Nationalism is a modern movement.

Throughout history people have been

attached to their native soil, to the traditions of their people, at the established
territorial authorities; and by the end of the 18th century that nationalism became a
sentiment molding public and private life determining factors of modern history. The
British ruled over India for about two centuries. They started interference in the
religious matters and other social practices of Hindus and Muslims and it infuriated
the Indians and their anger resulted in the armed revolt of 1857. Though the British
crushed the revolt but they could not crush the spirit of nationalism among Indians.
The English education was introduced in India to prepare the clerks and to mentally
win over the Indians. But when the Indians studied the European history, literature
and philosophy, they began to think in terms of Indian freedom from the British
slavery. The bond of unity among the Indians was strengthened by the introduction of
railway, Telephone, Post and Telegraph. Though these were introduced for
promoting the British interests but they helped in the growth and development of
Indian nationalism.

The revolt of 1857 was much more than a mere product of sepoy discontent. It
was in reality a product of the character and policies of colonial rule, of the
accumulated grievances of the people against the Company’s administration and their
dislike for the foreign regime. For a century, as the British had been conquering the
country bit by bit, popular discontent and hatred against foreign rule was gaining
strength among the different sections of Indian society. It was this discontent that
burst forth into a mighty popular revolt.

The 1857 Revolt

The Revolt of 1857 was a land mark in the history of India. Though Indian
Nationalism crystallized as a national movement during the last decades of the 19th
century, its first sprouting was visible in the beginning of the last century. Before a
survey of the rise and growth of Indian National Movement, a brief reference to a
major event of the nineteenth century is appropriate. That event was the Revolt of
1857. The uprising of 1857 was the last, though unsuccessful, attempt of the social

52
classes of the old society to drive out the British from India and revert to the pre-
British social and political existence. The Revolt was the result of pent-up
indignation and accumulated discontent among the various strata of the old society
who suffered from the British conquest, because of the new economic forces and
measures brought into operation by that conquest, and the various social innovations
introduced into the country by the British Government. The principal causes of this
Revolt, however, were the annexation policy of the British which brought about the
liquidation of a number of feudal states, the new land revenue system, which reduced
the Indian peasantry to acute economic misery as well as the large scale ruination of
the millions of the Indian artisans and handicraftsmen as a result of the influx of the
machine-made goods from British in the Indian market. Although the Revolt began
as a military mutiny, it quickly became a well-spread insurrection. In other words, the
mutiny was soon converted into a rebellion in many parts of Northern and Central
India.

The Nature of the 1857 Revolt

British historians called the 1857 revolt as “Sepoy Mutiny”. Indian historians
termed it as “The National War of Independence”.1 Neither name is appropriate,
because, it was not only the sepoys, but peasants, artisans and some native rulers also
participated in it. As the revolt did not spread to all parts of country, it would be a
misnomer to call it a ‘National War of Independence. ’However, it is considered a
milestone in the history of India. It was also a beginning of the great movement that
was about to take place, later to drive out the British from India. Therefore, it can
undoubtedly be called ‘The First war of Indian Independence’.

A strong, spontaneous popular revolt broke out in Northern and Central India
in 1857.It began with the mutiny of Sepoys of the Indian Army against their British
Officers. It later involved the masses in other parts of the country. Millions of
peasants, artisans and people from all walks of life, fearlessly joined the revolt.

53
Political reasons

Beginning with the battle of Plassey in 1757, the British adopted every
method they could think of, to occupy India. The expansionist policy of the British
included wars like the Maratha Wars, Mysore wars, Sikh wars, Subsidiary alliances,
the Doctrine of Lapse etc., Dalhousie implemented the Doctrine of Lapse and
annexed some states of Satara, Nagapur and Jhansi. By the Subsidiary alliance, the
British took control of some other areas. The Nizam of Hyderabad Ceded the district
of Kadapa, Kurnool, Anantapur and Bellary for the maintenance of British troops in
his kingdom. Sadath Ali , Nawab of Awadh gave Gorakhpur,Rohilkhand and Ganga-
Yamuna Doab to the British while joining the Subsidiary Alliance. The British
wanted to take Awadh. So, under the pretext that it was misruled, they occupied
Awadh also, Dalhousie denied giving the legitimate pension to Nanasaheb, the
adopted son of the Peshwa Baji Rao II.2 Lord Canning declared that the title of
‘Mughal Emperor’ should be abolished after the death of the last Mughal Emperor,
Bahadurshah II. These measures created fear and insecurity Hence Awadh also
played a major role in the revolt. 3

Administrative changes

Indians were not allowed to join the Civil Services. The Judiciary suffered
from the evils of delay and expense. The rich alone were benefited by it. The British
gradually introduced new regulations and modified the existing laws. In Criminal
cases, Europeans were questioned and judged by European Judges only. Language
also became a barrier as the people of India did not understand the language of their
rulers. Many artists, writers and Hindu priests lost their means of income during the
Company’s rule. They were previously, supported by Indian rulers who gave them
large sums of money for their upkeep.

Indian economic resources were utilized not in accordance with the demands
of Indian economy but to meet the demands of British economy. When there was a
demand for India goods in Europe, the British encouraged4 exports by reducing
export tax and when the demand was low due to the production of goods during the

54
Industrial Revolution in England, the import tax was increased. To meet the
industrial requirements in Britain, Indian Became the producer of raw material and
this raw material was exported at cheaper rates. This aspect was evidenced by the
compulsory plantation of Indigo in Bihar and Bengal. The Company introduced
various types of Land revenue such as the Permanent Settlement, The Ryotwari
Settlement, and the Mahalwari Settlement. All proved to be a burden on the farmers.
Encouragement by the British for commercial crops to meet the Industrial demands
of England resulted in the reduction of food grain production in India and this led to
severe famines.5 Peasants were not given concessions even during droughts and they
were caught in the clutches of money lenders who exploited them by confiscating
their lands in lieu of loans given to them.

Socio-Religious Causes

Another important cause for discontentment among Indians was the fear that
the British people would convert all Hindus and Muslims to Christianity forcefully. It
was for this reason that the Christian missionaries frequently announced that the
British had given them the responsibility of converting Hindus to
Christianity.6Christian Missionaries also ridiculed the long cherished customs and
traditions of the Hindus and Muslims. Certain reforms like the abolition of Sati and
widow remarriage that were brought about by the Government were viewed with
suspicion. The suspicion was further strengthened when in 1850, a legislation was
made proving ancestral property rights to Hindus who were converted to other
religions. Orthodox Hindus even thought that the introduction of the railways and
telegraphs were also attempts to undermine their ancient customs. When the railways
were first introduced, whoever purchased a ticket was permitted to sit wherever he
wanted in the compartment. They (Orthodox Hindus) thought that It was to facilitate
the people of lower castes and the untouchables to sit side by side with the upper
castes. This was something intolerable to the upper castes. 7 In 1857, the Enfield rifle
was introduced by the British into the army. The cartridge was covered with greased
paper. The sepoys had to tear the cover off with their teeth, to put the cartridge into
the rifle. There was a strong rumour that the grease was made of either Cow or Pig

55
fat .This was an insult to the sentiments of Hindu and Muslims. The sepoys refused
to use cartridge and started the rebellion. The refusal of the sepoys to use to greased
cartridge was regarded by the authorities as an act of insubordination and punished
accordingly. On 29 March1857 the sepoys at Barrackpore refused to use the greased
cartridge and a sepoy, belonging to Brahmin community, Mangal Pandey, attacked
and fired at the Adjutant8. The 34 N.I regiment was disbanded and sepoys guilty of
rebellion punished. At Meerut, in May, 85 sepoys of the 3rd Cavalry regiment on their
refusal to use the greased cartridge were court-martialled and sentenced to long terms
of imprisonment. 9 On 10th May the sepoys broke out in open rebellion, shot their
officers, released their fellow sepoys and headed towards Delhi and seized by the
sepoys on 12th May 1857. The rebellion spread very soon throughout Northern and
Central India at Lucknow, Allahabad, Kanpur, Bareilly, Banaras, in parts of Bihar,
Jhansi and other places. Fortunately for the English, the Indian rulers remained loyal
and rendered valuable services in the suppression of the rebellion. Indian south of the
Narmada remained practically undisturbed.

Though the revolt began as a military protest; it later on became a rebellion

in many parts of northern and Central India.10 But as observed by Surendranath Sen,
“The Presidency of Madras remained unaffected all through, though some slight sign
of restlessness was perceived in the army. The educated community ranged itself on
the side of law and order and condemned the rising in unambiguous terms”.11 The
revolt had its echo, though mild, in Telugu region of Madras presidency. Some
isolated rebellions took place in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. A rebellion took
place in Savara area of Parlakimidi zamindari, led by one Dandasena, a feudal
chieftain of Gybah.12 Dandasena and his followers plundered villages. But the
rebellion was putdown by the army under the command of Captain Wilson; finally
Dandasena was caught and hanged.13

There was a similar disturbance in Yernagudem in the Godavari Agency. It

started from a private grudge between one Korukonda Subba Reddy the headman of
Koraturu, and one Sunkara Swamy, the village munisiff of Buttayagudem. Subba
Reddy and other leaders were captured and sentenced to suffer capital punishment.14

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During the trial Subba Reddy declared that he was encouraged to rebel when he
heard that Nanasaheb was advancing towards the Deccan and that whosoever did
most against the British would be rewarded. This confession is the only link between
the Yernagudem rebellion and the Great Revolt of 1857.

In Rayalaseema, one Sheik peer Shah of a village near Kadapa, created

trouble to the East India Company rule by fomenting religious sentiments. He was
arrested and imprisoned by the Commissioner of Kadapa, E. Eliot, who had been
appointed to deal with such cases in the district during the period of Revolt.15 The
revolt of Bhimarao Nada Gouda of Bellary district was another rebellion against the
British. Bhimarao and his followers were putdown by the British army16. Besides
these, there were Rohillas and Arab incursions into the border districts of Andhra.
They attacked Krishna, Kurnool and Kadapa. The Madras government suspected that
if these raids had some connection with the Great Revolt.

The Andhra people did not show any sympathy towards these local revolts,
and they expressed their loyalty to the British, through public meetings conducted all
over Andhra. The 1857 rebellion was crushed by the British by July1858.The
immediate outcome of the revolt was the transfer of power from the East India
Company to the British Crown. On 1st November 1858 Queen Victoria issued a
proclamation. Through it the Indians were promised economic prosperity, equality
before the law and equal opportunities.17

Socio-Religious Movements

Reckoning the millennia of Indian history, one can hardly think of a greater
contrast than the one that existed between eighteenth-century and twentieth-century
India. On the one hand India had a stagnating traditional culture and society at very
low ebb, while on the other hand India possessed a still traditional society in the
throes and the creative excitement of modernising itself, of emerging as a new nation,
remaining thoroughly its own and rooted in its culture, yet taking its place in the
contemporary world. The nineteenth century was the pivotal century that saw the

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initiation of this process that brought about an enormous transformation in the
religious, social, economic, political, and cultural spheres. 18

The transformation came for the involvement of some interrelated factor

among which the first is the total impact of the British Raj. It influenced Indian life
through many channels: administration, legislation, trade, the creation of a network
of communications, inchoative industrialization and urbanization, all had great
influence not only on the many Indians who became directly involved in them, but
also on society as a whole, because every measure in some way interfered with some
traditional patterns of life. In the cultural field too, the British exerted pressure
through the work of scholars, educators, and missionaries, Orientalists, utilitarian, or
evangelical. The entire effect of this influence acted on the life and ideas of the
people in multiple ways, forcing them to adjust their patterns of life to the new
circumstances and thus affecting a continuum of social change. Under these
circumstances, the reformers excelled as landmarks in this gradual adaptation to new
conditions. These are the Indians who consciously reacted to the new situation and
advocated deliberate changes in social and religious attitudes and customs, involving
a break with tradition itself. They saw change not as a slow adaptive process, but as a
positive value in itself, and contrasted it with the negativity of existing patterns. As a
Group they had a great impact on nineteenth-century India, though they were not by
far the only factor in effecting change.

Social and religious reform movements were, naturally, not a new

phenomenon in Hinduism. In fact in some ways the very nature of Hinduism is to be
continuously adaptive and reformist. Yet the nineteenth-century reform movement by
a cluster of new characteristics became closely conjoined to a political movement,
and consequently sought to influence political authority, administration, and
legislation. This movement became very soon an all-India nationalist movement, and
reform acquired a nationalist flavor and an all-India extension. 19 Whereas previously
social reform was inextricably interwoven with religious motivation and religious
reform, in the nineteenth century the relationship of the two oscillated, and
sometimes secular and rationalistic motives were the decisive ones, though in fact the

58
century did produce a few reformers who remained totally within the traditional
pattern, and whose influence on the period remained insignificant. Among them the
most noteworthy are Swami Narayana of Gujarat, Initiator of a sect bearing his name,
and Mahatma Ramalingam of Tamil Nadu.

The reformers themselves had no doubts as to the main stimulants of this new
spirit. The British administration, English education, and European literature brought
to India a constellation of fresh ideas which constituted a challenge to the new
20
intellectuals. Rationalism as the basis for ethical thinking, the idea of human
progress and evolution, the possibility of ‘scientifically’ engineering social change,
the concept of natural rights connected with individualism, were all alien to
traditional society. An equally strong influence was exerted by the Ideas and the
work of the Christian missionaries. Although some later nationalist writers tend to
discount this influence, the nineteenth-century reformers themselves, starting with
Ram Mohan Roy, did not hesitate to give credit where it was due, and acknowledged
their indebtedness in no uncertain terms, even while vigorously opposing certain
aspects of missionary activity.

In the first decades of the nineteenth century, India had already produced a
small new social group, the English-educated intelligentsia, mostly closely associated
with British administration or British trade. It was amongst these people that several
ideas of reform first arose and constant contact with Britishers and European ideas
made them look upon some social and religious characteristics of their won society
with horror and disgust. Social reform in this first stage was mostly prompted by the
desire of these people to cope with the difficulties which they experienced
themselves and which were experienced too by others belonging to their European-
influenced group.21 There was not as yet any concern for the mass of the people, or
any desire to transform the structure of society at large. What they wanted was to
reshape their lives according to the new standards and values they were discovering.
They sought to clarify their own ideas, and propagate them among their kindred
intelligentsia. Thus, this first stage was a time when the reformer was almost
exclusively concerned with his own group, a time also when political concern was

59
inceptive and when it was generally held that personal social reform needed to be
based upon the solid foundation of religious reform.22

Bengal was first to undergo significant British influence and to produce the
new English-educated group. By the early 1800’s a crystallization of different
reactions to Western influence was noticed, and there emerge three distinct groups,
the radicals, the reformers, and the conservatives. Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) was
the first great modern reformer, and has for good reason been called ’The Father of
Modern India’. In the religious sphere Ram Mohan’s main target of attack was the
Hindu system of idolization, its mythology and cult. He proposed as an alternative a
deistic type of theism, strongly influenced by European deism and the ideology of the
Unitarians. As a social reformer, Ram Mohan’s interest was mainly in the appalling
condition of women in Hindu society, an interest that was to dominate the social
reform movement for many decades. He is rightly famous for his long and successful
campaign for the abolition of sati, the self-immolation of widows on the funeral pyres
of their husbands, and he fought incessantly against child marriage and for female
education. The crowning achievement of Ram Mohan’s Organizational efforts was
the foundation of the Brahmosabha(later Known as Brahmo Samaj) in 1828. The
Socio-Religious Reform movements of the 19th century in West Bengal,
Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab aimed at checking the influence of Christian
Missionaries. The missionaries wished to convert Indians to Christianity. They also
wished to purge Hindu society of social evils such as sati and infanticide. The aim of
Brahmo Samaj was to save middle class families of Bengal from adverse effects of
Christianity. Roy not only worked against sordid practices like infanticide and sati,
but also focused on unity, tolerance and secularism.23 After Raja Rammohan Roy,
Debendranath Togor, Kesav Chandra Sen and Iswara Chandra Vidya Sagar gave new
direction to the Brahmo Samaj. Iswara Chandra Vidya Sagar (1820-1891) took up the
widow remarriage movement.24 Bipin Chandra, who was also a member of the
Brahmo Samaj, led the Vandemataram movement, and inspired the Indians through
his speeches, and exhorted them to fight against foreign yoke.25

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 In Maharashtra, M.G. Ranade founded Prarthana Samaj in 1867 for the sake
of society. There were two great reform movements which greatly inspired Indians.
They were “the Arya Samaj” founded by Swamy Dayanada Saraswati and
“Ramakrishna Mission” started by Swamy Vivekananda. Swamy Dayanada
Saraswati and Swamy Vivekananda inspired rationalism, individualism and
humanism among the Indians through speeches and writings. The western education
also produced Telugu intelligentsia. Eenugula Veeraswamayya ,who fought against
Casteism. Muttu Narasimhaiah Naidu, Munisiff in Rajahmundry, advocated gender
equality and rational thinking in his Hitha Soochini. Samineni Mudda Narasimham,
Sreenivasa Pillai, Ananta Sastri, Paravasthu Venkata Rangacharyulu, Gajula Lakshmi
Narasu chetty, Athmuri Lakshmi Narasimham and others played important role to
remove superstitions and ignorance from the orthodox society.26

Kandukuri Veeresalingam Pantulu (1848-1919) was a well-known social

reformer in Andhra. Veeresalingam awakened Andhra out of their suffocating
medieval orthodox customs and superstitions. Veeresalingam was inspired by the
activities of “Brahmo Samaj”. He fought for education for women and remarriage to
widows. In spite of strong opposition from orthodox people, he arranged first widow
remarriage in Andhra in 1881. He also fought against Nautch System and corruption.
He established a school for girls at Dhawaleswaram in 1874. Veeresalingam not only
a great social reformer, but also a great Telugu Pandit. He wrote first Telugu novel
Rajashekara Charithra. His fame spread Abroad. He was acclaimed as “Iswar
Chandra Vidya Sagar of South” by M.G. Ranade in 1898.27 He was interested more
in social issues than in the political and national issues of the time, because he
believed that social reform should precede or at least be simultaneous with political
reform. The Andhras were inspired by the activities of Veeresalingam. Rao Bahadur
Sabhapati Mudaliar of Bellary was greatly influenced by his ideas. On 12th February,
1882, Jataprolu Rama Rao and Chittoori Subba Rao married young widows in
Bellary. 28 Veeresalingam arranged financial support to the two young widows from
Chittoor.29

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 After Veeresalingam, Raghupati Venkata Ratnam Naidu, Gurajada Appa Rao,
Komarraju Venkata Lakshmana Rao, Gidugu Venkata Ramana Murthy, Desiraju
Pedabapaiah and Unnava Lakshmi Narayana were the great social reformers and
stressed their ideas for the sake of society. Venkata Ratnam Naidu established a
hostel to the untouchables’ children in Kakinada. He also started a school for
destitutes, and educated them.30 Gurajada Appa Rao was a great poet, and reflected
social evils like bride-price and child marriage through his Kanyasulkam and Puttadi
Bomma Poornamma. Komarraju Venkata Lakshmana Rao established a library and
awakened people through his writings. Gidugu Venkata Ramamurthy brought a great
revolution in Telugu literature. Peda Bapaiah advocated brother hood among the
people. Through Malapalli Unnava Lakshminarayana fired on caste-system.31

The Theosophical Society

Another prominent movement which took the mantle of reforming and

reviving the old glory of Hinduism was the Theosophical Society. Its preaching’s led
to a good deal of ferment for spiritual attainments. The word “Theosophy” comes
from two Greek words, Theos and Sophia, meaning God and Wisdom. Thus, the
meaning of theosophy was the wisdom concerning God.

The Theosophical Society was first founded by a Russian lady, Madam H.P.
Blavatsky and a former English army officer, Colonel H .S. Alcott in the United
States of America in 1875.But they considered India as a suitable place for
theosophical movements. Under their inspiration the Theosophical Society of India
came into being at Adyar in Madras in 1886. 32 The Theosophical Movement had
more appeal among intelligentsia than the masses and made its own mark in the
nineteenth century. It came to be allied with Hindu renaissance. It was Mrs. Annie
Besant who later on championed the cause of theosophy in India in a more vigorous
manner than the founder of the society. She was well acquainted with Indian thought
and culture and her approach was Vedantic as is evident from her remarkable
translation of the Bhagvat Gita. Her main emphasis was on the occult rather than
spiritualism. She found a bridge between matter and mind. Gradually she turned a

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Hindu not only in her views but also in her dress, food, company, and social
manners. The society conducted researches on Hindu religious thoughts, translated
and published Hindu scriptures which helped the process of intellectual awakening of
India. The Theosophical Society established the greatness of the Hindu metaphysical
doctrines and created a national pride in the minds of educated Indian youths, which
gave birth to the modern concept of nationalism. She also formed the Home Rule
League on the pattern of the Irish Home Rule movement. Besides, The Theosophical
society played a strong role in providing education to the people. The society started
school and college at Madanapalle and also established a number of institutions and
Theosophical lodges at Bellary and Kadapa.33

Western Education

Pursuit of education was, and continues to be, an essential factor in causing

awakening in the people anywhere. This factor is in turn dependent upon the
economic status of the people in question. From 1813, when the English East India
Company accepted education as one of its responsibilities towards its subjects, to
1920 when it was transferred to the national leadership, the country, including
Andhra, witnessed a steady progress in the spread of western education.

Education in Andhra, as in other parts of the country, remained mainly the

private concern of the people until the region came under the British rule. While the
wealthy among the people employed teachers to teach their children in their homes,
others not so well endowed sent their children to the “pial” schools run in the local
temples or under the shadow of the trees, where the three R’s were taught by the rote
method with hardly any effort at explaining what they were asked to read and write. 34
Religion, Philosophy and Morals constituted the core of the curriculum; there was no
effort at offering modern subjects like History, Political Science and Science. This
system continued until the advent of the English East India Company in India.

Meanwhile, the issue of renewing the Company’s Charter came up for

discussion in the British Parliament in 1833. While renewing the Charter for a further
period of twenty years, the British Parliament directed the Company to review the

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status of education in India and make provision for its progress. The Company
Government accordingly appointed a Commission with Macaulay, the Law Member
in the Governor General’s Council, as chairman to suggest ways and means for the
improvement of education in India. Macaulay submitted his Report in 1835. The
Report, among others, recommended an allocation of Rupees one lakh in the Indian
budget for education and emphasized the teaching of English, European Literature
and Science so as to mould Indians to be English in intellect, manners and tastes.
Accepting the recommendations of Macaulay, Governor General William Bentinck
in his proceedings dated 7 March 1835 expressed the view that the great objective of
the British government ought to be the promotion of European Literature and Science
among the natives of India, and that all the funds appropriated for the purpose of
education would be best employed on English education alone. 35

The introduction of Western learning brought about a profound intellectual

transformation in India. It is under the influence of Western learning that the pioneers
of Indian nationalism were moved by the aspirations for self-government, for
political power and representative institutions; soon they began to claim that since
India was a nation, it was entitled to national freedom like the United States of
America, Canada and Australia. To quote Griffith, “Whatever else of good or ill
Britain may have achieved in India she may justly claim to have brought about the
great Indian Renaissance”. 36

However, the positive side of modern western education was that it inevitably
contributed to the growth of nationalism not only by making the Indian people
familiar with the ideas of liberty, democracy, self-government but also indirectly by
creating discontentment among the educated class who began to aspire for higher
position in the services after getting university degrees. The result was that the
Western education rebounded on its chief promoters by creating a middle class
wanting to supplant the British rulers. Ironically, what the British had regarded as
their main prop turned out to be the chief prod which eventually pushed them out of
India.

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 Besides, the study of English language not only helped to build up a
democratic and rational outlook, it also did a great service to the cause of Indian
nationalism by providing a medium of communication for the educated Indians
throughout India to exchange views on a national scale. It cuts across personal
barriers and served the purpose of a lingua franca. It was largely through this medium
that educated Indians began to meet each other, to discuss common problems and to
meet on a common platform to devise plans for the upliftment of their country.
Thus, with the help of a common medium of communication the English educated
Indians in different provinces came to possess a common stock of ideas and
aspirations, thereby creating national outlook. 37

Press

Besides Western education, the Indian press also played an equally important
role in building and developing Indian nationalism. The press said to be the surrogate
of the people. It moulds and mirrors all complex process of national and international
life. It is an agency which silently moulds and shapes public opinion on a much
higher scale than education. With its help the Indian nationalist groups were able to
popularise, the idea of representative government, liberty, democratic institutions,
Home Rule, Dominion Status and even complete independence.

In the beginning the government adopted the policy of freedom of press in

conformity with the British tradition, but by 1878 their policy changed and started
imposing restrictions. But in spite of these restrictions for a couple of years, the
Indian press continued to advocate the cause of the people and agitate for political
reforms. Thus as B.B. Majundar rightly said, “ Western education and the Indian
press were the two of the most important agencies destined to infuse into the people
of India the spirit of national unity and to inspire them to achieve independence
without bloodshed.” 38

James Augustus Hickey is considered as the “father of Indian press” 39 as he

started the first Indian newspaper from Calcutta, the Calcutta General Advertise or
the Bengal Gazette in January, 1780. The first newspaper from Bombay, the Bombay

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Herald appeared, followed by the Bombay Courier next year (this newspaper was
later amalgamated with the Times of India in 1861). The first newspaper in an Indian
language was the Samachar Darpan in Bengali. The first Issue of this daily was
published from the Serampore Mission Press on May 23, 1818.40In the same year
Ganga Kishore Bhyattacharaya started publishing another newspaper in Bengali, the
Bengal Gazette. On July 1, 1822 the first Guajarati newspaper the Bombay Samachar
was published from Bombay, which still extant. The first Hindi newspaper, the
Samachar Sudha Varshan began in 1854. Since then, the prominent Indian languages
in which papers have grown over the years are Hindi, Marathi, Malayalam, Kannada,
Tamil, Telugu, Urdu and Bengali. These papers became a powerful instrument of
political education for the middle class and stimulated the growth of national feeling
by making public the grievances of the people and also by exposing the feelings and
deficiencies of alien rule.

The emergence of a spirit of nationalism and political awakening among the

intellectuals, in the Andhra area of the Madras Presidency, the period saw the gradual
emergence of a new class of intelligentsia dangerously attuned to the national
sentiment and active in the Indian National Congress. District Associations, started as
the model of the Indian National Congress began to hold annual conferences from
1892 onwards at the district level to discuss the local problems, thus accentuating the
political consciousness of the different sections of the people. The Telugu press
became a powerful weapon in the hands of the intelligential and a most effective
exponent of popular grievances during this period. The spread of education and raise
of Telugu journalism together created political awakening among the people.

The awakening national consciousness was the rise of a number of

associations like the Madras Native Association, founded by Gajula Lakshmi Narasu
Chetti, the Madras Mahajana Sabha by P. Rangaiah Naidu, Kakinada Literary
Association. Of these Madras Mahajana Sabha was actively played in giving proper
direction to the growing consciousness among the people. The Nationalist Telugu
press preached patriotism to the people in several ways in trying to inculcate the
national sprit among the people and appealed to them totake active part in the

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National Movement. Mr. Robinson, secretary to the Government of India considered
the vernacular press as a “useful parameter of native feeling and excitement”. The
then Governor of Bengal held the vernacular press “to be useful publication of the
under currents which may be running through the masses of Indian population”.
According to the amount of Graxe Broke, the most experienced British Indian
administrator felt the great difficulty of ascertaining the fact of social condition and
political sentiment and the vernacular press was always considered as a miserable
means of getting at those facts.

The Telugu newspapers like Andhra Patrika, Sasilekha, Krishna Patrika,

Suryodaya Prakasika, Vivekavardhini, Rasikollasini, Desabhimani published during
the period from 1885-1905 has observed that they all gave expressions to ideas
which were popular to the intelligentsia. They boldly and freely criticised the policies
of the government and its administrative measures. They exposed the defects in
various branches of administration and put forward various suggestions to better the
administration. By 1905 their tone became highly prominent in several respects of
public awakening. In 1874, the Purushartha Pradhayini criticized the Bishops of
various towns on converting the people into Christianity. The Lokaranjani boldly
expressed its agony against “Broad Arrow” that the Hindus should not be made
eligible for higher posts in Civil Service in India unless they sat for the examinations
in England. 41

The third session of the Indian National Congress held at Madras in the year
1887 passed resolutions to the national press demanding publication of pamphlets
and other propaganda material to politically educate the masses. Telugu press was
largely responsible for the participation of a large number of people in the Indian
freedom movement. The leaders adopted the news papers as one of the chief
instruments for carrying on the movement. Patriotism became the watchword for the
people. The people and the press vigorously supported the various phases of the
political movement, converting the fight against the British administration into a
heroic struggle of the people for a national cause. The nationalist Telugu press in

67
Andhra, like its counterparts in the rest of the country, ably performed the mission of
preaching the gospel of nationalism.

In 1901, the Gowtami criticized the government on the racial differences for
issuing an advertisement for Muslim clerk in the Chief Office of the Inspector
General of Police in Madras. In 1902, the Sasilekha another Telugu journal pointed
out the high expenses to the coronation celebration of the King Emperor Edward VII.
In 1902, “Dhesabakta” Konda Venkatappaiah and Mutnuri Krishna Rao (Ed) started
the Krishna Patrika, a national daily, in 1902. Commenting out the plight of the
Indians in South Africa.42The Telugu newspapers not only exposed the defects of the
government but also infused the democracy and spreading new ideas of nationalism
among the Indians. Andhra Patrika In 1914, one of its most inspiring and eloquent
editorials urged people to be patriotic in order to repay their debt to the motherland.
The paper said that service to the country is the most significant of all the services of
man. The relationship between the people and the country is inseparable like the
relation between mother and child. The mother country is the mother of all mothers
and the father of all fathers. She is the repository of all prosperity and happiness. 43

During the Vandemataram movement Andhra Kesari made most inspiring

appeals to the people to become patriotic. In one of the editorials in 1908, it said
“Bradlaugh said that he was born for his country, that he lived for his country and
that he would die for his country. This should be our morning and evening prayer.
Factories are holy places. Patriots are our preceptors, and patriotism of our protective
mantra. We do not want anything. Arise, wake and do not give up your purpose till
44
the goal is reached. Swaraj of was a beacon light to the people during the
Vandemataram movement. In this issue dated October 5, 1907, the paper wrote “the
power of Patriotism is indescribable. On brethren, if we become possessed of the
mighty strength of Patriotism, the arbitrary authority exercised by the rules over us
will prove fruitless. Savitri of Kakinada also made a similar appeal to the patriotic
sentiments of the people. It strongly deplored the tendency of Indians to follows
slavishly the manners dress and customs of the Europeans totally disregarding their
native customs, manners and dress. To directing attention on the poverty of the

68
country it pointed out that it was due to the export of all raw materials to England
from India, imposition of finished foreign goods on Indian soil suppression of Indian
Industries. The paper maintained that the way to free the country from such disabling
poverty was to receive native industries and boycott foreign goods. 45

Andhra Patrika said that love, devotional to God and Patriotism were the three
essential for the salvation of human beings and added that patriotism was more
important than the other two. “Krishna Patrika in its issue dated August 11,1907,
wrote that patriots were “instruments of God” and that God never used its
instruments in vain”. It also quoted the views of Aurobindo on the connection
between religion and Patriotism. Andhra Kesari also preached patriotism with a
religious zeal. The paper in its issue dated 24 May, 1907, wrote, “We shall regard
Bharata Khandam as our Goddess and Patriotism as our religion and the
improvement of our country as a sacrifice”.46 The long awaited Minto Morley
reforms were announced. But introduction of separate communal electorates had cut
at very root of the movement for more reforms. While in the Congress session of
1907, a deep satisfaction was expressed at Morley’s dispatches, in the session of
1909, held at Lahore under the president ship of Madanmoham Malaviya, a
resolution express deep dissatisfaction was passed. There was disappointment all
around.

At the session of Madras provincial conference held in Berhampore, Mr. G.

Raghava Rao, chairman of the Reception Committee, put forward a plea for rallying
the Extremists. 47 It however fell on deaf ears and the Moderates assembled at the
conference tendered their grateful thanks to Morley and Minto while condemning the
introduction of separate electorates as Harisarvottama Rao issued several pamphlets
in Telugu explaining the different aspects of the movement. He even composed songs
pertaining to the government. Sarojini Naidu’s song “Awake Mother” was translated
into Telugu as “Nutana Haindava Matrugeetam.” Other popular writings were
Swarjyam Korutaku Karanam and Swatanatra Vardhana Patram, wherein Swaraj was
defined and its objectives explained. Journals like the Deshamata run by

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Chilakamarti Lakshminarasimham, Hitakesari of Eluru, Andhra Patrika and Krishna
Patrika played prominent roles in educating the people about this new movement. 48

Mrs. Annie Besant visited several places in Andhra during 1916, when she
gave a call to the people to defy government laws of repression and aggression and to
learn the code of self government. In Chittoor, she proclaimed “No self respecting
man can remain content to live in his own country as an alien, shut out from the
higher reaches of public life. To live without freedom of is to die daily. It is not life
but living death.” 49 In preaching patriotism and nationalism some Telugu papers
expressed the view that nationalism was not new to India. It was there even in early
times and that is was not implanted in the soil of India by the British through their
education system or administration. The idea of nationalism has been existing since
immemorial times in the minds of the people residing between the Himalayas and
Kanyakumari. Krishna Patrika expressed the view that it was good fortune of India
that people of many languages and religions were living in the country and concluded
that they were all Indians. 50 The same paper maintained that in India a new concept
of nationality, was engaging. In its issue the paper said: “it has been so far held by
the scholars of western political science that one language, one creed, and one culture
is essential condition for producing a nationality. A new ideal has been dawning upon
the world to the effect that unity may be maintained despite differences of language,
creed and culture and India is going to proclaim the new message to the world”. 51

The papers praised freedom in their attempt to prepare the people for the
freedom movement in India. Virtues and advantages of individual and national
freedom were explained on detail. Satyagrahi wrote that slavery would ruin the
people physically and mentally and exhorted the people to work for the freedom of
the country. 52 In a scintillating editorial, the same paper wrote: “O Indian wake up
the bird which files in the air has complete freedom. The creatures which crawl on
the earth have complete freedom; those which move in the waters also have complete
freedom. You are human being. How long will you lie as a slave? O Indian, wake up
wake up”. 53 Krishna Patrika under the heading “Parrot and freedom” illustrates how
the papers tired to inculcate among the people love for freedom. The gist of verse is;

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a parrot which has been brought up by a lady in a cage wants to fly away. The lady
calls it ungrateful. The parrot in reply shows its wings and says that God intended her
54
to fly freely in the forests. To them nothing is sublime and glorious than
independence. Thus the newspaper in Telugu language stood us the Vanguard of
freedom struggle.

Political organizations and their impact

The second half of 19th century witnessed the flowering of national political
consciousness and the foundation and growth of an organized national movement.
The modern Indian intelligentsia organized political associations based on reality,
new social, economic and political objectives, new forces of struggle and resistance
and new techniques of political organization. As a result of these early associations
and of the early political workers, the struggle proceeded rather slowly, and it took
more than half a century to bring the common people into the fold of modern politics.
Raja Rammohan Roy was the first Indian leader to start an agitation for political
reforms. He fought for the freedom of the press, trial by Jury, the separation of the
executive and the judiciary, appointment of Indians to higher offices, protection of
ryots. He always supported the cause of liberty, democracy and nationalism.55
Followed by Rammohan Roy, the radical Bengali youth, popularly known as the
Derozians, carried the Roy’s ideas (Derozio was famous Anglo-Indian teacher. His
followers were called Derozians.) Derozio infused into his pupils with fierce love of
liberty and patriotism. They started numerous public associations, journals and
number of newspapers to propagate modern ideas. 56

The first political association to be started in India was the Landholders

Society at Calcutta in 1838 to safeguard the interests of landlords. The Bengal British
Indian Society was organized with wider political objectives in 1843. The British
Indian Association was launched in October 1851 at Calcutta “to voice Indians’
grievances during the coming enquiry into the affairs of the English East India
Company”. 57 The Grand Old Man of India, Dadabhai Naoroji organized the East

71
India Association in 1866 in London to discuss Indian questions to influence British
public opinion.

The Indian Association was most important organization in Bengal, founded

by Surendranath Banerjee and Ananda Mohan Bose in 1876. The Indian Association
set before itself the aims of creating strong public opinion in the country on political
questions and the unification of the Indian people under a common political
programme. Poona Sarvajanik Sabha (1870), Bombay Presidency Association were
the other political organizations that preluded the establishment of the Indian
National Congress (1885). 58 The Chenna Pattana Swadeshi Sangha or Madras Native
Association (1852) was the first political organization in South India. Gajula
Lakshmi Narasa Chetty (1803-1869) was the founder. Actually it was affiliated to the
British Indian Association started in 1851 by the Bengalee leaders in Calcutta with
same objectives,59 but later it became independent. Besides Lakshmi Narasa Chetty,
the Madras Native Association had P. Appasamy Pillay, P. Veera Perumal Pillay, A.
Alvar Chetty, C. Yagambarm Mudaliar, Sadagopa Charlu and V. Ramanuja Chari as
members. The Madras Native Association urged the government to reduce public
expenditure and establishment of local-self governing institutions. It spoke in defence
of Indian tradition and customs, which had often been under attack by the Christian
Missionaries in their tracts and in the Anglo-Indian newspapers. Because of some
internal differences the Madras Native Association became extinct by July 1862.60
Through petitions and memorials it submitted to the Parliament and other authorities
it played an important role for a decade in the presidency.

In 1883, Surendranath Benarjee, a western educated Bengalee founded The

Indian Association of Calcutta. Simultaneously Lord Ripon introduced the Ilbert Bill
in 1883. The Bill sought to remove the special privilege to the Europeans in India.
But the Europeans in India formed an association called the Anglo-Indian Aid
European Association and forced the Government to partially modify the bill in their
favour.61 The modified Ilbert Bill created a sense of urgency among the educated
Indians to form organizations to improve their conditions. Surendranath Benarjee
organized an all India Conference at Calcutta in 1883. Representatives from all over

72
India attended this conference. As a result of the conference the Madras Mahajana
Sabha was founded in 1884 with joint efforts of G. Subramania Iyer,P.
Anandacharlu, P. Rangaiah Naidu, Salem Ramaswamy Mudaliar, R. Balaji Ro and
M. Veera Raghavachari. 62 The aim of the Madras Mahajana Sabha (MMS) was to
give proper direction to the growing national consciousness among the people. The
first President and Secretary of the MMS were Andhras namely P. Rangaiah Naidu
and P.Ananda Charlu.

The first session of the MMS (Madras Mahajana Sabha) was held on 29th
December 1884 at Madras, representatives from Andhra and Rayalaseema attended
this session. Pattu Kesava Pillai from Gooty and A.Sabhapati Mudaliar from Bellary,
then in Rayalaseema, attended this session. P. Ananda Charlu, addressing the first
session of the MMS, stated that…

“The National Intelligence has long been roused. It has been

gathering strength day by day. It occupies a large enough space
outside the Government Service. It has grown to consciousness
of its vast force and urgently calls for direction. But there is no
proper channel to direct its force to produce and yield its
maximum good. Fail to direct it aright it will overflow its
bounds. If the renovated national spirit is to be shaped on right
lines and in a proper way it requires proper objects to be put
before it with well examined facts and diligently collected
materials. This is the aim of the series of conferences of which
the conference in 1884 at Madras is the first”.63

A number of associations formed for similar purposes in the Andhra Districts

were similar as the MMS. Among the associations the most active was the Cocanada
Literary Association, which created awareness among the people and submitted two
memorandums to the Government, praying that the age limit for civil service
examination may be raised. The real organized effort to achieve the freedom from

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foreign rule was felt necessary only after the formation of Indian National
Congress.64

The country was thus prepared in men as well as material for the constitution
of a national organization. It only required the genius of an expert architect to devise
a suitable plan and lay the foundation stone. That architect was an English man Allan
Octavian Hume, a retired ICS Hume had been closely following the trend of events
particularly the viceroyalty of Lord Lytton and had been came to the conclusion the
curve for the growing unrest lay in the foundation of a genuine national movement.
He was the first to release that Western education and ideas had let losses forces
which unless guided and controlled. According in an Open letter dated march 1,1883
he made his famous appeal to the graduates of Calcutta to set up an organization. The
economic policy followed by the British government was such that it led directly to
the imposed fitment of the country in many ways.

The appeal met with a ready response and towards the close of 1884 the
Indian National Congers was formed. To substantiate Lancashire was placated in
1877 by dropping the cotton import duty by five percent similarly the policy India to
remain an agricultural country for providing English with cheap raw material and to
serve as a captive and exclusive market for her finished goods. The appeal met union
was formed in March 1885 this union dedicate to told a meeting of the
representatives from all parts of India during Christmas, in at Poona and to establish
a National organization. He made full use of his position as an ex-civilian in enlisting
official sympathy and support. When all the preliminaries were settled Hume sailed
for England apparently and outside but actually to guard the British that the proposed
organization was likely to evoke he returned to India in November 1885 and
preparations started at Poona but the venue of the conference had to be shifted to
Bombay as Poona came under the grip of cholera.

By the morning of December 27, delegates from all parts of the country
reached Bombay and the first meeting took place on 28 December 1885 in the Hall of
Gokaldas Tejpal Sanskrit College and the Indian national Congress was born. The

74
INC paved the way to the destiny of the Indian National Movement till the attainment
of independence. But the foundation of INC was considered as a “Safety Valve” to
serve the interests of the British Empire. Later the extremist leader Lala Lajpat Rai
used the ‘safety-valve’ theory in his “Young India” published in 1916. But the
application of research methodology by Bipandra Chandra, proved the safety valve
theory was proved a myth.65

However, when the first session of the INC was held in 1885 in Bombay, a
number of delegates from Andhra like P. Rangaiah Naidu, President of the MMS, P.
Ananda Charlu, the MMS Secretary, S.N. Narasimhulu Naidu, Gooty Kesava Pillai
from Anantapur, S.V.G. Veeresalingam and S. Venkata Subbarayudu of
Machilipatnam, not only attended its session but also actively participated in its
deliberations. The subsequent sessions of the INC were always well attended by the
Andhras. P. Ananda Charlu presided over the Nagpur session of the INC in 1891. He
delivered a stirring speech in the session. As part of his speech, he said “Language
and Religion and Community no doubt go to help in the formation of a nation. But it
is wrong to conceive that a nation for its life rests on these elements alone. The
ceaseless efforts of the past seven years have brought together the Hindus and
Muslims who were till now living as separate communities into a common platform
under the Congress. Now they have begun to feel as brother and continuous work in
this direction will bear good fruits in the long run”. 66

Formation of the INC in 1885 gave an impetus to the founding of district

associations in Andhra. The Krishna District Association started in 1871 in Andhra,
is stated to be the first of its kind in the Country.67 In 1892, Ramaswamy Gupta, an
active member of the INC organized the Krishna District Conference at Guntur.
(Then Guntur was part of Krishna district). In 1894 the ryots of Krishna rose in
protest against the enhancement of water rate and refused to cultivate their lands until
water rates were reduced. The Cuddapah (Kadapa) District Association, the Chittoor
District Association, 1900 and Kurnool District Association played their role against
the British attitudes. The Cuddapah (Kadapa) District Association in one of its
meetings in 1896 brought the problems of the ryots in respect of the forest

75
administration to the notice of the government with a request to take steps to
ameliorate them. 68 But the real political awareness in Andhra emerged only with the
outbreak of the Vandemataram and the Swadeshi Movement in 1905.

The Indian National Movement is usually divided into three phases. The
Moderate (1885-1905), the Extremist (1905-1919) and the Gandhian era (1920-
1947). In the early phase of congress leaders were mostly lawyers, teachers and
journalists. Some of them were Dada Bhai Naoroji, Pheroz Shah Mehta, M.G.
Ranade, Annie Besant, Gokhale, W.C.Benarjee, S.N. Benarjee, Subramania Iyer and
Vijaya Raghava Charlu. The moderates followed only practical, sagacious and
farsighted views. They believed that the British were essentially fair and just. “They
stood for democratization of social relations and economic advance through
industrialization.” 69 They fought against every infringement of the freedom of the
press and against social discrimination, and also struggled for separation of the
judicial and executive powers. The most important part of the early nationalist’s
achievement was their economic critique of imperialism. They boldly criticized the
British attorney to India as supplier of raw materials, a market for British goods.
Though the early Congress did not organize mass movements, it laid strong
foundation for the national movement to build on and they deserve a high place
among the makers of modern India. 70

Impact of the Partition of Bengal

The period of petitions, prayers and protests of the Indian National Congress
turned into a radical change with the partition of Bengal in 1905. Though Lord
Curzon was a brilliant student of Oxford University, he imposed harsh measures to
curb the growing spirit of dynamic nationalism. His most high-handed and
unpopular act was, the forcing of the partition of Bengal on the unwilling people.71
Although the partition was made apparently on administrative grounds, its underlying
aim was to disrupt the political unity. “It was a master strategy to destroy the nascent
nationalism in Bengal”.72

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 The Partition of Bengal created a country- vide reaction and led to the growth
of “Vandemataram and Swadeshi Movement”. The rapidity with which people
reacted and participated in these movements overwhelmed the leaders, and the
government was taken aback. Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Arobindo Ghosh who led
the movement in the extreme way, and they opposed the constitutional policy of
moderates. The Vandemataram song by Bankim Chandra Chattarjee became the
battle cry of the nationalists. The movement got popularized with the intensive tours
of leaders among people as preludes to a nation vide movement against foreign rule.
The tours of Bipin Chandra Pal in South India roused patriotic feelings among people
and mould them to sacrifice their lives for the cause of freeing the country from
foreign yoke. Pal was careful in using words, which could not give the impression of
“seditious” speech to a superficial observer, but according to the CID.

“The whole town of his orations is seditions in that it

undoubtedly excites disaffection towards government in the
mind of his hearer and is creating racial ill feeling. The students
who attend these lectures in large numbers are rude and defiant in
their manner towards Europeans”. 73

The Andhra Public responded to the Vandemataram and Swadeshi

movements with great fervour. The first meeting of Andhra students studying in
Madras was held in September 1905 at Madras beach under the presidentship of G.
Subramania Iyer, the editor of the Swadesha Mitran in connection with the
Vandemataram movement. A. Kaleshwara Rao, Ramasastri Naidu, Gadicherla
Harisarvothama Rao, Komarraju Lakshmana Rao, Gollapudi Sitarama Sastri and
Chakraiah Chetty attended this meeting and decided to raise a national fund in
support of Swadeshi movement. A Kaleshwara Rao, Komarraju Lakshmana Rao and
Gadicherla Harisarvothama Rao and others, later became prominent leaders of
freedom movement in Andhra.74 The participation of students in political movements
became an important feature in Andhra from then onwards. The Coastal districts due
to their geographical proximity with Bengal responded to the movement
spontaneously.

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Bipin Chandra Pal’s Tour in Andhra

The Vandemataram movement received great impetus in Andhra. When Pal

toured Andhra towns in April 1907, the tour was organized by Mutnuri Krishna Rao
the editor of Krishna Patrika, a well-known Telugu journal form Machilipatnam. Pal
did not make any impact on the people during his first visits at places in
Vizianagaram and Visakhapatnam. But he delivered great lectures during his next
visited places at Kakinada, Rajahmundry, Vijayawada and Machilipatnam. During
his tour Pal spoke on varied topics like Vedanta, Swadeshi boycott, National
Education and Swaraj. Chilakamarthi Lakshminarasimham, the noted blind poet
translated Pal’s lectures into Telugu. Chilakamarthi composed a poem highlighting
the British exploitation of India’s wealth at the expense of its people. On the
conclusion of Pal’s meeting at Rajahmundry, Chilakamarthi compared India to a
“gentle milch Cow” and the Indians to “Starved Calves”.75 Pal’s tours and speeches
awakened people in Andhra and Rayalaseema. Henceforth several students and youth
took part in the freedom struggle not only in Andhra, but also to the other parts of the
Madras Presidency. People became more militant and self assertive than they were
before. Everywhere the cry of ‘Vandemataram’ was raised, a Christian Missionary
worker in Rajahmundry writing to the Government, “Pal had no doubt sown a
powerful and bad seed which has fallen on ver fertile ground and is beginning to
grow at some places more rapidly than one is inclined to think”.76 As apprehended
by the missionary, the government encountered serious troubles in places like
Rajahmundry, Kakinada and Kotappa Konda (Guntur district).

The Rajahmundry College Incident (1907)

The student community was imbued by the passionate speeches of Pal. He

visited Rajahmundry the main educational centre in Andhra,77 on 19 April 1907 and
stayed in the house of Madalla Sowraiah for five days.78 Even before the visit of
Pal, the youth of Rajahmundry established “the Bala Bharati Samithi” to promote
Swadeshi movement. Chilakuri Veeara Bhadra Rao, Ganti Lakshmanna and T.
Sreeramulu were associated with the Samithi. Gadicherla Harisarvotham Rao, a

78
teacher trainee attended the Bala Bharati Samithi meeting held at Kotilingalu on the
occasion of Maha Sivaratri. Pal’s speeches at Rajahmundry made a great impact on
students, who were recharged by Pal’s tour. They attended the classes wearing
Vandemataram badges and greeted each other by shouting “Vandemataram” slogan.
Apart from the principal of the Arts College, Mark Hunter had also the Government
Training College under his control. When Pal visited to Rajahmundry, the Principal
Mark Hunter in a conference at Madras. Mark Hunter forbade the students from
wearing Vandemataram badges or shouting the slogan. The students however defied
the orders of the principal. Mark Hunter thereupon suspended 138 students out of 222
students of the Arts College.79 Gandicherla Harisarvotham Rao, a student of Teacher
Training College was expelled from the college and debarred from entering the
government service.80 Though B.N.Sharma, N. Subbarao Veeresalingam pleaded
with the government to rescind its order; government did not accept their plea.
Deshabhimani and KrishnaPatrika condemned the government actions. The
Rajahmundry College incident marked the beginning of the students’ participation in
the freedom movement against foreign yoke.

The Kakinada Riot

The Vandemataram movement had its echo in Kakinada of East Godavari

District. On 31 May 1907, when Capt. Kemp, the District Medical Officer, while
proceedings in his Coach, a group of three boys shouted “Vandemataram”. Kemp got
irritated and getting down from Coach caught hold of one of the boys by name
Krishna Roy and beat him, the boy became unconscious. Kemp then dragged the boy
to the police station and left him there without any medical aid, though he himself
was a doctor.81 The inhuman conduct of a grown-up man towards a child infuriated
the public of Kakinada and they showed their resentment by attacking the European
Club, where Kemp was having his dinner with friends. A mob of about 300 arrived
with sticks destroyed the furniture of the club and pelted stones on the windows. On
hearing this news the Collector, J.A. Cumming rushed with force but, he was also hit
by a soda water bottle on the forehead which caused bleeding. Kemp was sent away
by cycle to Samarla Kota in the midnight with great difficulty and from there to

79
Rajahmundry and ultimately to Madras.82 The government got angry at the outrage
committed against club. Twenty persons were arrested for rioting in this connection.
The government imposed collective fine on the town. As a result of these, the
resentment of the Kakinada people increased against the government. Finally the
government failed to prove the charges of riot against the persons arrested. Most of
the accused were acquitted. Kemp was fined Rs. 300/-, and later he was transferred
83
to Cuddapah (Kadapa). The Kakinada riot case was the first criminal case in
Andhra with political overtones. Many questions regarding the Kakinada riot were
raised in the Madras Legislative Assembly.

The Kotappa Konda incident

Kotappakonda is a hillock village in the Guntur district, which has a temple of

Siva. Thousands of people used to visit the temple on the holy occasion of Sivaratri
mela. During this occasion bullfights and cattle fair are arranged. One Chinnapa
Reddy went along with his bulls to participate in the fair. On 18th may 1909, while
controlling the mob, the police manhandled Chinnapa Reddy. 84 Thereupon, Reddy
was arrested and taken to newly erected police station .As a result of these the
infuriated people set fire to police station and raised the cry Vandemataram. The
Deputy Superintendent of Police, Subba Rao, and Kershasp, Sub-collector could not
control it. One constable and two boys were killed. Chinnapa Reddy was sentenced
to death and twenty one others were given various terms of punishment. The Deputy
Superintendent of Police and Sub-Collector were punished as they were deserting
their duty. 85

The Tenali Bomb case

By an accident, one Chennugadu was blown away to death in the village

Kancharlapalem near Tenali..Chukkalipalli Ramaiah, Katamraju Venkatrayudu and
Lakkaraju Basavaiah were arrested in that connection and they were punished by the
government. Tanguturi Prakasam, defended the accused. He was then practicing at
Madras High court. But the defence could not stand before the racial prejudices of
the ruling classes. 86 In Rayalaseema, public meetings were routine matter all over

80
the region. On 10 September 1905, at a public meeting held at Gooty under
chairmanship of M. Subba Rao a resolution was passed, expressing “cordial
sympathy to the Bengal agitation”.87 Kesava Pillai and S. Subba Rao also attended.
The tour of Pal exhorted the people not only in Andhra, but also in Rayalaseema.

Swadeshi Movement

The Swadeshi movement, another offshoot of the Bengal agitation, was given
due publicity in the meetings. ‘Swadeshi’ means Indian as against ‘Videshi’ or
foreign. The inspiration for the movement was Japan which by the beginning of this
century emerged as the leading industrial of Asia. In Madras an industrial association
and a Swadeshi League were formed in 1906. The League took “Swadeshi oath” and
expressed their gratitude to the Bengali youth. G. Subramania Iyer presided over the
meeting, Gadicherla Harisarvothama Rao, A.Kaleswara Rao, Chakraiah Chetty and
Nyapathi Subbarao Panthulu made their stirring speeches.88 Nyapathi Subbarao
Panthulu and others were deputed to promote Swadeshi spirit among the people.
C.Y.Chinthamani and Nyapathi Subbarao Panthulu delivered lectures on Swadeshi in
northern Telugu districts. Some students from Andhra went to Japan to acquire
technical knowledge. Malladi Venkata Subbarao (Kakinada), S.SubbaRao (Bellary)
and Gobeti Janaki Ramayya (Rajahmundry) proceeded to Japan with the help of
Gadicherla Harisarvothama Rao.89 To promote the Swadeshi goods, a number of
“Swadeshi stores” were launched in places like Guntur, Vijayawada and
Rajahmundry.

In Rayalaseema, debating clubs and people’s associations discussed and

passed resolutions on the Swadeshi issues. Telugu newspapers gave much priority to
the Swadeshi spirit. NarasimhaRao a Vakil from Jammalamadugu, gave an excellent
speech on industrial problem and the need for popularizing the Swadeshi feelings in a
meeting, held at Kadapa, and organized by the Hindu Club on 1905.90 At a meeting
held at Gooty on 10th September 1905, the following resolutions were passed in
support of Swadeshi movement under the chairmanship of M.SubbaRao:

81
 a) To bring the revival of indigenous industries;
b) To start a society to encourage local weavers and a fund to produce
Indian-made goods…and to discourage, as far as possible, the habit of
going in for foreign-made articles. 91

M.N. Sinha and his brother from Calcutta, secured oath from people in support
of Swadeshi movement in 1906, in Anantapur. Besides these, Swamy Rao from
Bellary delivered lecture on Swadeshi at Anantapur in 1908. 92

The Krishnapatrika published an article on “Swadeshi passion” by Gadicherla

Harisarvothama Rao. Resolutions were passed in favour of Swadeshi, boycott and
national education system in the annual session of Indian National Congress at
Calcutta in 1906. Dadabhai Naoroji presided over the meeting. Several delegates
from Andhra, like Raja of Munagala, K.V.Lakshmana Rao and Gadicherla
Harisarvothama Rao attended. Peoples from various places like Rajahmundry,
Kurnool and Vijayawada organized meetings and resolutions were passed to promote
indigenous goods and exclude the use of videshi (foreign) goods.93 Another method
adopted by Swadeshi Leagues was, opening of Reading Rooms to awaken the public.
Reading Rooms were opened at Kurnool, Pattikonda, Vayalpadu and Proddatur.
They served as centers for meeting and discussed Swadeshi spirit. Telugu
newspapers like Deshabhimani, Krishnapatrika and Swarajya were available to the
visitors.94 According to the CID reports the Swadeshi movement in Rayalaseema,
more intense the in any other part of Madras Presidency.

The Vandemataram Movement lost its momentum by 1910 with the arrest of
Tilak and Pal. The partition of Bengal was annulled in 1911.As a result of split of the
Congress in 1907, The Moderates were in ascendancy. In Andhra, moderates like
Konda Venkatappayya and B.N Sharma assumed the political leadership. However
the partition of Bengal inspired the people. Significant changes occurred in Andhra
that, the Andhra people focused their attention on the formation of separate state for
Telugu speaking people while extending supports the national freedom struggle.

82
Andhra Movement

The annulment of the partition of Bengal and the transfer of the capital of
India from Calcutta to Delhi in 1911 created a lull in the national movement. At the
same, in Andhra, the sub-nationalism gained ascendency. Andhras realised that in the
Vandemataram movement, the leaders from Bengal and Maharashtra played a
leading role and Andhras had to follow them. They also realised the need to assert
their individuality in order to play conspicuous role in the national politics. So from
1911 onwards, the Andhra leaders like Konda Venkatappayya turned their attention
for the creation of separate Andhra province. In the national affairs they toed the line
of the moderates.

The Andhra sub-nationalism registered its first victory when it succeeded in

making the Indian National Congress to create a separate Andhra circle to supervise
the affairs of the Congress in the Telugu districts of the Madras presidency. Leaders
like Annie Besant and Gandhi opposed the proposal but Tilak supported the case for
the creation of branches of the Congress on linguistic lines. In January 1918, the
Andhra Congress Circle came into existence with Vijayawada as its headquarters.

The Home Rule Movement

The period between 1909 -1915 was the lowest ebb in national freedom
struggle, and the Indian National Congress became inactive. At this juncture, it was
the Home Rule Movement which not only showed positive attitude towards mass, but
also prevented them from being alienated from the right path. The year 1916 was
significant in the Indian history. The reappearance of Tilak on the scene, after
completing his term of imprisonment in Mondale, the Indian National movement
gathered a new momentum. In 1916 the Lucknow session of the Indian National
Congress brought the two wings of the Congress together, and led to an entente
between the Congress and the Muslim League.95

The same year (1916) two Home Rule Movements were started, one under the
leadership of Lokamanya Tilak, and another under the leadership of Annie

83
Besant.Tilak launched Home Rule Movement in Poona in April 1916, and Annie
Besant started Home Rule Movement in Madras in September 1916.The main
demand of Home Rule Movement was self government within the British Empire for
all of India. The two leaders met and decided that there should be co-ordination
between the two Leagues one being complement to the other. Pattabhi Sitaramayya
said,

“Here was India, then in 1916, a nation whose cause went unheeded
(by the British) and whose leader remained yet to be found. It was at
such a juncture that Mrs. Annie Besant stepped in the trench. She
jumped from religion to politics, from Theosophy to Home Rule
Movement”. 96

Andhra responded enthusiastically to the Home Rule Movement. The

members of the Theosophical Society joined the Home Rule Movement since Annie
Besant happened to be the president of the both the organization. Gadicherla
Harisarvothama Rao was the secretary to the Home Rule Movement in Andhra.
Mrs. Annie Besant visited several places in Andhra. In Chittoor; she proclaimed…

“No self respecting man can remain content to live in his own country
as on alien, shut out from the higher reaches of public life. To live
without freedom is to die daily. It is not life but living death…”97

Annie Besant delivered an excellent message to the public in Adoni in April

1917.98 Her tour reminds the visit of Pal in 1907, as it produced a similar effect on
the political life of the people. 99 By 1917 there were as many as 52 Home Rule
league centers100 in Andhra out of 132 in entire Madras Presidency.101 Prominent
leaders from Andhra like Konda Venkatappayya, A.Kaleswara Rao, K.Nageswara
Rao Pantulu, Gooty Kesava Pillaai, K.V. Reddi Naidu, Unnava Lakshmi Narayana,
Gollapalli Sitaram Sastri, Mutnuri Krishna Rao, Nyapathi Subbarao Panthulu and
Chilakamarthi Lakshminarasimhulu participated in the home Rule Movement with
high enthusiasm.102 The home Rule Movement established the national education
college at Madanapalli (presently known as Besant Theosophical college) to promote

84
national education system. J.H. Congins was the first principal.103 New India and the
Common weal boldly criticized the British policy, and infused confidence among the
people.

Tilak’s Maratta and Kesari played a vital role in promoting patriotism

among the people. Tilaks campaign for Home rule had its impact more on
Rayalaseema. The followers of Tilak toured the region and the public and gave
donations for national fund without any force.104 To suppress the Home Rule
Movement the Madras government resorted to various measures like prohibiting
students to participate in political meetings, encouraging non-Brahmins against the
Home Rule Movement. Finally orders were issued to forbidding Besant and her
colleagues B.P. Wadia and S. Arundel participation in politics. Besant and B.P.
Wadia and S. Arandel were interned by the government.105 As a result of public
agitations across the country, the government released Besant and her followers.

On 17 August 1917, Montague declared responsible government in India.

Then Besant performed a somersault. And Tilak left for England to persue the libel
case against Valentine Chirol, the author of Indian Unrest. Though the Home Rule
Movement ended leaderless, it filled the political vacuum before the advent of
Mahatma Gandhi into the freedom struggle. Regarding the significance of the Home
Rule Movement S.R. Mehrotra observes, “The Home Rule Leagues created a
significant impact on the national movement. For the first time an agitation had been
aroused on a nation-wide scale and a network of political committees covered much
of India”.106 The tremendous achievement of the Home Rule Movement and its
legacy was that it produced fervent nationalists who stood as the backbone of the
freedom struggle. It also created an organization links between town and country,
which were previously neglected. The home Rule Movement popularized the idea
of self government among the people and it generated a widespread pro-nationalist
atmosphere in the country.107

85
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2. S.N. Sen, History of Modern India,(1765-1950)Wiley Eastern Ltd, New
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11. Eighteen Fifty Seven, By SurendraSen, P.407, quoted by M.Venkata rangaiya,(ed),
The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh, (Andhra) (1800-1905), Hyderabad,1997
(1stpbd: 1965),Vol,I,P.59.
12. Sarojini Regani, Highlights of the Freedom Movement in Andhra Pradesh, The
Ministry of cultural Affairs, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad 1998. (1st
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13. Ganjam District Manual Pp.195-96.
14. Godavari District Manual Pp.299-302.
15. Yenadi Raju, Rayalaseema During Colonial Times,(Northern Book Centre, New
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16. K. Abhshankar ( ch ed), Gazettteer of Bellary District (1972),P.89. And also see The
Fourteenth Tour of H.E. the Hon. Sir Arthur Lawley, Governor of Madras, (Madras,
1911) ,P.54.
17. Yenadi Raju, Rayalaseema During Colonial Times,Op., Cit ,P.135.
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19. Ibid.p.39.

86
20. A.Satyanarayana ,A.M.V.SubbaRao, Dr. Sheshan. From A.D. 1526 to 1964
(Telugu), Op. Cit. p. 333.
21. Prakash Chandra, History of the Indian National Movement, Op. Cit. p.p.17.18.
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23. .Ibid. P.15.
24. K.C. Sharma, Text book of history, Op. Cit. P.42.
25. R. Suntharalingam, Politics and Nationalist Awakening, P.233.
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of Modern Andhra),(Telugu) Telugu Academy,A.P.Hyderabad,1994, (1st pbd:
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28. K. KutumbaRao. Sweeya Charitra Sangraham: Kandukuri Veeresalingam, ( An
abridged version of the Auto Biography of Veeresalingam Pantulu) Telugu, New
Delhi, 1972P.73.
29. Ibid. P.P.135-136.
30. A.V.Koti Reddy,V.N.Reddy(ed), Adhunika Aandhra Deesa Charitra,Op Cit, P.P.97-
101
31. K.V. NarayanaRao, The emergence of Andhra Pradesh, Bombay, 1973.P.9.
32. Dr.J.Durgaprasad, M.NarasimhaRao, Dr.K.Satyamurthy, Dr.D.VenkateswaraReddy,
Prof. Y. Vykuntam (ed), Bharatha Desa Charitra,( History of India) From
A.D.1526 to 1964(Telugu),Telugu Academy, A.P.Hyderabad.2006,PP.276-77.
33. R. Suntharalingam, Politics and Nationalist Awakening, P.P.292-293.
34. Y.Vittal Rao, Education AND Learning in Andhra under the East India
Company,Secunderabad,1979, pp.256-262. “Pials” means raised platforms of 3 feet
height on either side of the main door of a house just under the projected roof of the
front portion of the house,quoted in Yenadi Raju, Rayalaseema During Colonial
Times, Op., Cit ,p.91.
35. H. Sharp, Selections from Educational Records,Part (1769-
1839),Calcutta,1920,pp.130-131,quoted in Y.Vittal Rao,q.v., pp.110-111.
36. Prakash Chandra, History of the Indian National Movement, Op. Cit. .p.18.
37. .Ibid.p.19.
38. Ibid.p.20.

87
39. K.C. Sharma, Text book of history, Op. Cit. p.36.
40. Ibid.p.37.
41. Sarojini Regani, Highlights of the Freedom Movement in Andhra Pradesh,
Op.Cit, P.20.
42. Ibid. P.20.
43. Andhra Patrika, April 10, 1914.
44. N.P.R. 1907, P. 378.
45. Savitri, August,1907.
46. Andhra Kesari, May 24, 1907.
47. The Hindu, dated May28,1909.
48. B. R.Gopal(Ed), History of Andhra Pradesh, part II(Mysore,1988)p.p.174.175.
49. Ibid.
50. Krishna Patrika, August 11, 1911.
51. Sri Sadana, May 14, 1927.
52. Satyagrahi, May 25, 1925.
53. Ibid, June, 1929.
54. Krishna Patrika, November 1, 1919.
55. Bipan Chandra, Amales Tripathi, Barun De, Freedom Struggle, National Book Trust,
India,2014,( Ist pbd,1972), P.49.
56. Ibid. P.50.
57. R. Suntharalingam, Politics and Nationalist Awakening, P.P.47-48.
58. Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India. Orient Black swan Private Ltd, New
Delhi, 2014, (1st pbd: 2009), p.p.206-7.
59. Yenadi Raju, Rayalaseema During Colonial Times,Op., Cit ,P.158.
60. R. Suntharalingam, Politics and Nationalist Awakening, P.48-56.See also Anil seal,
The Emergence of Indian Nationalism, Cambridge,1968, P.198.
61. Sarojini Regani, Highlights of the Freedom Movement in Andhra Pradesh,Op.Cit,
P.17.
62. R. Suntharalingam, Politics and Nationalist Awakening, P.209.
63. M. Venkata rangaiya, (ed), The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh (Andhra), Vol, I,
1997, ( 1st pbd:1965), P.87.And also see Infra document No.54. P. 212.
64. K.C. Sharma, Text book of history, Op. Cit. P.71.
65. Lajpat Rai, Young India, Delhi, 1965 edition, (1st pbd in 1916),PP 112-116.

88
66. Presidential Address of P. Ananda Charlu refer by M. Venkata rangaiya, (ed),The
Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh (Andhra), Op. Cit. P.91.
67. K. Venkatappayya Pantulu, “ Andhrodyamamu” in Maganti Bapineedu(ed), Andhra
Sarvaswamu, ( Encyclopedia of Andhra), Telugu, Rajahmundry,1961,P.459.
68. R. Dis. No. 9741/Rev., dated 13 March 1896 of Kapada Collectrote.
69. A.R. Desai, Social background of Indian Nationalism, Popular Prakasham, Bombay,
1989, P. 322.
70. Bipan Chandra, History of Modern India, Op. Cit. PP.210-18.
71. Rupa Gupta, The Story of India’s Struggle for Freedom, Publications Division,
Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, Government of India, New Delhi, 2006,
P.65.
72. R. C. Majundar, History of Freedom Movement, (1962), Vol, II, P. 5.
73. Confidential letter from the Commissioner of the Madras City Police to the
Government dated 4, May 1907, in the CID Report, May-November 1907(TNA).
74. Ayyadevara Kaleswara Rao, Naa Jeevitha Katha: Navyandhramu (An
Autobiography), (Telugu), Telugu Samithi, Hyderabad, 2006.p.79.
75. “India is a gentle milch-cow And the starved calves are Indians The subtle cow-herds
muzzle them To snatch the entire store of milk” Cited in M.Venkata
rangaiya,(ed),The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad,
1969,Vol,II,P.19; For Telugu version see Chilakamarti Lakshminarasimham,
Sweeyacharitamu ( An Autobiography)(Telugu), (Natta Rameswaram,1968), p.400.
76. M.Venkata rangaiya,(ed),The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh,Op, Cit, Pp.179-
81.
77. As early as 1873, the Government Madras established a college at
Rajahmundry.Later a Teacher Training College was also established at the place to
cater the needs of the Telugu districts.These two institutions becamethe active
centres for the dissemination of liberal and nationalist ideasthroughout Andhra.
78. Sarojini Regani,Highlights of the Freedom Movement in Andhra Pradesh, Op.Cit,
P.33.
79. Ibid. P.37.
80. G.O,No.2498 dated25 October 1937, quoted by P. Yanadi Raju, Lecturer in History,
SriVenkateswra University,Tirupati,in Gandicherla Harisarvotham Rao:A profile, p.
92.
81. The Hindu, 14 September 1905.

89
82. Ayyadevara Kaleswara Rao, Naa Jeevitha Katha: Navyandhramu, Op, Cit.,P. 9.
83. The Hindu, April 25, 27, 1906.
84. Madras Mail, 18 November 1905, quoted in M.Venkata rangaiya,(ed), The Freedom
Struggle in Andhra Pradesh, Vol. I,p.288, Infra Document No.147.
85. The Hindu, 14 September 1905.
86. Bh. Sivasnkaranarayana, Gazetteer of Anantapur District, p. 87.
87. B. Kesava Narayana. 1976 Political and Social Factors in Andhra (Vijayawada),
1900-1957, p.32.
88. Madras Police Abstract of Intelligence (Secret reports), Vol. XIX 1906, p. 327 and
Vol-XXI, 1908, pp. 353,421,515.
89. Prakash Chandra, History of the Indian National Movement, Op. Cit, P.67.
90. B. Pattabhi Sitaramayya . The History of the Indian National Congress.Vol. I,
(Madras 1935) p.p. 125 and 212.
91. The Hindu, March 1916, quoted in M.Venkata rangaiya,(ed), The Freedom Struggle
in Andhra Pradesh, Vol. II,p.108.
92. Andhra Patrika (Annual Number0 April 5, 1917, P.54.
93. M. Venkata rangaiya, (ed), The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh (Andhra), Vol.
II, (Hyderabad 1974) p. 108.
94. Ibid.pp.110-11.
95. Jim Masselos, Indian Nationalism, An History (New Delhi, 1988), p.148.
96. Ayyadevara Kaleswara Rao, Naa Jeevitha Katha: Navyandhramu, Op, Cit., P.117.
97. A.V. Koti Reddy, V.N. Reddy(ed), Adhunika Aandhra Deesa Charitra,Op. Cit.,
PP.113-14.
98. P. Yenadi Raju, Rayalaseema under the Crown 1858-1920. Un published Doctoral
Thesis, Tirupati. S.V. University.p.261.
99. M. Venkata rangaiya, (ed), The Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesh (Andhra)
Op, Cit., P.111.
100. Prakash Chandra, History of the Indian National Movement, Op. Cit, P.69.
101. Bipan Chandra, Mrdula Mukherjee, Aditya Mukherjee, Sucheta Mahajan, K.N.
Panikkar, India’s Struggle for Independence (1857-1947), Penguin Books, New
Delhi,1989, p.169.
102. Document No. 13, in Venkata rangaiya, (ed), The Freedom Struggle in Andhra
Pradesh (Andhra) Op, Cit., pp.205-207.

90
103. Document No. 13, and 32 in Venkata rangaiya, (ed), The Freedom Struggle in
Andhra Pradesh (Andhra) Op, Cit., pp.205-207 and 234-235.
104. Document No. 64 in Venkata rangaiya, (ed), The Freedom Struggle in Andhra
Pradesh (Andhra) Op, Cit., pp.300-301.
105. Ayyadevara Kaleswara Rao, Naa Jeevitha Katha: Navyandhramu, Op, Cit., pp.112-
13.
106. Sarojini Regani, Highlights of the Freedom Movement in Andhra Pradesh,Op.Cit,
P.42.
107. Ibid.p.43.

91