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Exploring the gap between attitudes and behaviour: Understanding why consumers buy
or do not buy organic food
Susanne Padel Carolyn Foster
Article information:
To cite this document:
Susanne Padel Carolyn Foster, (2005),"Exploring the gap between attitudes and behaviour", British Food
Journal, Vol. 107 Iss 8 pp. 606 - 625
Permanent link to this document:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00070700510611002
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BFJ
107,8 Exploring the gap between
attitudes and behaviour
Understanding why consumers buy or do not
606 buy organic food
Susanne Padel
Organic Research Group, Institute of Rural Sciences, University of Wales,
Aberystwyth, UK, and
Carolyn Foster
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Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to explore the values that underlie consumers purchasing
decisions of organic food.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on data from focus groups and laddering
interviews with a total of 181 regular and occasional consumers of organic food that were contrasted
with survey results of other studies.
Findings – The results show that most consumers associate organic at first with vegetables and fruit
and a healthy diet with organic products. Fruit and vegetables are also the first and in many cases only
experience with buying organic product. The decision-making process is complex and the importance
of motives and barriers may vary between product categories.
Research limitations/implications – While further research would be required to facilitate full
understanding of the consumer-decision making process with regard to organic produce, this work
indicates the complexity of the process and the likelihood of variation between different product
categories. Future research should consider tradeoffs that consumers make between values and
product as well as consumer segmentation.
Originality/value – Prior research concerning the consumer decision-making process with regard to
organically produced food is limited. Theses findings have implications for future sector-based
communications to consumers and, potentially, for product development and labelling.
Keywords Organic foods, Purchasing, Consumer behaviour, United Kingdom
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
The UK has one of the leading organic markets in Europe and worldwide with an
estimated value of £1.2 billion in 2003 or, about half the size of the leading European
market for organic food, Germany (SA, 1999; Richter and Padel, 2005).
Financial support of the EU for the OMIARD project is gratefully acknowledged. The authors
British Food Journal
Vol. 107 No. 8, 2005 would also like to thank all our project partners in OMIARD that helped develop the methods,
pp. 606-625 and all participants and their colleagues who helped with organising and conducting the field
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0007-070X
work in various locations, Peter Midmore, Catherine Seymor, Sensory vision in Reading, Hilke
DOI 10.1108/00070700510611002 Barghaus, Michaela Bähr and Pascal Desmond.
Certified organic land area in the UK has also increased considerably over the last The gap between
few years, but in 2003 declined for the first time from 724,523 in 2002 to 695,619 ha. attitudes and
This is likely to be a reflection of changes to certification requirements in Scotland – all
producers are now required to certify both land and stock, whereas before livestock behaviour
could be exempt. However, it could also be a reflection of problems that organic
producers experienced in the market particularly in relation to milk and meat, where,
depending on product type, only 60 to 80 per cent of organic production is sold under 607
organic labels with the remainder going into conventional channels (Hamm and
Gronefeld, 2004). Although demand for organic food is still buoyant, there are signs
that markets are maturing and growth rates over the last few years have slowed to
below 10 per cent (Firth et al., 2004; MINTEL, 2003; Organic Monitor, 2001; Organic
Monitor, 2002; Smith and Marsden, 2004; SA, 1999). Smith and Marsden (2004,
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p. 355-356) have suggested that the slow down might be placing limits on the potential
of organic farming to act as a “panacea for the problems of rural economic
development”. Like other authors before them who have supported a shift away from
purely production-based subsidies (e.g. Hamm and Michelsen, 1996; Hamm and
Gronefeld, 2004; Dabbert et al., 2004), they conclude that a lack willingness of policy
makers to intervene in the supply chains in the UK has led to peculiar mix of
government production support with retailer-led private interest regulation of the rest
of the supply chain. They argue that it is necessary to go beyond the trends charted by
the statistics and examine in greater detail the evolving construction of limits both in
production and consumption.
In relation to growth potential of consumer demand and its limits, many surveys
have identified and ranked motivations for buying organic food and have generally
painted a positive picture of robust demand, confirming the growth witnessed in the
value of the retail market throughout the 1990s and into the twenty-first century (e.g.
MINTEL, 2000; SA, 1999). However, the observable slow down in market growth may
indicate a discrepancy between an evident willingness to buy, captured by these
surveys, and actual purchasing behaviour (Makatouni, 2002). Zanoli et al. (2004) also
talk about differences between the perceived organic consumer and the actual organic
consumer. On this basis, it is necessary to be cautious of the very positive conclusions
that some studies reach.
Drawing on the results of in-depth research on consumer attitudes to and
perceptions of and organic food, this paper explores the values that underlie consumers
purchasing decisions. The first section includes an overview of recent surveys and
other literature on organic food and the consumer, followed by an introduction to the
method and results of our empirical research with consumers in England and Wales
using focus groups (96 participants) and laddering interviews (85 responses). In the
discussion section we explore links and discrepancies between attitudes and behaviour
and suggest strategies to understand better the consumption of organic food.
samples (e.g. Datamonitor, 2002; MINTEL, 2003; MORI, 1996; TNS, 2004). The surveys
have covered a number of issues, such as socio-demographic aspects and shopper
typology, frequency, availability and place of purchase, motivations and perceptions,
barriers, and information about organic labels (summarised in the following section)
supplemented by panel data in relation to actual purchasing behaviour of consumers in
relation to organic food (TNS, 2004; SA, 1999).
No chemicals/additives/pesticides 59 68 78
Better for the environment/better for wildlife 28 59 78
Personal health/it is better for me/my family 53 49 66
Tastes better 43 34 48
Table I.
GM free 30 N/a 74
Development of
Higher animal welfare 24 50 N/A
consumer motives for
Sources: SA (1999, 2003, 2004) organic food in the UK
BFJ market. MINTEL (2003) see animal welfare and environmental concerns remaining
107,8 important as secondary drivers of the market.
McEachern and Willock (2004) identify four key factors in consumer attitudes to
organic meat in an analysis of postal questionnaires: meat safety, animal welfare,
quality assurance and media topics – but highlight that this cannot be generalised in
relation to other product categories. The 2002 TNS survey provides some indication
610 that motives change as purchasing frequency increases, with heavy shoppers taking
on board a greater number of issues. Motives can also vary depending on what
category of product is purchased (TNS, 2004).
In addition to the structured survey data presented above, consumer attitudes to
organic food have also been explored in a small number of qualitative studies, mainly
outside the UK (e.g. Nielsen et al., 1998; Torjusen et al., 2001). Similar to the
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quantitative surveys, reasons for buying organic food revolve around the issues of
health and environmentally sensitive production methods and are generally contingent
on convenience, availability and cost. “Naturalness” of the product also emerges as a
factor, but is interpreted in a variety of ways, e.g. animal welfare and non-use of
agrochemicals (Lockie et al., 2002; McEachern and Willock, 2004). In studies carried out
in Greece, for example, health is not the overriding motive that it is in the UK and other
northern European countries, and issues of food quality and “eating to enjoy” (derived
from the organoleptic qualities of organic food) emerge as important driving forces in
both Greece and Italy (Fotopoulos et al., 2003; Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002).
Barriers
Price continues to be cited as the main reason for not buying organic food, despite a
slight shift in this trend recently (MINTEL, 1999, 2000; SA, 1999, 2003). Multiple
retailers have experimented with initiatives to discount prices, but no scientific studies
into the effect of such promotions could be identified. Other barriers include lack of
information, poor presentation (e.g. the amount of packaging used; uninviting displays
in the shops) and availability (Makatouni, 2000; MINTEL, 2000). In 1999, 26 per cent of
consumers in Wales did not know where to find an organic product and a further 35
per cent found it difficult. Analysing the data in relation to purchasing frequency, the
study concluded that lack of availability was one reason preventing people from
buying organic food in more marginal regions of the UK. MINTEL (2003) refer to
improved accessibility of organic products since the multiple retailers have greatly
increased the range of products they stock, but the research does not differentiate
between different regions of the UK.
In summary 611
Many attempts have been made to develop a typography of organic shoppers, and key
reasons for buying or not buying organic food are well documented. Regular
consumers tend to be educated, affluent and of higher social class, but age profiles vary
slightly between different studies. They buy organic products because they perceive
them to contain no pesticide residues and to be better for their own health. Of
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Laddering interviews
The in-depth interview technique of laddering is frequently used in market research and
has been employed in several studies to explore the consumption of organic food (e.g.
Aberystwyth 28 86 46 29 21 64 36 46 18
Table II. Reading 18 50 56 39 56 61 28 39 33
Composition of focus Lancaster 50 42 62 20 26 76 32 48 20
groups Total 96 56 56 26 30 70 32 46 22
Fotopoulos et al., 2003; Makatouni, 2002; Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002). This method aims to The gap between
uncover cognitive structures of consumers, explore the underlying values of purchasing attitudes and
choices, and to follow through the decision-making process by eliciting product
attributes or characteristics and encouraging the respondent to reflect on why these are behaviour
important to them. The basis of the laddering technique is the means-end-chain model
(MEC), linking the consumer’s knowledge about product attributes with consequences
and values in a hierarchical way in the form of a ladder. The structures of the chain are 613
divided into three basic levels: attributes ! consequences ! values, whereby attributes
can be concrete or abstract, consequences are functional or psycho-social and values are
instrumental or terminal (see Figure 1)).
It has been suggested that the model can be understood in terms of a problem
solving process. The consumers select a course of action according to their association
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Figure 1.
Example of a means-end
chain
BFJ The present study adopted a laddering approach to shed light on core motivating
107,8 values underlying purchase decisions of organic food (for further details see Zanoli,
2004). By exploring the cognitive structures, the discrepancy between positive
attitudes towards organic food and actual purchasing behaviour can be better
understood (Makatouni, 2002).
In all, 85 laddering interviews were undertaken in the following locations, about 80
614 per cent of which were recruited in predominantly urban areas:
.
Aberystwyth in Wales (rural area);
.
Chorley in Lancashire (market town in a post industrial area);
.
Norwich (provincial city); and
.
London (major metropolis).
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Interviewees were chosen according to frequency of purchase (50 per cent regular
buyers and 50 per cent occasional or non-buyers); area (70 per cent urban and 30 per
cent rural); main place of purchase (supermarkets, direct marketing, speciality shops);
and interview time (80 per cent weekdays and 20 per cent at weekends) to ensure that a
variety of consumer types were represented. They were recruited through a number of
routes: at random, either customers in specialist health food shops and supermarkets or
passers-by in the street; and via a mail shot included in weekly boxes provided by a
direct organic vegetable box scheme. The period of surveying was between January
and August 2002. It was easier to recruit regular rather than occasional purchasers of
organic food, and the sample is therefore biased towards them. However, results were
analysed for the range of values expressed rather than their distribution in the
sample-making representativeness, less important.
Motives and barriers were investigated in relation to four product categories: dairy
products, fruit and vegetables, cereal products and meat. The category meat elicited a
poor response and yielded insufficient data and is therefore not included in this
analysis. As it was the last product to be discussed, we attribute this to interview
fatigue. Other areas explored in the interviews were preferred point of purchase,
understanding of certification and labelling and how the consumer relates to these
issues, and finally “usage situations” i.e. in what circumstance the consumer is most
likely to buy organic products.
Results
In the following section, the results of the focus groups and laddering interviews have
been combined to reveal insights into consumer attitudes to organic food, highlighting
different aspects that might or might not influence their decision to buy. Where
possible, the responses of regular consumers (RC) and occasional consumers (OC), are
contrasted with one another.
stated that they are too expensive without further elaboration; others refer to
uncertainty about the reliability of information received on the topic. RCs appeared
more reflective on price issues; price has to be seen in context of the shopping situation
and individual price perceptions.
The most significant result across all the product categories discussed in the
laddering interviews was the proportion of respondents associating organic food with
non-use of pesticides (seen by most interviewees as the “definition” of organic). This
led to a secondary association of organic foods with “natural production” leading to the
end value of “personal health” followed by “protection of the environment”. In the case
of fruit and vegetables only, the ladder, “tastes good ! eating to enjoy” emerged. The
respondents were more articulate and engaged when discussing fruit and vegetables
than any other product category which is reflected in the more complex hierarchical
maps that have emerged and the strong association of organic food with horticultural
products (see Figures 2 and 3). This confirms the strong first association of organic
with vegetables and fruit observed in some focus groups.
616
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Figure 2.
Cognitive structure of
motivations for buying
organic fruit and
vegetables
The gap between
attitudes and
behaviour
617
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Figure 3.
Cognitive structure of
motivations for buying
organic dairy products
BFJ respondents relate directly to production methods (see Figures 2 and 3). By far the
107,8 strongest reason for buying organic food was health. Interestingly, it was mostly
individual health, rather than family health that was the main focus, even for parents
with young children, although “buying healthy food for the sake of the children” was
frequently echoed when discussing usage situations. The strongest links in the main
ladders involve personal health, well-being and quality of life, which can be traced
618 back to the intrinsic qualities of organic food, including “naturalness” in production,
specifically the perceived absence of agrochemical use, health-giving properties and a
sign of a positional good. The other major chain leads from the absence of
agrochemicals through to a reduced impact of farming on the environment to a better
environment overall. Secondary reasons for buying organic food were animal welfare
(dairy products), taste (fruit and vegetables, and cereal products) and local/regional
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In the focus groups, the RCs in particular seemed to be more reflective on price
issues. While they agreed that organic products are more expensive, they highlighted
variation in premiums between different organic product categories and the places of
purchase, a link with the disposable income of the household and with other food
choices, such as the proportion of convenience food that is purchased. They make clear
reference to value for money comparisons:
The main important thing is quality if people can see what they are paying for and can taste
the difference . . . and as with any other product they will be willing to pay slightly more for
that (OC, female).
When the moderator used an indirect projective technique to elicit purchase barriers,
RCs mostly reflected on habit and convenience aspects as well as lack of information
about the potential benefits rather than on high price premiums. RCs also criticised a
lack of choice of organic product lines and stressed that they do not want to have to
make too much of an effort to buy organics. In suggesting price reductions as a
supportive tool for the development of the organic market, they acknowledged the
price barrier, but saw it as more important for other less frequent consumers than for
themselves. Also among RCs, mistrust persisted as to whether something labelled
organic actually is organic (see below).
In contrast, OCs mostly see a low food budget as the main barrier for buying
organic products, but this was related to the levels of awareness about healthy eating
and health issues; because they do not really know what organic means and what
guarantees and personal benefits a consumer can expect from an organic product, they
find it difficult to justify paying a high premium. On the question of availability, OCs
simply declare that what they can get organically depends on what is stocked where
they shop regularly. They also mention a mismatch with a certain culture as a potential
barrier:
I can think of certain areas where I have lived in the past where [the] culture would just not be
– people would just not be into having lots of fresh fruit and vegetables and stuff, but its not a
definite anti-organic thing (OC, male).
The laddering interviewees almost invariably mentioned price as a characteristic, and
further probing was unsatisfactory, leading to restricted income and the need to
provide household provisions from a limited budget. This more evident the less
affluent the interviewee, but only slightly so.
BFJ The role of the point of sale
Responses to questions concerning retail outlets in both focus groups and laddering
107,8 interviews suggest a strongly segmented population of consumers, with different retail
channels being associated with different and unrelated chains.
Using projective techniques in the focus groups, RCs emphasized that convenience
is an important factor that has to be considered when developing new outlets for
620 organic products. Supermarkets appeared to have a negative connotation for some as
regards the emphasis placed on cosmetic presentation and in relation to food miles.
OCs primarily commented on the financial control of supermarkets: “they make the
products more expensive but do not pay enough to farmers”. Some focus group
participants, particularly in the Lancaster groups, expressed a preference for buying
organic produce from markets and specialist shops. Some went so far as stating that
they would never buy organic produce in multiples (“If my option is to buy organic
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from the supermarket, I have no faith in it– so I just go in and buy the regular stuff”
(OC, female). However, others preferred shopping in supermarkets because of the
convenience of being able to do all shopping in one place.
Although the supermarkets are cited as the main point of purchase for most
respondents in the laddering interviews, some were ambivalent about them as a point
of sale for organic products; a number of people expressed reservations about shopping
there but admitted to doing so for the sake of convenience. There are no links through
chains to terminal values suggesting that the convenience and range offered by
supermarkets is relatively low down the Maslow hierarchy of needs. When asked
about the least preferred place to buy organic food, only supermarkets were mentioned.
These respondents expressed a lack of trust in supermarkets and also a concern about
the incompatibility of marketing organic food through these outlets: “they do not
support organic farming”. Specialist organic shops, on the other hand, were associated
with knowledge, personal relationships and trust, while local retail outlets were
strongly associated with the “feel good” factor.
When contrasting the results of regular with occasional buyers of organic products,
there was evidence that regular consumers are willing to trade-off their values against
the convenience and choice offered by supermarkets. Differences between rural and
urban interviewees reveal a stronger inclination to buy through local or direct
marketing outlets. This could simply be attributed to ease of access to such outlets in
rural areas or greater affinity with food production issues. The greater ease with which
urban interviewees use supermarkets may reflect the fact that in larger towns and
cities the supermarket offers a more pleasant overall environment, and improved range
and quality of products; supermarket strategies for smaller stores in small towns and
rural areas are to carry a restricted range in a smaller space.
Contrasting the results of employed and not working groups with the medium
income and low-income groups, we initially felt that there may be significant overlap
between these although having rechecked the data it seems this is not necessarily the
case. However, we find that the stereotype that less well-off consumers want cheap
food is contradicted by the map. The ladder of avoiding anxiety by being able to trust
is not as important as for the medium-high income group.
more than one motive for buying organic and our results confirm the presence of “food
as enjoyment” and also more altruistic concerns; concern for the environment and
animal welfare and more “political” motives such as support for the local economy and
“fair trade” are other drivers. There is indication that the importance of drivers may
vary for different product categories.
Consumers are ambivalent about point of sale. This may reflect the increasingly
successful profile of multiple retailers in the UK, which, in the last few years, have
committed themselves to an extensive organic range. Supermarkets are clearly by far
the most dominant place of purchase for organic food and may now be crowding out
small organic shops in a manner similar to other independent small retailers, although
direct sales of organic products have increased over the last two years (SA, 1999).
Trust emerges as an important factor in deciding where to buy organic food and our
results suggest that consumers have less trust in supermarkets and large corporations.
The higher trust of specialist organic or local shops over supermarkets may be a
reflection of wider anxieties about the food system. Interestingly, none of those who
express a preference for shopping at supermarkets reach the “value level” in the ladder
maps. This is true regardless of income, gender, frequency of purchase, rural/urban,
etc. and suggests that supermarkets, as a point of sale, serve a purely functional
purpose and unlike local, specialist shops, do not tap into or fulfil any deep desires or
aspirations. Regular consumers of organic food, whose choices tend to be more value
laden, are willing to enter into a process of negotiation with themselves and, according
to circumstance, sacrifice these values to the convenience of the one-stop shop.
However, in everyday life the convenience of shopping in a supermarket often wins
out.
Although data on regional variations exist in relation to frequency of purchase and
availability, few studies investigate consumer attitudes and awareness in the different
regions, and how these may influence buying behaviour. With increasing amounts of
organic food being sold and bought through direct sales, it would be interesting to
explore the competing consumer discourses of local and organic food and how, if at all,
this could impact on the production and consumption patterns for organic food at a
local level.
Our findings confirm the significance of price as a barrier. Other consumer research
suggests that, as supermarkets compete to reduce prices for organic products, the
overall importance of price as a barrier is decreasing (Reuters, 2002). However, a
marketing structure that inherently leads to an erosion of the organic price premium
may dilute the incentives for farmers to convert or stay in organic production in the UK The gap between
and risk jeopardising the potential of the market to take proper care of environmental attitudes and
and ethical demands, thereby undermining the uniqueness of the product and one of its
key selling points. behaviour
Our research further indicates that price is not an absolute barrier but only one
factor in the complex decision-making process that underlies purchasing decisions.
Consumers consider price in the context of disposable income, but also “value for 623
money” and need to feel in a position to justify a premium through other gains to be
willing to pay a higher price for organic products.
Consumers are faced with an almost bewildering array of choices and decisions
when buying organic food. Lockie et al. (2002, p. 37) refer to competing and conflicting
discourses that revolve around consumer motivations (environment, health, food
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production, nutrition, etc.) as well as competing desires, needs and preferences. Add to
this mix the vast array of products (organic and non-organic) that are available today
with their competing and sometimes conflicting marketing messages and associations
of relative “value” targeted across all segments of society then it is not surprising that
the consumer is confused. In relation to organic products our research indicates that
there is a lack of knowledge about certification and labelling and about the guarantee
that organic standards really offer to consumers. By implication, many of these
consumers will lack confidence when it comes to claims made about organic food that
ultimately will prevent them from buying it. An observable link between organic
consumption and education could indicate that only those consumers who have
attained a certain level of education have the confidence to negotiate conflicting claims
and counterclaims in relation to organic food (Lockie, 2002).
Beyond the two poles of the converted (regular consumers) and the sceptical
non-consumers who would never consider buying organic, there is a large body of
consumers who buy organic food on a more occasional basis, but lack the knowledge,
financial resources, conviction, or simply the inclination to buy more regularly. It
appears that so far, attempts to communicate the need for premiums as a result of
higher production costs have not reached these occasional consumers. If the industry
wants to attract new consumers then they need to pay attention to the body of
occasional buyers and communicate clearly the benefits of different categories of
organic food to a wider audience.
Conclusions
Qualitative studies of this kind can provide important insight into the way consumers
are willing to enter into trade-off between values when they make an actual purchasing
decisions.
Fruit and vegetables, generally associated with a more healthy diet, are the first and
in many cases the only experience of consumers with organic food. This stands in
contrast to the low level of UK-grown organic fruit and vegetables.
Price remains a barrier for many consumers, but it is possible that its significance
could be diminished, were consumers to be made more aware of the reasons for the
higher price and convinced that organic food is a value for money choice despite the
premium.
The importance of motives and barriers appears to vary between different product
categories and future research should focus on product segmentation.
BFJ The complexity of consumer decision making is illustrated by their ambivalence in
107,8 relation to points of sale and our results suggest that consumers opt often but not
always for convenience rather than the more value laden choices which they are
confronted with when shopping in smaller shops or farmers’ markets, for example.
Further research could explore other value trade-offs that consumers make, for
example between the potentially conflicting values of local and organic food.
624
Note
1. OMIARD– Organic Marketing Initiatives and Rural Development (www.irs.aber.acuk/
omiard).
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152. Meike JanssenDepartment of Agricultural and Food Marketing, Faculty of Organic Agricultural Sciences,
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Belgium Koen MondelaersBased at the Institute for Agricultural and Fisheries Research (ILVO),
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