished museums
and performing arts institutions [rom around the world. Thus, 'Abu Dhabi had
embarked on one of the most ambitious urban and cultural development projectS
ever conceived' (figure 1O.19).~
Through this projeCl it was hoped dut the city would finally emerge from the
shadow of its neighbour, Dubal, and place itself squarely on the map of 'globally
significant' cities. In July 2006 an agreement was signed between TDIe and (he
New York based Guggenheim Museum to establish a 'world-class' museum
devoted to modem and contemporary an to be built as pan of the cultllral district.
The museum - designed by world renowned architect Frank Gehry - would be
called the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi (GAD) covering :m area of 30,000 m 2 - [he
largest of [har f"mchise of museums (figure 10.20). Accompanied by numerous
press releases, Sheikh Mohamed, Abu Dh2bi's crown prince, nored char (his
project 'will become an international cultural hub [or rhe Middle East on par
With rhe best in (he world' .49 Statements as to the significance of this project
were characteristically hyperbolic, emphasizing its global dimensions, with
Thomas Krens, director of (he Guggenheim Foundation arguing (hat 'when this
comprehensive and Inclusive vision is realized, it Wlll sec a standard for globJI
culrure thac will resonate [or decades (Q come'.so Gehry, after admitting that he
knew little about the place, suted that his initial reluctance was overcome by
290 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY. TRADITION. MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure 10.20. Frank ~hry's

proposed Guggenheim
Museum.

three hours of 'quality time' wlth Sheikh Sultan, chainnan ofTDIC, in his office
in California, which convinced him. orherwise. 51 Asked about his vision for the
project, he said rhat its main 'draws' 'were the u l11 agic" of the Arabian desert- with
its undulacing peach-colored dunes and the turquoise Persian Gulf' - a curious
statement given the fact that there is no immediate desert surrounding the island,
which is (or the most part a barren landscape.
The announcement was met with widespread acclaim in the local media,
with pictures of Gehry standing in the opulent Emirates Hoeel lobby appearing
in a variety of newspapers. Criticism came {rom abroad with some noting that the
project by its very nature could 'aroLlSe conservative sensibilities' - for example,
the depiction of nude paintings or religiously sensitive subjects. 52 Or, that it has
'brought striking ClIlruraljuxtapositions' since the museum is named for a major
Jewish-American (amily and designed by a Jewish-American architect' and that it
'would rise in the capital of an Arab counny' .53 Furthennore, many critics argued
thatAbu Dhabi (and others) are simply buying art and culmrewithout a substantive
cu!tural.scene - such views are somecimes cloaked in a downright racist language. 54
Adding another twist to the projeCt is the New York based Human Rights watch
 CIlIES OF SAND AND FOG. ABU DHABI'S GLOBAL AMBmONS • 291

who have called on the Guggenheim Museum board to 'publicly pledge that it
will enforce labour righcs during conso-uction and maintenance' (no response VJd.5
received).55 While~ sllch projecrs are announced all over [he world, it is rare that
(hey elicit similar reacrions . As the historical review in this chapter showed, these
expressions of 'bewilderment' go back as early as the late 1960s when Abu Dhabi
began ics urban development process. However, they do underscore significant
issues relared w identity, and Abu Dhabi's globalizing efforts both at a regional and
global level. In addition, it also makes an inr.eresting contribution to the current
debate about the role of museums and art.
The project in ;[$ firul form was unveiled in 2007. In addition to Gehry's
Guggenheim Museum, the development included a classical museum by Jean
Nouvel (affiliated with the French Louvre), a maritime museum by Tadao Ando,
and performing arCS centre by Zaha Hadid (figure 10.21), while nineteen art
pavilions, designed by an assortment of international architec[$ (only one UAE
local architect was included - Khalid Al-Najjar), were proposed along a meander­
ing water canal within the cultural district (alluding to the Venice Biennale) .
The original masterplan was revised by US based firm Skidmore, Ow-ings Jnd
Merrill, described as a disappointment since it 'representS nothing so mueh as
an outmoded 19th-century planning formula - an a.xial Beaux-Arts scheme with
hotels, mariru.s and eulrural monumentS sprinkled along the edges' .56 Some

Figure 10.21. Zah.a

I-Iadld's concen h~1l and
mother VIew of Gehry's
Gu ggenheim showing ilS
location within the island ,
292 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CHI': TRADITION. MODERNllY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

ohservers noced thac 'it probably would be hard (0 build them all in one disrrict
anywhere else' and that taken together 'it could be the world's largest single artS­
and-culture development project in recent memory'S7
The architectural designs are signature pieces characteristic of the architects
chosen; each is:! uniqut tribute to his/her style and uken LOgcther are a fascinating
display of state-of-the-art archicecLUral design in the twenty-first cenmry. Yet
(hey, as New York Times Middle East correspondent Hassan Fartah poignantly
obselVes, represent ' 2 soiking deparrure from Abu Dlubi's crumbling 1970s-sryle
concrete buildings and more modem glass-and-steel high-rises' . 58 The notion of
the tabuU1 rasa designing within an unconstrained setting figures prominently in
the design discourse of some architectS.59 Yec as architecrural critic Charles Jencks
recenc\y observed. in effect [here is no such thing as a /(Ibtlla rasa - there are always
conle:>.."tllal consrraints of some sorr, which seems to be the case in the conceptual
ideas proposed (Jencks, 2007; personal communicarion) .60 Architects are creating
their own context. Frank Gehry in a recent imemet blog, titled 'My Abu Dhabi
Adventure', agues that his design alludes to the tra.dirional alleyways ofArab towns,
as well as paying homage to traditional ways of cooling and controlling c1imate 61
None of these images have existed in any way in Abu Dhabi - rhey are more an
evocation of towns in Syria and Egypt, or amazingly Dub:!i. Similar contextual
relerences are made by NotIvel (an 'Arabian' town covered with a giganric dome
- a homage perhaps to Buckminscer Fuller's 1950s proposal for a dome covering
the city of New York), Ando (evoking the shapes of the dholV, the traditional Gulf
boat) (figure 10.22). Z.lha Hadid, on [he other hand, uttlizes some organic groWl:h

Figure 10.22. Jean Nouvel's LoUVTe Abu Dh~bi - a view under the dom e.
294 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY. TRADITION. MODERN!TY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

market it, rum it ineo a world wide entertainment network . .. and pad the pockets
of this insritlltion'.7o
In (his context the Fr~nch reaction was quite interesting. Jean Nouvel's
classIcal museum, proposed for the Island, was envisioned as carrying [he Louvre
name . Narurally, a French resistance emerged which cried to derail these attempts
on the grounds that France is 'selling its culture'. A website was created to rally
suppOrt for their cause, enlisting more dun 4,700 petitioners - the website was in
curn promptly blocked by UAE aUthorities. However, French government support
was Strong and, for a reponed price tag of$O.5 billion, the then French President,
Jacques Chirac, agreed to che deal, thus allowing for the creation of a Louvre
franchise in [he UAE.71 While dismissed by some as typical French snobbery, it
shows an intersection oflocal resistance, global capital and neo-colonial ambitions.
In the end, culcure and art become pawns within a global market - Abu Dhabi is
simply catering to this emerging trend . There have even been talks with the British
Museum to open another franchise! 72
Abu Dhabi is of course not the first city in the world to embark on sllch an
ambitious venture. Bilbao's Guggenheim museum is perhaps one of (he first
attempts at using both a signature architea and an an institution to esrablish
global significance for a cicy. More recent effortS are at a much larger scale such
:l.S the Galician City of Cultme by Peter Eisenman . A more poignant example

- and perhaps aligned with rhe scale attempted by Abu Dhabi - is the West
Kowloon Cultural Distria designed by Norman Foster in Hong Kong. The
project was conceived as an attempt for Hong Kong to become a world city
and to Cunha enhance irs status :l.S a major global fimncial centre. Thus private
corporarions were invited to build a series of world class museums, among them
(he Guggenheim. Interestingly a similar strategy of 'spectacular' architeccure (for
example, the world's largest outdoor rooi) was adapted to enhance the projects
appeal. However, as Cecilia Chu (2006) pointed out the project was met with
widespread opposition questioning irs scale and its relevance within the context
of Hong Kong. which in her view led to the opening 'of new spaces to imagine
altemaove modernities based nor on the official "world ciry" rhetoric but on so(ial
responsibility and ongoing wlll/ral work' (p. t 9; emphasis added). Such debates - for
a number of reasons - could not be conceived in Abu Dhabi. However, such
discourses need to be adapted in order co critique the Saadiyac Island project with
the general objective of making it ultimately useful for everyone. Ifthese buildings
were co emerge from being a mere spectacle, or a pawn within some global
cultural scheme, a local an scene would need to be nurrured which would in effea
sustain such a development. Schools of art and architeaure, openness towards an
exploration of ideas are all necessary ingredients [or a vital an scene. Furthermore,
a more effective and substantive engagement with Arab ulent-which has not been
part of the official rhetoric - will add significance and perhaps address concerns
that Abu Dhabi is simply llsing irs 'oil money' to buy art. It shoLlld be nored that
when the project was unveiled in February 2007, a large exhibition dedicated to
 CinES OF SAND AND FOG . /IBU OHAlJrS GLOi3AL A\o1BlnONS • 295

the development, displaying [he architects' models and renderings, was held at
the opulent Emirates Palace hotel. The exhibidon lasted umil April 2007 and has
in f:~ct stirred a debate among residents and intellectuals. Perhaps unprecedented.
in (he history of the UAE - projects in Dubai, for example, are simply unveiled
without any public participation - sllch events need to be substantiated by being
accompanied by debates about their merits and relevance. Hong Kong may offer
some lessons in this regard.

Conclusion
A city lfUJl had no pity 011 itself or its citizens: " motl/ut if debris IMI rose higher ellery day.
People looked around them, bewildered or gratified, but with a single wish: 10 get this all
over with .
Abdulrahman Munif. TIle Trenc/1 (Cities of Salt) (my emphasis). p. 222

Leftist writer Mike Davis in a 2006 an:icle on Dubai entitled 'Fear :md Money
in Dubal' - an allusion to Hunter S. Thompson's novel Ff'.ilr and L()(Ililing in Las
Lfgas - argued. while llsing the writings of Marxist writer Baruch Knei-Paz,7}
tim 'backward societies' (and he is using both Dubai and China as examples)
adapt products in their final stages of development without going through a
necessary evolutionary process. In his words 'the arduous intermediate stages of
commercial evolution have been telescoped or shon-circuited co embrace the
"perfected" synthesis o( shopping, entertainment and architectural spectacle,
on (he most ph.araonic scale' . Looking a( Abu Dhabi a similar analysis would be
applicable. One must ask here: What is me
validity of such cb.ims? They do belie
the sense of dismissal and dension hurled at cities in the Gul( which is - at its
worst - racism and at its most benign a fonn o( neo-colonialism. Based on brief
visits - usually a few days - they impart to the writer a sense of superiority and
significance. Unfornmately this IS me general view ofmany writers on cities in the
Gulf - though sometimes cloaked in more palatable language. Being unfamiliar
with the intricacies of this region, its daily life, (he aspirations and struggles of its
citizens - boch local and expatriate - they cannor grasp that these are real cities as
significanc co their inhabitants as are New York, Boston, Los Angeles or London
to theirs. However, how these cities are built, the nature and appropriateness of
the projects that are being proposed should not be taken at face value. They do
underscore significant issues that are ofdirect impact and relevance (or Arab cities
but also for ciries elsewhere.
Tracing a trajectory of Abu Dhabi's urban developmenc in the twentieth
ceomry. as this chapeer has cried to do, has shown that the city has changed quite
signi6candy from the consmlction of its 'Disneyesque' fon in the 1920s to the
proposed Gehry museum in Saadiyar. During the course ofsuch rapid change one
of the main problems seems to be that no alternative discourse or new planning
paradigm is proposed . Instead Western models are adapted as is, resulting in the
295 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CllY: mADmON, MODEANI1l' AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

current repetitive grid like pattems of its centre, or a lack of any significam urban
realm due to the reliance on cars. Yet by looking ar cities elsewhere and perhaps
adapting J mode of thinking that is m~m: sustainable - ho(h in its environmencal as
well as socio-cultural aspects - the city could cruly make a contribucion to urbanism
in the twenty-first ccnmry. One only needs co look at places like Shanghai's Eco
Cicy project or the grassroots resistance agamst Hong Kong's Kowloon cultllral
district, to realize that alternative ways of thinking are possible .
The Urban SrrucnHal Framework Plan announced :;;t rhe time of wricing
chis chapter with its focus on sustainable development, as well as a series of new
projects sllch as the Nannan Foster designed Masdar w:llled city (a business park
and research centre) which promises [Q be zero carbon and zero waste/~ suggest
thac a new way of thinking is shaping the cicy's growth - yet it remains to be seen
if this truly represents a departure from conventional praccices.
Abu Dhabi has, however, adapted a global cicy rhetoric, a natural development
given that it is strongly Integrated wichin the global financial network. Ies
aspirations to become global are - as chis chapter has shown - not meant as a
competition with its neighbour, Dubai, but to complement ies emergence as a
financial and service cencre, by becoming a cultural centre within the region. Its
conservative rooes, as well as the welfare SYSlem created by its late ruler, are bemg
replaced by policies that cater to the rich resulting 10 spaces that are exclusionary
- the Central Market project discussed in chis chapter is symptomatic of this
transformation. Of pamcular significance is the Saadiyat Island cultural district
- which aims at replacing the Middle East's traditional centres of knowledge, arc
and !earnmg - essencially completing a process which began in the 19805 and
19905 when a rich Arab Gulf clientele was busy acquiring Orientalis( p;unrings
in London as Christa Salamandra (2002) has shown in her excellent study on the
construction of Arabia in london. Through these - and ocher - effortS, a New
Middle East, is being forged In chis region (figure 10.23). The instirutions of global
capical - multi-nanona! companies and increasingly museums as well - arc being
used to transform ciries in che Gulfwhich are offered as a model for the rest of rhe
dysfunctional Middle East. This has become part of the official rheloric adapted by
local officials and scholars. Abd al-Khaleq Abdullah, a UAE University Professor
of political science talks about 'the Dubai momem' and [hal the significance of
cities sllch as Cairo, Beiru( or Baghdad has effectively diminished (Abdullah,
2006). Abu Dhabi is increasingly following a similar path.
Yet such proclamations need lO be looked ac with caution. Accepting the
validity of the cLlim (hat developments in Abu Dhahi may in fact consnwce a
model of some SOrt, its applicability within a context such as Cairo for example,
is quite questionable. This has been discussed at great length elsewhere using the
case of Dubai (EJsheshcawy, 2004, 20000, 2008). But a morc significant question
is whether Abu Dhabi is in fact on its way to becoming a global cicy? Samir Amin,
well known economist, in an article questioning the applicability of the global city
concept to Dubai, argues chat such cities while more or less formally becoming
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG- ABU DHABI'S GLOBALJWBrTlONS • 297

Figure 10.23 . Entrance gale [0 lhe Emirates Pabce Hotel W1(h the cicy sl.,.-yline In lht bKkground.

cemres (or filllnce, culture etc. are not what Saskia Sassen (2001) calls command
posts within a global economy. They are not sites of production or technological
innovation. More significantly their financial status is not linked to a decision­
making process tbat allows for (he conrrol and flow o( capital- which arc typically
associated \\lith the financial cencres o( the USA, Euwpe and Japan (Amin, 2006) .
Increasingly me 'global city discourse' IS moving away from (he Western, economic
bias and is becoming more inclusive , accepting the distincriveness o( cities - using
terms such as world cicy, transnatiom.l ciry. or globalizing cicy.75
Thus, cioes such as Abu Dhabi may adopt the (anTIs of a global CIty - exclusive
mL'Ced-use developmentS, inremational museums and centres of learning, world­
class airportS etc. - but in (he end one could .argue thac they are merely recycling
ideas, or serving global capital- withour adding a substantive, altemative discourse
to urban development. The quesrion then becomes : Going beyond (he glitter of
GIte1)'esque museums or high-rech FOSlenali towers - wh.at does Abu Dhabi olIer
to the world? Are these developments at the eod ge:Jred to its citizens, enhancing
their daily lives or are they - like Munirs ficDonal people in the quote above -left
as bewildered as everyone else?

Epilogue
Abu Dhabi was like a hotel. Evetyonc was ill Iransit. Some people, like myself and the
IraveLing salesmen, were here for a few days, Iwing out oj suillases and U111ing up smuiwuhes
0/1 room-servia. Others . _. lVere oui on two year contracts; Ihe Paiesfinu1I1s lVere here U1uil thai

mythical day when Haifa and Tel Aviv would be liberated; Ihe Ball/chi's, ill their encampment
 298 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY. TRADIllON, MOLJi:dt\Ii",Y AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

/1
on the sann, ,vere p(lliillg through; even tlte bedll !tad been Illmed into guests oj Ihe slau, en
W
route from a rJomadic past/i> (j skeuhyjiJIU re,
'Temporary people. Migrants. Passengers' (Raban, 1979, p. 145)
m
ar
Notes w

\. See. for cxample, Benton-Short, Price and Fnedman (2005) And RobInson (2002) ; also Peter­ (1
F,
Smith (2002) and ofpa.niwlar importance is Ley (2004).
2. As an InlC[e5Ung Illdicallon of lhe exO\lC allure of Abu Dhabi In the 19SOS, the caftoon c~t
Garfield would o[len pul the kmen Nermal in a box lJld shIp him to Abu Dhabi nle phrase 'Abu
Dhabi IS where aI/the cute kittens go' is sometimcs usc'{/ In lhe comic. rn on, episode of Garfield
and Friends, Garfield himself is sen! to Abu Dhabi and he finds II inhabltcd by dozens of cute
kinen< which people keep sending there. This tS {he song that accompamed these advenrurcs (http: I~
Ikll.wikiquotc.orWWlki!Garfield _and_Friends. Accessed 30 September 2(07):
II
Abu Dhabi, il's far away. Abu Dh.abl. IDlt's where you'll Stay r
Abu Dhabi, Ihe place to be. For any kinen who's 3nnoymg me, yc~h)
Abu Dhabi, it's oiT [he track. Abu Dhabi. now don't come back.
Abu Dhabi, II'S qutte a thnll. For any kitten who can make me Ill'
Now some: lake a nain, and some take a plane.
BUI J am sending you, nOlan a boat, or even by goat. BUt in a box marked 'Posuge Due' . )'

Abu Dhabi, you're Whll Ihey bck. Abu Dhabi, now you're all packed. 21
Abu DhabI. ~ far commute. for any kinel) who is 100 darn cute' h.
3. The official webstte for the UAE 2005 ccnsus: hcrpJ/www.lcdad.Je!cnglish/index.hcml. Ie
Accessed 15 April 2007. 2
[(
4. The scnlcmcm It lhal time used 10 be knOWlI as Mle;h (ulty) dut to Its salty water. It changed
to Abu Dhabi which in ArabIC means Father of the Gazelle, whIch was an animal thaI roamcd Ihe 2:
J... sert and wh.ich was reportedly found drinking waltr from a well; hence che ru.me (Al - Fahlm, 2

1995). tJ

5. First reference to Abu Dhabi m TII£ New York TImcs was In .. 1951 anlCle titled ' No qUICk 1

deciSIon likely in ot! SUII; two companies seekmg right to drill of sheikhdom of Abu Dhabi in n
Pcrmn Gulr. 2
6. The 1951 Nn" Ytirk Times amde notes lhac: 'Sheik Shakhbut Bin Sultan Bin Za'id left his P
homeland (or Ih ... flrSlltme 10 appear a( the arblU:lt1on hcarings. expected to end Tuesday. The SheIk 2
m:llnUlnS hc can kg~\ly give the Amenc;;n company a.n underwater conceSSIon. Trucial Coast has a 2
concession danng blCk 10 1939'. 7
7. At Ihat lime nvalry with neighbour ing Dubai did exist. Sheikh Shakbul on a visit to Du h.i was I<
Impressed by a 2.400 (OOt bridge over Dubal's creek. Even though Abu Dh.lbl did not have a creck 2
he was delermrned thai It should have a bridge, the pnnClpal characteristic of whICh must be thalt! b
be larger and longer t.han Dubai's. And so It was buil! over a dry wadi. [Adams Schmidl. D. (1969) n
Tiny Arab SheIkdom srrivcs [0 outdo its neighbor. 717e Nrw Ytir), TIIIlC5, March 22.] r
8. For an interesring profile of Makhlou( sec Hass~n. F. (2oot) Abdel-R:llunan MakhlOIlf: A p
p~~sion for order. AI-Ahram ~~e)'ly Onlinc, Issue 565, 2(}-"26 December. hnp://weekly.ahl<lffi.org.egl
2001/Sf,S/profile.htm. Accessed 31 March 2007. And a recem KJU1ulCi Times profile described him as o
Ihe maslerplanner of Abu Dhabi and AJ-Am and mosc.ly influenced by modernist WeSTern planning 1,
principles developed ;uter World War II as a resull of wimessrng the reconsm.lcrion of destroyed F
German cities where he srudied plannulg (AzIZ, A (2007) The 'm.a.ster' planner of Abu Dhabi, AI 2
Ain. KJlakej TIm£S OnJifl£, 10 M.trch . hnp://www.kh.aleej{imes.com. Accessed 31 March 2007).
9. The poplilation of Abu Dhabi in 1966 was }7,000. The number increased to 70,000 In 1972
following unification . A remarkable increase mostly attribuled co imn,ignllts (HallIday, 2002).
10. Emerson, G. (196&) Abu Dhabi gushes Instanl wealth. Th New Ytirk Times, 28 February.
, -- crTIES OF SAND AND FOG. ABU DHASfS GLOBAl.. AMSmONS • 299

11. Emerson, G . (l968b) Abu Dhabi lhe unsocIable b;jby boom IOwn . 71u NejIJ York Times, 10
March .
12. Describing scenes of exn:eme primillveness conrrasrcd W1th emerging SIgnS of modernIty she
ObSLlVC,: The camels, the goa ts l n d 111(' mongrel dogs of Abu DhabI sull meander thro ugh the
market place, a honeycom b of sulls and huts and st:lnds, speckled w][h pocket-sized supennarkets
and pharrll;lcl cS too. The creech of lites and th~ hontS of big foreIgn cars, dnven t06 h It by men
who icarTlL-d to Sleer in Mercedes and Cadillac, d o not stanle ItU: animals ;m y more' (Eme rson , G.
(196&) A mixtllre of goats and cadillacs: Abu Dhabi is rollmg in oil wealth . 111£ New York TImes, 24
Februny).
13 AJso see New York Tlm~ (1969) 9 Sheiks bunch Gulf Federal ion; Abu Dhabi deSignated as
provlstonal capiral. Thr New York TI~, 23 October.
14 . Lee, J (1970) Uniry eludes nine Persian Gulf Shelklldoms. The New York TImes, 29
November.

IS. Shochan, E. (J974). UnradlCal sheiks who shake the world. nu New York TImes, 24 M 3rch .

16. Broyard, A (1978) Books o( Ihe T,mes: ArabIan days. TIU' N~v York Ttmc..<, 27 Junc.
17. J onathan Raban (1979, p. 179) wmes: 'The bedu had been reseeded . Allover thc Clll/rate, the
nomads who h ad been the companions ofTh~iger, Phllby and Berrnm Thomas now IlVed on new
breezeblock estltes in the desert' .
18. Howe, M. (1979) Emir,Hes seek development conn-ols. TIle j\,lro; York TImes, 4 August.
19. Howe, M. (1972) Abu Dhab i acbpti ng 10 modem world. The N(1/J York TImes, 14 January.
20. Howe (1972) writes: '~Town planntng is Sheik Z~ycd ' s hobby", Mr. Makhluf SlId . ~A1lhough
he's Iud no fonnal schooling he has a vc ry good sense of orienl.:lrion, space and cOfTe larion. He used
to walk about the oases:IJlcl dream of rnl1dem CInes and now it's luppemng"' (see note 19) .
21. An arclllt.cctural firm esubllshed by Waller Gropius, one of Ihe pIoneers of modernis m and
founder of the Bauhaus School in Gennany
22. Howe (1979) (see note 18).
23. The municlpaliry report d ocs no t st.:lle that Atkins was Involved in th e prOJect. However,
Ihe company's website indicates that lhey were involvcd in preplnng the masterplan. (wv.'W
a I kinsgl 0 bal. co m/s ki Il;/p Iann i n gl u rba nplan n In glre giona land s tr ateg ic p Iann in g/a b ud h a b I
masterpl.n/. Accessed 6 Octobe r 2007.
24 . No clear reaso n is gIVen (or lh is chJllgc at Ihat time - although a planner with the Abu Dhabi
Plannt ng Departmcnl suggesled !lut the concept of 'Illvesrment' was nO( apphcable (Abush.Jm,
20(5).
25. The pnce ug is billed at $3 billion. For more Infonnacion see Otto Pohl 's (2005) article in
The N" fIJ York TImes rilled :Abu DhablJollmal; WI Lli $3 Bilhon, More or Less, Buys : A Hotel Fit for
Ki ngs' ; or Katherine Zoepf's (2006) 'The Land with the Gold t' fI f-lo(el' .
26. Accordmg to ArTicle 3 in the new law, GeC ClClzens and kgJI persona.l/Cle~ wholly owned
by them nuy own properties, provided th31 the property should be located within the precinct of
investmenl areas. However, they shall have the right to dispolc and arnngc any onginal or collateral
right over my of those properties ... Acc ord ing to Article (4) - Non-UAE nationals, narural or legal
persons, shall have the nghc co own surr;, e property in inve slme nl areas. Surface property refc rs
to th.:!1 property bUIlt on land. Thus, (he non-narionals can ow n the propeny, bur not the land
Oil whIch it is built . .. Th.is sh.1I be done Ihro ugh a long-term contract of99 years or by virrue of
long-r.erm suruce leasing conmetS of 50 yea.rs renewable by murual coruenr' (Gulf News (2007)
ForeigJlers get rightS to own surface properry. GIlIf New;, 12 February, p. 37) .
27. A govemment repon nOles: 'Sheikh Zayed nipped m Ihe bud an onslaughr from US property
speculators 10 buy inlo Abu Dh abi in Ihe 1970s; they wer t lIltent on buying up propen!es in the
largest emir;1lt at what cons ri tuted high pnces for UAr. IUtiona\s, but which were very low by
Intematlonal standards. Sheikh Z~yed lWecd with the ' peculalors that property prices would soar
as oil-wealth flowed into the economy; the then poor m;uonry ofUAE nationals would b" squeezed
300 • n-IE EVOLVING ARAB CfTY: mADmON, MODERNfTY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Oul of Ihe market and have to compe te with internalional all-comers to buy back imo the prope rty
market at a later date at inflated prices' (GulfSutes Newsletter (_003) Abu Dhabi and Dubai's patllS
diverge over real estate development. GulfSiaies Nelvs/eller, 1 D ecember).
28. Gulf News (2007) Abu Dh abi projects WOrth close co Dh Irr. GulfNM5, 13 Febmary, p. 37.
29. Gale, r. (2007) New Abu Dhabi airport tenn im llo be ready In 2010. G,tlj NMS, 20 March,
p 36.
30. Roberts, L (2007) Abu Dhabi plans funl re o f capiul. ArQbwn BUSlllru, 20 September. h ttp:
Ilwww.arabianbusiness.comlS00636-abu-dhabi-plan -fu nne-of-capiul. Accessed 21 SeptcmbeT
2007.
31. Salama, S. (2007Q) Hundreds vie for atTordable fla ts: Abu Dhabi's shoruge ~{fects many
resIde ntS. Gu!fNMS, 25 FebruJry, p. 8 .; Salama, S. (2007b) Landlords find new ways to get around
rent cap rule : soaring rate fo rce many e)"-palS to leave jobs and rerum home. GlIlj News, 31 March.
p. 3; Salam-a, S. (20071) Hundrcds of workers forced 10 live in cramped amcs. Gulf Nl:lVS, 19
February, p. 3.
32. Howe (1972) (see lIotl: 19).
33. D aniel, K (2002) Bazaar buzz: Th.e old world charm of Hamdan Souk In Abu Dhabi make s
shopping a ple:lsllre. Gulf News, 17 June, Tabloid, p. 16
34 . Kowch , N. (2003a) Abu Dhabi souq prep:m" to fade into 11lSlOry: Demohtion ofthrcc -decade
old baz;)ar to scan In November, shopkeepers expre s\ sadness. G"IjNnvs, 31 Augusl, p. 5.
35. 'J.P. an Indian chartered accountant, who orne to the VAl: in 1967, "When [ first came out
here w", on ly had the Souk \0 shop and meet people. T! was nOt In the same shape as you find it now.
They were ordinary shops with tarpaulins (or roofs and sa nd as Rooring . But, it was ,he only place
to buy cheap stuff and spend rime in rhe cafeterias·' (Daniel, 2002) (see note 33).
36. Gulf News (2002) Designs underway 10 build new marke t In Abu Dhabi: C entral Souq 10 be
replaced Wl tb a new (acihry in rradlOorul Arab l nd Islamic design. GuIfNellJ;, 29 D eLLrllbcT', p. 4.
37. Gulf News (2002) and Kowch (2003a) (see nores 36 and 33)
38. A local n ewsp3per includes the (allowing accounts (GIJIjNl':llIs, 2002):
'Tanq Mubbarak of MubbarakJewellers said: UThis is a shockmg news. J hJve been here for 27
years doing good busi ness. r even get customers fro m the GCC counrries and Europe. This IS very
painful for Ille, if I go som ewhere else I willl06e cus tomers . .. If Ihe mUlllClpahry rep31TS [he souq,
rums it Into a more antique style like the Gold Souq jn Dubli it WIll be bener".'
A ;mdio Q{1mnQn/: 'There are ~ round 3,000 ro 4,000 people from different counrnes who work here
31 .. , II ' the market is knocked dow l! , Iheir source o(mco",, · WIll be Cllt ofT and they may go home.'
II Syriull shopper. 'The way (he ~ouq is now it invites m ore customers. An old m arket has ICS own
spcCla l amlOsphuL which . lIr'lC ts louns!S. II is similar to a heritage Site. T here are enough modem
stores around. I think the country WIll lose someuliog if it is demolish ed (see note 36).
39. The full accoII nt : 'There are too m any things to remember in this market . It has a uTIlque
character, the mixture o( nanonaliti es and cultures, the fam ily atmosphere and close ness among rhe
shop owners, and the s mell of perfume and ince nse. Above all , this marke t is deeply associaled with
the memories of who first came (0 Abu Dnabi . It is hlsrory and culTUre and Tdon't d lln k it will be
easily forgotten' (Kowch, 2003a) (see note 34) .
40. ibid.
41. 'II will give a humm and culrural louch to (he city. We are rrying to create J balance ,n tim
aggreSSIve modernity and constructIon dnve that engulfs the capical. At le<lSt thIS WIll preserve pan
of 1IS culture and prompt the residents to interact WIth It. Modernity and development do not me;m
(nat we ha ve to line up all these hIgh-rise towe rs Jlong o ur roads. Development should uke Illto
conSIderation our history and culture, olherv.rise no memori es will be left to the people. The hum~n
needs (his ki nd of rhythmic and diverse scene and (he new so uq will be built to serve this goal. In
other words this project is an anemp( to res lore life to the he.n of Abu Dhabi and resurrect old
memories thaI are bemg obliterated by rapid changes and moderniry' (Kowch, 2003b) .
 CinES OF S.AND AND FOG: ABU DHAB!'S GLOBAL AMBillONS • 301

42. Al-Khaleej (2006) AI- Du postpones Central Markec biddi ng; In order 10 conduCt changes to
the project d esign. A/-KJw/eq, 14 April. p. 14. 'Designed by inte rn.monal pri ze-winning archilecc
RTKL (ollowin g m internati on al design competilion in w hich five of rhe world 's leadmg urban
d es ign ers too k pan. RTKL has been commjssioned by ALDM 10 progress Ihe projecc thl'Ough co
conSl rucrion. To supplement and enhance this Imdm ~rk deve lopment, ALDAR has also appointed
award-wl.!1ni ng archiccCls J afar Tubn and Rasem Bad ra n co design ellIS projecc's new Mosque
and Souk: whose achievem tnt> lre evident throughout che Middle ro.'( and worldwide - both
of chem have won many m ajor ;nchirCClUral awards, including the CQvLlcd Ag;l. Khan Award for
Arch ,t<.:c mre' .
43. S:<llds. C. (2005) End of an era: 3C midnlghr, Abu DhabI'S old souq will be 11lScory. GuljNroJs,

! 1alJloid. 1 March , p. 2.
44 . Ibid.
45 ALDAR CEO Chllsfophcr SIms commented : 'This WIll n01 be 1 "Mall" in the trAditional
sense. bUI Will be a desnnaLian alTerin g Ihe vis itOr or re iden t mynad leisure. enlCfUllln l<: nt
and n ; I.l tl experiences . . . It WIll be J unique experience - th e 6rsl o( 1(5 kind In rhe UAE. \Ve are
. Iready in negociatio n with some o( the mOSt exci cing and o rigin al names in the retail world .' (hrtp:
//VJWVI.lmeinfo.com!74169.hnnl. Accessed 1 M al'C11 2007).
46. [I is jnceresnng 10 obs~: H' du t this projccc was conceived immediarely following the BeCr
ba nking scmdal in wh ich Abu Dlu bl w. unpJicated and wh ich received considerable cover.age in
the int ernational press ~I tlut time (see, for ex;un ple,. Ibrah im, Y (1991) Behind B.C .C.!.. 1 Sheik
Wllh power and wealth. TIle Nell) York Tom es, 10 July. http://select.nytimes.com. Accessed 1 March
2007)
47. Accordmg co The Economist (1999). ' . . uncil Saadiyal lO,ke. orr:
(orel&>TIcrs will prrfcr LO live
in Duha;. It has the regIOn 's bUSIest pOrt ~Ild airpon. 1I0t co m em ion hotels , bars, restaur:Ull$, shops
and brOlhels. Its fr<"c zone has already ,t(hILVe<:! a critical mass ofimponers and light manu(acrure~ .
The ughlami-laundering rules drawn up by Sa;ld'i Ylt's consultanLS Will mAe it hard co aruace some
of the more su spect sons of depositS. And Abu Dhabi's rulers lack Dubaj's flair (or publrcity· .
48. Trade Arabia (2007). Andrew visi tS Saadlyac. hnp:J/www.ITadearablJ .comlnewslnewsdetails.as
p ~ Sn = INT&amd= 1202H. Accessed 26 Much 2007.
49. Ameen, A (2006) Frank G e hry to de sign Guggenheim museum. GuljNews, <) July, p .3.
50. Property World MIddle E;!s t (2006). Abu Dhabi to bUIld Gehry-designed Guggenheim
Museum . b rrp:J/www.properl)"vnrldm e.c<Jm/mnJ.tem/ IHmVt4{)l.asp. Accessed 6 February 2007.
5 I. Krane. Jim (2006) Frank Gebry wonders whether he c.:ln lOp Bilbao. TIU'. Chilla POSI . 10 July.
www.chinapost.com.[w/J nJd~wi Lasp·1D = 85658&G RP= h . Accessed 12 July 2006.
52. Goldenberg, S. (2006) Gu ggen h6m (0 build museum in Abu Dhabi . Tht GuardulII, JO July.
h!lp j/aru.gu~rdian.co . uklnews/story/O., [816806,00.hrmL Accessed 6 February 2007.
53. IsrJellrrsidcr (2006) Jewish architect bUilds Guggenheim'S largest museum in booming Abu
Dh~bi . Israeli b lJidt r Onlillt
Edirion, 9 July. ImpJ/web.israe li nsider.comiArticle>IBriefsl8833.l110l.
Accessed 6 February 2007.
54. Conrad, P. (2007) When oil and p.lirH mu'-. Guardiall Ull/illli/ed. 1 I Match. htrp:!/
~rts.guardian.co.uklanJv isua lanJs [ory/O ..2031070,00.hlml. Accessed I Aprrl 2007.
55. Arabian Business (2007) Guggenheim oiled on (0 protect righ ts . Arabian B,/Sllles;, 28 JOlly.
hccp:l/w·ww.HabiJn bu iness. camli ndex .php 'option = com_con cen r&vie w = artie! e&rd = 496634
Accessed 6 Augusc 2007.
56. Ourollssof( N. (2007) A vLSion In the dc·,crt. TIrc Nelli York "Jime:s , 4 February. Section 2, pp.
1.30
57. Facnh, H . (2007) Celebrity architects reve.1 1 danng cultural x.am.du far rhe Arab World. 11k'
New 'tOr)" TImes, 1 ~bruary, Seerion E, pp. I , 5.
58. Ibid.
59. Cehry on context: ' Jr's like a clean slale In a COUll try (ull of res ources . . It's 3n opportunity
302 • THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY. TRADITION, MODERN[1'( AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

for the world of art and wlnlrc duc is not available aJlywhere else bec..ause you're bUilding a desert
enclave WlthoUf che contexru'll consrraints of a ciry (Ibid.).
60. A converSJelon With Charles Jencks, speaker a( a symposium organized hy Ajman UnlveTsiry
o( SCience & Technology. 'Architecrural & Urban Devc\apmem In rne UAC. 19 March 2007.
Fainnonl HOld. Dubai.
61 . The complee(; scatement is quite fascina ting; 'Abu D~LIbl's going lD be very dIfferent - a uke
on a rradltional, spread ouc, organic Arab vill age or tovm . N,)t liter-illy, but ic'llluve the equiva.lenc
of SIre-etS md alleys, sauk-like spaces and piaZ.1S, some shaded lOd ochers covered. It'll be the
biggest Guggen heim yet. There'll be fresh aiT and sunJighr, and we'll be bringing in cooling air
through a modern t.1ke on cradicional Middle Eas tern wlOd cower.». or course, the core of the
building, or complex, will need to be air-conditio ned, bue chis won'c be .a hermeric bUilding; Ic'lI
be an adventure, J kind of walk through a town with an along ehe way' (Gehry. F. (2007) My Abu
Dhabi advemure. Til e C lwriidll UH/imilld, Art Blog. 5 March. hnp:!/blogs.gUJrdun.co.uk!anJ2007/
03/mL2bu_dhabi_advenrurL'.htrnl. Accessed 25 March 2007.)
62. Both the Gehry :lnd Nouve! projectS are described as being a perfeCt represenulion o{
a sllccessful fusion of East and W~-,t: 'Mr. N ouvel and Mr. Gehry have Ingeniously harnessed
local 3rchilcClurai tr.ldilion.s Without stooping to supcmclal ir1((-rpreuuons of histori cal sryles.
IntrinsIcally their deSigns acknowledge thac the Row of culrun: between Else and Wesl Ius not
Jlways been one-sided. If they convey nostalgia, it is (or a belief in che fUlure ... Yet overall it is
he.artening to see Western architects engaged in see king a balance becween rhe bruce force of global
cultute - itS rur h1ess effacemenl of differences, its Darwinia.n indifference to rhe have -nots - and
the fragiliry o(\ocal traditions' (Ouroussoa: 2007) (see nore 56) . Z.'l.ha Hadid 's de "ign on rhe other
hand 'springs from (he compkx narure ofth" SlLe Id(ner than an e..xplontion of cultural memory'.
63. Haider, 1-1. (2D07) S.aadlyat projectS' deSIgns on show Klialaj Times, I February, p. 3.
64. As quoted in OurOll5soff (2007) (see nace 56).
65. ' Now the ciry is on ehe verge o( (mother audacious leap. Over the next decade Ot so it aims to
become one of tne great culrural cwters of the Middle Easl: rhe hei r, in its way, to cosmopolic.an
citlC") of old like Bcicur, Cairo lJId Baghdad .. . With once-proud ctties like BeIrut and Baghdad
TIpped ap.arc by political conBiCt bordering on CIvil war, Abu Dhabi otTers the hope of major
realignmelll. a chance to plant the seeds for a ferti le new culrunl mod el in the Middle b!;t ...
tlle buildings promIse 10 be more (nan aestheci c experi ments, outlining a vlsion of cros,-culrurll
pollin.ation' (Ibid.).
66. Taylor. K. (2007). Abu Dhabi lures Wcstern museums. The Nt:1v Yolk 5ml. hrtpj,lwww.nysun.
com!article/47795. Accessed 10 February 2007.
67. He further no tes; ' ... r,his interest in using cul ture as a (001 (or communication as a vical part of
the urban fabric is taki ng place aJI over the world. In (he last three ye.ars, we h.ave been approached
by more than 120 cities [rom around the world chac w.mred to do rbis sore of thing' . (Kreru, T.
(2006) Interview on the Charlie Rose Show. Alred 3 January 2006 on PBS).
68, Taylor (2007) (see 1I 0lC 66).
69. I-lynes, F. (2006) T he goog effect - American impe ria lism orvi,ionuy mu,cum practice. http)/
blog,;. usyd.edu .au/bi:z.arc/2oo6/08/the ~oofi....effect_amc ricl n_tmper _l .hnnl . Accessed 10 February
2007.
70. Saltz. J. (2007) Downw:u-d spiral. The Guggenheim Museum tou ches bottOm. Village VOILe.
W'.VW.viJiagevoice.com!issuesl0207/saltz.php. Ac~ss ed 29 March 2007.
71. The aJlOouncemcnr made front page news In (he local media. See, (or e;"'-:lmplc, Habib. Ra.n;a
and En Al Deen, Moh ammad (2007) Louvre comes 10 Abu DhabI as UAE and Fr;,n e .seal pact. Gul]
Nl'WS, 7 M.u-eh. hrrp)/archive.gu lfnews.com!.arcicle;/07/03/07/10I09389.hnnL Accessed 8 October

2007; also the international press ~ quite keen on repo ning the dCJI, [or example: RidlOg, Alan
(2007) The Louvre's Art: Priceless. The Louvre's Name: Expensive. Nell' York Tomes, 6 March. http:
//www'.nyrimes corrv'2007/03/07/ans/designl0710uv.htmL Accessed 8 October 2007 .
72. Fla.naga.n, 6. (2007) Abu Dhabi in calks with Brlrish Mu ~c um . ArobulM Bwillw. 7 February.
hrtp)/www..ar.abia nbusincss.com. Accessed 9 Februa ry 2007.
 cmES OF SAND AND FOG; ABU DHABI'S GLDML AMBmONS • 303

73. The reference in qucsnon is ; Knel-Paz, Baruch (1978) TIle S(){i41 ~, ull'"/ilf(al Tluwglrl ojLeoJl
Trotsky, Oxford; C larendon Press, p. 91.
74. The scheme was recently wll J unced and represents a 6 km' completely self-sufficient Clry
located Ln Abu Dillhi. See, (or eJC:Imple, \!filler, V (2007) Foster Ufl\lells green Utopia in the desen.
BtJj'lt/;lIg, 8 May. http://w\....-·.building.couk/scory.asp·.tOlycodl:=3086562. Acces.sed May 9, 2007.
75. For mOf" on this sec RobInson (2002); Pcter-Smith (2002); ;md of course MarclJse and Van
Kempen (2000) .

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