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Time commanders: great battles of the Ancient World is an exploration of almost 1,800 years of military history. It examines 16 battles that-took place during a crucial period in Western culture.
Time commanders: great battles of the Ancient World is an exploration of almost 1,800 years of military history. It examines 16 battles that-took place during a crucial period in Western culture.
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Time commanders: great battles of the Ancient World is an exploration of almost 1,800 years of military history. It examines 16 battles that-took place during a crucial period in Western culture.
Авторское право:
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
Доступные форматы
Скачайте в формате PDF или читайте онлайн в Scribd
370 952
iii
TIME Sheancienc wonto
COMMANDERS
ReCGCER HSERAISONINTRODUCTION
Time Commanders: Great Battles ofthe Ancient World
san exploration of almost 1,800 yeas of military
history which examines 16 battles that took place
‘during crucial period in Western culture. When
Ramses Il fought the Hittites atthe battle of Qadesh
in 1275 ec, Egypt was one ofthe great powers inthe
Middle East, it was complex, ich society which was
creating art and architecture that is stil viewed as
among the great achievements of human culture, When
the Roman general Aetius surveyed tia the Hun’s
hordes across the wide plain of Chalons in eastern
France in 0451, the Egypt ofthe Pharaohs was a
distant memary. The Roman Empire was a fragmented
‘wreck, with Rome itself about to suffer Atie's
‘apacious atack, and the Dark Ages were waiting
‘to swallow the wes in centuries of lawiessness.
The choice of which bales to include in Great
Battles ofthe Ancient World was a dificult one. We
have included Tria and Cannae as examples of
Hannibal's audacious assault on Rome inthe Second
Punic War, but why not the battles of Lake Tasimene
and Zama? Equally, while Julius Caesar’ military
{genius is represented by the battles of Bibracte and
Pharsalia, ‘could be argued that te siege a Alesia
or the battle of Thapsus were just as deservingof
attention, We have decided, most importantly, to
concentrate on land battles, and have alsomade it 2
primary consideration to pick out battles that were
particularly significant forthe warring parties. Leucta,
{or example, saw the usurping of Sparta’ alitary
dominance by Thebes, a crucial pont inthe
development of classical Greece; Telamon was the last
‘reat battle between Rome and the Gauls in Cisalpine
Gaul; Mons Graupius represented the most northerly
point in Britain at which Roman troops engaged avery
large aumber of British warrcrs, Our guiding principle
as als to create as diverse znd interesting 2 group
of battles fom the period as possible.
Preceding the accounts ofthe sixteen battles are
‘timeline and biographies often ofthe most notable
historians to have provided us with records of the
battles descrited in the book The timeline coves the
‘whole time period 1300 80-0 500, and relates the
battles to the broad sweep of world history, allowing us
to note, for example, that while the Greeks fought the
Persians at Marathon, Iron-Age culture was spreading
in West Africa and the philosepher Confucius was
alivein China, The biographies of the historians
ar intended as thumbnail sketches of great figures
such as the Greek historian Heredotus, but also as
introductions to some lesser-known figures, such
as Jordanes, the historian of the Goths. These
biographies are useful in gusing readers towards
‘he orignal sources ofthe information we nave about
the lasscal past, and to encourage them to consult
such sources cirecty
The accounts ofthe sixtom battles ae treated as
contextual discussions, not only saying who fought
whom, but also describing the wide poitical and
military events that contributed tothe battles andthe
effects ofthe events aftr the fighting itself was
‘over Also included foreach battle are more detailed
‘descriptions of particular aspects of the conflicts, set
aparfrom the main narrative text, nd biographies of
some ofthe most important individuals taking par.
For example, a discussion of how soldiers inthe third
century 8c could defend themselves against attack
by elephants i cluded withthe battle of Raphia,
‘battle in which Ptolemy, Alexander the Great's
Seleucid successor, fielded elephants as a significant
part of his amy We have also set out basic statistical
informatio fr each battle, giving numbers and types
of troops on both sides.
Descriptions of the teams who took part in the
stugio reconstructions ofthe battles featured in
BBC2's Time Commanders series follow te texts on
the battles, plus ‘scorecard’ of which teams lost and
‘won thet respective confrontations. These notes are
intended asa record of those who made such
Important contributions tothe television sores, and as
a testimony to the wide range of personal interests and
eimecommannens Ss
working Ives that can accommodate a passion for
military tactics.
‘bibliography and lst of elevant websites follow.
‘The bibliography is intended as a broad uid tothe
subject for readers of diferent ages and levls of
knowiedge. The list of websites is divided into sites
fons general classical history; military history; Roman
warfare and Greek warfare, and orginal sources, There
‘are many sites avaliable on all these topics, but we
have tried to pick out those thal have active links and
are trequently updated.
(veal, its hoped thatthe book provides a broad
‘context within which some of the major military
‘confrontations ofthe classical and immediately post-
classical periods can be viewed and understood, and
also analysed by war gamers and tacticians of every
slripe. It is also hoped that readers con gain a clearer
knowledge of how we know what we know about such
distant events and how, at times, we can be brought
\vily into the thick of battle by the turn of phrase
of somenne who died centuries ago.TIMELINE
eee ec?
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sbserve that in the 1,800-yearperiad und
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and Jesus Christ
Some battles n the sequence of Great Batt
ee eee
eee ee
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are separated by ee
eee ee ts
ee ee et
Ceca ents
powerful realignment inthe power structures ofthe
ee ee ee
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{77S Bate of Gadesh
1275-1240 sePetiod ofthe Tolan Wer
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forthe rmsd lane
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rertern-cental America
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the henge ditch setended into the fl and overt hilt
the River Aon
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5200 Dars th Great ul over Persia
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tobuil, farther protection, parts what wl later cme to
called the Gt Wall
400 8-0 280 Monga people rom Koos ete Japan
and mix with he acer Jomen populations
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lr West Aen
208% The atl Sentnum: Ebi detested by Rome and
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273.232 oc Asoka the grandson of Chandagust Maurya,
alli
‘ote Fret Pune War bess out between Carthage a Rare
21 ac Th Battle of Aegis, in which the Roman fet sinks
0.cathaginan sins
229 Hariear Bara itilein Spain
2250 Batic elamen
222 4 Cleomenes It Spats oestd at Salsa
221-210 in Shi Huangthe fst emperor of Chine
2721 scHascutal sassssinated
218 cHannibal captures they of Saguntum in nethern
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2026 Te Hen Dynasty founded in Cina
‘2024 Hannibal eceteted atthe Bate Zame
201 ae Carthage rakes peace wth Rome
«200 Tade betwee the rabsand East Arcane .
‘onthe Indian Oceanis stabishod f
£200. In Metco migrations bein tvard the area thet
ae Tescoco, whee th urban centr Teotinuacan deep
198. In Egypt, the Rost Stone i nero §
180% The state of Meroe in Nubia beames a rat
1664 nthe Nes East, alos Eipanes ues rer
saad ties eta ude
156-141 InChina, Han Ching rales the Hon Dynasty
‘46 Carthage destoyed by Rome and he and
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11906 The Hunsinvage China
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and movrgthrough southeast Aca
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rates wa on Rome td everuns michaf Aa Minor and
parts Gree
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70 We Bate Sis Rive
se Lucu made Armenia
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4848008 andingin Eaypt, Pompey s murreon the orders of
King Ptolemy of Eee
478 lis Const adopt moti foe of the
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bimecommancerns (9
4580 Te len cand tkes tect
444 Julies Caos s murdered by Brats, Casi and other
consis on tees of tach
498027 November, Octavia, Mark Antony and Lepore
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23740-40448 The Koguryo kingdom rls North Korea and pat
ot South Korea, andthe northeastern Chinese rent
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become one of Res min sures of food. tony ane
Clopava commit suicide
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of elond
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by his giopina
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Antonin Jessen
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of the Gods built ner wha ater bacomes Mec Clty
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ot Antoninus Pus
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1 192 Commies murdoos
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of Taezon, zon
12211 Sapimlus Severus des and is succeeded as Roan
empare: Careas
20217 Caracas mucin hisbaths
1 200The Han Dynasty ands in China
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Rome, i murceea
60 288 Maximinus (The Troan, Roan emer,
ie murcerec
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of meemperrsbedyeuard
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capital the late Roman Emp; the gre on apy of
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ut alo allows Romans religious choice
‘932549 Constantine chooses Syantum a Nine capital
1387 Constantine, empeer of Remesince 306, ies
19297 Cnctantne’s te oneal acy Caesars, ath ai
thot of Augustus; Constantine I anc Constans share the
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‘mountsins rows and contls the coast of Eritrea and he saa
ear to southern Arabia
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tne Reman amy
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west since 28, jevccutd
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iemorderod
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ea 400 People om the chief Dal Ratan nathan
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east of A
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of thewestem Ronen Empire
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0491 The Counel of Ephesus
0435-806 a Nevico, Yatchlan onthe Banko the
sumacit, scape
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10450 The Hun mvasions of Inia begin
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10454 tay, tis, the supreme army commander.
‘murdered in Raven by Valentinian il, eempee ofthe west
0455 Rome sacked bythe Vandals
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‘of Mount Songs in Henan province
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‘Alta he was ne af the gest Roman isin,
“Aomlan was a Grek, Sor toa eat amin
“Antocn (now Bota, neste Take ne joned
‘the Roman amy and sere on the Easton ont ann
tule slowed Est and Groce. Armas aly
setae dem Rome 20378, and began owiehe
ck ern ch he fares, his Rerum Gestanum Libr
(he Crile af Evens. The book was wten fr
Romans, in Lain.
“ing Tacitus as hime, Ammians composed 31
boc, covering he years 1096-378 nthe sera the
Roman Emp. Ont the ast 18 boks sve covering
‘rans goerer af th Reman posne of Cappadocia
(naw eastern Turkey) unde the Roman emperor Hadrian
(30117-138), Hewes slder who defetes an aterpt
by thedlans, ate that ved in what sow southeastern
Fuss to iade Cappadocia in 0134. Besides bing 2
Sole and av moran asministraterin the Rrran
Epi, isn was awrite frist sad gearany.
Hels bast oa or hie nabs an acount ofthe
life of eranderth Great Although Ain ved over 300,
years ter Alorande ied, wo row tat his istry |
eae aoa
kor innate ai, Camel Nepos moved a Rome
‘a yeung man ane became ater of histy His bes
oounbaok, De Uris asus (OF Famous Men), wien
instar volumes, tld the steve oth lives of goer,
historn, Kings, posts andthe fomaus peopl in
Romar ard Grek histo
"corals Hepa as neo the frst writer to crate
nat enol erably testo) f theta
‘ala indidal nance mes, tis was ew fom
tf ttre, Ao naw fr Roman erature atthe me was
hischolce of subjess, because he wote about foreigners
aswel a Romans. Oly 25 of hisbiographis suvne
Nt his subjects arin fact, reesrater han
Roma, but alzo wate abot Hania nd Hari
{ather ana, is tom Gore Nos that we koow
shout Epaminandas, the ede ofthe Thebans the
the eats of a2:353-378, Bacauee he had ben aside
understood military vents and cul acount therm
acuraey, asin descrition af the emperors
betatow a thet of Adranope. Ammons was
ey inleese in aifletet popes and he habs and
sans, as shown nhs desaripions ofthe Huns wo
resorted such problems tothe Roman Emir inthe
fourth century, Ammianvs coud aso ie sting
eerptns of unusual events he ad witessed, seh
feeing a ship hare wo mils nnd tere huge
farthqke In Greace a z0368,
sccuat becouse ha based ton the wings f Ptolemy
fiend of Alexander who fought alongside hi andor
became governor of Eat One his ie was more sates,
Polamy ret an exon itor of Alexander if,
‘renin no eng personal experience but on Aled’
‘nn jon. a asa Ain was able use the
Infomation eortained in Prleny' wings iteligerth,
Uundastardlag he chalenges Nlxaneer oad and ovareare,
Because fiscal usec evga sources, Arian s 20
imsotant example ofthe evolution histori! metho,
battle of Lescta.Coraliss Neps used the methoot
vein boat hs subjects inp, contas them ith
ach ane Hewat incl, simple Latin, when makes
hiswork enjoyable tore
Diodorus was Grek stron who ted at ota ot
July Caesar and te Reman emperr Augustus and wrote
‘what he intnded ta bea Wor ton, wth the tite
Bibione histor He vedin Rome fr atime, anc also
traveled in Eye.
The Bictaca hte wss an enormous undertaking,
‘ing try Boks iodo clans that wing took hime
‘hie yar tat in ressachig bs sujet ater he
‘made regent ooreys that endangered his Me, ho
‘ot alla iodo book has sured, we katt twa
erodtusisoneot the rast famoushiserinsof clascal
times, He wasa Grek we aval vary widely vsing
aly Eat the Near Ea ante aes acu the lack
‘Sea, Athattine, vaveling sch distances would ve
‘akon many yeas. Apart fo the evidence ois awn ey,
Heredotus oul also craw an swideronge of writen
Sources on the history is tne, Hire books his
istry, hich all the sores ofthe Pesan Epi ae
tsar withthe Goes, witha reat deat edtional
materi n Egypt and Groce tel
Herodotus’ History nt only aie entrtainng
pecootwitigbut the fst rest wok of istry in Westen
‘re, Hecoversa wicerangect sublets ity
SERGE
‘We dont kno for certain, but itis genaraly assumed thet
Jordanas was ath wo lie ante ner Danube,
‘though madam scholars suggest he may have oan 2
bishop ofthe Christian church ving in Corstartiople
‘Altaugh not Roman, he wot sty i atin, ands
‘aluabe tous chic ourmastimpatant sure onthe
Taso the Gas and Huns inthe ear centri ofthe
Fest milenium x, Jrdans' major works his Dearne
setibusqe Getaram(On the Oana Dowd of the
(Gets), completed into Joranes ls ote istry
Eaton
‘vided int tne parts. The st dese wt myths and
history up tothe fal of oy, the second nds th he
death of Alexander the Gres, ad the hi part continues
UuptoCaesars invasion of Gaul, Although Diodorus wasnt
‘hemos accurate sarians, hwo iimptant
because it proves inforstion from sures thet would
‘erwin have sured into moder ties. Sos
escription tte ile of Alexancar the Gres, expe,
helps us to undarstand events uch a the atl of
‘Gaugaela eee uly than we might ethrwise do.
Eee
history and certs, lites,
religion, custors and social
history “but constamty
‘emphasizes tat ne taking
bout things eh een hist
Hetodotut account the tte
‘of Marathon sal the more
thrling because te place not
longbeforene was tom, anahe
piscsit inthe contort ofthe
much wider str of th constant
Strgae for dominance between
‘ha Pasions ara the Greeks.
‘of ome omits funding the relgn fhe Byzantine
‘emperor Justinian (49 827-565).
"tisoniy through dames that we know the work of he
sod century Roman plteisn anit ag alias
Cassodrus, who haa ten a massive 12vlume history
of the Gots. nis wing onthe Huns, eres preres
Some ofthe work of nother historian wheze rings ae
now ost, Prscus, a rook wo raved among the Hrs.
srdanes particulary iterative abut the eaopee of
elathe Huns empire eter his death in 10.83,rare
“Te orn istoren Tus Livia, beter known Livy as
tev the ity Pata macern Pas) in arta tay
‘Nenguath Salt nd Teetur, ne sono te thc greats
Roman istration abet Li's personal
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toTaets' Lite of AncolEgyptians.
EGYPT
Ramses Il was crowned fve years before the battle of
‘Qadesh, He was in his mid-twenties, a young Pharaoh
inthe prime of his life, and ambitious te expand
Egyptian power northwards to include cantral Syria.
‘This would bring him ito cone with the Hittite
‘empire tothe north, Egypt's most powertt rival in
that direction. Ramses father Seti hadcampalgned
{nthe area around Gadesh, but after intial successes
the Hittites had recaptured several of his principal
gains. The young Ramses! desire to recover the region
ineitably was a refecton of his father’s policy.
Egypt was a military state and, as heir the throne,
Ramses wa trained for war from an ealy age.
He spent the fist few years of his reign preparing
his army. He expanded Pi-Ramses, acy in northern
Egypt from which he would launch his campaign In
the fourth year of his eign he ventured north with is
armies and captured Amusru, now aclient kingdom
‘ofthe Hittites; then he travelled through Tyre and
Byblos. He now had the capability to attack Qadesh
from two directions: from the south trough the Bekaa
Valley, or from Amurru, Having laid theproundtwork
for his plans, Ramses returned to Egypt
‘THE EGYPTIAN ARMY
The Egyptian army was composed of Egyptians and
‘mercenaries from various allied states such as Nubi
Libya and Canaan. It was approximately 20,000
strong, and was divided equally into fou field
divisions: Re, Amun, Piah and Set. The personnel
{or each corps was drawn from a specific temple or
‘estate region in Egypt and named afterthe local go.
Warfare then generally consisted of esieging or
‘defending walled towns and cities, andthe Egyptian
infantey were imoortant because they were the only
‘oops suited to tat type of soldering, The capture
of tonns is very prominent in propaganda. Egyptian
Infantry were probably reasonably dscilined. Reliefs
bime commancers:
{and grave goods show soldiers marching information
tothe sound of trumpets. However, the chariots were
the really prestigious part ofthe ary: they were the
main striking force and it was ina chariot tht Ramses
himself fought.
‘Many historians have argued that te role of
the chariots in Egyptian warfare was to support the
Infantry, but it's now generally accepted that the
reverse was true: the infantry were there to Support
the chariots, Constructing the chariots required skilled
craftsmen and a good deal af time. The teats that
rove them needed constant taining to be effective.
Chariots were built for speed, to advance at allow the
archer an board to shoot with his composite bow and
retire out of danger. They could effectively herd and
‘massacre scattered troops in the same way that
‘hunters dealt with animals. The Egyptian infantey
‘acted in support, providing secure masses of
personnel being which the chariots could retire
torest and replenish their ammunition,
‘The Egyptian field divisions were self-contained
‘organisations, which could be empioyed 9a single
unit or separately, These civsions were commanded
bbymen whom Ramses could trust important
landowners with a personal stake in Ramses’ success.
‘Communications between field divisions wore
‘maintained by riders or chariots. Each division
consisted of 4,000 infantry (archers and clse-combat
infantry) and 500 chariots (wth two men on each
charil) The normal patter of deployment placed
the infantry inthe centre ofthe battle frration
‘and chariot tthe flanks,
THE HITTITES
‘The Hittite Empire extended over what 8 fot Turkey
‘and Syria, pats of Lebanon and the fringes of Iraq.
Its control ofthe border areas tended to vary over the
years asthe balance of power wit states such as
‘Assyria and Egypt changed. At the tine of Ramses”eime commancerns
advance on Qadesh, King Muwatallsh was supreme
‘commander of the Hitite army and took a prominent
‘ole inthe fighting, Muwatallsh’s reigns poorly
‘documented, but we do know he was a strong end
able ruler
The Hittite army consisted of Hithites and alies
‘and vassals from 18 iferent states. Like all Late
Bronze Age armies ofthe region, its chief elements
\were chariots and infantry. The siz ofthe army
‘depends on one's interpretation ofthe main Egyptian
texts: thore are alternative figures of 17,000.01
37,000 infantry. But it was certainly one ofthe
largest armies ever assembled by the mighty Hitte
Empire. Itincluded many mercenary troops.
ery ite is known about the Hittite infantry
at Qadesh beyond the fact that they were mostly
spearmen. They donot seem to have engaged in
the battle and their primary role may have been
protecting the baggage and equipment.
Many troops in the Hitite amy fought without pay,
Jn return for booty. This was tobe an important factor
in the battle and may explain why the Hittite chariots
were drawn into premature combat.
‘Asin the Egyptian army, the 3,500 Hittite chariots
‘were an elite unit of high status and the army's
Drincipalortensive weapon, Most chariots catied
‘tew of three men: driver, spearman and shieldbearer
Perhaps 1,000 of them were alled charots armed
with archers, Hitite chariots were probably stronger
than thei Egyptian counterparts but heavier and
slower. On the Egyptian reliefs commemorating the
battle of Qadesh, virtually all the Hittite crews ae
‘shown using javelin and spears, suggesting a desite
{or closer combat. At short range itis quicker to throw
{a jovelin than to fre an arrow, and a very close range
‘the spear can be used to stab atthe enemy.
THE BATTLEFIELD
Itis now widely accepted thatthe battlesround
‘nad been agreed upon in advance by the two sides,
althaugh the hypothesis isnot based on specific
‘evidence. In spite ofthis agreement, neither side
{ic play fae: Ramses arrived eary, while Muwatalish
deliberately planned an ambush. If the Egyptians had
performed a more thorough reconnaissance once they
had reached the area, the battle might have taken
2 very liferent cours.
Modern scholars have suggested that the site
‘of Gadesh gave the Hittites the advantage: itwas
In territory then under Hittite contol; they would
have access to supplies from loyal vassals; it was
aelatively short distance from the Hittite home
‘ase; andthe city was both lage enough to protect
the army if they lat the battle and in a strongly
{artified positon, surrounded by the River Orontes.
‘The Egyptians, in contrast, were about a thousand
miles from home,
PRELUDE TO BATTLE
‘Throughout March and April 1275 ec the Ezyotions
gathered, at Pi-Ramses in northern Egypt, one ofthe
largest armies they ever assembled. At the end of April
‘the army eft Egypt by Ue coast ua Lv Ga, tnd
‘there Ramses divide his forces. Turing inland with
most of his army, he travelled through Canaan, past
the eastside of Lake Galilee, then entered the Beka
valley and reached Kumi
‘A smaller portion of the amy, the Ne'Arin "Young.
‘Men’, would play a decisive part in the battle, They
"moved north rom Gaza along the coast road to
Phoenicia with the purpose of ensuring the loyalty of
‘the Phoenician coastal cities along ther route; they
‘then marched inland va the Eleutheros Valley in
‘Amurtu to Qadesh. An elite unit, personally loyal to
Ramses Il they were instructed to approach Qacesh
‘rom the north, surprising the Hittites, who would
have been unaware ot ther presence inthe wcity
Historians have put forward theories about wat kind
‘of troops made up this unit and what their numbers
were: they could have been Canganites dressed and
armed as Egyptians; they may have been one ofthe
four field divisions of Ramses’ army, or an extra force.
Exactly one month after leaving Eayot, Ramses
‘camped with his frst cision (Amun) on a mound
called the Karnu'at el Harmel Ridge, south of Qadesh,
‘The valley lay ahead, and Gadesh city was visible.
‘The other thee field divisions, Re, Ptah and Set, were
behind Amun along te line of march and separated
by about 6.6 miles each (one iter
THE COURSE OF THE BATTLE
ames and the Amun alison descended trom the
ridge, crossed the Labwi forest and then te Orontes
River bythe ford of Shabtuna. Two Shasu-bedouin,
thought to have been planted by the Hittites to
mmisinform Ramses, told Ramses that Muwatallish
and his army were nowhere near Qadesh but at
Aleppo, 120 miles north. Ramses, for reasons we
cannot explain, does not seem io have ordered
reconnaissance to verify that information,
He advanced, eager to get the advantage of arriving
at the battlefield fst, anc camped slightly north-west
of the ity, unaware of the Hitite force onthe far side
of Qadosh itslt. riving ist ata battlefield was 3
considerable advantage at that time, because it gaveeeete als)
The chariot frst made its appearance in
\esopotamia in about 3000 ge, Monuments
am the ancient cities of Urand Tutub show
reavy vehicles with sold wheels in battle
>arades. On the earliest chariots the wheels
urmed on a fixed axle oined by a poet the yoke
af a perof oxen, These Mesopotamian chariots
sarried bath spearman and chariotee, although
‘edo not know for certain whether they fought
from the platform ofthe chariat itself r
sismounted to use their weapons,
“The two-wheeled form of the chariot was the
ne best suited to warfare. Such charits were
fast and manoeuvrable, qualities enhanced by
the introduction of spoked wheels, which were
‘much lighter and stronger than solid wrees,
and by yoking the chariot to two, or sometimes
Four, onagers. The domestication ofthe horse in
2000 sc guaranteed the future ofthe chariot
88.8 weapon of war, Faster, more responsive and
with greater stamina than onagers, horses were
the ideal propulsion power for chariots,
In Egypt, Anatolia, northern India and Greece,
the use ofcharits contribute significanty to
the balance of military power in the ancient word
inte secand millennium 8c, The manufacture of
charits in Egypt was established by 1435 ec
within 80 years light-ramed chariots with four
spoked wheels were being used throughout the
Middle East and had been introduced Minoan.
Crete andthe southern European mainiand
Archaeological remains from graves ofthe
‘Shang dynasty (18th-12Uh century 8; sug
‘that chariots were being used on the Crinese
steppes by the 14th century 2c. Rema ns af
chariots of , 300 oc, found ina burialsite
near Peking, are simiar in construction to Celtic
chariots in western Europe. Iti believ that
the Etcuscans may have passed the knowledge
af chariot-building tothe Celts, who were using
chariots in Britain about the fifth cenares aca User Rens, et
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the army achance toes afte afong march,
“The Egyptians were not, infact going to have this
advantage: indeed, quite the opposite. The Revision
‘crossed the Shabtuna ford onto the pain of Gadesh
Ramses’ scouts now detected the Hittite fore. The
Hittites had sent out their wn scouts to find out exactly
‘where the Egyptians was. They were captured by
Ramses, who discavered the deception and elized
thatthe Hittite army were close by and read fr war.
He immediately dispatched an order forthe Re division
tomove quickly to the batteield, whereupon it was
‘ambushed by force of Hitite chariots. a it crossed
the plain of Qadesh. The chariots crashed int the flank
ofthe Re division, sweeping away the protective screen
cof Egyptian chariots. The number ofthe Hittite chariot
force is dsputed; in his account, Ramses implies it was
2,500, which would make it detachment. With hele
ccarit screen gone, Ramses’ infantry companies last
ther cohesion; unprepared fr battle, they cisintegrated
‘nblind panic, the survivors fleeing northwards towards
the Amun cama.
‘The Hittite chariots then tured towards the
‘camp, raising clouds of dust, trampling the escaping
Egyptian infantry orspearing them from behind
Panic overcame the Amun camp; defenders
abandoned their positions and weapons asthe Hittite
Charlot broke in from the western side, Many of
the Hittites then slowed or stopped their advance,
clstracte by the lure of booty inthe Egyptian camp.
Ramses was in his own camp, nea the Amun
camp. He puton his battle ermaur, mounted his
chariot and prepared to engage the Hittite chariots
singlehandedly. Perhaps accompanied ony by his
small chariot borne entourage, he attacked the
Hittites on ther easter flank, wreaking havoc on a
force whose cohesion and momentum were breaking
sown. Taking advantage ofthe speed and
‘manoeuvrability oftheir chariots, the Egyptians began
topick ot great numbers of Hittites. Tey attacked,
turned, and attacked again at least six times. Inthe
bime commannens 23
confusion Ramses was giving his troops a sense af
‘iecton by physically being in te thick ofthe ihtng
Muwatalish ordered a second wave of chariats
to assist the frst. There were probably no more than
1,000. Speed was ofthe essence because they hadto
‘gett the battle immediately to help the chariots that
‘were reeling undef the onslaught of Ramses’ repeated
attacks. The new Hittite chariot force headed ee
Ramses’ cami rather than fr his chariot force, to
‘ry to dlistract hmm from his attacks. At this point, the
‘Ne'arn reached the battetei, justin time forthe
Egyplians, and attacked the Hitites' second chariot
force, joined by Ramses. The Hitite chariots were
routed; afew escaped back across the river but most
‘were lled. Many high-ranking Hitite and allies
officers were killed, anc many more were chased
Into Qader or back across the Orontes.
‘There are conflicting accounts of what followed.
‘The Egyptian version, recorded in the reliefs
commemorating the battle, relates thatthe fighting
continued intoa second day but, because he had
suffered grave losses to hs charit force, Muwatallsh
offered truce. Both armies then withdrew tothele
‘nomelands. The Hittite version, based on material
excavated from asite at Boghazkoy, the Hitite
capita near What is now Ankara, records that Ramses
withdrew is amy, in isaray after the events of
the fst day, and that Hittite forces then advanced
topositions just short of Damascus.
‘hati indisputable s that Gadesh eemained in
Hittite hands and that Ramses suffered substantial
tosses to his forces. Some yeas later, Ramses signed
comprehensive peace treaty with Ileus,
‘Muwatalish’s successor to the Hitt thrane,
This treaty settled border disputes between the
‘wo nations, established a defensive aliance between
Egypt and the Hittites and evan included a form
of extradition agreement.cimecommancens 2s
MARAT 490 BC pee oeee a ee ee oreo
infighting and there was latent hostility to Sparta, ‘conventions ofthe day, these slaves or support troops
‘Troops of the largest empire the world had ever were nat counted by either side.
known descended on a small group of city-states Traditionally the leader of the Athenian army was
vith no proven military record. The ods were al the polemarch, one of the three principal m
inthe Persians favour ‘ofthe city. At the time of Marathon this office was held
by Callimachus, who presided over ten genera, one
THE ATHENIAN ARMY ‘of whom was Mitiades; each general headed a force
‘Athens reliee for an amy entirely on its citizens from the ten tribes ofthe city state, The polemarch
‘The troops were called hoplites, meaning citizen vas fesponsibe for leading the army as it marched
oldies’. Itwas the duty of every Athenian citizen to __autof te city, and toak the pasion of hanour on
perfocm military service and to buy hisown weapons the extreme right wing of the bal line. In terms
‘and equipment. In that sense the Athenian amy was of overall however,
professional force but, unlike the Persian army, where e stood. Traditionally, the generals met asa
itwas ethnically cohesive. Athenian troops were board to take common strategic decisions, but itis
free men, which at Marathon would have worked possible that, contrary to the impression created by
to their advantage, because they were fighting for the Greek historian Heredotus (. 484-430/420 tc),
‘the preservation of that status, the polemarch retained overall command over tiscme cammannens:
board. Herodotus, our chief source, may deliberately
have sought to emphasizethe role layed by Miltiades
rather than that of Cllimachus. Hetells us that five
ofthe ten field commanders vatedto have Mitiades
‘as the battle commander, despite the convention of
‘rotating days of command: If we believe his account,
‘then, there was some continuity fcomman fr the
‘Athenians at Marathon.
[ATHENIAN TACTICS,
Hoplites dic not fight individually but were members
tf the phatan, a line of hoplites drawn up in ranks,
who stabbed with their spears from behind a wal of
shields. The shields were all-important: if they were
discarded or est, the phalanx could be easily broken.
Because they were so reliant on their massed formation,
hoplites could only fight efficent an fiat plains.
Unlike the Persians, the Athen ans followed @
policy of taking the offensive. Thechief weapon ofthe
hoplites was along, heavy spear, nd they protected
themselves with their armour of helmet, shield and
breastplate. Farmare heavily armoured, and carving
pikes wth greater range than the short spears and
“swords ofthe Persian foot soldier, the Greeks favoured
‘close-combat battle formations, ying on their mass
tobreak through the enemy line. They had no cavalry
orarchers.
‘Because the bulk ofthe Persian infantry consisted
‘of archers, the Greek plan wes to advance information
until they reaches the edge ofthe archers’ range
(roughly 200 yard), then continue marching twice
‘a8 fast as usual in close anks and bring their heavy
infantry into play. They would therfore almost
‘certainly nd up fighting in disordored ranks, but that
was preferable to giving the Persian archers more time
toattack, even though the Greek armour was fo some
‘extent effective against their arrows,
iltiadee’ battle formation was eucial tothe
‘Athenian victory at Marathon. The Greek centre was
deliberately reduced trom the normal eight ranks
to possibly only four, in order to extend the line and
prevent the Persian line from overlapping it. The
‘wings, by contrast, were stronger, maintaining
their eight ranks.
THE PLATAEANS
‘The small Boeotian city of Pataea, on the border of
‘Attia, had been allied to Athens for three decades
before Marathon, Plataea sought Athenian protection
against Thebes, the mast important city ofthe region,
‘and its long-term policy of bringing the whole of
Bocotia under its power. They therefore sent about
1,000 troops to help the Athenians at Marathon,
here they were commanded by Arimnestos.
THE PERSIAN ARMY
‘We know much less about the Persian army than
bout the Greeks. Iwas evidently much larger, but
the sources enormously exaggerate the diflerence,
some recording Persian numbers as great as
100,000. Eliminating the naval crews logistic
‘troops attendants and camp followers, a credible
estimate ofthe total Persian numbers may be 25,000.
‘As conquered lands were incorporated into
Persian Empire that stretched from the Indus to
‘Greece, the Persian army became increasingly diverse.
{included Sacians, Hyrcanian mountaineers,
ikhoassan steppe horses and Ethiopian archers, as
well a8 Central Asian troops from the Oxus region,
‘oops from the Euphrates region, Ezyptian and
‘Sudanese troops from the Nile egion and Indian
‘troops trom the Indus ragion. The Persian army thus
had no uniformity of language or fighting tradition, but
atts core it depended onthe original populations of
the Empire, the Medes and the Persians who were the
best-trained and equipped troops as well a the most
highly motivated. The officers also came from these
‘populations, tts most likely these were the crucial
Gea aird
“The Athenian general Miltiades was born around
50 uc, an astocrat ofthe Phila aril,
prominent Athenian dynasty. He was appointed
‘archon in 524/523 wo and later, around 516 80,
Hippias, the rant of Athens, sent him to
succeed his uncle as ruler ofthe Thracian
CChersonese, an Athenian dependency inthe
Gallipoli Peninsula Relations with Hippias
became strained and Mitiades was obliged to
‘seek an accommodation withthe Persians; hence
he accomparied the Persian army on Darius!
Scythian carrpaign. Yet he grew increasingly
insecure and sought rapprochement withthe new
‘democratic government in Athens, cooperating
with them during the Ionian revolt and helping to
‘seize the island of Lemnos, possibly in 499 8c.
‘When the revolt collapsed in 493 8c, he fed to
-Aens, wire he survive a tial for tyranny and
re-entered paltical life. His experience he was
‘aged about 60 atthe time of Marathon) and
ability made him a powerful igure, and he was,
lected tothe board of generals to oppose the
impending Persian invasion: a good choice
because of his rst-hand knowiedge of the enemy.
Miltiaes fought tenaciously at Marathon,
‘though probably more to saves own skin than
for anyother reason, He had spent only afew
years inthe new democratic Athens and had no
‘choice but totake up thelr cause. He claimed
‘tchave championed the breaking up of Darius!
bridge ofboa's over the Danube, wen he was on
the Soythian zampaign, but may have invented
the stor later to improve his standing at Athens.
After Marathon he was gven a leet and in 489 8¢
made an unsuccessful attack on Pares. His
‘enemies took advantage of the failure and had
him fined. He died of @ wound soon afterwards,
but his son fom his second mariage, Cimon,
‘would become a major Greek statesman and
general ofthe 470s and 460s,iet=\=)-F- alee
19,000 Athenian hpltes, each armed with an
«eight-foot thrusting spear and a short sword
and equipped with a hopion shield, three feet
in diameter, Faced with bronze and highly
decorated, as well as acuirass (oreastplat),
usually of stiffened linen, but sometimes of
bronze. The hoplite wore a helmet, usually of
the Corinthian type, which covered the head
except for eye-holes and was topped witha
high horsehair erst
1,000 Piataean hopites: Athenian allies,
essentially identical tothe Athenian hopies.
1,000 skirmishers, most of wham were probably
armed only with javelins. They wore vitally no
protective armour and many did nat even have
shields. It was the custom to wrap the eloak
around the left rm for basic protection,
5,000 Persian arohers, via wore a long sleeved
tunic, trousers and cap, were armed with
ccompasite bows and were inclined to fight
in close formation, rather than as a loose
ling of skirmishers,
5,000 Persian sparabara(shield holders), wo held
rectangular wicker shields, from behind which
the archers fred their arrows. Their clothing was
similar tothe archers’. They were also armed with
sicfoot long thrusting spears which put them al
2 significant disadvantage when facing Greek
hoplites in close combat,
Al,
2,000 ete Sakai bowen, who wore broadly
similar clothing tothe Persian infantry, but
a diferenty shaped cap,
2,000 elite Saka spearmen, who cated short
spears and (possiblyround) wicker shields. They,
too, wore largely similar clothing to the Persian
Infante, but wore acitferently shaped cap.
1,000 elite Persian idan, armed with thrusting
spears, swords and round shields, These hele
he centre ofthe tne
2,500 Persian infantry archers (skirmishers: these
were the weakest part of the army, lacking armour
orhelmets, and so were especially reluctant to
fightin close combat
1,250 Persian infantry javetinmen (skirmishers):
also a weak pat ofthe army. Some might have
shields, but none wold have armour or helmets,
ang they dsiked fighting hand to hand.
1,250 Persian intanty singers (skcmishers:
another weak element, some equipped with
shlelds but none with amour or helmets, and
undisposed to fighting hand to hand,
2,500 heavy cavalty riding unatmoured horses,
‘The riders may have worn linen cuirasses. They
were armed with javelins, which were thrown
before a charge, as well as swords or ates for
han-to-hane fightin. A few may have been
equipped with longer nyston style lances to
match the enemy, However, the Persian cavalry
presence at Marathoris disputed
2,500 light cavalry, 2zain chiefly armed with
Javelins and swords for back-up. These would
not be armoured, There were perhaps some
contingents of horse archers
rr /
da]fut iet=l=ie tla)
ein lad
‘The Bale of Marathon and the marathon race
‘covering 26 miles ae linked because the race
‘named after the battle. Legend has itthat,
lunineditely after the Crock victory, fully armed
pit ran the distance from Maratonto Athens,
roughly 25 mils, to warn the people af the city
that the defeated Persians, wio iad fled to their
ships, might sail to Athens and attack it.
(Overcome by hisexartions, the Greek soiier died
after delivering his warning. The unneris often
identified as Pheidippides, but Herodotus states
‘that Pheiaippides' run wasin fact from Athens
to Sparta and took place before the battle, The
[Athenian generals asked him, a atanes runner,
‘ogo othe Spartans and appeal for their ep in
the looming confrontation withthe Persians, He
{said to have travelled 150 miles in two days.
Inthe event, the Spartans announced that they
‘could not go into battle until the moon was ful
five days after Pheidippides reached them, so
the Athenians had to face the Persians without
‘Spartan help, Nevertheless, the legend of the
race to reach Athens tives on.
‘roops at Marathon, although itis uncertain exactly
at ethnicities were represented.
Wltary service seem to have been compeleory for
ai Persians, nobility and bondsmen alike. Herodotus
tells us that from five to 20 boy was taught ‘to ride
‘and to use the bow’. The Grook historian Strabo
implies that military service proper took place between
20 and 24, while Xenophon tells us that on leaving the
‘army, Persian men remained subject to mobilization
until they were 50.
PERSIAN TACTICS
‘The traditional fighting unit of te Persian infantry
vas the ‘archer par, consisting ofan archer shooting
‘om behind the cover of arg shield held by @
partner. Such units would have been the crucial
Persian troops at Marathon. They gathered in close
formation so as to make a wall. Ther key tactic was
‘owait until the enemy came close, when they would
assault them with volley of arrows from behind the
‘wal. Thus the Persian fighting syle was essentially
efensive, despite the fact that they were the striking
army at Marathon, They aimod to avoid intensive
hand-to-hand combat; instead, being lightly
armoured, they eed on motility
PRELUDE TO BATTLE
‘As soon as the Persian fle sailed across the Aegean
and attacked the city-state of Eretri, the Athenians
correctly guessed the Persian strategy. Dats hoped to
Gra the Athenian military out ofthe city to march to
the aid of Ere, giving the Persian army the choice
of destroying the Greek army inthe open or bypassing
it and sailing directly for Athens, attacking the city
nile the amy was away. Hence, while part of the
Persian army under Artaphernes was laying siege to
Eretria, the remainder crossed with Dats and landed
inthe Bay of Marathon.
When Callimachus hears that the Persians had
landed in the Bay of Marathon, ne encamped his army
st the shrine of Heracles, where he was joined by
the Plataeans. A stand-off ensued for eight days. as,
the armies peacefully confronted each other, the
‘Athenians hoping to holdout until Spartan assistance
arrived. However, on the ninth day the Athenians
found out that Eretria had fallen by treachery;
Artaphernes was now fee to attack hens. According
to Herodotus, a huge debate followed between the
Athenian generals about whether to attack, fve voting
in favour and five against. Begged todo so by
Miltiades, Calimachus cast the deciding vote in
favour. Daspite the custom of rotating days of
ccommang, it was agreed that Miltiades should take
charge. The battle lin was drawn up. Callimachus
led the right wing. Then came the Athenian tribes
in order, while the Plataeans occupied the left wing.
In order aot to be outflanked by the Persians, the
‘Athenians extended their ine to make itaf equal
length to the enemy's.
TERRAIN
The Athenians were camped onthe top ofa hil to
the west, while the Persians were camped down the
hitlon a plan tothe eas. Tothe south, and thus to
the Persian itt, lay the sea and the Bay of Marathon,
Behind the Persian camp was a large marsh lanked
tothe south bya beach where the Persian feat
was moored. To the north ofthe plain i the River
CCharadra, running roughly parallel tothe coast
‘THE COURSE OF THE BATTLE
In Herodotus’ account of the battle, the Athenians
bbegan the alack. Their centre traops ran towards
the Persians, who were astonished, thinking the
‘manoeuvre suicidal, Because they coud see neither
cavalry nor archers withthe Athenian hopes.
fae COMMANDERS Be
For the Athenians, however, this was the moment
of psychological breakthrough. They had been
intimidated foryors by tales of how fearsone
and invincible was the Persian army; now they
‘were running towards them to fight ang, if possible,
defeat them,
Weighed down wit shields, spears and armour,
the Athenians built up tremendous momentum as
they an towards the Persians and, when they met
them, struck wth tremendous force, cutting deeply
into the ranks. They fought furiously but were pushed
back by the Persian centre, On the wings, however,
the Greeks and Plataeans defeated the Persians; then
the wings joined and smashed through the Persian
centre. Route, the Persians ran cesperately for
their ships to escape,
AFTERMATH
“The Athenians secured seven Persian ships but
the remainder managed to escape, Now the concern
for the Athenians was that these, or the ships with
‘Ataphernes, would reach Athens before them,
However, as soon as Dats pur to sea, the Athenian
army marched back ta the city and arived in time to
prevent the Persians from securing a landing, Seeing
their opportunity lest, the Persians turned arounet
and returned to Asia
The vitory was hugely significant forthe Greeks,
ait helped to give some solidarity tthe cisunited
Cily-sates. Ten years later the Persians again attacked
Greece wth an enormous force. They met defeat in
the Battle of Salamis in 480 ec, and in two successive
land battes the folowing year. These forays marked
the last notable attempt to expand the Persian
Empire. The detest at Marathon did natin itself
significantly affect the power ofthe Persian Empire,
but it id give the Greeks the psychological advantage
in the more decisive encounter ton years later.
Se ee ee ee eyPeloponnesian League. By dominating this league
‘Sparta became master of most ofthe Peloponnesus
‘Although Sparta fought beside Aten inthe Psi
‘Wars, the rivalry of the two powers sharpened
‘afterwards, coming toa head inthe Peloponnesian
‘War. Having won the war and wrecke
2, Spa wonchae he Kins Peau
ater a war with Persia and fecused on entrenching its
hegemony over Greoce.
‘The Spartans were unique amongst the Greeks, 3
fact reflected inthe constitution, wich shared the
‘ule ofthe state betieen two kings, drawn from two
rayal dynasties, so that one would check the power of
the other. One king would command the army on
campaign wile the other ruled at home. At the time of
Leucra, the kings were Cleombrotus and Agesilaus
‘respectively. Sparta wes an intensely closed,
conservative and regimented society, For two centuries
itwas the most feared fighting free in Greece. The
Spartan legacy ls not one of culture and civilization,
like its neighour tothe north. The Spartans excelled
atone thing: war.
POWER STRUGGLE
Plato claimed thatthe natural state of Geek afairs
was war rather than peace. Te constant jockeying for
‘ower between the Greek city states isthe central
theme of ancient Greek history. The battle of Leuctra
‘must be understood in this ight and, more
specifically, in the content ofa wider struggle between
‘Thebes and Sparta from 396 10 362 80 After Athens
‘surrendered in 404 ac and ended the nearly 30-year
long Peloponnesian War, Sparta was unguestionably
the dominant Greek power With Athens crushe
‘Thebes emerge as the most serious challenger
‘Spartan hegemony. However. a bloody trial of strength
would leave both parties seriously weakened
‘Sparta set about consolidating her political and
military hegemony in all regions. The height of
sImecommanbers 23
Spartan power came in 380 Be when Olynthos
‘apituiated and a Soertan garrison occupied Thebes.
(Occupation was particularly humiliating forthe
‘Thebans, because 1 382 8c a pro-Spartan faction in
‘Thebes had invited Spartan troops into the city, and
that free took contol ofthe Kadmeia, the Theban
citadel, In 979-0. the Thebans managed to cast
ff this burden whe" some Theban exiles, including
Pelopidas (who wasto playa crucial role at Leuctra),
Niberated the city wih Athenian help.
However, inthe complex world of ancient
Greek reafpottis, tis Athenian-Theban alliance was
‘simply a marriage cf convenience to thwart Spartan
hegemony. Soon Atiens grew anxiousat therise of
‘Theban power. Around 373 gc the Thebans reunified
‘Boeotia under something tke the terms ofthe
traditional Boeotian Confederacy. Alarmed at such
aggressive expansionism, Athens persuaded Thebes
toattend a peace conference with Sparta. Athens
{and Sparta came toan agreement, but Epaminondas,
‘perhaps eager fr acontrontation with Sparta all,
‘along, refused to grant the Boeoian cities autonomy
2s the terms ofthe 2eace demanded. He insisted to
‘Agesilaus, one of re two Spartan king, that Thet
had never interfered in Laconia with Spartan business.
Ate ssuing final ultimatum to Thebes, the
Spartans sent theiother king, Cleombrotus, who was
‘an campaign in Phocis, to Boeotiawith his amy.
Tactics
Inantiquity the Thebans had a reputation for physical
pawer and determination to fight hardin batle, Their
Infantry was grouped in deeper ranks than was usual
among the Greeks at that time, when eight to twelve
shields were the erm: at Leuctra the ranks were filty
‘deep, This expose the troops’ flanks more (at Leuctre
‘they were eight shields wide) and the intial effect of
spear thrusts was reduced as more men were taken out
ofthe front ranks ae moved tothe ear. However, itee ce
Oe een: ieee
Gon aie ene
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Poneman tasers
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Peer rem ora
ere erent
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Olena Ceres Be cea hcnlad
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Beearemner ri ar
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nee at
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hae
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Pee eco een ee
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hadreservations about Agesileus exgressive policy
eset ee
Fearing the consequences of politica) trial ite
eee ec ocr tot
prea eee ce
ec Cte ad
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cere
Ne eee eo eee
Be cn nec
Pio tec a tant a ees if,
Deer aero ected
nl ies Cie
nce a aye
Cera ayer, tte Creu
Cero Nee ie rane ots Lit
a a Sas Nr oe
eet vie Ea hoe
pera et aeito
Cif eerie eg oe sie
see rant psa
Pee creer ance ts
Peat srees eee Nyt Ome ern he ae
raeiiity mee aeariant y archers and
slingers. Inthe centre were his legions from Syria, on
the right his legions from Cilicia and seme troops from
Spain. Ahenobarbus was in command an the lef,eitelolar tale)
El iae alee‘Scipo inthe centre and Atdnius onthe right
‘The main line was very deep: each cohort was.
deployed inten ranks.
Pompey had ordered his infantry nt io advance,
but to sty stil and throw their pila when the enemy
‘was within ange. He knew his legionaries were not
9s effective 2s Caesar's, He planned to win te battle
‘with nis eavaly, by smashing Caesar's cavalty and
heeling around foattackthe flank and rea of
Caesars infantry.
Toointer the obviods superiority of Pompey's
‘cavalry, Caesar took a single cohort from the third line
‘of each of his legions and stationed it behind his
‘cavalry, invisible tothe enemy. For the batlle Caesar's
‘men were given the password ‘Venus, Bringer of
Vict’, while Pompey's army had the password
“Hercules, Unconquered
THE COURSE OF THE BATTLE
Caesar's front line advanced weile Pompeys infantry
remained in postion and his cavalry surged forwards,
(Caesar's cavaliy gave way. During the charge Pompey’s
cavalry lost their cohesion and merge into one great
‘mass, too closely packed to fight effectively. Caesar
ordered his fourth in, the back-up leglonaries, ta
attack, causing immediate panic among Pomgey's
cavalry, who stampeded to the rea. Pompey’s
supporting light infantry were abandoned and
massacred or dispersed by Caesar's legionaries
Pompeys main attack tad fale.
Meanwhile, the main infantry lines engaged.
(Caesars men had charged as usual and then noticed
that Pompay'c infantry was not moving, To provent
them losing formation, the centurions halted the line,
isplayng their superb discipline. They cformed and
‘charged again, When they were within 50 feet of the
enemy they threw their missiles, then charged with
‘awn swords. A fierce struggle followed, The second
ling of infantry was drawn in. The fourth line of
Caesar's infantry, the one backing up the cavaly,
attacked the exposed flank af Pompey’ infantry,
throwing it into disorder
Caesar ordered his third line to advance, The
pressure on Pompey's army was now too much,
‘AL first they retreated slowly but more and more
‘ofthe units issolved, until te retreat was otal,
AFTERMATH
Caesar made sure that as mary as possible of his,
nem’ legiorares were spared; but he allowed is
‘troops to massacre the foreign auxiliaries, Pompey had
left the battlefield almost as soon as his cavalry were
swept away. As the defeat became obvious, he put
aside his general's cloak and rode forthe coast; atleast,
‘hiss the account gven in sources favourable to Caesar.
(Of Pompey's army, 24,000 were imprisoned and
15,000 killed. Nine eagles, the legions’ standards,
‘were captured. Most of Pompey's army was pardoned,
including M. Junius Brutus, who would later be one
of the leading conspirators in Caesar's assassination,
(Ceesar claimed that he lost only 200 men ard,
because oftheir typically aggressive styl of leadership,
30 centurions. Having sent Mark Antony back totaly,
the pursued Pompey to Egypt, where Pompey was
tricked and murdered bya representative ofthe
Egyptian king, who was unlling to give help tan
enemy of Caesar. When Caesar arived in Alexandria,
an envoy from the Egyptian king presented him with
Pompey's head and signetring. Caesars reported
tohave Wept, He gave honourable burial to Pompeys
‘ody. While he wasin Egypt Caesar embarked on an
afairwith the 21-year-old quedn Cleopatra
‘Caesar's eventual success i the ei wars brought
about the death ofthe Raman Republic, system
designed to prevent any single paltician from
‘becoming too powerful. Thereafter rie Rotten could
‘oppose him, and political power in tm was solely
his. This led to his assassination an furthr civil war
[ett -1e let =)a)
Ina standard legion of Caesar's time there were
'59 centurions: fie ithe first cohort ofthe legion
and 54 in the remaining nine cohorts. The five
Centurions inthe frst cahort (prim erdines) were
ranked, in descending order, as primus pilus,
princeps, hastatus, princéps posterior and
hhastatus pesteriar The six centurion in each
of the other nine cohorts wete ranked as pilus
parler, pilus posterior, princes prior, princeps
bosteriy, hastatus prior and status posteicy,
By the time of the battle of Pharsals,
‘centurion Were professional Sluis ike'the
‘edna legionary (les gregarius) All
certuriahs Were of equal rank except the primus
pilus, who took part in councis of war with the
generals. The primary role ofcenturions was to
‘maintain discipline among the ordinary soldiers
‘and provide leadership in battle. Despite this
apparently limited ole, however, the generals,
‘depended heavily onthe Support of their
centurions, and Caesar clearly went to great
lengths to win their support. During his pursuit
of the Gallic chieftain Aviovitus, for example,
Caesar records that his troops became so
despondent about ther prospects of defeating
the enemy that every soldier made out a wil,
{and the camp was full of eumours that, should
Caesar call forthe army to march, it would refuse
tooo. Caesar's solution tothe problem was to
‘summan all he centurions and address them in
‘group. He made an eloquent speech and -in
hisown account, at least -the centurions were
so convinced by his arguments that they became
‘much more positive in their reacinessto go into
battle, Leaving aside the [ssue of how far Caesar
wrote up hls speech later the mere fat that he
feltitimportantto speak fect to the
Centurions shows how vitl they were toa
general's slccess in war”
Centurions were distinguished from ordinary
soldiers by cress, both to denote thei rank and
tobe visiblein the chaos of baltle. Acenturion’s
helmet was decorated witha transverse (ear-to-
car) crest rather than afont-to-back one like the
‘ordinary soldier's. He alsocaried a short sick,
sometimes used to deal out corporal punishment,
Centurions’ armour was generally mare richly
decorated than the comman soldiers‘ and
they wore their swords on the right rather
than let side,‘The morale and confidence ofthe len’ were very igh
inthe lead-up tothe battle at Watling Steet. They had
‘been successful in thei assaults on Roman power and
hha, so far, escaped unscathed.
‘While allthis was going on in eastern and central
England, Suetonius Paulinus, the Roman governor of
Britain from aD 59 to 61, was blissfully unaware that
events had taken such a bloody turn, since he was
receruipad with inviting Rngloesy, ane af thea
remaining centes of resistance to Roman rule in
Britain, With the absence from central England of
the legions that were being used in north Wales,
resistance to the advances ofthe Iceni was much
‘weaker than it might otherwise have been.
THE ROMAN ARMY
“The professionalzation ofthe army was completed
Under the rule of the Roman emperors. The cohort
remained the basic tactical unt ofthe lgion.
In this period a legion consisted of
+ 9 cohorts, numbered II-X, each of 480 men,
in si centuries of 80 men apiece, ec
byacenturion;
+ the First Cohort of 800 men, divided into fve
double sized centuries f 160 mer
+} asmallcavalty force of 120 men, used mainly
asescorts or messengers.
Depending on the tactical situation the legion might
also empioy arilery. Light bolt shooters such as
scorpios (dart-throwers) and cheirobalistras were
often used by Roman troops onthe battlefield,
sometimes mounted on mule-drawn cars for mobil
In contrast tothe Roman army of earlier times,
the legions ofthe imperial period had permanent
commanders, the Legionary Legates appointed byt
‘emperor. These were senators, usually in their ear
thirties, who held the post for about three years. Next
inrank below them were the senatorial trbunes, one
{or each legion. Having a permanent commander wa
mmanded
2 great advantage in maintaining consistency of
iscipline anda sense ofthe legion asa distinct
entity with its own character and history.
‘An important feature of this period is the creation
‘ofthe regularly paid, unitrmed and equipped availa
(auxiliary force), recruited from the ranks of foreign
soldier, for example from Germany or the Near East
These troops supported the Roman citizen legions
byadling tothe uihors and, in partic, by
roving cavalty and other troops such as archers.
Auxiliary infantry were organized into independent
cohorts, but these cohorts were not combined into
legion sized formations.
‘Ausliaty cohorts usually numbered 480 men
Insixcenturies, athough a minority were increased
‘toa strength of 800. The vast majority of auxiliary
Infantry were armoured heavy infantrymen equipped
with javelin, swoeds, shields, mal armour and
helmets. They were never armed withthe heavier
plum and their uniform was kept distinct from that
of the citizen legionares, although thei tactical
funetion was similar
‘Axlianycavaly wore organized int
‘unit, called not cohorts but alge. Acavalry ala
normally consisted of about 512 men, occasionally
764. Auxiliary cohorts and alaewere each
commanded by 2 prefect.
Tactics
Inmany respects the army of Nero's time employed
similar tactical system tothe cohort legions ofthe
fist century ac. If anything, its flexibility had been
‘enhanced by he creation ofthe well-trained and
disciplined auxilia, In most respects auxiliary and
legionary cohorts wera tactically interchangeable, but
‘the legionary cohorts, accustomed to working together
and with a legate in command, were easier to control
in batle than the independent auxiliary cohorts. The
legions were especially suited to acting as areserveag. cINe commaNDeRS
(as, foreample, atthe battle o Mons Graupivs
in Scotland in a0 83) a allenatively, could form
the centre ofthe main attack, asin the defeat of
Boudicca. Whenever possible the army deployed in at
leastmo lines, and often three or more. Reserves wore
vitally mportantta maintaining the forward hrustof
an attack. Once the forward troops became exhausted,
thay could fall back and regroup while reseres fom
the rear moved int take tneir place,
Heavy infanty, whether lepionares or ausiaries,
‘continued ta prove very effective. They were provided
with excallent support bythe profesional aviary
‘cavalry, and at times the latter played a mare
‘dominant cole. Roman tactics for both infantry
‘and cavalry continued tobe very agaressive.
‘THE ROMAN GENERAL
‘According tothe Roman historian Tacitus (c. 40 56-<.
180117), Suetonius Paulinus was a vey ambitious man
‘who hoped to be considered one ofthe great generals
of his day. His situation inthe immediate atermath of
‘the Iceni revlt was bleak. If he lst the struggle
_against them, it was ver ikely that Ne woulc lose the
entire province, IThe survived and escaped, e would
face the wrath ofthe emperor Nero, aman not noted
{or evenness of temper and balanced judgement atthe
best ofimes. Even the most phlegmaticof emperors
would not take kindly to
a governor who had lost him a province. To appear
before Ner in such a guise was inviting not simply
‘death bul something a great deal worse for oneself
‘and one's entire family If Suetonius or his man were
‘captured, then they faced only torture and death
This was one of the most savage campaigs ofthe
Roman period because ofthe sheer ferocity af the
Britons’ hatred for the Romans. The British atrocities
prompted counter atrocities bythe Romans, and a
spiral of eribution ensued. After his victory over
Boudicea, Paulinus was eventually recalled rom
Britain before the febelion had been completely
stamped out, because it was felt in Rome that the
sheer violence of his reprisals agains the Britons was
Gestroying ary chance ofthe two sides re-establishing
1 modus vivend. Very few Roman governors were
ever replacecion similar grounds,
‘THE BRITISH IN BATTLE
The British tried ta make themselves look tightening
In battle, They decorated themselves wit the blue of
\woad tattoos, carried brightly painted shields and wore
‘multicoloured clothes, Having washed ther hair in
lime they combed it up int spikes to exaggerate the
size of ther heads and appear bizarre and menacing
Noise was also employed in battle: its recorded that
the Gallic tribes, towhom many af the British tribes
were related, habitually chase champions to walk out
infront of the battle ines and shout challenges to the
enemy. Many trumpets were carried and blown as
loualy a possible.
‘Some Celtic warriors, mostly members of the
retinue of chieftains, were quite well-equipped and
still ighters, but they were in the minority. The bulk
of the army consisted of peasants, many of whom may
have had only improvised weapons, and most of whom
had no real military experience, They were confident at
‘the start of battle and individually ferecious but prone
to panic i things went wrong. The Celts relied on
fierce infantry charge atthe start ofa batle to
‘ny to break the enemy line
‘They also used chariots, which served two
purposes: asa mobile misil platform and as
transport fo high-status warriors. The Celtic chariot
‘carted a driver and a weir atmes witha javelin,
As the chariot drove across the battlefield, the warrior
hurled javelin, then jumped out to engage in battle
‘on feot. Inthe meantime, the charioteer retired a short
distance from the battle, waiting to collet the warrior
‘and cary him toa place of retreat if quite.
aaa lard
(altel hel)
totee-oel att)
From Caesar's invasions of Britain in 85 and
‘54 8c until the abandonment ofthe country tits
‘wn defence by the emperor Honorius in 40.410,
Roman culture and, above all, Roman legions
wore an integral part ofthe British way of ie
But Roman rule was vat universally popular,
either immediately after Caesars invasion or
even a full century later when Boudica revolted.
Inthe intervening period, Rome ha
eterminedly expanded itshold on Britain.
Caesars two mini-mvasions had given him
some knowedge of Britain; his defeat of King
Cassivellaunus allowed him to take hostages,
vino were then uses surely fr taxes that
Caesar levied onthe British, Client relationships
‘were also established ith British tribes who were
eager to enlist Romar assistance in struggles with
their neighbours. For example, the Aebates,
south of he River Thames, welcomed the help
ofthe Romans in limiting encroachments by the
CCatuvelauni from north of the river These client
relationships were strengthened by the emperor
‘Augustus, but Brtaincame more completely
under Roman rule after Claudius invasion in
‘043, His legions, ater led by Claudtus
himself, quickly subeued opposition inthe
southeast, and by 07 a line of Roman control
ran from Exeter tothe River Humber. A Roman
colonia of legionarywterans was established
at Camulodunum, the cult ofthe emperor was
established and towns were founded,
“The most important British tribes during this
period were the Catuellauni and Atrebates on
each side ofthe Thames, the Icen! in what is now
[East Anglia, the Carita inthe Midlands, he
Debunni araund Gloucestershire andthe
Duratriges in Dorset. Other, independent, tribes
included the Dumoni of Devon, the Brigantes in
the north andthe Silurian Orovci in Wales.Dye ee cine atten tier ial
(Cassius Dio as left us with aver striking
potrait of Boudicca and of her ability to express
with geat eloquence her hatred forthe state of
being enstaved by the Romans, Notice how
skilfully Bougicca makes her points: she tells her
people that, although they may have been
ignorant about what the Romans had to oer,
now they have seen it and they know ifr wnat it
Isworth. She lists the Romans’ abuses: theft,
taxation on what islet, then further taxes every
Year, They would be better off as ordinay slaves,
for they are sold only once. She clinches the
argument by saying the Romans ae cowards
anyway: they cover themselves with armour
because theyre so terrified of being hut.
“This woman [recounts Cassius Dio}
assembled her army, tothe number of some
120,000, and then ascended a tribunal which
had bean constructed of earth in the Roman
fashion. In stature she was very tal in
appearance most terilying, inthe glance of her
eye most fierce, and her voice was harsh; a great
‘mass of the tauniest hair fll ther hips; araund
her neck was a large golden necklace; and she
\wote a tunic of civers colours over which a thick
‘mantle was fastened witha brooch. This was her
invariable attire, She now grasped a spear to aie
her in terrifying al beholders and sooke as follows:
“You have learned by actual experience how
diffrent freedom is from slavery. Hence,
although some among you may previously,
‘through ignorance of which was better, nave been
deceive by the alluring promises of the Romans,
yet now that you have tried both, you have
learned how great a mistake you made in
preferring an imported despotism to your
ancestral mode of ie, and you have come to
realize how much better is poverty with ne master
than wealth wth slavery, For what treatment is
there of the most shameful or rievous sort that
we have not suffered ever since these men made
their appearance in Britain? Have we not been
robbed entiely of most of our possessions, and
those the greatest, while for those that remain we
ay taxes? Besides pasturing and tiling foe them
all our ather possessions, do we not pay a yearly
tribute fr our very bodies? How much better it
would be to have been sold to masters once for all
than, possessing empty titles of freedom, to have
transom ourselves every year! How much better
teohave been slain and to have perished than to
‘go about witha taxon our heads! Yet why do
‘mention death? For even dying isnot fre of cast
with them nay, you know what fees we deposit
ven fr our dead, Among the rest of mankind
death frees even thove who ae in slavery to
‘others; ony inthe case of the Romans do the very
‘dead remain alive for their profit. Why isi that,
‘thought none of us has any money chow, indeed,
could we, or where would we gett), we are
‘tripped and despoiled like a murderer's victims?
‘nd why should the Romans be expected to
display moderation as ime goes on, when they
have behaved toward usin this fashion at the very
‘outset, wien all men show consideration even
for the beasts they have newly captured?
"Have no fear whatever ofthe Romans; for
they are superior tous nether in numbers noe in
bravery. And heres the prof: they have protected
themselves with helmets and breastplates and
eaves and yet futher provided themselves
with palisades and walls and trenches to make
sre of suffering no harm by an incursion of
their enemies.
Ni
AN
i
iCT talo) lel
iit W atc
Roman legionary cohorts infantry) ~
nea infantry ~2,500
gh infanty archers — 500
heavy cavalry 1,000
‘Allied medium cavalry ~ 1,000
‘ariats— 400 (with two men apiece)
Cavalry -2,000
‘There was an estimates total of 60,000 infantry
According to Tacitus, when Paulinus head about the
‘evotof the Iceni he marched his legions through the
‘middle of Britain to London. Although the city was not
‘Roman colonia and therefore not sanctified by the
presence of dedicated emperor-cult temple, it was
stil an important svategic point for Peulinus” erp
‘on the country, Nonetheless, he decided that he had
tosacrfic it fora greater tactical advanage. The
Londoners begged Paulinus to defend the city, but
he tefused, as he did too, for Verulamium (St Albans),
knowing twas 2 sft target forthe Iceni because i
was not heavily defended. Paulinus then marched ta
the Midlands, His troops included Legion XIV, parts
of Legions Il and IX and about 4,500 aula
a total of ust 10,000 men,
Tacitus is very precise about the terrain on which the
battle withthe Iceni was fought, recording that
Paulinus chose a spc surounded by woods, with
narrow eizance that was protected intherearby a
thick forest. Thus positioned, Paulinus hed no fear of
being suceniy attacked from the sides tthe back
The Iceni, he knew, could approach nly fom the front,
Despite the detail of his description ofthe
battlegroune, Tacitus does not tell us whereabouts in
Britain it was. Some authorities suggest Mancetter,
2 village near Atherstone in Warwickshire asthe most
Tely site. Mancetter, whose name means the place
of chariots’ wa the location of a Ramen eet on
Watling Street, the major Roman road thet stretched
‘rom London to Anglesey.
Boudicca and her warirs arrived on te battlefield
In huge numbers. There was no organized line of
battle, and individual warriors and groups of warns
‘milled around, displaying how many of them had come
tofight. The Iceni and thei allies were sosure of
victory, reports Tacitus, that they placed their wives
{and families in wagons onthe edges ofthe batltied,
wanting them to witness tele great feat of arms
‘According to Cassius Dio, Paulinus divided his army
into three groups, because, even ithe had created
single ine only one man deep, it would not have
stretched fer enough to equa the font of the British
army. Each ofthe three groups was fered into a
densely packed, disciplined body The Romans had
the advantage of the high ground. As the Celts earned
Uphill atthe Roman egionares, Boudicca leading in
her charit, they were met with two volleys of avelins
{followed by alegionary counter charge in two wedges,
‘one of legionaries and the other of auxiliaries,
‘Simultaneously, the Roman cavalry charge. The
tribesmen were pushed backwards, into and beyond
‘narrow defile, The lie ofthe round and the packed
‘mass of non-combatants and wagons behind their
Position combined to trap the Celts and allow the
legions and auxiliary cavalry to cut them to paces.
Itis estimated that no fewer than 80,000 Britons were
indiscriminately slaughtered, because the women and
children were targets ofthe Roman attack na ess than
the men who had gone to fight. ‘Neither sex nor age
was spared,’ as Tacitus pus it. The Remans last
4400 and roughly the same number were wounded
Bouicea dnd son afer the battle. The sources
disagree about whether her death was the result f|
natural causes or of poison
The defeat of such a large army inevitably signalled
the end ofthe short-lived rbellon of the Iceni. Over
‘the next 30 years, the Romans continued to expand
ther presence in Britain, fully conquering Wales
and pressing far into ScotlandMONS GRAUPIUS
AD 83
Crore
fronaries were ful. Agricola also followed a strategy
of atacking defended centres of resistance against
Roman rule, while atthe same time initiating building
projects for new towns and temples, entirely pad for
by Rome, to show the British that the Romans were
not there simply totaxthem mercilessly without gving
anything back. He also picked out children fom rich
families and had them educated in Reman manné
language and learning. Asa result, Tacitus tells us,
‘acquiring Latin became al the rage among the
wealthy families of Britain
Agricola then began to push Roman contol north,
‘and in A078 brought his legions into Scotland,
Progressing as far north as the River Ty.
AGRICOLA'S ARMY
When Claudius invaded Britain in ap43, he brought
ith im: I Augusta, XIV Genin
XX Valeria Vitrx and IX Hispana, They had all
previously been stationed on the Rhine, except IX
Hispana, whieh came frm the Danube. With thes
regular egiovaris also came auxiliaries, probably in
‘equal numbers f the legions were approximately
5,000-6,000 strong then, assuming the same
‘numberof analiaries, the total force would have been
at least 40,C00 men. Legio XIV was recalled in aD 68
‘an withdrawn from Britain completely in a2 70, but
‘most of these regiments would stay in Britain until
about Ao 400, a period of almost 350 years.
These troops, then, were the backbone of the forces
Agricola hadat his disposal when he arrive in Britain
‘The professional Roman soldiers ofthis period
were constantly trained to use their weapens, using
the methodsoriginally devised to train glaciators, The
cohort remained the basic tactical uit ofthe legion
In this period a legion consisted of:
‘cohorts, numbered II-X, each of 480 men,
insiccenturies of 80 men apiece, each commanded
bya centuren;
# the Fist Cehort of 800 men, divided into ive
double
¥ asmallcaalry force of 120 men, used mainiy
as escorts or messengers.
Depending onthe tactical situation the legion might
‘also employ atilery. Light bolt-shooters such as
sooepis (dart throwers) and cheirobalistras were
len used by Roma troops onthe battlefield,
‘sometimes mounted on mule-drawn carts for mabilty.
“The legion ofthe imperial period had permanent
ne Legionary Legates appointed by the
emperor. These were senator, usually in their early
thirties, wo held the post for about thee years
Directly below them in rank were the senatorial
tribunAn important feature ofthis period isthe creation of
‘the regularly pad, uniformed and equipped auxiia.
{auxilery force), recruited from the ranks of foreign
solders, for example from Germany or the Near East
These voo9s support the Roma citizen legions
‘byaddingt their numbers and, in particular, by
proving cavalry and other troaps such as arches.
‘Aurliy infantry were organized into independent
ceherts, but these cohorts were not combined ino
‘egion sized formations,
‘Auxliary cohorts usualy numbered 480 men in sic
centuries, although 2 minority were increased toa
strength of 80. The vast majority ofauillary infantry
were anoured heavy infantrymen equipped with
javelins, swords, shields, mail armour and helmets.
‘Auxiliary cavalry were organized into similarsized
nits, called alae. A cavalry ala consisted of about
512 men. Auxiliary cohorts and alaewere each
commended by a prefect.
Because he held his legions in reserve, only a sali
part of Agricola’s army at Mons Graupius consisted
Of legionares, the bulk being non-citizen auxiliaries,
‘Alar infantry were armoured and fought in close
cxder like the legionaris, but, lacking the higher
command structure ofthe legions, wore less easy
tacontrol in lerge numbers during 2 battle. The
ausiliaries at Mons Graupius were mainly from the
Germanic tribes of Batavia (modern Holland) and
Tungria (Tangres in modern Belgium). According to
Tacitus, Agricola also pitched Briton agains Briton
by ringing into battle with him British troops who
had proved their loyalty to Rome. Like the Celts, the
Romans used noise, or an absence of noise until the
critical moment, to intimidate the enemy.
‘Tacitus aso records that Agricola wanted to win
the battle usinganly the auxiliaries because the
Victory would be all the greater if no drop of Roman
blood were spilled. Of course, Tacitus may have
Invented this to make Agricola look good; he had,
afterall, married Agvicola’s daughter
‘THE BRITISH GENERAL
‘We are told thatthe leader ofthe British was called
Calgacus, or Calgaich. Tacitus, in his account ofthe
battle, gives him a wonderful speech that makesus
‘eel very sympathetic towards the British, Calgacus
‘stood up before his reaps and sai:
“We, the last men on cath, the last ofthe free,
have been shielded til today by the very remoteness
‘and the seclusion for which we are famed, We have
enjoyed the impressiveness ofthe unknown. Buttoday
the boundary of Britains exposed; beyond us lies no
nation, nothing but waves and rocks andthe Romans,
"more deadly stil than they, for you find in them an
arrogance which no reasonable submission can elude,
Brigands ofthe world, they have exhausted the lend
by their indiscriminate plunder, and row they arsack
the sea, The wealth ofan enemy excites their cupicity,
his poverty their ust of power."
‘The British had the advantage of being on home
‘youn. Tele troops were largely frm the Caled,
‘ut were probably also drawn from other tries in
hat is now northem Scotland. Tacitus recoeds that
the Caledon looked like te faichaited warrior of
Germany, with ‘edi hair and large limbs. By the
time of Agricola's campaigns the Celtic tribes in this
‘gion hada social system sophisticated enough to
offer wide-scale resistance tothe Romans, but they
respected the might ofthe Roman legions and were
Careful not to engage in battle rashly.
‘THE BRITISH IN BATTLE
How the British tribes behaved in battle dependes
largely onthe situation. They were loosely organized
in warrior bands of families and neighbours, withthe
‘most highly metivated and best-equipped warrior in
front and the poorer and less enthusiastic in the rear,
bime commansens
‘They were especially formidable at the stat ofa
battle, especially inthe fst charge, when their
tering appearance andthe Figting prawess ofthe
bolder men inthe front ranks could sweep an enemy
away. But if tha tactic fled to work they often ached
the stamina to cany on, and it was easy for theless
‘motivated men in the ear te vanish and avoid the fight
‘Most important, their lack of femal training or
‘r0up discipline meant that the warrer bands were
‘very difficult to manoeuvre as a fighting force, finding
‘thard to change font or direction during a battle
That problem nas exacerbated at Mons Graupius by
the size ofthe army, which was alms certainly larger
‘than any the tribes had ever assembled before, A plan
‘of action would have tobe simple if the disparate parts
‘ofthe army were not to become confused and begin
acting independent
‘Almost ll the British were unarmoured, though
4 few ofthe chieftains may have had mail armoue
anda helmet. Tacitus remarks thatthe British catied
particularly smal shields,
CELTIC CHARIOTS
‘Chariots were not intended to charge headlong into
formed enemy units. They were basically missile
Platforms and a means of transporting aristocratic
warirs swiftly to and trom the fighting line. By this
date they were an outdated too of warfare, ut they
could still have an effect and the Romans could not
‘ignore them
‘THE SITE OF THE BATTLE
"No one is absolutely sure where the batl of Mons
Graupius tok place: @ numberof sites have been
‘suggested. Is most likely thatthe battle was fought
between present-day Aberdeen and Stonehaven,
‘near what ae now called the Grampian Mountains.
‘The remains of Roman forts and camps have been
found inthe region.ze Ime CommanneaSs
PRELUDE TO BATTLE
The British had been gathering inthe region for at
least some days before the battle, sending messengers
inal directions, appealing for warriors to come
forward to meet the Romans, According to Tacitus,
30,000 troops vere gathered and stil more kept
arivng, the bravest and most skilled warriors that
‘could be found. Calgacus made his great spec, and
sradvally the British formed themseiyes into aline of
battle. They had absorbed lessons from fighting the
Romans and arenged their roops on te high ground,
‘ogive them the advantage: The infantry lined up the
slopes, while the chariots, cavalry and skirmishers