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Chocolate
Dear Mr Chocolate consumption
Constructing a typology of contextualized experiences
chocolate consumption experiences through
qualitative diary research 55
Lia Zarantonello
Management Department, Bocconi University, Milan, Italy, and
Harri T. Luomala
University of Vaasa/Epanet, Foodwest Ltd, Seinnajoki, Finland

Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to advance theory-building in the area of food consumption research, by
exploring how consumers experience chocolate consumption in different contexts and by viewing
these inductive findings in the light of the relevant existing body of knowledge.
Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative study is conducted on a non-student sample of
Italian consumers. The qualitative diary research technique is used as it is particularly suitable to
capturing sensations, feelings, thoughts, and behaviours related to various chocolate consumption
contexts. Content analytical and interpretive principles are followed in the production of the study
findings.
Findings – Chocolate generates rich and complex consumption experiences as a function of various
contextual forces. Seven main contextual chocolate consumption categories are identified: context of
physiological need, context of sensorial gratification, context of memories and nostalgia, context of
escapism, context of materialism, context of chocoholism, and context of interpersonal and self-gifts.
On the basis of these chocolate consumption categories and ideas from past consumer behaviour
research, four more general contextualized chocolate consumption experience types are extracted:
chocolate consumption experience as medicine, as mind manoeuvring, as regression and as ritual
enhancement.
Originality/value – Past research has not explored how different chocolate consumption contexts
shape and define these experiences, even though contextual variation in food consumption experiences
is recognized as important. The nuances of chocolate consumption in various contexts are explored to
the unprecedented depth, a conceptually novel typology of contextualized chocolate consumption
experiences is presented, the field of application of self-congruity theory is expanded and the profiles
of chocolate consumer segments identified by past research are enriched.
Keywords Chocolate, Consumption, Consumer behaviour
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
Consumption experience can be defined as “an emergent property that results from a
complex system of mutually overlapping interrelationships in constant reciprocal
interaction with personal, environmental, and situational inputs” (Hirschman and
Holbrook, 1986, p. 219). This definition recognizes how numerous contextual, that is, Qualitative Market Research: An
environmental, motivational, emotional, social, and time-related factors can modulate International Journal
Vol. 14 No. 1, 2011
pp. 55-82
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
The authors would like to thank Antica Dolceria Bonajuto, Ferrero, Illy, Lindt, Lush, and 1352-2752
Pernigotti for sponsoring part of the research. DOI 10.1108/13522751111099328
QMRIJ the consumption experience. That is applicable to food-related consumption experiences
14,1 as well, starting from the purchase act – which is an important part of the consumption
experience (Arnould et al., 2002) – and arriving to the consumption of food products in a
broader sense.
With regard to the place aspect of context or from where food is bought, some authors
demonstrate how different places can create different consumption experiences.
56 Luomala (2003), for instance, highlights how the type and nature of the store being
visited may influence consumers’ perceptions of products that are sold in this store
environment and may activate concerns about the image being conveyed to others.
Namely, whereas discount stores and their food products tend to create negative
emotions and even a fear of being stigmatized as a lower-class consumer, specialty stores
with their products are often seen as a means of impressing other people. By focusing on
the French haute cuisine, Hetzel (2004) shows how a restaurant of such a kind, its brand
name and that of the chef, the type and quality of food served to contribute to create a real
“experiential phenomenon”: a consumption experience centred on the stimulation of the
five senses and intellectual involvement.
Not only the place but also social context, for example, the presence of other people
has an impact on the consumption experience. Hirschman et al. (2004), for example, have
revealed that consumers’ food meanings are sharply dichotomized between food
consumed outside the home with friends versus food consumed outside with co-workers,
dates or bosses in that people tend to consume food in a more relaxed way when they are
eating out with their friends. In this social context, people do not pay attention to
self-control and they do not have thoughts about dieting, the nutritional qualities of food
or food etiquette.
Whether food is consumed as part of a daily routine or in special, infrequent
occasions is a contextual factor which influences the moulding of the consumption
experience (Marshall, 2005). Williams (1997), for instance, shows how food preparation
and consumption on holiday is different from everyday life: on holiday, people attach
greater importance to the food consumed by themselves and their family. Similarly, in
celebrations and festivities such as thanksgiving (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1991) and
Valentine’s Day (Close and Zinkhan, 2006) people experience food in a way that is
different from their routine. Food is loaded with emotional valences directed towards
others and people are more careful about its purchase, preparation, and consumption.
Aurifeille et al. (1999) have illustrated how the meanings that consumers attach to wine
vary as a function of consumption occasions (e.g. intimate dinner, eating with friends,
and eating with family) and Dalli and Romani (2007) underline how social relations
influence the way young Italians experience pasta by defining the meanings and
values they attribute to this culturally deeply rooted dish.
Even though past chocolate consumption research has to some extent examined
consumer perceptions, attitudes, and motivations towards chocolate and chocolate
consumption as a symbolic (Belk and Costa, 1998) and social experience (Cova and Pace,
2006), it has not explored how different chocolate consumption contexts shape and define
these experiences. This is an obvious shortcoming, since contextual variation in food
consumption experiences is important and yet poorly understood (Bisogni et al., 2007).
Thus, this theory-building article intends to contribute to consumer and food
consumption research in three ways. First, it explores the nuances of chocolate
consumption in various contexts to the unprecedented depth by identifying seven
contextual chocolate consumption categories. Second, it introduces a conceptually Chocolate
novel typology of contextualized chocolate consumption experiences. And third, it consumption
expands the field of application of the extant consumer self-congruity theory by using
some of its key ideas to understand the role of chocolate products/brands in certain experiences
contextualized chocolate consumption experiences.
The economic significance of chocolate markets is indisputable. The 2008 Western and
Central European Market, for instance, is estimated to be worth of about US$27 billion of 57
and a steady growth is generally forecasted for the near future (Mintel International
Group Limited, 2009). Probably because of this, there exists a general understanding of
European chocolate consumer. For example, Belgian and Polish chocolate consumers
have been segmented on the basis of their taste preferences and chocolate attribute
importance and benefit beliefs (Januszewska et al., 2000; Januszewska and Viaene, 2001).
The present investigation offers qualitative insights and understanding of the issues that
may lie behind the differences between these chocolate consumer segments and give
interpretive depth for their profiling. This is an important managerial contribution, since
marketers need models to analyze and interpret how consumers perceive products in
relation to themselves at times when competitive pressures necessitate more nuanced
conceptualizations of market segments and lifestyle cluster (Thompson, 1997). The
revelation of how the meanings of chocolate products/brands vary in different contexts
also provides guidance for chocolate marketers’ communication, new product
development, and brand management activities.
The rest of the article is structured in the following way. First, it reports the
methodology and results of the study conducted, aimed at exploring how consumers
experience chocolate consumption in different contexts. Second, it develops a typology
of contextualized chocolate consumption experiences that is based on the dialogue
between the findings and conceptual ideas and insights from past consumer and food
research. Third, it discusses the limitations, theoretical and managerial implications of
the study.

Methodology
Given that the purpose of the study is to explore how consumers experience chocolate
consumption in different contexts, a qualitative methodology is adopted. The diary
research technique (Alaszewski, 2006) is chosen, as it seems particularly suitable for
understanding individual experiences related to various chocolate consumption
contexts. Diaries, in fact, “capture the particulars of experience in a way that is not
possible using traditional designs”. They are self-report instruments that are useful in
order to “examine ongoing experiences” and “offer the opportunity to investigate social,
psychological, and physiological processes, within everyday situations” (Bolger et al.,
2003, pp. 579-80). Although little used in the marketing or consumer research literature,
this technique has recently received support from scholars in the field of marketing and
consumer research, as it represents “an innovative way to capture rich insights into
processes, relationships, settings, products and consumers” (Patterson, 2005, p. 142).
The present study makes use of so-called event-based diaries (Bolger et al., 2003), also
known as event-contingent protocols (Wheeler and Reis, 1991). Respondents were asked
to report in their diary each time they consumed chocolate either really (i.e. by eating it)
or virtually (e.g. by dreaming of it). Although they were encouraged to write down
anything they wanted about their chocolate encounters, respondents were provided
QMRIJ some examples of what they might report in the diary: feelings before, during and after
14,1 consuming chocolate; thoughts and fantasies; the reasons why chocolate is consumed;
the presence or absence of other people when chocolate is consumed; and their tastes,
habits, and rituals related to chocolate. They were also asked to always specify the brand
name, the type, and the quantity of chocolate consumed. Because the act of consuming
chocolate is clearly identifiable and cannot be confused with other events, the typical
58 risks associated with this category of diary are not relevant in this case.
Owing to the exploratory nature of the study, a non-probabilistic sample is used.
Respondents were recruited through the snowball sampling technique (Bailey, 2007).
That is, the researcher asked colleagues and students to inform other people outside
university about the ongoing study. The only requisite was that these people were
chocolate lovers, so that the experiences they had written about would have been intense
and rich of meanings, providing a fertile ground for the analysis (Christensen and Olson,
2002). A non-student sample was thus recruited, consisting of 23 respondents with a true
passion for chocolate. They reported various different cities of origin and residence
(Northern, Central, or Southern Italy), socio-economic status (from low to very high), the
highest level of education achieved (from high school to PhD), and type of job (from
doctor to architect to housewife). The sample includes both males (n ¼ 4) and females
(n ¼ 19), with ages ranging from 20 to 63 years (mean ¼ 33 years).
With regard to the technology used, 22 diaries are written by hand whereas one
(Female 7) is written on an electronic format, and all are rich sources of information. They
document chocolate consumption in situations as diverse as the preparation of one’s
wedding (Female 12), graduation and the starting of a professional career (Female 6), the
end of a romantic relationship (Female 18), the death of a beloved person (Female 15),
as well as trips to the US (Male 4), France (Female 11), and Germany (Male 2).

Data treatment
In order to content-analyse the data collected, the diaries were fully transcribed and
imported into the qualitative data analysis software Atlas.ti. In total, the diaries
resulted in a body of 109,057 words. The shortest consisted of 1,396 words (Female 4)
whereas the longest was composed of 12,396 words (Female 14), with an average of
4,741.61 words per person.
The coding scheme was developed through an iterative and multi-step process. First
of all, one of the authors, after reading the text several times, prepared an initial coding
scheme. All the categories and sub-categories were inductively created from the
transcripts by the author. However, this inductive development of the coding
scheme was facilitated by the author’s theoretical sensitivity with issues related to
chocolate consumption and contextual nature of consumer behaviour generally. Thus,
the development of the coding scheme guiding the interpretation was both data- and
theory-driven. After that, the coding scheme was pre-tested thanks to an independent
researcher, who was given the scheme and asked to code one randomly selected diary.
The feed-back provided by the researcher led the author to make few, slight changes to
the scheme and to write its final version (the Appendix).
Two other researchers were then asked to code the diaries on the basis of such a
scheme. Before starting the coding process, the researchers participated in a meeting with
one of the author who explained them the meaning of each category and sub-category, and
shared the rules to follow in the analysis with them. Then, each researcher independently
coded the 23 diaries. Once they had finished this task, the author went through all their Chocolate
analyses in order to be sure that the same criteria were adopted and calculated the consumption
interjudge reliability coefficient, which was equal to 0.924 and therefore could be
considered as satisfactory (Kassarjian, 1977). experiences
Beyond the mere quantification of content categories, a qualitative understanding of
respondents’ chocolate experiences in different contexts was also sought. An
interpretive analysis of respondents’ reports was therefore performed (Thompson, 59
1997), in order to gain a deeper understanding of their contextualized personal and
social experiences associated with chocolate as well as the meanings attached to these
experiences. The interpretive findings presented in the next paragraphs are the result
of aggregate coding.

Findings
The analysis of the 23 diaries reveals that the chocolate consumption experience is
appropriately analysed from the context-sensitive perspective, because its psychological
meaning with sensorial, emotional, fantasy, playful, behavioural, social, and symbolic
elements is clearly shaped by various contextual forces as will be shortly shown. The
contextualized chocolate consumption experiences emerge as multi-faceted and are
characterized by seven main contextual categories and numerous more nuanced
meaning subcategories (the Appendix). Table I shows the main contextual categories
and the number of times they were found in each diary. Here, results are reported
separately for the two coders. Table II summarizes results and reports, for the total
sample and the two sub-samples (males vs females), the frequencies of emergence of each
contextual main category in the data. In this table, results are reported both separately
and jointly for the two coders.
The meaning categories that describe the chocolate consumption experience are
present in the entire sample, regardless of the socio-economic profile of the respondents.
The chocolate consumption experiences is mostly characterized by the contexts of
sensorial gratification and choco-holism, suggesting that chocolate is essentially seen as
a means of gratifying one’s senses and it causes addictive behaviours in consumers.
However, chocolate consumption experiences are also associated with giving and
receiving gifts, satisfying one’s hunger, escape from one’s daily routine, thinking of one’s
past and acting in a selfish and materialistic way.
In conformity with Belk and Costa (1998), who claim that females have a stronger
relationship with chocolate than men, some differences are nonetheless found in the
female and male sub-samples (Table II). Although all meaning categories are shared by
both genders, females tend to be more materialistic towards chocolate, they engage in
addictive behaviours more easily, and they think more frequently of their past
experiences associated with chocolate. Males, on the other hand, have a much simpler
relationship with chocolate. To them, chocolate is essentially a means of satisfying their
hunger, gratifying their senses, and escaping from routine. The gift meaning category is
present in both sub-samples.
In the next sections, each main contextual category of the chocolate consumption
experience is described in depth. Following other scholars who have applied the diary
research technique (Patterson, 2005), results are reported for each category using the
most meaningful diarist comments, in order to convey a clearer understanding of each
of the underlying chocolate consumption experience in various contexts.
 60
14,1

Table I.
QMRIJ

categories (detailed)
the main contextual
Coding frequencies for

chocolate consumption
Respondents
Male Male Male Male Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female
1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Coder (1) Context of

1 physiological need 8 13 7 10 2 – – 10 5 7 3 2 3 6 7 6 7 10 1 8 3 6 1
(2) Context of sensorial
gratification 24 23 12 20 15 9 12 23 11 34 20 35 23 8 33 21 30 33 20 5 12 13 20
(3) Context of
memories and
nostalgia 2 – – 4 2 – 1 – 4 2 – 9 2 1 – 2 – 8 18 – – 5 30
(4) Context of escapism 2 12 5 10 2 – 3 2 2 7 – 12 6 3 5 1 – 5 6 8 2 1 6
(5) Context of
materialism 1 – – 1 4 – – 2 – 10 – 4 8 1 1 3 – 17 – – 5 – 1
(6) Context of
“chocoholism” 6 5 3 6 18 18 17 15 10 20 32 28 15 3 – 8 20 76 9 5 8 31 10
(7) Context of inter-
personal and self-
gifts 5 6 2 8 4 3 5 2 2 6 5 9 9 2 8 8 6 8 7 10 4 3 5
Coder (1) Context of
2 physiological need 5 6 7 12 2 5 1 12 3 10 5 2 9 6 7 6 7 10 5 9 6 6 3
(2) Context of sensorial
gratification 20 16 14 21 13 10 8 28 8 33 17 36 18 8 31 20 24 30 17 7 9 11 14
(3) Context of
memories and
nostalgia 2 1 1 4 2 – – – 5 2 – 12 9 1 – 2 – 8 20 – – 6 30
(4) Context of escapism 1 10 4 12 – – – 3 – 11 1 13 9 4 7 4 1 8 7 8 3 3 6
(5) Context of
materialism – – – 2 4 – 1 2 – 11 2 4 8 1 2 5 1 21 1 1 8 2 3
(6) Context of
“chocoholism” 12 1 – 5 18 17 12 15 8 20 30 30 13 5 7 8 16 68 5 6 6 32 7
(7) Context of inter-
personal and self-
gifts 3 6 3 6 6 4 5 3 2 11 5 12 9 2 8 9 8 8 7 11 6 5 5
 Coder 1 Coder 2 Means between coders
Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
n % n % n % n % n % n % n % n % n %

(1) Context of
physiological need 38 19.4 87 7.7 125 9.4 30 17.2 114 9.8 144 10.7 34 18.3 100.5 8.75 134.5 10.1
(2) Context of sensorial
gratification 79 40.5 677 33.3 456 34.3 71 40.8 342 29.3 413 30.8 75 40.65 509.5 31.3 434.5 32.6
(3) Context of memories
and nostalgia 6 3.1 84 7.4 90 6.8 8 4.6 97 8.3 105 7.8 7 3.85 90.5 7.85 97.5 7.3
(4) Context of escapism 29 14.9 71 6.3 100 7.5 27 15.5 88 7.5 115 8.6 28 15.2 79.5 6.9 107.5 8.1
(5) Context of
materialism 2 1.0 56 4.9 58 4.4 2 1.1 77 6.6 79 5.9 2 1.05 66.5 5.75 68.5 5.2
(6) Context of
“chocoholism” 20 10.3 353 31.1 373 28.0 18 10.4 323 27.7 341 25.5 19 10.35 338 29.4 357 26.8
(7) Context of
interpersonal and
self-gifts 21 10.8 106 9.3 127 9.6 18 10.4 126 10.8 144 10.7 19.5 10.6 116 10.05 135.5 10.1
Total 195 100 1,134 100 1,329 100 174 100 1,167 100 1,341 100 184.5 100 1,150.5 100 1,335 100
experiences
consumption

categories (summary)
chocolate consumption
the main contextual
Chocolate

Coding frequencies for

61

Table II.
QMRIJ Context of physiological need (the relative presence in the data 10.1 percent)
14,1 Chocolate is seen by respondents simply as one kind of food they can eat when they are
hungry. That is the scope of the physiological context, which emerged from all
respondents’ diaries (Tables I and II). As with any food, chocolate can be considered a
means of satisfying a human physiological, subsistence need (Maslow, 1970). Following
Wansink et al. (2010), who demonstrate that environmental cues (e.g. sitting down or
62 standing while eating) determine whether an eating episode is perceived as a snack or a
meal, the consumption of chocolate can be considered a snack or part of a larger meal.
Within this context, respondents refer to chocolate as a snack that they eat as
substitute for a meal, either lunch or dinner. This happens particularly when they are
travelling, in a hurry, or whenever they do not have time to sit down to eat. Chocolate is
chosen as it is highly nutritious, easy and quick to consume:
(1) Today, my lunch consisted of a Kinder Cereali. I didn’t like it very much, but I needed to
eat something nutritious and fast while on the train (Female 4).

(2) I skipped dinner: between work, school of dancing and cinema, I didn’t have time. But they
gave me lots of chocolates – Baci Perugina and Ferrero Rocher—and I ate many of them even
though I didn’t like them (Female 11).
If it does not comprise the meal itself, chocolate is eaten by respondents at the end of a
meal or after the meal. The reason why they do that is either because they need
something sweet after eating salty food or because they believe that chocolate has
digestive properties. Even though questioned by some diarists, this beneficent effect of
cocoa is supported by medical research (Bordeaux et al., 2007):
(3) It’s like a physiological necessity. I need chocolate after meals (Female 14).

(4) I have just finished to eat. My stomach is full but, as usual after lunch and dinner, I feel like
having something sweet. If I don’t eat something sweet after a meal, I feel like when you
watch a good movie but the power goes for the last two minutes. Even though you
understand how the movie ends [. . .] you feel like you are missing something (Male 1).

(5) This morning, among other things, we went to a herbalist’s shop and bought an organic
chocolate bar [. . .]. That bar turned out to be extremely useful in the evening: as I was having
difficulties in digesting the dinner, I took a small piece and I felt better right away (Female 10).
One further physiological context in which chocolate is consumed for its functional
properties is when respondents need energy (Gould, 1991) or are tired. This happens,
for instance, before or after playing sport and while involved in strenuous mental
activities:
(6) It 4.20 p.m. and I have just got back home [. . .] when I noticed that, on the table, there is the
last Pocket Coffee. I was feeling weak, because of the long walk I took before, but after eating
it I started to feel good and full of energies (Female 6).

(7) My day was frenetic today! I quickly had a Kinder Cereali before going to the swimming
pool (Female 13).

(8) Today, at 6.45 p.m., I had a Twix as I needed an energy boost. I had been working so hard that
I lost a lot of energy and felt under strain. I needed to get rid of that tired feeling and to fill up my
stomach to get moving mentally. I devoured it in a few minutes and lit up (a cigarette) (Male 4).
Context of sensorial gratification (the relative presence in the data 32.6%) Chocolate
Similarly to art and wine, whose consumption can stimulate aesthetics experiences consumption
(Charters and Pettigrew, 2005), chocolate can be seen as a means of reaching aesthetic,
sensorial gratification. As specified in Tables I and II, this meaning category emerged experiences
from all respondents’ diaries. In fact, all respondents state that chocolate is craved in
contexts where they want to please their senses, especially that of taste. The best
sensorial gratification is provided by their favourite type of chocolate, although other 63
types are sometimes consumed. People who love dark chocolate appreciate the dark
colour, dry aftertaste, and clear, intense, bitter flavour. Lovers of milk chocolate
appreciate the sweet flavour and the sensation in the mouth while eating. Lovers of
white chocolate enjoy the unusual colour and flavour:
(9) I’m attracted by extra-dark chocolate, because of its dark and intense colour that also reflects
the flavour. I love the bitter-sweet taste that you get with this type of chocolate (Male 4).
(10) Milk chocolate is one of the best. I eat dark chocolate too, but only up to 75%. The others
are too strong. Too bitter. I love to taste milk instead! (Female 14).
(11) I’m madly in love with white chocolate, because it’s totally different to any other
chocolate (Female 9).
The diary data revealed that the flavour of chocolate is liked on its own, without any
other food. On the other hand, a preference for chocolate containing something else,
such as nuts, orange rinds, bread, coffee, milk, wine, and even salt food such as meat
was also encountered. In this same context, an attraction to aromatic chocolate with
flavours such as vanilla, cinnamon, chilli, rose, ginger, faucet, orange, and mint was
also uncovered:
(12) I’m a purist. I love chocolate in its classical version, without any filling, aroma, or other
alterations of the flavour (Female 12).
(13) They have invented everything, such as cinnamon chocolate and other weird matches,
but I still prefer plain chocolate (Male 2).
Conversely:
(14) I like to try different types of chocolate (Male 4).
(15) One night, my girlfriend and I found a recipe: roast meat with chocolate cream. We were
so enthusiast that we prepare it for a dinner with friends. But their opinions were mixed:
some, like us, loved it and others couldn’t even eat it (Male 2).
(16) Today [. . .] I stopped at a motorway café on the way home. It is not a common café, it’s a
special one. Once, the cashier told me that this is a café where the Ferrero Company tests its new
products. So, they always sell weird things and tastes that you can’t find anywhere else. As a
good pioneer, I have always tried everything: from Choco Bons to Cioccantino, from Pocket
Coffee ice Cream to Raffaello ice cream, from Mon Chéri filled with cognac (instead of cherries)
to Rocher chocolates filled with strawberry, pistachio or almonds [. . .] What a delight! This time
I bought a chocolate bar similar to Kinder Bueno but with an almond filling (Female 8).
In addition to taste, chocolate stimulates other respondents’ senses. In the context of
sensorial gratification, the sense of touch is important when choosing which type of
chocolate to eat. In fact, Krishna and Morrin (2008) have demonstrated that the
firmness of a cup (firm vs flimsy) affected consumers’ taste evaluations of the water
QMRIJ drunk from the cup. When respondents look for chocolate purely to taste (as one would
14,1 taste wine), they favour product qualities such as thinness and smoothness. When they
look for chocolate to eat, they prefer granularity, irregularity, and thickness:
(17) I like rough chocolate. I hate smooth chocolate bars or those that are too thin, unless they
are just for tasting (Male 4).

64 The idea that the shape of chocolate and the packaging colours are as important as the
taste, emerged from the data. In fact, it has been demonstrated that all those product
characteristics that create product’s appearance, such as materials, proportion, colours,
ornament, shape, and size, play a key role in moulding the relationship between the
product and the consumer (Bloch et al., 2003). An appreciation of unusual chocolate
shapes, even if the actual quality was perceived not so good surfaced. They enjoy the
colour of chocolates simply lying around the home or in bowls in a more orderly fashion:
(18) Every time that I open the kitchen cabinet, [the chocolate bar] is there. It looks at me and
gives me relief. It is beautiful to see, not only to touch (Female 4).
(19) These chocolates sparkle in the tin foil [. . .]. Simply lying like this on the table, among
documents and papers, they look like flowers or butterflies (Female 19).
Finally, respondents report to enjoy the smell of chocolate. This happens, for instance,
when they bake a chocolate cake or make a chocolate pudding. The smell of
chocolate-chip cookies being baked made a group of study respondents eat more of
them (the difference was not statistically significant, though) when the cookies were
offered to them in a seemingly unrelated experiment compared to those study
respondents that were not exposed to this smell (Coelho et al., 2009). The same also
applies when they use other chocolate-based products, such as body creams, soaps,
tobacco, and incense. Thus, sometimes these aspects of chocolate consumption
experience may create contexts for multisensory gratification:
(20) I was at home and decided to make a chocolate pudding for my children, because they
really love it. While I was preparing it, the smell was so intense and gratifying (Female 5).
(21) The cream I use for my face is aromatized with chocolate! It’s fabulous. Apart from the
fact that it’s an excellent cream, it also leaves a great perfume on my skin (Female 8).
(22) Today I stopped at the tobacconist’s to buy some tobacco for my pipe. As I haven’t
smoked for a while, I asked the tobacconist some recommendations. He showed various
different types of tobaccos and when I remembered the one that I was used to buy, I took it.
But then he added: ‘I also have flavoured tobacco!’ So, he took out several small boxes with
vanilla tobacco, rum tobacco, mint tobacco and [. . .] chocolate tobacco. [. . .] As I like
[chocolate], the one that piqued my curiosity was the last one. And so I also bought chocolate
tobacco (Male 1).

Context of memories and nostalgia (the relative presence in the data 7.3 percent)
Respondents’ diaries include a considerable amount of memories. This is consistent
with Holbrook and Schindler’s (2003) study finding that many consumers associate
various pleasurable sensory experiences with the food from their youth. Quite
frequently, respondents tell stories related to historic contexts, in which chocolate is
present and plays an important role in the development of the story. This tendency
characterizes more than a half of the diaries (Tables I and II), but there is one where it is
particularly striking and relevant. Such diaries constitute a true register of all the Chocolate
respondent’s memories associated with chocolate: consumption
(23) I realize that a large part of this ‘diary on chocolate’ is actually a ‘diary on chocolate experiences
memories’. Drawers and spaces are being opened in my mind. They relate to chocolate and
are really pleasant to evoke and describe (Female 19).
Chocolate, therefore, can be regarded as something that stimulates respondents to 65
think of their past and to retrieve memories. The temporal context of these memories
ranges from the distant past to recent facts and events, and covers extraordinary
experiences such as pregnancy, holidays, and celebrations:
(24) I associate my first pregnancy with chocolate, as I constantly had a craving for it (Female 15).

(25) I’m watching a documentary about Belgium and Holland on TV. Because of this, and
because of the Belgian chocolates I had last night, I can’t help thinking of my wonderful
holiday in Belgium and Holland some years ago. When people think of Holland, they think of
cows, flowers, and channels. I think of these things too, but also of how much chocolate I ate
(Female 10).

(26) Since I was a child, the choice of the Easter egg has always been a special ritual. There
couldn’t be an Easter without an egg. One or two weeks before Easter, I used to go to the
supermarket with my mum to buy the egg. It took me about 20 minutes to decide which one to
buy. [. . .] At the end, I triumphantly put the egg (with the surprise inside!) in the shopping
cart (Female 9).
Respondents are induced to think of their past either by chocolate in general or by a
specific brands or products (cf. 3 Musketeers’ Candy Bar in Holbrook and Schindler’s
study). Some brands are mentioned repeatedly when respondents write down their
memories. Nutella, the Italian chocolate and hazelnut cream, is the brand that most
characterizes respondents’ childhood and pre-adolescence, with the consequence that it
is present in many of their memories of chocolate. Funny episodes are often related to
Nutella. On each eating context, these memories surface in respondents’ minds:
(27) I remember that when I was a kid, about 14 or 15 years old, I cooked pasta for myself and
my brother who was 7. I put sugar in the water and used Nutella as a sauce (Male 1).

(28) One year, I was on holiday with my uncles and I fought with my aunt, because she didn’t
give me Nutella. Suddenly, I packed my rucksack and ran away from the camping ground.
Inside, I had pyjamas, toothbrush and Nutella (Female 14).
Most memories are clouded with a sense of nostalgia. Respondents’ nostalgia does not
relate to chocolate products consumed in the past, but rather to nostalgic consumption
contexts, people, and periods that belong to their past and are associated with
chocolate. This closely resembles nostalgic emotions and memories consumers
associate with their favourite recipes (Menzel-Baker et al., 2005):
(29) I remember when I went our for a walk in the mountains with my grandfather and my
uncle. The most beautiful thing was that we took chocolate bars with us [. . .] (Male 4).

(30) This chocolate pudding makes me think about the past. When I was a child, my mum
used to prepare this dessert in the afternoon and we eat it in the evening. She was very very
good at cooking, especially sweets (Female 1).
QMRIJ (31) I had a Kinder Cereali. Kinder Cereali is a familiar chocolate. When I eat it, I taste the
same flavour of when I was younger. It comforts me. It cuddles me (Female 14).
14,1
In addition to the preference for some aspects of the past, respondents sometimes show
a negative feeling towards their current life context. This rejection of the present or the
future, as highlighted by Holbrook (1983), is an important component of nostalgia.
Some respondents express this feeling clearly, whereas others are more subtle in their
66 affirmations. In both cases, however, it is clear that they miss something that can no
longer occur and that is gone forever:
(32) Milk chocolate makes me think of my childhood. The good old days! (Female 18).

Context of escapism (the relative presence in the data 8.1 percent)

The context of escape emerged from most diaries (Tables I and II). Within this context,
respondents talk about chocolate as a way of breaking free from everyday reality and
routine. This escape may take the form of either purely imaginative activities or
specific actions and behaviour:
(33) Some diversion, then some chocolate (Male 4).
With regard to the first meaning highlighted in the escapist context (escaping through
imagination), chocolate stimulates mental activities such as daydreaming, fantasizing,
and imagining. Respondents report having thoughts centred around chocolate itself. In
other words, they have what d’Astous and Deschênes (2005, p. 1) define as
“consumption dreams”, that is, “mental representations of consumption objects that
consumers desire, and experiences that they want to realize”:
(34) Sometimes I dream of diving into cream puffs that I never buy. I’m little and I jump on
them! (Female 11).
Chocolate can also be the cause, not only the content of respondents’ thoughts:
(35) I tasted a couple of little chocolate eggs with yoghurt and strawberry flavours. [. . .] While
tasting them, I don’t know why, mountains, pastures, and shepherd’s huts came into my
mind. Maybe it’s because of the combination of chocolate and yoghurt, that I found myself
running in the middle of meadows together with goats (Female 9).
Moreover, respondents report digressions focused on movies, short stories, and fairy
tales in which chocolate is present:
(36) Chocolate reminds me Forrest Gump – ‘life is like a box of chocolates, you never know
what you’re gonna get’. And it’s true!!! Not for life, but for chocolates – you never know which
one you’ll get from the box! (Female 8).
(37) There is a chocolate factory in Rome. Every time that I think of it, the movie ‘Charlie and
the chocolate factory’ comes into my mind. It makes me think of magical flavours and the
weirdest types of chocolate: rosemary, chilli, rose, and mint chocolate (Female 15).
(38) And what about the fairy tale of Hansel and Gretel? To attract the kids, the witch builds a
house made of chocolate and marzipan! The windows are made of thin vanilla sugar, milk
and good chocolate come out from the two fountains in the garden! The sweet smell [. . .] I now
realize that that house [. . .] can be a trap, because the witch is bad, but it’s also an escape.
If the kids didn’t find it, they would die of famine (Female 19).
According to the second meaning of escapism (escaping through concrete actions and Chocolate
behaviours), respondents consume chocolate in contexts where they are engaged in consumption
entertaining and playing games of various kinds. This phenomenon has been
encountered in mood-regulatory research as well: attempts at mood-repair by combining experiences
walking, listening to the music, and eating chocolate have been documented (Luomala
and Laaksonen, 1999, p. 162). Chocolate helps them take a break and facilitates a more
playful, relaxing, and enjoyable experience. Respondents report eating chocolate when 67
involved in activities typical to the escapist context such as watching TV, playing on the
computer, or playing videogames:
(39) It’s the perfect time for a movie and a sweet. I chose Troy, with Pitt in Achilles’ shoes and
a delicious Magnum (Male 3).
(40) Tonight, I watched some TV from my comfy sofa, munching Pavesi Gocciole extra dark
(Female 16).
Besides entertaining activities, chocolate “supports” respondents in their relaxation
activities. Examples of such activities include grooming and bathing, skin peeling,
aromatherapy, and having massages, all of which make use of chocolate-based products.
This context is characterized by escape into pleasure, and chocolate is used by
respondents for personal care and to achieve a psycho-physical equilibrium (Luomala,
2002, p. 822):
(41) I went to the beautician and finally tried the chocolate aromatherapy. The full hour of
massage and chocolate aroma was very relaxing. I left feeing totally regenerated (Female 6).
(42) When I got home, I had a bath with my chocolate-flavoured bath foam!!! [. . .] It’s really
relaxing. Yes, that’s the right word – the smell of chocolate is relaxing and cheers myself
(Female 8).
Irrespective of whether these activities are entertaining or relaxing, respondents
express their willingness to live these moments related to escapist contexts alone. They
are completely focused on themselves and the activity itself, and therefore do not want
to be disturbed by anyone. This parallels the finding of a cross-cultural study on
emotional eating behaviours by Luomala et al. (2009): especially Pakistani and Finnish
student consumers prefer eating alone to eating in a company of others as a response to
shame and irritation. Intimacy is so important to them, that if they know in advance
they will not be alone, they prefer not to have the chocolate, as they are sure that the
experience will not be enjoyable after all:
(43) I have just got home. The kitchen light is still on and my dad is still up. Damn! Right in
the kitchen. Nothing doing, Nutella must be tasted in solitude (Female 14).

Context of materialism (the relative presence in the data 5.2 percent)

In more than a half of diaries (Tables I and II), respondents report thoughts, feelings,
and behaviours that can be interpreted to have occurred in context of materialism
(Belk, 1984, 1985). According to Belk (1984, p. 292), materialism consists of three traits:
possessiveness, non-generosity, and envy, which, respectively, describe “our affiliation
with these objects, our willingness to give or share the objects in our possession, and
our feelings about the objects in others’ possession”.
QMRIJ First, respondents display possession towards their chocolate in the context of
14,1 materialism. This implies that a relationship that is highly emotive and private (its
exposure to others is undesirable) prevails between the consumer and the chocolate
products (Fournier, 1998). They always try to retain control over it and worry about it
being stolen. When they leave the place where the chocolate is kept (i.e. office and house),
the first thing they do when they return is to check that their chocolate is still there:
68 (44) Today, as soon as I got to the laboratory, I checked that my little yellow box was still
there [. . .] and if its precious content was intact (Female 9).
(45) 9.50 p.m.: After supper I pretend to be satisfied, but I have already decided that I will take
the small pack of Nutella [. . .] and will eat it in my room. [. . .] I open the fridge and control:
Nutella is there. No one has stolen it (Female 14).
Moreover, respondents are so concerned that someone will take their chocolate, that
they hide it away. In fact, it has been shown that the degree of materialism is related to
the amount of food stored at home (Allen and Wilson, 2005):
(46) I always have to hide my chocolate bars, otherwise my family will finish them when I go
away (Female 6).
(47) I can’t stand my fiancé [...] The most frustrating thing is that, if I want to keep chocolate
at home and save it from his greedy, I have to hide it from him. Sometimes I hide chocolate so
well that I can hardly find it (Female 12).
Respondents also reveal non-generous attitudes and behaviour towards other people.
They describe themselves as selfish when dealing with chocolate in this context. They do
not want to share it with anyone, and want to keep it for themselves. If, in order to be
polite, they have to offer some of their chocolate to other people, they get really upset:
(48) Midnight: I had a Lindt chocolate mousse. I stole the mousse from my co-tenant as, the
other day, she stole mine (Female 11).
(49) A negative effect of chocolate – It makes me selfish (Female 17).
(50) I hate it when my chocolate disappears! Seven or eight people came over for dinner and I
had to offer them some (Female 8).
Lastly, envy can also be found in the diaries touching the context of materialism.
Respondents report being envious of the chocolate owned by others, such as parents,
their partner, or colleagues. They experience negative feelings towards these people and
want the chocolate for themselves. Ackerman et al. (2000) have actually found that the
emotion of envy was related to the desire for the products owned by significant others.
This situation occurs in both exceptional situations (e.g. dieting) as well as normal ones,
when respondents desperately want some chocolate, but do not have any within reach:
(51) At Silvia’s place, I get near the usual bowl filled with chocolates, where there are lots of
different types. As usual, I envy Silvia and her chocolates (Female 14).
(52) During a class: a girl in front of me is unwrapping something [. . .] Loacker cookies with
dark chocolate [. . .] Me too!!! It takes her a lot of time to eat them and I’m sure she doing that
on purpose. She doesn’t have mercy on a poor girl behind her who is dying for a piece of
chocolate. I have three options: 1) to get out of class immediately and take Loacker cookies; 2)
to jump up at her and steal the cookies; 3) to wait for the end of the class and go out.
 Unfortunately we will have exams soon, so I choose option 3 but the cookies don’t go away Chocolate
from my mind (Female 10).
consumption
Context of chocoholism (the relative presence in the data 26.8 percent)
experiences
Even when respondents do not suffer from any eating disorder, they still report
behaviours close to pathology. They exhibit characteristics that are typical of addictive
and compulsive consumers (Ridgway et al., 2008). In this context, which emerged from 69
almost all diaries (Tables I and II) chocolate can clearly stimulate occasional deviant
behaviours in essentially normal subjects.
In particular, respondents reveal a physiological and psychological dependence on
chocolate. They label themselves as “chocoholics” and in this compulsive context an
irresistibly strong urge to eat chocolate is often created. According to Faber et al.
(1987), a sudden drive, impulse or urge to engage in certain behaviour is a hallmark of
most compulsions. If chocolate is out of reach, they go out and buy it or adopt
compensatory behaviours, such as the use of chocolate-based products:
(53) Today I have been a real choco-slave! (Female 8).
(54) I thought of you [chocolate] many times today. It’s like an obsession, you are always in
my mind. I taste you every minute, every time you come into my mind. [. . .] But I found how
to feel close to you without eating you: using shower foam that tastes of you (Female 7).
(55) I snort chocolate almost every day. It makes me feel good. I feel the same way as when I
taste it (Female 14).
Respondents report feelings of limited control or being totally out of control in the
context of chocoholism. Once they start eating chocolate, they cannot stop, unless
someone else intervenes or until the box, bar, etc. is finished. It has actually been found
that chocolate is the target food in almost one fifth of the binge eating episodes (Allison
and Timmerman, 2007). They act as if not of free choice, but through a form of obligation:
(56) If I see chocolate, I can’t resist and I really have to eat it (Female 1).
(57) One the box has been opened, there is no way out for me (Female 4).
(58) I know that if I start I can’t get satisfied with a bit (Female 13).
Moreover, respondents report attempts at abstention from chocolate. They often try
not to eat chocolate – they avoid going near it, try to despise it, hide it, or ask someone
else to hide it for them. After resisting for a period that varies from subject to subject
(from a few hours to a couple of weeks), they start eating chocolate again. On these
addictive contexts, they feel that anything is allowed and they tend to overindulge.
Momentary failures in exercising inhibitory control has been shown to lead to
overeating of especially palatable foods (e.g. chocolate) (Guerrieri et al., 2007):
(59) I resisted chocolate for the whole day, but in the evening, I gave in. After supper, I had
two slices of chocolate cake, but I couldn’t get enough. So I had a Kinder Cereali. Then I had a
dozen Pan di Stelle cookies. After that, I found an open box of Karina chocolates and finished
it off (Female 14).
Respondents report feelings of guilt after consuming chocolate, particularly in the
above excessive manner. Guilt has been recognized to be one significant outcome from
QMRIJ eating chocolate especially when it has been eaten to cope with negative emotions
14,1 (Müller et al., 2008):
(60) Eating chocolate always makes me feel guilty, because of the calories (Female 15).
In addition to such dysfunctional aspects, respondent behaviour reveals the positive
functions of addictive and compulsive behaviour (Elliott et al., 1996). Chocolate is able
70 to improve the respondent’s mood, as it acts as an antidote to negative emotions such
as sadness, loneliness, worry, anxiety, boredom, and anger. Respondents are aware of
this aspect related to the context of chocoholism, and therefore always ensure that
there is a good supply of chocolate in their home:
(61) You know, I have chocolate in each corner of my room – a little bowl with spiced Lindt
chocolates [. . .]. Then, I always have Ferrero Rocher in reserve in the fridge and Nutella is
always somewhere on the furniture! It’s all about coping with bad times (Female 7).
However, the beneficial effect of chocolate does not last long, apparently:
(62) A fantastic emotion that, sadly, is gone so fast (Female 1).
Finally, respondents report positive, optimal experiences thanks to chocolate
(Csikszentmihalyi and Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). This means that chocolate consumption
experience in the addictive context, as other compulsive experiences such as shopping, can
contribute to the structure, development, and expression of the self:
(63) After having eaten and tasted chocolate, I feel [. . .] more positive, in the sense that I’m
better disposed towards everybody including myself. I accept myself for what I am – pros
and cons (Female 17).
(64) I don’t feel guilty after eating chocolate [. . .] I feel in a state of pleasantness and
satisfaction (Female 1).

Context of interpersonal and self-gifts (the relative presence in the data 10.1 percent)
In almost all diaries (Tables I and II), respondents refer to chocolate as a part of the
gift-giving context. As with any other gift, chocolate may be given for both altruistic and
egoistic motives (Sherry, 1983), in either a voluntary or obligatory setting (Goodwin et al.,
1990). Respondents report receiving or giving chocolate on various types of gifting
contexts. These include visiting friends or relatives at their homes, or visiting someone in
hospital. In these contexts, people are expected to give a present, and they choose chocolate
because they know the other person will appreciate it and because they want some as well:
(65) Some friends asked me over for dinner. I don’t like to arrive empty-handed. My first
thought was to buy them a box of chocolates (Male 2).
(66) Tonight, I’ve been invited to my friends’ new house, as they want to inaugurate it.
Dilemma: what should I bring them? [. . .] Idea: something sweet to eat. I go to the
supermarket and I find my idea: a chocolate box. [. . .] It’s a nice little present. When I arrive at
their place, I give them the box and I realize that they find it a good idea too as we quickly
finish it off (Female 10).
(67) On Sunday, my daughter and I visited a relative and we gave him a box of chocolates.
My daughter asked if we could open it, but he said he didn’t want any chocolate. I kept quiet,
but was really disappointed (Female 1).
Other contexts of gift-giving include festivities such as St Valentine’s Day and Easter. Chocolate
In many cultures, chocolate is an appropriate gift in various social situations consumption
(Januszewska et al., 2000). Giving and receiving chocolate on St Valentine’s Day
convey love, care, and attention towards the partner. The brand that respondents cited experiences
the most was Baci Perugina, because they like the fact that each chocolate comes with a
small card containing a quotation or statement about love:
(68) When we were engaged, he [. . .] gave me Baci Perugina on St Valentine’s Day. I have 71
always liked Baci Perugina and enjoyed reading the little cards (Female 15).
At Easter, giving and receiving chocolate is due mainly to longstanding traditions and
rituals. The rite of opening chocolate eggs, looking for or ignoring the “surprise” (a small
present inside the egg), and eating the chocolate is considered by some respondents as
the essence of Easter. Chocolate eggs have become so inherently connected with the
Easter rituals that they actually represent it (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1991, p. 27):
(69) Easter, for me, means chocolate eggs. There’s a tradition on Easter morning. Opening the
package of the egg and hearing the rustle of ribbons and tinfoil, until you see the egg! How do
you break it open? My mother broke it carefully, but my daughter just crunches it. The surprise?
That is less important. What matters is to get a lot of chocolate and eat it (Female 19).
Respondents report buying chocolate as a self-gift as well. The underlying motivations
are congruent with those discussed in literature (Mick and DeMoss, 1990). In self-gift
contexts, respondents tend to reward themselves after completing challenging and
demanding tasks such as passing a test, good sex, and doing one’s duties as a mother,
housewife, student, or sportsperson:
(70) To me, chocolate is a real self-gratification. [. . .] When I do something good, I always buy
myself some chocolate as a reward (Female 8).
(71) After cleaning the house I awarded myself with two chocolate eggs (Female 12).
(72) I came back from the swimming pool and, as usual, I had to award myself with some
chocolate (Female 10).
The act of purchase is taken into great account by respondents, as they report paying a
lot of attention to such aspects as product quality, price, packaging, and the place of
purchase:
(73) I bought something extremely good for myself [. . .]. I went into the confectionery and
examined the weirdest chocolates. [. . .] In the end, I only bought three little chocolate eggs
[. . .]. I think it’s really classy to buy sweets at the confectionery. It isn’t like the supermarket!
(Female 8).

Discussion
Table III presents a typology of contextualized chocolate consumption experiences. It is
based on the relative positions of the key contextual categories of chocolate consumption
experience derived from the diary analysis along two more abstract dimensions.
The first dimension has its foundations both in the empirical data and in previous
consumer behaviour and marketing literature. The notion that product consumption
experiences vary in terms of underlying basic motivation from functional and
hedonic/experiential is well established (Batra and Ahtola, 1991; Filser, 2002). This basic
QMRIJ distinction could be applied in the present study to determine whether each of the
14,1 contextual chocolate consumption categories reflects predominantly functional or
hedonic aspects of experience. The second dimension of the typology was derived from
Fournier’s (1991) framework for studying consumer-object relations. It relates to the
degree to which each of the contextual chocolate consumption categories possesses a
personal versus socio-cultural centre of meaning. Using this separation is a powerful tool
72 to tease out differences between various contextualized chocolate consumption
experiences.
Combining the core ideas behind the contextual chocolate consumption categories
positioned in each cell with the more general ideas related to functional and experiential
consumption motivation and personal and socio-cultural meanings centres yields
four types of contextualized chocolate consumption experiences. These types are:
chocolate consumption experience as medicine, chocolate consumption experience as
mind manoeuvring, chocolate consumption experience as regression, and chocolate
consumption experience as ritual enhancement. Next, these basic types of contextualized
chocolate consumption experiences will be discussed one by one.
When a chocolate consumption experience can be described as medicine, the basic
contexts underlying this experience are related to consumers’ physiological, sensory
and psychosomatic needs. The metaphor medicine refers to the fact that for many of
the study respondents (see quotes 2, 4, and 8) these chocolate consumption contexts
functioned almost like a prescribed drug to remove pain or to restore a more balanced
state of body (i.e. hunger, energy deficit, and craving). This is in line with Osman and
Sobal’s (2006) results reporting that perceived physiological need was the second most
important reason for chocolate cravings among Spanish and American students.
The sensory dimensions (i.e. seeing, touching, tasting, and smelling) were clearly
important in making chocolate a potent medicine (see quotes 9, 16, 20, and 21).
Even visual appeal of chocolate (e.g. unusual shapes and packaging colours) could be a
part of the healing power (see quotes 17, 18, and 19). As a matter of fact, Miller and
Kahn (2005) have demonstrated that consumers react positively to unusual colour and
flavour names. Chocolate can also be an addictive substance (Bruinsma and Taren,
1999) creating an uncontrollable desire for it (see quotes 53, 56, and 57); more chocolate
may medicate this urge, but may also cause guilt feelings as testified by the empirical
data (see quotes 59, 60, and for example, Macht and Dettmer, 2006). The high level
of observed idiosyncrasies in respondents’ chocolate preferences specific to these

Functional chocolate Experiential chocolate

consumption motive consumption motive

Medicine Mind manoeuvring

Personal centre of meaning Context of physiological need Context of escapism
for chocolate Context of sensorial Context of self-gifts
gratification Context of memories and
Table III. Context of chocoholism nostalgia
A typology of Regression Ritual enhancement
contextualized chocolate Socio-cultural centre of meaning Context of materialism Context of interpersonal gifts
consumption experiences for chocolate
contexts signal that the chocolate consumption experiences as medicine are firmly Chocolate
centred on personalized meanings. consumption
The chocolate consumption experience as mind manoeuvring has its
phenomenological roots in no less than four, partly overlapping, contextual categories; experiences
sensorial gratification, escapism, self-gifts, and memories and nostalgia. The key
difference between this contextualized chocolate consumption experience and chocolate
consumption experience as medicine is that the former is more psychologically and 73
positively framed. It is sought for purer experiential or hedonic motives and not so much
as a means to an end. The diary data reveals how sensory aspects are associated with
direct intensive emotions (see quotes 11, 12, and 15). It has even been argued that different
sensory properties of chocolate are able to evoke separable emotions (Thomson, 2007).
The findings involve accounts of escapist contexts where chocolate offers mind
manoeuvring through both mental and behavioural “trips into pleasure” (see quotes 34,
37, 39, and 42) that are preferably pursued in solitude (see quote 43) (thus emphasizing the
personal centre of meaning-dimension in this type of experience). As a matter of fact,
Nowlis et al. (2004) have shown that imagining of having chocolate leads to increased
consumption enjoyment when actually having it later. Chocolate was also a typical
product given to oneself either as a reward or consolation in the self-gift context (see quotes
70, 71, and 72). Luomala and Laaksonen (1999) refer to having chocolate as common
self-gift behaviours both in the cases of mood-maintenance and mood-repair highlighting
once more the level of emotional dynamism involved in this contextualized chocolate
consumption experience. Finally, chocolate could instigate nostalgic transitions of mind
into pleasant and warm memories of childhood and family traditions (see quotes 26, 27, 29,
30, and 32). The significance of the nostalgia context in the food realm generally has been
documented in past research, but less so in relation to chocolate.
There is only one contextual category forming the core for the chocolate consumption
experience as regression. This contextualized chocolate consumption experience
revolves around the negative aspects associated with materialism, since they clearly
surfaced from the interpretive analysis of the diary data. Namely, the category of
materialism in the present data referred to contexts where chocolate consumption
seemed to serve the function of expressing materialistic control (see quotes 44, 45,
and 46), selfishness (see quotes 47 and 49) and envy motives (see quotes 51 and 52).
These roughly correspond with Ger and Belk’s (1999) notions on why materialism is
generally condemned: things predominating over people, self-focus predominating over
other-focus, and generation of destructive envy. Regressing into infantile possessiveness
and greedy jealousy for others’ chocolate were hallmarks of this contextualized chocolate
consumption experience. It is possible that materialistic consumers are especially prone
to this contextualized chocolate consumption experience because it has been shown that
they are particularly self-centred and selfish (Richins and Dawson, 1992). The chocolate
consumption experience as regression is connected with the dimension of socio-cultural
centre of meaning of the typology when informants presumably realized the shared
symbolic values related to certain chocolate products others had and jealously wanted to
communicate these values to others by themselves. As Ger and Belk (1999, p. 197) assert:
“ [. . .] have the things that many of us think we want but cannot afford. [. . .] such display
usually generates a mixture of desire, admiration, envy and resentment”.
The chocolate consumption experience as ritual enhancement is associated with
habituated behaviours, cultural conventions, that can even be formal, and rituals serving
QMRIJ as mediators of valued or negatively laden mandatory experiences usually shared with
14,1 family member and friends (Fournier, 1991). The diaries brought up stories about
interpersonal gift giving (the only contextual category pertaining to this type of
experience) where chocolate was involved mostly as a source of positive emotional
experiences (see quotes 66 and 69), even though it was also sometimes given to others
either as an obligation or to get some chocolate oneself (see quote 67). The predominantly
74 positive experiential basis makes this contextualized chocolate consumption experience
different from the chocolate consumption experience as regression. Chocolate can also be
seen to enhance ritual social encounters because it can provide a safe and appreciated gift
when its socio-cultural symbolism is understood similarly both by the giver and the
recipient. The nature of the relationship between the giver and the recipient influences
the symbolism that is deemed appropriate for each individual chocolate gift-giving
context ( Joy, 2001). Observing the diarists to strategically choose what kind of chocolate
(in terms of price level, brand, origin and luxuriousness) to give who in what context
(see quotes 68 and 73) conveys empirical evidence for this delicate two-way
communication of socio-cultural symbolism.

Study limitations and theoretical and managerial implications

This study has demonstrated the usefulness of the context-sensitive perspective in
facilitating understanding of chocolate consumption experiences, as it allowed authors to
identify seven contextualized chocolate consumption meaning categories and, based on
these, to construct a novel typology outlining four more general contextual chocolate
consumption experience types. However, the generalizability of these categories and types
is limited in three ways. First, the findings are based on the accounts of consumers that
are highly involved with chocolate. Thus, the meanings attached to chocolate in different
contexts may be fewer and of shallower nature with more “average” chocolate
consumers. Second, the informants were Italian and it is possible that some of the
contextual meanings consumers associate with chocolate are culture-specific and,
consequently, the findings may not be transferable to other cultures. And third, without
quantitative analysis with a representative sample the true existence of the four general
chocolate consumption experience types cannot be ascertained.
This study also evokes some interesting theoretical and managerial implications.
For example, Allen et al. (2008) have shown that the in/congruency between the values
that are central to consumers’ self-concept and food product/brand symbolism plays a
role in the way the food product/brand is experienced (e.g. meanings, attitude, buying
intention, taste perception). On the other hand, distinctions between actual self-concept
(how consumers see themselves), ideal self-concept (how consumers would like to see
themselves), social self-concept (how consumers believe others see them) and ideal
social self-concept (how consumers would like to be seen by others) can be made
(Sirgy et al., 2000). Integrating these ideas and empirical insights it is proposed here
that the in/congruity between different aspects of self and chocolate product/brand
symbolism is at stake in determining the efficacy of mind manoeuvring, regressive and
ritual enhancing chocolate consumption experiences. In turn, it does not seem to play a
role in the chocolate consumption experience as medicine.
The mind manoeuvring chocolate consumption experience can be presumed to be
maximally effective when the chocolate product/brand used in the contexts of sensorial
gratification, escapism, self-gifts and memories and nostalgia is congruent with
consumer’s actual self-concept because in this situation the self-consistency motive is Chocolate
fulfilled that facilitates the experience (Sirgy et al., 2000). For example, Mehta (1999) consumption
has demonstrated that convergence between consumer self-image and perceived brand
image leads to stronger purchase intentions than non-convergence. On the other hand, experiences
consumer’s ideal self-concept can be postulated to be operative in regressive chocolate
consumption experiences. Fulfilling the self-esteem motive (Sirgy et al., 2000) by
buying high-status luxury chocolate may offer an efficient instrument to regressive 75
materialism for two reasons: it boosts one’s feeling of self-worth and in the case of
envy, one’s quest for ideal self may be interfered with by noticing someone else
possessing the desired chocolate product/brand. Graeff (1996) have actually found that
consumers’ evaluations of publicly consumed brands (cf. status luxury chocolate) are
more affected by the congruency between brand image and ideal self-image than actual
self-image. Finally, in the case of ritual enhancing chocolate consumption experience, it
can be hypothesized that chocolate products/brands that have the capacity to convey
the image one would like others to perceive of him/herself are perfect. The social
approval motive (Sirgy et al., 2000) is probably at work in this type of experience that is
epitomized by the context where inter-personal gifts are exchanged.
In the light of the recent attention given to the interplay between consumer
psychology and taste perception (Hoegg and Alba, 2007; Krishna and Morrin, 2008;
Allen, Gupta, and Monnier, 2008), a further analysis of the “context of gratification” itself
might be worthwhile. It would be interesting, for example, to investigate how consumers’
touch, sight, and smell of chocolate influence their taste, as well as their judgements and
overall evaluations about chocolate. Do smooth, beautiful and fragrant chocolates taste
better than rough and ugly ones, which do not have any particular smell? Moreover, with
reference to the contexts of “materialism” and “memories and nostalgia”, it could be
questioned whether or not the relationship described above varies on the basis of
consumers’ materialistic attitudes (high vs low) or nostalgia proneness (high vs low)
(Rindfleisch et al., 2000).
With respect to the contexts of “physiological need” and “sensorial gratification”, for
example, it would be interesting to investigate if the chocolate attributes consumers look
for when they buy chocolate as a snack differ from those consumers look for when they
buy chocolate as a meal. Or, most importantly, if the chocolate attributes sought-after
when consumers want to satisfy their hunger differ from those sought-after when they
buy chocolate purely to taste it. With regard to fresh fruit, Jaeger and Rose (2008) have
demonstrated that the type of Kiwi brand selected depends on the occasion when Kiwi is
eaten: as part of a larger meal vs on its own, as a snack. A similar investigation could be
carried out for chocolate as well. How does the occasion (e.g. chocolate as a meal vs
chocolate as a snack; eating vs tasting chocolate) influence the attributes consumers
look for?
Moreover, the current study provides some insights to marketing practitioners. First of
all, the contextual chocolate consumption meaning categories identified may inspire
future marketing communication activities. Some of them (i.e. sensorial gratification) are
currently used in chocolate advertising, whereas others are much less common at present.
The context of “memories and nostalgia” with its associated meanings, for example, has
not been used in chocolate advertising so far, although it is quite frequent in the
advertising of other product categories (Stern, 1992). However, this exploratory study
reveals that nostalgia is an important context for chocolate consumption experiences and,
QMRIJ more in general, it has been proven that evoking nostalgia in advertising has a positive
14,1 effect on consumers’ attitudes and purchase intention (Pascal et al., 2002). Marketers,
therefore, might be interested in exploring this and other contextual chocolate
consumption categories in greater depth and in determining how effective they would
be as themes in marketing communication activities.
Second, the research demonstrates potential opportunities in terms of product
76 innovation and brand extensions. Respondents reported being open to new flavours,
tastes and types of chocolate, as well as interested in new chocolate-based products
which they would keep in their homes, merely for the pleasure of seeing/smelling them,
or for use when chocolate is out of reach. This observation speaks for the possibility of
using highly involved consumers as a resource in product and marketing concept
development (Lüthje, 2004) even in the arena of low-tech business. Furthermore,
chocolate brands to which they are loyal, might be explored for finding potential
extensions to other areas, either food or non-food.
Third, the findings of the study offer inspiration for chocolate marketers who are
targeting innovators and hedonists (Januszewska et al., 2000). Namely, based on the
profile descriptions of innovators and hedonists, it seems likely that the chocolate
consumption contexts of memories and nostalgia, materialism and inter-personal gifts
are relevant for the former chocolate consumer segment, whereas the chocolate
consumption contexts of physiological need, sensorial gratification, chocoholism and
self-gifts are significant for the latter segment. Since this research has produced in-depth
understanding about consumers chocolate consumption experiences, advanced
chocolate marketers targeting innovators and hedonists can utilize the key meanings
and contents involved in these experiences in further developing their marketing and
product development activities.

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Appendix. The coding scheme

Main category 1: Context of physiological need
Sub-category 1: Chocolate as a substitute of a meal
Sub-subcategory 1: Instead of lunch
Sub-subcategory 2: Instead of dinner
Sub-category 2: Chocolate as a sweet at the end of a meal
Sub-category 3: Chocolate as a means of recovering one’s energy
Sub-subcategory 1: After physical activities
Sub-subcategory 2: After mental activities
Main category 2: Context of sensorial gratification
Sub-category 1: Chocolate gratifies the sense of sight
Sub-subcategory 1: Unusual shapes
Sub-subcategory 2: Colors of the packaging
 Sub-category 2: Chocolate gratifies the sense of touch Chocolate
Sub-subcategory 1: Chocolate to taste consumption
Sub-subcategory 2: Chocolate to eat experiences
Sub-category 3: Chocolate gratifies the sense of taste
Sub-subcategory 1: Favourite type of chocolate
Sub-subcategory 2: Chocolate and other food/drinks 81
Sub-category 4: Chocolate gratifies the sense of smell
Sub-subcategory 1: Culinary activities
Sub-subcategory 2: Extra-culinary activities
Main category 3: Context of memories and nostalgia
Sub-category 1: Talking about one’s past
Sub-subcategory 1: Childhood
Sub-subcategory 2: Adolescence
Sub-subcategory 3: Adult age
Sub-category 2: The core of the story
Sub-subcategory 1: Chocolate in general
Sub-subcategory 2: Specific brands/products
Sub-category 3: Feeling of nostalgia
Sub-subcategory 1: Positive feeling towards the past
Sub-subcategory 2: Negative feeling towards the present
Main category 4: Context of escapism
Sub-category 1: Escaping through imagination
Sub-subcategory 1: Chocolate as the content
Sub-subcategory 2: Chocolate as the cause
Sub-subcategory 3: Chocolate in movies/short stories/fairy tales
Sub-category 2: Escaping through actions and behaviours
Sub-subcategory 1: Entertaining activities
Sub-subcategory 2: Relaxing activities
Main category 5: Context of materialism
Sub-category 1: Possessiveness
Sub-subcategory 1: Concern of loosing possession
Sub-subcategory 2: Willingness to maintain control
Sub-category 2: Non-generosity
Sub-subcategory 1: Unwillingness to give one’s chocolate to others
Sub-subcategory 2: Unwillingness to share one’s chocolate with others
Sub-category 3: Envy
Main category 6: Context of “chocoholism”
Sub-category 1: Negative side of addiction
Sub-subcategory 1: Impellent need of chocolate
Sub-subcategory 2: Partial/total loss of control
QMRIJ Sub-subcategory 3: Compensatory behaviours
14,1 Sub-subcategory 4: Abstention from chocolate
Sub-subcategory 5: Feelings of guilt and regret
Sub-category 2: Positive side of addiction
Sub-subcategory 1: Chocolate as an antidote against negative emotions
82 Sub-subcategory 2: Chocolate as a means of reaching optimal experiences
Main category 7: Context of interpersonal and self-gift
Sub-category 1: Interpersonal gift
Sub-subcategory 1: Visiting
Sub-subcategory 2: Celebrating
Sub-category 2: Self-gift

About the authors

Lia Zarantonello has a PhD in Marketing and Business Communication and is a Post-Doctoral
Research Fellow at Bocconi University, Milan, Italy. Her research interests include brand
experience and experiential marketing. She is a member of the European Marketing Academy
(EMAC) and the Association for Consumer Research (ACR). She has published in journals such
as Journal of Marketing and Journal of Brand Management. Lia Zarantonello is the
corresponding author and can be contacted at: lia.zarantonello@unibocconi.it
Harri T. Luomala has a PhD in Marketing and is a Research Professor investigating
consumer behavior at the Department of Marketing, University of Vaasa, Finland. His main
research interest focuses on the interrelationships between values, emotions, motives, and taste
perceptions in food consumption and on consumer-oriented food product development. He is also
involved with research addressing cross-cultural issues and consumer perception of products,
brands, and commercial environments. He has published in journals such as Psychology &
Marketing, Journal of Business Research, Journal of Marketing Management, Journal of
Economic Psychology, Journal of Consumer Behavior, Journal of International Consumer
Marketing, International Review of Retail, Distribution and Consumer Research, Qualitative
Market Research, Appetite, British Food Journal, Journal of Food Products Marketing, Journal of
Customer Behavior, and Journal of the Science of Food and Agriculture. He is a member of the
EMAC and the ACR and regularly presents papers at conferences organized by them, AMS and
other associations. He has been a Guest Editor of the Psychology & Marketing and frequently
reviews papers for different academic journals. He is in charge of the research group addressing
various issues concerning food consumption and marketing.

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