Hungarian response: Between Consent and Disagreement

„No man can say ’ I am for Hungary and against India.’ If he does so he lies against
himself, against principle, against truth, against honour.”
Ernest Jones
„a suppressed nation never kisses the hand of fan alien who annihilates his freedom, and
forces the proud nation (neck) into a yoke, whoever that alien is.”
Pest Napló

Hungarian responses of the 1857 Rebellion were to a great extent defined by the
attitudes and critical strategies, which developed after the Hungarian Freedom Struggle
of 1848/49. The end of the Freedom Struggle marked a new historical phase with the
terror of Haynau(1849-1850) and the regime of Bach (1850-1867), the direct rule from
Austria. The 1848 Revolution and the 1857 Rebellion serve with analogies: two peoples
(nations) rise against the ruling empires. Ernest Jones (1819-1869), the Chartist in
October 1857, claimed “No man can say ’ I am for Hungary and against India.’ If he
does so he lies against himself, against principle, against truth, against honour.”

Sympathy for India was not expressed as directly, as Jones demanded. Hungarians were
interested in what happened in India, but their understanding did not reach the level of
support. This has a number of possible reasons:
1. the radicals were killed, emigrated or were silenced.
2. the policy of passive resistance was elaborated by Ferenc Deák. This advocated
complete abstinence from public affairs.
3. literature: poetry and prose used allegories to refer to the 1848 revolution.
Newspapers dealt mainly with foreign affairs, looking for parallels with the
Hungarian events.

The discussion of the international situation served as a channel to play out tensions,
which was not possible in the framework of the Hungarian situation. For some authors it
also meant slow, steady work on concepts, like history, nation and revolution. My main
point of reference is Zsigmond Kemény (1814-1871), novelist, essayist and journalist
who was connected to Pest Diary from its inception in 1850. Kemény was a liberal who
supported the reform, but opposed Kossuth almost at a gut level.
1. Hungarian Press after the Freedom Struggle
After the success of the press during the years of reform and a lively public life a set-
back took place after the Freedom Struggle . The reading public also dwindled as a result
of executions, emigration and exile and first of all consisted of traders and businessmen.
Freedom of the press, one of the demands and achievements of the Freedom Struggle was
practically untouched, there was no censorship.1 But the control of the police over the
press and public events was still strong. Newspapers after printing had to be submitted to
the police one hour before the circulation and if there was no objection - the circulation
and posting of the paper could start. The result of this system was that the editors and

1
György Kókay, Géza Buzinkay, Gábor Murányi, A magyar sajtó története, A magyar újságírók Országos
Szövetsége – a Bálint György Újságíró-iskola kiadása a Magyar Könyv Alapítvány támogatásával,
Budapest, 1994, pp.107-129.

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publishers were in constant fear of possible material loss and exercised self-censorship.
The press law of 1852 prescribed a large sum of caution-money to guarantee that “no
incitement against the throne, the unity of empire, morality and order” would take place
in newspapers. In my paper I look at four publications: 1. Budapest News (1849-1860),
a half-official daily, 2. Sunday Paper (1854-1921) a weekly, which was edited by the
famous Hungarian novelist, Mór Jókai, 3. Budapest Review (1857-), which became a
leading journal of academic orientation and liberalism under editor Antal Csengery and
4. Pest Diary, the most prominent and popular oppositional paper at the time. It was
banned first in February, 1857 because of a half a sentence that could be interpreted as
directed against the political establishment. Pest Diary represented passive resistance. It
dealt mainly with external politics and stood on the basis of constitutional legality, which
meant that it did not discuss matters concerning the internal structure of the Empire. The
party of Ferenc Deák, - who is considered the leading figure of the political compromise
with the Habsburg in 1867 - collected around Kemény and his paper, Pest Diary. In the
next ten years (1857-67) Pest Diary prepared the ground for the Compromise with the
Austrians.
In my paper I refer to all four papers, but I devote the biggest space to Pest Diary and
Budapest Review , because we can see in this newspaper and the journal Kemény’s work,
with his specific view on history and progress.

In the reports and articles nine themes and issues are relevant : 1. national revolution/
military rebellion, 2. constitutional Monarchy / institutions,3. religion in India / national
progress; 4. Mohammedanism: religious Islam /political Islam; 5. Orientalism /western
civilization; 6. Oriental Despotism/ Civilization
7. Culture and intellectual conquest; 8. Economy/trade/bourgois development 9. history,
progress, providence.
Most of the issues emerged as events were discussed in the British Parliament in 1857 –
1858, and the Hungarian press in the absence of independent reports developed a
framework for their discussion.

1. National Revolution/ Military Rebellion

As soon as the first news of the military disobedience came to be known

Hungarian papers discussed the religious and caste division within the Indian army,
the division between the army of East-India Company and the Indian army.
Budapest News published a three part article about the sepoys in the end of July,
highlighting the religious (Mohammedan – Hindu) and the caste divisions,
nationalities, which were the bases of several units of the army. 2 These accounts
also describe the hierarchy in the army, Budapest News tries to do justice to Indian
heroism mentioning the Battle of Bharatpore in 1805.The fact that a small number
of Englismen ruled over large masses of Indians was connected to the information
that higher ranks belonged entirely to Europeans in the army.

In the summer of 1857 the Indian army was redirected from China. Later there were
suggestions of the exchange of units of the army stationed in India and China as
2
Budapesti Hírlap,Tárcza, 28th, 29th, 30th July, 1857.

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 news of the Chinese rebellion spread. A connection was clear for the Hungarian
readers : the issue of national army, the separation of the Hungarian and the
Austrian army was one of the demands of the revolutionaries in 1848. It was a
special issue for Hungarians, since the 10th of the twelve demands of the 1848
Revolution in Hungary3 was The issue of national army, “our soldiers must not be
dispatched abroad, foreign soldiers must be removed from our soil.”

In August Disraeli came out in the British Parliament with the issue of the definition of
the events, pointing the question of national revolution to PM, Palmerston. The official
version was that the uprising was a military irregularity, which had to be treated at that
level.

In January 1858 Hungarian papers raise the same topic. They mention four sources:
general Edwards, Sir John Lawrence, Lord Canning and the head of directors of East –
India Company. They all claimed that the upheaval was a military rebellion, even referred
to it as “panic of the sepoys of changing into Christians”.
They quote Lawrence to describe that after the occupation of Delhi the population rushed
to Delhi welcoming British protection from the surrounding villages.”4 They wanted to
emphasize that the population in general was not anti-British.

The Indian Uprising came at a time when Hungarian liberal writers, like Kemény and
Csengery elaborated the conceptual system of history. In 1855 Csengery published a
series in Pest Diary in which he presented the works of Ranke, Lamartine and Palacky.
Though many of the articles in Pest Diary are not signed we know that most of them
were written in either by Miksa Falk(1828-1908) or Zsigmond Kemény. Kemény’s

3
We want freedom of the press, the abolition of censorship.
2. A responsible government in Buda-Pest.
3. An annual parliamentary session in Pest.
4. Civil and religious equality before the law.
5. A Hungarian National Guard.
6. A joint sharing of tax burdens.
7. The cessation of socage [land tenure].
8. Juries and representation on an equal basis.
9. A national bank.
10. The army must swear to support the constitution, our soldiers must not be
dispatched abroad, foreign soldiers must be removed from our soil.
11. The freeing of political prisoners.
12. Union [with Transylvania].

Retrieved from
"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/12_points_of_the_Hungarian_Revolutionaries_of_1848"

Category: Hungarian Revolution of

4
January 5th, Pesti Napló, News from abroad.

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language and interpretation is recognizable, he was searching for general laws behind
events. Falk formulated his articles more clearly and in a more popular way. In his
articles there were hidden Hungarian references, analogies and parallels.

2. Constitutional Monarchy and Institutions

Pest Diary reports Disraeli’s speech on the threat to the rule in India and the accesses
committed against the British. Disraeli expressed the liberal views, which approved of the
conquest of India provided it granted a government that benefited Bengal/India. “We
conquered India, like Wilhelm Orange England with the promise of protection of religion
and private property. India saw in us the protector of its religion and property. The
principle of this policy changed about ten years ago. Since then we threaten every
nationality with annihilation.”

From the account of Disraeli’s rhetoric is clear that Britain along with Belgium was the
model of constitutional monarchy for Pest Diary. In 1857 summer there were protests
and demonstrations in Belgium. Pest Diary emphasized the positive role of the
constitution and the king as the constitutional head of the state on coming to terms with
national and social discontent. Constitutional existence provided the Belgians with
“political maturity” and “sober consciousness”, which helped to resolve the crisis.
.
The Hungarian press depended for information on English, German and French sources.
But information reached the British press and Parliament also late. The modernization of
communication was under way and even though the cable was invented in 1840, it was
used in a limited way. The cable was in regular use between America and Britain, and its
need between India and Britain was felt. There were plans of the connection under the
Red Sea. Pest Diary comments how the shortage of news made the reports of the Times
malicious.5 “the paper gives the impression as if it was introduced into some terrible
secret, it prepares its readers for the worst. Delhi, which is surrounded by a simple stone
wall has become a terrible wall. Not only every Bengali soldier changed into a rebel in
their eyes but the native armies have started wavering even in Bombay and Madras.”

The December issue of Sunday Magazine in its description of East India6 in its sketch of
Indian history with a number of illustrations, gives a summary of England’s role and the
issue of national revolution :
“And now if the Sepoy rebellion does not take a national direction (which it had already
taken) and that is broken by England, which we strongly believe will happen, it can
provide institutions for future to safeguard itself against such uprisings: East – India will
become the foundation of the greatness and richness of England.”

3. Religion
Popular rumours about the religious fanaticism of Indians were circulated by the English
papers and reported by Pest Diary. This was considered the reason for the uprising.

5
July 25th, 1857 Pesti Napló, KÜLFÖLD
6
Gusztáv Pokorny, Vasárnapi Újság, 1857. deczember 6-án (49. szám),p.544.

4
According to these the (priests)“padres” turned to the queen to help them turn the
subjects into Christians with the aid of pork grease on bullet charges. Pest Diary
characterized
this accusation as laughable and comments: “Such allegations are made by fanatics or by
such people who want to use the gullibility of the masses.”

In the reports of the news about the atrocities the paper switches to plural first person to
make the voice and emotional stress of Times strong and create a distance between the
Hungarian paper and British opinion.
“We have to make the Indian monsters feel the weight of our anger. We are siding with
our soldiers in the fulfillment of their duties if they commit similar acts of revenge on
these who are not even humans.”
Pest Diary adds “ apart from the small fragment of cold doctrinaires everybody demands
terrible revenge since it is not the revolution of a suppressed people but only military
rebellion. ”

Zsigmond Kemény in Political Review in the three-part overview of “India and its
people” presents the religions of India mainly through the relationship of the Christian
Churches (Syrian Christians, Catholics and Lutherans) to Hinduism. This division was
very important, because in this phase of Bach-regime the Austrians appointed only
Catholics for high public posts. According to Kemény’s description Christianity is not
attractive for Hindus, because their ancient system “covers all relationships in life.” He
also feels that missionaries are over-zealous. His description of overzealous missionaries
(on the basis of Captain Westmacott’s account gives an ironical view of a missionary
settled in the Hurdwar market distributing leaflets against baths of purification (Hindu
customs). (Kemény considers the 60,000 conversions a very small number considering
the number of (his estimate is 400) missioners are India.

Kemény as a liberal disapproves of the intervention of the state on issues of religion

except for when there is danger to life, like in the case of sati and the murder of unwanted
children.7 In an early work Kemény divided Europe into two parts on the basis of
relationship between Church and State. In his model of liberal state: state and religion
are separated, similarly to the civil and private spheres of life. This issue will come up
again at the discussion of Mohammedanism.

4. Islam
In the interpretation of the news Pest Diary devotes special attention to the role of
England, and the question of Islam. The Berlin Kreuzzeitung (a conservative royal
paper) attacked Palmerston as a supporter of Islam and revolution, Pest Diary comes
up with a theory of political and religious Islam. 8 The Crimean war in 1855 was in
the background. In the Crimean War Prussia fought on the side of Russia and Britain
participated on the side of Turkey. Pest Diary maintains that England supports
political Islam because it plays a positive role at the moment in Europe. Religious
Islam is considered by Kemény part of the private sphere.

7
Zsigmond Kemény, India és népei, Budapesti Szemle, 1857, Second book, pp. 307-322.
8
Sept 12th, Pesti Napló, Tájékoztatás.

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“Religious Mohammedanism was never supported by England, because in general
England does not support, and does not persecute any religion; in a country where the
house of the citizen is his castle, and it is considered by everybody holy. The Government
of such a country does not want to sink into the hearts of the people and purify it with the
force of authority from the dirt; and what England does not do at home would not do
elsewhere, it does not care what is the faith in Istanbul, they in Istanbul can believe in
everything they want, or in nothing if they wish”.

The article affirms the fact that religion is the private matter of each individual and every
country. Kemény also adds that the relationship between Britain and India is defined by
the relationship of conquerer and conquered. : „ a suppressed nation never kisses the hand
of an alien –, who annihilates his freedom, and forces the proud nation’s (neck) into a
yoke, whoever that alien is.”
But Pest Diary also stresses that England can provide rule that might lead to
development in the framework of constitutional Monarchy.

5. Orientalism /western civilization

On the 18th September 1857 in the evening there are three different news about Nana
Sahib from three different sources : 1. Nana Sahib disappeared, 2. Nana Sahib killed
himself; 3. Nana Sahib killed himself and his family. Sunday Magazine in its November
issue introduces Nana Sahib, his name, his life, his adoption and his friendly relationship
with the English and the officials of the East – India Company before the Mutiny.
It is described how,
“He brought them to eat in his magnificent palace on elephants and introduced his wives
and children to them. He did all this to get his father’s pension, but this was denied to
him, because he was only an adopted son.”9

An interpreter describes Nana sahib in the following way: “his Excellency is a stout
gentleman, his face is round, his eyes are shining, restless, the complexion of his face is
almost white, at least he is not darker than the Spaniards in Europe. His features betray a
cheerful person, an attitude ready for playful jokes.”
The description ends with a surprising contrast:
“Nana Sahib is the most important man of the rebellion and he will give a lot of work to
the English until they can hang him on the gallows-tree which he is meant for.”

6. Oriental Despotism/ Civilization

The theme of Nana Sahib and the news from Marseille and England about the death of
general Wheeler and the women of his company in the beginning of September lead to
discussions on oriental despotism.10 “Reading these reports one does not know who can
be the European journalist who demands that the war should continue based on the rules
of international warfare against these wild animals – sepoys -”

The issue of cruelties, inhumanities comes up with less distance in the reports of Sunday
Magazine.. In November both Pest Diary and Budapest News published the feuilletons

9
Vasárnapi Újság, 22nd November, 1857, p.509.
10
Pesti Napló, 1st September, 1857.

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of Gyula Bulyovszki “An Indian Court” and a history of Delhi, by Valdemar, a Prussian
Prince. In the end of the eighteen fifties feuilleton has become a popular genre in
newspapers. Bulyovszki’s topic is: the cruelty, despotism of Indian court. The narrator
is an eyewitness and this adds a constant voyeuristic effect. The last part of his five part
series, ends with a generalization :
“This is how it happened and not only in the Indian courts, but in each place, which
belongs to the East. The first caliphs, the Spanish Arabs, the Mameluk Sultans, the
Mongols and their newer followers. The East is all over and everywhere the same as in
the new Lucknow, it must have gone on in the palaces of Achmanids and at the courts of
pharaohs.”
Bulyovszki’s piece ends with a remarks that reflects on the ideology of oriental despotism
emerging and its elaboration in fictional pieces.
In this book the only new thing is that despotism is so closely sketched. When one
speaks about despotism in Europe you know what you mean, but under our cool climate,
the word has no teeth and nails, the real hot despotism, which pricks its ears lying in the
green grass in its mottled snakeskin belongs to the characteristics of the East.”

The 10th September issue of Pest Diary has a remark that shows that a new interpretation
of British rule had emerged.
“The cause of England in India is the cause of bourgeois development, the cause of
humanity. For this reason we also register news of positive content.” On the 25th
October in an article about the position of Islam after the Crimean War, Pest Diary refers
to the role of England as the country that can save India for trade and civilization.

7. Culture and intellectual conquest

Civilization and culture are also considered as possible means of intellectual conquest.
On the 16th September the editor (probably Kemény without his signature) reflects on
the issue of language and culture, in a response to the article of Oestg. Zeitung. Oestg.
Zeitung wrote about the importance of German as a world language and in the
background there was the fear of forced introduction of German in Hungary. Kemény
quotes the King Francis Joseph’s words “respect each language”. Kemény rejects the
idea of the concept of world languages to be identified with languages of culture.
Kemény develops his theory on the basis of Danish, Italian and Hungarian, which have
their own literatures, express processes in science, and have a rhetoric of their own. In
Hungary the middle and lower classes who recently widened the number of readers stick
to the language as their birthright. The editor refers to the example of Greece, which was
occupied through military means, but conquered Rome through its spirit.

Kemény finds culture and language important in the context of India. In his work in
Budapest Review he mentions that Oudh takes over Delhi’s role in enthusing the
freedom-fighters. He refers to Oudh as the centre of religion, literature and glory of the
past. Kemény admires a number of features he found out about India and wonders about
the strange coincidence of Hindu – Muslim cultural unity in the Rebellion. In Pest Diary
we also find several references to Aryan or Indo-European linguistic research carried on
by the scholar Hunfalvy.

7
8. Economy/trade/ and progress

As a result of positivism after the middle of the nineteenth century economy and trade
became leading subjects in Pest Diary. The symptoms of developments were large-scale
enterprise and technical change. The Indian developments were also described in the
framework of continuing expansion of world trade and intense international economic
rivalry.11 There were references to French and Russian interests in India.

In the discussion of the Indian events the issue of economy was combined with
agriculture, industry and trade. In Budapest Review Kemény points12 to the importance of
cotton, silk, spices and indigo trade from India. The Rebellion induced a slump, which
affected British economy, European manufacturers and created an over-all setback in the
European financial markets. Comparing the proportion of taxes at the time of Akbar
(30% of the production) and the East-India Company (50% of the production) Kemény
establishes that in spite of the smaller proportion in Akbar’s case (30%-50%) the
financial value of taxes was greater than that of the East – India Company. On the basis
of this fact Kemény establishes that the leading idea of the government of India has been
exploitation. In this article Kemény wavers between the two positions: 1. capitalism, as
the way to bourgeois development and industrial development; and 2. capitalism as
exploitation of the riches of India.

9. History and providence

In the beginning of December we get a different view of the events. Pest Diary
announces the change of editor and Kemény takes over as a new chief editor and gives a
summary of the events. Kemény marks 1857 as one of the important years of world
history, a year of progress. He points to two important changes in world politics : the
emancipation of serfs in Russia (only 1861) and the new position of India.
“The British lion does not consider Indians any more suppressed mice who are jumping
around and can be shaken off with one shrug of his mane.”

In the Christmas and New year issues an article in three parts comes out (on the 24th, 29th
and 30th, 1857) on “The importance of the Indian and Chinese rebellions”. The article
connects the future of Europe to what happens in India and China. In the account
Kemény describes the caste system as “inhuman” and argues that India could never
become a nation because of the overall fragmentation of society. He comes to other
specifics “ a people of many millions, which possesses a language of perfection by the
organization of its structure and a literature, which by its quantity and quality you can
only call ‘gigantic’”. Kemény sees this “extremely talented people” as examples of
intellectual brilliance. He perceives Indians “as indifferent, passive, easily subdued by
foreign conquerors”. He watches with agony how the “principle of liberty and ability”
would evolve and the people be affected and form a nation without the caste-system.

11
Franciaország belső-indiai tervei [French designs for Central-India] Pesti Napló, 13th November, 1857.
12
Zsigmond Kemény, A kelet-indiai kérdés [The Question of East India], Budapesti Szemle, 1857, pp. 272-
288.

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In China he sees the possibilities at a different dimension, because he finds that Chinese
are only interested in material enjoyments. He forecasts events after the possible British
victory in India in an anguish. Providence is a category in Kemény’s thought, which
justifies and connects the changing with unchangeable. He describes the collision of
timeless (Indian structures) with modernity that was represented for him by Britain. He
also expresses that providence does not justify violence and injustice, which is
committed in the course of British – Indian history. He refers here to the British.

Britain is viewed by Kemény in positive light, and its institutions and constitutional
monarchy are idealized. Kemény put Britain in contrast with the Austrian Monarchy that
was not ready to rule Hungary on the basis of constitution. But he is far from justifying
Britain’s role, actually he justifies the fact of rebellion by highlighting the history of
British – Indian relations, the exploitation of India’s wealth, the arrogance of officers. In
the recent history of Mutiny Kemény and other reporters of Pest Diary point out the
excesses in British reports. They do not consent or disagree . Their view of history,
evolution and development, the specific position of Hungary forced these writers to
accept British intervention. They saw history as tragedy, but hoped that future would
resolve conflicts through development.