Session Three: The Historical Development of Hinduism

In this session we will carry on the previous discussion of the origins and early history of
the Hindu religious tradition by looking first at the new forms of Hinduism that came to
prominence around two thousand years ago. We will then move on to consider the effect
that foreign domination had on Indian religion. You may recall that in our last session I
suggested that we might isolate seven broad eras of the history of Indian religion; we then
went on to look at the first three of these. Accepting the Vedic era as the earliest stage we
have any knowledge of, we looked at the rise of new forms of religion focusing on the nature
of the self, understanding the truth about the world and the destination achieved in the
afterlife. Such ideas presented something of a challenge to the highly ritualised religion of
the Vedas but there is no reason to suppose that they were entirely incompatible. We then
noted how the Buddhist and Jain traditions achieved a position of predominance in India in
the early centuries BC as they received extensive support from different kings and emperors,
and spread influence to all parts of India and beyond. We should now turn to look at what
is sometimes referred to as the Hindu revival that occurred in the first millennium AD. This
is often understood as being brought about through the teaching of Shankaracharya, but it
seems that the process began long before his life and was in fact more closely associated with
the rise of theistic forms of Hinduism that preached love and devotion to Vishnu, Shiva and
the Goddess.

A New Era of Hinduism: Vaishnavas and Shaivites

It is broadly accurate to say that the six centuries between 300 BC and AD 300 were an era
in which Vedic Hinduism suffered a partial eclipse whilst Buddhism and Jainism rose to a
position of pre-eminence in many parts of India. Under the Mauryas and their successors,
the Buddhist and Jain influence spread to the far south of India and the kingdoms of the
south began gradually to absorb elements of Aryan culture and religion, although these
tended to be added to existing Dravidian traditions rather than replacing them. One result
of this process of transmission was that the south of India came for a while to be a great
centre of the Buddhist and Jain learning from which new interpretations of these religions
arose. However, Vedic Hinduism did not disappear and throughout this period we still find
inscriptions indicating that kings continued to perform the Vedic rituals. We know, for
example, that yajñas were performed by Skandavarman, an early Pallava king who ruled
northern Tamil Nadu some time around AD 320 at a time when Buddhists and Jains were
flourishing in the Pallava capital of Kanchipuram. We also have records from South India of
gifts of land being made to Brahmanas, which again might give some indication of a decline
in Buddhist influence and a revival of Vedic Hinduism.
This relatively easy coexistence of religions seems to have been the rule throughout the
whole of India during this period, although there were undoubtedly verbal confrontations
between the different groups in competition for royal patronage. We have seen how following
the demise of the Mauryas, the Satavahanas came to dominate most of central India for a

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period of almost five hundred years, from 230 BC to around AD 250. At the same time
the Pandyas, Cholas, Pallavas and Cheras preserved their domains in the south whilst the
Kushas, Shakas and Greeks were predominant in the North and West. The Kushan Empire,
established around 100 BC was based on a capital city in Peshawar (which is today just
inside the Afghan-Pakistani border) although it appears that the capital was moved to
Mathura, just south of present-day Delhi, for the duration of the cold season. This was an
empire that was not confined to India but also spread westwards into Afghanistan to include
Kandahar and Taxila as well. The Kushans may originally have been Zoroastrians but they
were increasingly inclined towards Buddhism whilst also supporting the Vedic priesthood.
They absorbed classical European influences into their culture as can be seen in some of the
Buddhist iconography of the time.
Both the Kushan and the Satavahana Empires went into a period of decline in the third
century AD, initially becoming divided into smaller kingdoms which broke away from central
control but were then subjected to the rising power of the Guptas. Little is known for certain
about the origins of the Guptas, but they probably began as a minor dynasty subject to one
or other of the greater Empires. The breakup of Empires that occurred in the second half of
the third century AD allowed the Guptas to increase their power and it was Chandragupta I
(319-335) who first succeeded through marriage and conquest in establishing a substantial
kingdom based on Pataliputra, the old capital of the Magadha and the Maurya Empires. This
kingdom was expanded to imperial proportions by his son and grandson, Samudragupta and
Chandragupta II, although it never quite matched the extent of the Maurya dominions six
hundred years earlier.
We have already emphasised the coexistence of religions that typified this period but
when we look at the development of the Hindu tradition there is another important trend
that must be noted. The religion of the Vedas was based on the ritual fire sacrifice in which
offerings were made to different gods, the most prominent of whom were Indra, Agni, Varuna
and Soma. Alongside these rituals, religious ideas also focused on the notion of a single
ultimate reality, the brahman of the Upanishads that is to be known rather than worshipped.
Vishnu and Rudra were glorified in a few of the hymns of the Veda but it does not appear that
they were among the more prominent of the Vedic deities. From a relatively early period,
however, we are aware that these two became objects of particular devotion and were revered
through monotheistic forms of Hinduism. In the Bhagavad-gita and Mahabharata we find
Vishnu presented as the one single Deity who is the creator, controller and destroyer of the
entire world whilst similar ideas are found within the Shvetashvatara Upanishad in relation
to Rudra or Shiva.
It is difficult to trace the origins of these monotheistic forms of Hinduism and it may well
be that they existed in India from the very earliest times alongside the religion of the Vedas
and the Upanishads. They were certainly prevalent in the later Vedic period as inscriptional
evidence reveals but in the early centuries AD it appears that they became increasingly
prominent throughout India to the point where Vaishnavism and Shaivism become the main
rivals to the predominant status enjoyed by the Buddhists and Jains. There is some evidence
from the Puranas to suggest that initially at least orthodox Brahmanas were critical of the
Vaishnava and Shaivite sects, dismissing them as being deniers of the pure Vedic tradition.
The Gupta Emperors still performed Vedic sacrifices to celebrate their victories and they still
gave patronage to Buddhist and Jain communities but during the period from around 350 to
600 we can observe a rapid rise of Vaishnava and Shaivite devotion both at a popular level and
amongst the rulers of the Indian dynasties. It is often said that it was Shankaracharya (788-
820) who brought about the demise of Buddhism in India, and his teaching was certainly
influential, but the process of decline for Buddhism and Jainism was well underway by the

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time of Shankara and it seems more likely that it was the wide ranging appeal of devotional
forms of Hinduism that was most influential in drawing support away from these ascetic
forms of religion. And it was also during this period that the major Puranas were compiled
with their emphasis on Vishnu and Shiva and on the ways of worshipping these all-powerful
Deities.
The rise of monotheistic Hinduism was accompanied by new forms of ritual that
increasingly came to take precedence over the Vedic yajña. Again it is likely that the worship
of sacred images was an ancient practice but it is a form of ritual worship that is notably
absent from the Vedic revelation. Even the Mahabharata and Ramayana make virtually no
reference to murti-puja (image worship) and it is the Vedic ritual that remains to the fore
within these works. From around 300, however, we begin to find evidence of large temples
being erected throughout India, which in the early centuries appear to have been modelled
on the Buddhist stupas in which sacred relics were objects of veneration. Simultaneously a
new body of religious literature appears, known as the Agamas or Tantras, which extol the
greatness of Vishnu or Shiva (and eventually the Goddess as well) and give directions as to
how the rituals of worshipping sacred images of these deities are to be conducted. Similar
material is also to be found in some of the major Puranas.
Thus by around 600 a significant transformation has occurred in the religious landscape
of India. If we look back to the period of the Mauryas and their immediate successors we
find Buddhism, Jainism and other ascetic religions existing alongside and to some extent in
competition with the traditional Vedic religion. By 600 Buddhism and Jainism still have a
significant presence in India and beyond, and Vedic rituals are still being performed, but now it
is the worship of Vishnu, Shiva and the Goddess that are starting to take precedence, beginning
and perpetuating the long decline of Buddhism, Jainism and Vedic ritualism in India.
It is hard to say why this transformation occurred at this time, but a few suggestions can be
made. The advance of Vaishnavism and Shaivism was not driven entirely by the ruling elites
of the Indian kingdoms. At a popular level, we have records of the writings and activities
of Vaishnava and Shaivite devotees who preached a religion based on love, mercy and
divine grace. In the south of India in particular, the Shaivite Nayanars and Vaishnava Alvars
expressed their emotional love for God in a form that provided antecedents for the great
North Indian preachers of bhakti (devotion) who flourished in later centuries. It therefore
seems likely that Vaishnavism and Shaivism were carried forward by popular enthusiasm
as well as through the patronage of the social elites. However, the temples that began to
appear were certainly dependent upon financial support provided by the rulers of different
kingdoms and it is certain that members of the Brahmana communities began to develop
expertise in the performance of the temple as well Vedic ritual. Let us now therefore turn our
attention to the historical trends that were influential in the progress of the religious changes
we are considering.
In north and central India the Gupta Empire was fatally weakened by the invasion of the
Hunas between 480 and 500, whilst in the south the old dynasties of the Pandyas, Cheras
and Cholas were displaced by rulers known as the Kalabhras about whom very little is
known. The 500s was a time of confusion throughout much of India as the invading Hunas
brought chaos and disruption. Vishnugupta, the last major ruler of the Gupta dynasty died
in 550 but by the time of his reign the Empire was already breaking up into small kingdoms.
This fragmentation persisted until the early 7th century when in 605 the famous King
Harshavardhana established a new but short-lived Empire based on his capital at Kanauj
on the River Ganges. Harsha had no direct heir and after his death his empire rapidly
disintegrated into smaller political entities, which fought amongst themselves and remained
weak and fragmented as a result.

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The age of the imperial Guptas and of Harshavardhan is widely regarded as a golden age
of India in which art, literature and religion flourished under the patronage of these great
rulers. Religious tolerance continued to prevail. Harsha was himself probably an adherent
of the Mahayana form of Buddhism and he was a major supporter of the great Buddhist
monastery of Nalanda. Despite their personal religious preferences, however, these rulers
were equally inclined to provide patronage to Shaivism, Vaishnavism, Buddhism and Jainism
as is evident from the great cave temples in Ajanta, Ellora and elsewhere.

A carving depicting Shiva and Parvati from the Ellora Caves

An image of the Buddha from the Ellora cave complex

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An image of Mahavira from Ellora

Vishnu’s Varaha (boar) avatara in Ellora

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In the south it seems that the shadowy Kalabhras were supporters of Buddhism, although
few records remain to support that view. In the middle of the 6th century the Pandyas and
Pallavas revived their fortunes, overcame the Kalabhras and re-established their kingdoms
based at Madurai and Kanchi respectively. Further north, in the Deccan, the Chalukyas
established a mighty kingdom based on their capital at Badami. It appears that the Pallavas
were originally inclined towards Buddhism but the later kings were caught up by the rising
tide of Vaishnava and Shaivite devotion and were responsible for the construction of some
of the earliest temples in the south. The Chalukyas were noted for their support of the Jains,
which may have added to the intensity of their conflict with the Pallavas, although this seems
unlikely as they were allies of the Pandyas in the far south. In most cases, however, patronage
appears to have been given to all the various forms of religion and persecution was almost
unknown.
In 750 the Chalukyas were overcome by the Rashtrakutas whilst the Pallavas were
replaced by the Cholas after the final conflict between the two dynasties in 903. Just as the
reign of Harshavardhana was a golden era of civilisation in the north of India so the age
of the Chalukyas, Pallavas and Cholas was noteworthy for the wonderful achievements of
religious art and architecture in the South. The Cholas were renowned for their devotion to
Shiva and the exquisite bronze representations of the dancing Shiva are a creation of their
time. The Pallavas expanded trade, civilisation and religion eastwards to Malaysia, Indonesia,
Cambodia and Thailand so that the Hindu and Buddhist religions became well established
in Southeast Asia. After the reigns of Rajaraja (985-1016) and Rajendra I (1012-1044), the
Cholas dominated the whole of South India for another 150 years before being supplanted
by the resurgent Pandyas of Madurai and they even sought to expand their domain into the
north by defeating the rulers of Orissa and at one point advancing as far as the Ganges.

The Kailasanathar Temple in Kanchipuram built by the Pallavas around 720

This then was the state of India at the time of the start of the Islamic incursions. For over
a thousand years empires had risen to prominence, some coming to control most of India,

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before a decline in power ensued and the empires fragmented into smaller kingdoms, which
formed alliances and competed with one another with constantly fluctuating fortunes.
There can be no doubt that religion in India was significantly affected by political events
as differing forms of religion received support and patronage from kings, queens and
emperors. The dominant tendency, however, was towards religious tolerance. At different
times and in different places, kings and emperors gave their support to Buddhism, Jainism,
Vaishnavism and Shaivism but this was rarely accompanied by persecution of other religious
traditions. It was usual for the ruler to provide patronage and largesse to all the forms of
religion prominent within his domain.
If we attempt to trace the main patterns of religious history during this period we will see
how the rise of Buddhism, Jainism and devotional Hinduism seems to have led to some decline
in the performance of Vedic ritual. From around 400 or 500 onwards we seem also to be able
to detect the beginnings of the decline in the prominence of the Buddhist and Jain traditions
across India. This was due in part to the growing authority of interpreters of Vedanta such
as Shankaracharya (788-820), Ramanujacharya (1018?-1138) and Madhvacharya (1238-
1317), but it seems certain that the popular tide of devotion to Vishnu, Shiva and Devi also
drew support away from Buddhism and Jainism. Another significant factor that cannot
be overlooked was the increasing significance of the tantric religion, which provided an
alternative ritual and an alternative ideology to those based upon the Veda. We do not have
the scope here to fully explore the intricacies of tantric teaching but we should be aware of
the influence it has on the Vaishnava, Shaivite and Shakta ritual performed in the temples.
It has been noted above that the worship of images in temples is not prescribed in the Vedas
and it is to the texts known as Tantras and Agamas composed some time between 400 and
1000 that we must turn to find the prescription for this type of worship.

Shankaracharya

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Ramanujacharya

Madhvacharya

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The Coming of Islam

As early as the 8th century, Arab Muslims had established a hold over a small part of western
India but Islam did not become a significant influence in India until after 1000. Prior to this
date Hindu and Buddhist India had extended far to the Northwest so as to include all of
what is today Pakistan and most of Afghanistan as well. The Buddhist kingdom of Gandhara
had its twin capitals at Peshawar and Kabul but in the late 9th century an Islamic state was
established at Ghazni in eastern Afghanistan. Mahmud, the ruler of Ghazni, launched
attacks on Gandhara and succeeded in defeating and killing its ruler, Jayapala, at Peshawar
in 1001AD. As a result of this triumph the Ghaznavid dynasty was able to establish its rule
over the northwest of India, extending as far east as Lahore in the Punjab. From this base
Mahmud of Ghazni launched a series of devastating raids into India, primarily targeting
Hindu temples and Buddhist shrines so that he could plunder the wealth they possessed
whilst claiming to be acting righteously on behalf of the true Islamic faith.
Despite the death and destruction wrought by Mahmud of Ghazni, it was not until the
12th century that Islamic rulers began to make further significant incursions into India.
In 1186 Mohammad Ghori overthrew the Ghaznavid dynasty of Lahore and then turned
eastwards towards the rest of India. His first attempt to conquer the Solanki rulers of Gujarat
met with defeat but in 1192 he defeated Prithviraj III, the Chauhan ruler of Ajmer, and was
able to seize control of Delhi as well as much of Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. Mohammad was
assassinated in 1206 and the governor of Delhi, Qutb-ud-din Aibak, then declared himself to
be an independent ruler, establishing the Delhi Sultanate which lasted in various forms for
320 years before being overthrown by the Mughals in 1526.
During the reign of Qutb-ud-din Aibak (1206-1236) the Delhi Sultanate expanded rapidly
eastwards to include all the lands of the Ganges and Yamuna plain and even Bengal as well.
Hence by the middle of the 13th century much of northern India was under Islamic rule
following a period of rapid conquest. The only major exception was in Rajasthan where
Hindu rulers known as Rajputs were able to sustain a degree of independence from Delhi.
Bengal fell to Islamic invaders as early as 1204 although the conquest was not completed
until 1230. Prior to this invasion the power of the Pala dynasty in Bengal had led to its
domination of most of Northeast India during the 8th and 9th centuries. Buddhism had
continued to flourish in this region due to the extensive patronage granted by the Palas to
Buddhist shrines and monasteries in North India. In the 11th century, however, the power of
the Palas entered a period of decline and the last major ruler of this dynasty was overthrown
and replaced by the Hindu Sena kings in 1096. During the 12th century Bengal flourished
briefly as a Hindu kingdom under Sena rule but the sacking of their capital of Nadia by the
army of Mohammed Ghori marked the beginning of the end; Keshabsena, the last of the
dynasty, was finally removed from the remaining vestige of his power in 1230.
Hence by the middle of the 13th century Islamic rule was established throughout North
India, from Peshawar in the West to Bengal in the East. In 1290 the Mamluk or slave dynasty
was overthrown by Firuz Khilji, a military general who was in turn deposed and murdered
in 1296 by his nephew, Ala-ud-din Khilji. As a usurper, Khilji needed money to secure the
loyalty of the Muslim nobility and he sought the riches he needed by plundering the Hindu
kingdoms to the south. In 1299 Gujarat was conquered by his general Ulugh Khan and
Khilji then turned his attention to the kingdom of the Yadavas with its capital of Devagiri
(Daulatabad), which is close to Aurangabad in Maharashtra. After a raiding expedition had
brought an immense amount of plunder back from Devagiri, the fortress was finally taken
and the Yadava kingdom annexed in 1307. The reign of Khilji probably marked the high
point of the power of the Delhi Sultanate as his general Ulugh Khan sought to extend the
Sultan’s power into the far south.

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As we noted earlier, the Chola dynasty had dominated South India since the 10th century
and at one time had been able to extend its influence into the north as well. By the early 13th
century, however, the Cholas were in decline and in 1216 they were replaced by the resurgent
Pandyas as the dominant power in the South. Tanjore, the Chola capital, was sacked by
Maravarman Sundara Pandya, and Madurai now became the main centre of power in the
South. However, the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate into central India disturbed this new
balance of power. The newly predominant Pandyas could never equal the might of the great
Chola monarchs and as a result Khilji and his general Ulugh Khan saw new opportunities for
plunder and conquest. Raids into Tamil Nadu in 1311 and again in 1314 led to the sacking
of Madurai and the seizure of vast amounts of wealth as the huge temples of the region were
raided, despoiled and desecrated. Ulugh Khan’s final assault in 1323 brought about the end
of the Pandya rule as Madurai was in turn annexed and brought under the sway of the Delhi
sultans.
With the demise of the Khilji dynasty in Delhi, the Muslim governor proclaimed himself as
the independent sultan of Madurai. The thankfully short-lived Madurai Sultanate is notable
for how rapidly the sultans were assassinated and replaced, and also for the brutality and
barbarism characteristic of its rule. Even Islamic travellers from the North were shocked by
the wanton cruelty against Hindu subjects and it seems likely that this was one of the reasons
for the rapid reaction against Islamic rule in the South. In 1336 Harihara I, a Hindu convert
to Islam who was a general in the army of the Delhi Sultanate, declared his reconversion
to the Hindu religion and established himself as the first ruler of Vijayanagara, making
his capital in the southern Deccan region in Andhra Pradesh. This effectively divided the
Madurai Sultanate from the rule of the Delhi sultans and as the power of Vijayanagara grew,
the sultans’ position in Madurai became increasingly precarious. The new Tugluq rulers in
Delhi lacked the power previously exerted by the Khiljis and as a result lost control of the
Deccan, which declared itself to be an independent sultanate based in Gulbarga and ruled
over by the Bahmani dynasty.
The Hindu rulers of Vijayanagara were unable to expand northwards or break the power
of the Bahmani sultans in the Deccan but they were successful in eradicating the cruel
hegemony of the Madurai sultans in the south. Between 1365 and 1370 Prince Kampana, the
son of Bukka I of Vijayanagara, waged a successful campaign against the Madurai Sultanate,
which finally resulted in its overthrow and extirpation. The power of the Pandyas in the
region had been entirely broken by the Muslim invasion and for around two hundred years
after Kampana’s victory virtually the whole of Tamil Nadu and Kerala, as well as the southern
parts of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka comprised a mighty empire ruled from the city of
Vijayanagara, the ruins of which can still be seen today at Hampi. Further north, however,
virtually the whole of India was under Islamic rule, the only major exceptions being the
Rajput kingdoms of Rajasthan, Orissa under the Gajapati dynasty, and some of the more
remote regions of the far north and east of the subcontinent.
After the fall of the Khiljis, the Delhi Sultanate was no longer able to exert its control
over the vast conquests it had made. The Islamic ruler of Bengal declared his independence
in 1338, and, as we have seen, the governor of central India broke free of Delhi’s control
with the formation of the Bahmani Sultanate in 1347. The power of the Delhi Sultanate was
further diminished due to the horrific invasion of Timur, the Mongol chieftain who in 1398
left a trail of murder and desolation in his wake as he swept down to plunder Delhi and
massacre most of its inhabitants, Muslim and Hindu alike. Although the rule of Timur was
short lived, it had the effect of further fragmenting the domain of the Delhi Sultans and they
never recovered the position they held in the early decades of the 14th century.
Thus in the 15th century we find India divided into a number of contending sultanates

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and kingdoms. The sultan of Delhi still had control over the north and northwest but both
Bengal and Gujarat had broken away to become independent Islamic states. Similarly,
central India no longer acknowledged the suzerainty of Delhi and was largely under the sway
of the independent Bahmani Sultanate with its capital at Gulbarga in northern Karnataka.
Hindu rule was still in place in a number of small kingdoms on the margins of the sultanates,
amongst the Rajputs in Rajasthan, in Orissa and most notably in the south of India where
Vijayanagara rose to briefly become the most powerful political entity in the whole of India
under the rule of its best known emperor, Krishnadevaraya (ruled 1509-1529).
In Delhi the dynasties of sultans changed frequently, usually as a result of intrigue and
assassination, which served to further weaken the power at the centre. In the latter half of
the 15th century and first three decades of the 16th the Lodis held power, but in 1526 the
last of this dynasty, Ibrahim Lodi, was defeated and killed at the Battle of Panipat by Babur,
a descendant of Timur, the Mongol leader who had been responsible for such slaughter
when he sacked Delhi in 1398. The dynasty of Babur was known as the Moghuls after their
Mongol ancestry and the empire they established the Moghul Empire. Initially under Babur
but notably during the reign of his grandson Akbar, the Moghuls sought to re-establish the
power that had been held by the Delhi Sultanate at the height of its power. Gujarat was taken
in 1573 and Bengal and Orissa in 1576 (Orissa had been annexed to Bengal eight years earlier
in 1568).
Further south, in the 1520s the Bahmani Sultanate had fragmented into five separate
sultanates, which were able to maintain their independence from the Moghul Empire until the
second half of the 17th century. In the far south the Hindu empire of Vijayanagara remained
dominant until the disastrous defeat in 1564 to a confederation of the five Deccan Sultanates
at the Battle of Talikota. The city of Vijayanagara was sacked by marauding warriors so
that today only its majestic ruins remain. Despite this victory, the sultans were too weak
individually and too divided to take power in the south, but the empire of Vijayanagara never
recovered from this defeat and broke up into a number of smaller kingdoms, each ruled by
a military leader or nayak. Some of these nayaks were powerful rulers in their own right but
none of them could recover the previous status of Vijayanagara.

Ruins of the city of Vijayanagara at Hampi

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Understanding Hinduism

Ruins of the city of Vijayanagara at Hampi

Ruins of the city of Vijayanagara at Hampi

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Akbar’s son and grandson, Jahangir and Shah Jahan, managed to bring about the consolidation
and expansion of the Moghul Empire but Shah Jahan’s son, Aurangzeb, sought to extend its
dominion southwards at the expense of the Deccan sultanates. Aurangzeb was, moreover,
a conservative Muslim who took an intolerant position against the practice of the Hindu
and Sikh religions within his domain. By 1670 Aurangzeb had succeeded in conquering the
Deccan but this victory could not be sustained. The high levels of taxation required to fund
his campaigns and his religious intolerance towards the majority of his subjects led to a
number of uprisings against Moghul rule. His most ardent opponent was Shivaji the leader
of the Marathas, a devout Hindu who waged a constant war of attrition against the emperor.
By the time of Aurangzeb’s death in 1707, the Moghul Empire was at its fullest extent but
paradoxically it was also at its weakest. When this resolute emperor departed from the scene
his less able successors were unable to hold the empire in place. Over the next century the
central power of the Moghuls gradually collapsed leading to invasion, civil conflict, anarchy
and ultimately a power vacuum that was only filled when European rule was imposed over
most of India.
Of necessity, what has been sketched here is only the briefest of outlines of the history
of the events by which most of Hindu and Buddhist India came to be dominated by rulers
who professed the faith of Islam. What I want to do now is to consider some of the ways in
which the Islamic invasions and Islamic rule had an impact on the Hindu religious tradition
and to discuss ways in which Hinduism changed and developed in response to centuries of
non-Hindu rule. As we have seen from the summary above, there was a considerable degree
of hostility on the part of some Muslim rulers towards Hindu religious practice, particularly
because of Islam’s rigid prohibition against the worship of images. I think, however, we
should be cautious in immediately concluding that either the destruction of temples or
the slaughter of Hindus was simply due to religious hatred. Despite popular assumptions,
religion is rarely a cause of warfare and human conflict is almost always the result of a desire
for land, power and scarce resources. What religion can do, however, is to give legitimacy to
acts of aggression, cruelty and oppression by representing the enemies not as fellow human
beings but as sinful unbelievers who are the enemies of God. In the case of the invasion of
India and the violence and plunder that went along with it, it seems likely that a desire for
power and riches was the primary motivation but appeal to Islamic values made what were
essentially acts of murder and robbery appear to be righteous and godly. It is interesting to
note that where Islamic writers describe attacks on places of Hindu worship, they usually
refer to a religious motivation for the violence and this must be because they see this as a
virtuous cause, which can be given precedence over what was probably the true motivation,
namely lust for power, a violent disposition and the desire for riches.
When we consider the impact that the Islamic invasion had on Hinduism we must
initially be aware of a north/south divide simply because the northern and central regions
were under Islamic rule for several centuries whilst the south remained for the most part
under Hindu jurisdiction. The south was, however, profoundly influenced by the short-lived
conquest during the 14th century, reinforcing the need to resist invasion from the north and
the frequent raids that were made by Muslim leaders in search of plunder. Equally, we must
be aware of the legacy of this invasion and conflict in terms of community relations in the
Indian subcontinent, which was certainly one of the primary causes of partition in 1947.
Hindu leaders quickly came to see the Islamic threat in religious terms and to represent
their foes as being brutal and even demonic outsiders who had no respect for religion.
From the Muslim side, Hindus and Buddhists were idolaters whose religion was an offence
against Allah. And there is no doubt that this legacy of mutual antipathy still has a significant
influence over contemporary trends in Hindu thought and has led to a pervasive though by

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no means universal hostility towards Islam.

With these preliminary points in mind, I would now like to make some further suggestions
as to the effect the Islamic invasions had on Hinduism and Indian religion in general. These
ideas cannot be demonstrated conclusively and must be taken as being no more than
theoretical postulates.
As noted previously, Buddhism in India had been in a state of decline for several centuries
prior to the coming of Islam, although it was now flourishing in other parts of Asia. The
Islamic invasion of the north of India marked the final chapter in the disappearance of
Buddhism. We have noted how the Pala kings of Bengal were the last major patrons of
Buddhism and it was due to their support that the great monasteries such as those at Nalanda
and Vikramashila continued to flourish. The invasion of Bihar and Bengal in the late 12th
century put an end to these institutions and as a result Buddhism in India went into a period
of even more rapid decline until its final demise in the 16th century.

Aerial Photograph of the ruins of the monastery and library at Nalanda

Nalanda

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 Session Three: The Historical Development of Hinduism

At the time of the first invasions temple culture was well advanced but had still not reached
the full extent achieved in later centuries in the south. Not all Islamic rulers were hostile to
Hinduism but there was a widespread tendency to regard temples as both places of idolatry
and symbols of rival political power; as a result some of the larger shrines were desecrated
and destroyed and in some cases mosques were built on sites sacred to Hindus as in Ayodhya,
Mathura and Varanasi. Moreover, whilst the size of the temple complexes expanded in the
south very few new temples were built in the north and gradually knowledge of temple ritual
declined amongst the Brahmana communities there. We know this because when there was a
period of tolerance during the reign of Akbar and new temples were opened in Mathura and
Vrindavan, priests had to be invited from the South to give instruction in how to perform the
proper rites. Under Islamic rule the brahmanical elites were to some extent disempowered
and lost some of the high status that royal patronage had previously guaranteed, whilst the
ritual expressions of Vaishnavism and Shaivism, such as Pañcharatra, Shaiva Siddhanta and
Pashupata gradually dwindled from the north and came to be regarded primarily as South
Indian phenomena.

Krishna temple in Vrindavan, built in 1591 during the reign of Akbar but desecrated and sacked in
1670 during the reign of Aurangzeb

One might suggest that one result of the relative disempowerment of the brahmanical elite
in North India was the rise there of popular devotional cults focusing in particular on Rama
and Krishna but on Devi, the Goddess, as well. Today emotional devotion towards Krishna
is a widespread feature of North Indian Hinduism but we should be aware that it is far less
widespread in the south, although there is evidence to suggest that this was in fact its place
of origin. In the south of India where the brahmanical Pancharatra and Vaikhanasa forms
of Vaishnavism persisted and flourished, devotion remained focused on Vishnu himself and
it is typically the four-armed form of Vishnu which is the object of worship in South Indian
temples. In the north, however, where temple culture was disrupted, we find a tendency for
Vaishnava devotion to become fixed primarily on Krishna and to a lesser extent on Rama.
This devotion to Krishna also tended to be popular rather than brahminical and to be based
on the emotions of love and surrender rather than taking elaborate ritual forms. It is within
this context that we might note the importance of individuals such as Vallabhacharya,
Ramananda, Tulsidas, Dhyaneshvara, Tukaram, Kabir, Surdas, Nanak, Chaitanya and
perhaps even Swaminarayan. Many of the movements started by these charismatic and

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Understanding Hinduism

inspired individuals initially came into being outside the purview of brahmanical Hinduism
and frequently disavowed the importance of caste distinctions. It seems likely that the
development of these popular expressions of devotional Hinduism became so significant
in the North because of the partial removal of brahmanical authority in this region and the
inadvertent de-ritualisation that occurred as a result of Islamic rule. We cannot be certain in
providing a direct linkage here, but the geographical correlation between the rise of popular
devotional movements and Islamic rule is certainly suggestive.
In line with this broader trend we should pay particular note to the widespread veneration
of Krishna in his youthful Vrindavan identity that is such a salient feature of North Indian
Hinduism. This type of devotion appears to have had its beginnings in the south of India and
can be clearly identified in the poetic writings of the Tamil Alvars who lived between the
7th and 10th centuries. Here, however, the ritualised worship of Vishnu himself remained
predominant and it was in the north that Krishna bhakti came to the fore. We cannot say for
certain why North Indian religion developed in this way but it is not wholly unreasonable to
suggest that the Islamic suppression of brahmanical ritualism was a significant factor in the
rise of popular devotion to Krishna, which in its earlier phases was not primarily focused on
temple worship. With some exceptions, Islamic rulers would not allow the development of
a sophisticated form of temple worship in their domains and as a result Hindu spirituality
developed in alternative directions and took on alternative forms with Krishna worship
being the most significant of these.
In the south of India, the raids and invasion of the 14th century had a profound effect
on Hindu consciousness. After the overthrow of the Madurai Sultanate, the rising power
of the Vijayanagara Empire had an assertively Hindu identity and to a significant extent the
conflict with the Islamic rulers to the north had a religious dimension. This point should not,
however, be overemphasised. Vijaynagara pursued a policy of aggression against its Hindu
and Islamic neighbours alike and this aggression was the primary factor that led to the
decline and demise of the Gajapati dynasty in Orissa. One consequence of this resurgence of
a Hindu kingdom in the south was the persistence of brahmanical culture and temple ritual
there. Whilst Hinduism in the north took on new forms, the south became the bastion of
tradition with new temples being built and old ones expanded whilst the support given to
large communities of Brahmanas ensured the transmission of ritual and tradition. It is as a
result of these historical events that in contemporary Hinduism it is to the south we should
look for the greatest expertise in ritual forms of religion as well as the traditional worship of
Vishnu, Shiva, Devi and Murugan in forms that have been handed down for many centuries.
Moreover, whilst Hinduism in the north tended to focus its devotion on Krishna, in Bengal
on Rama and Kali, in the south it is Vishnu and Shiva who remain the principal deities to
whom the largest temples are dedicated. In the north, temple rituals tend to be practised in
simpler forms whilst in the south the complex traditions of the Pancharatra, Vaikhanasa,
Shaiva Siddhanta, Sri Vidya and other forms remain firmly in place.

The Shiva temple at Tiruvannamalai, typical of the

vast scale of Vijaynagara architecture

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 Session Three: The Historical Development of Hinduism

The Vishnu temple at

Srirangam, again in the
Vijaynagara style

The Meenakshi temple

in Madurai, dedicated
to the Goddess

The small town of

Tirukalikundram,
dominated by another
huge Vijaynagara
temple

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Understanding Hinduism

Finally, we cannot overlook the importance of religious architecture in relation to the

development of the Hindu religious tradition. Whilst the northern styles of Hindu temple
building were severely curtailed in their development, in the south the later Dravidian
style with its towering ornamental gopurams (gateways) continued to flourish and expand.
Under the patronage of the rulers of Vijaynagara and their nayak successors huge temple
complexes were erected, which have become such a prominent feature of the landscape of
Tamil Nadu and southern Andhra Pradesh. Undoubtedly, these temple structures were an
expression of the devotion of the rulers whose wealth paid for their construction but we
might also observe a political context. The iconoclastic tendencies of the Islamic invaders
were well known along with frequent attacks on Hindu places of worship. It certainly seems
likely that the construction of temples on such a massive scale was a direct and very graphic
repost to such attacks, an expression of Hindu defiance asserting that the worship of sacred
images would continue and would do so on an ever greater scale. Hence one might regard
the flowering of southern temple architecture as in one sense a response to the aggression
of Muslim iconoclasts.

The Period of British rule

European traders had arrived in India at the end of the 15th century and proceeded to establish
trading stations around the coasts. These traders came from Portugal, Holland, Britain,
France, and Denmark and were granted permission by local rulers to establish permanent
stations. At this time the Europeans were generally welcomed as the trade in Indian goods
added to the general prosperity and they could sometimes be used as effective mercenaries
in local conflicts. After the decline of Vijayanagara in the south, however, the Portuguese in
particular took the opportunity to expand their presence beyond coastal stations (or factories
as they were known) and began to establish larger colonies in Gujarat, Goa, Kerala and Sri
Lanka. Further north the power of the Mughal Empire prevented a similar expansion but this
situation changed dramatically after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 when the Empire went
into a period of rapid decline. Due to these political uncertainties the British and French saw
that the lucrative trade with India could not be guaranteed and they gradually began to seize
power themselves.
The European nations were not, however, prepared to act as allies in this seizure of power
and the conflicts being fought in Europe itself were projected onto India. By the end of
the 17th century Portuguese power in the south had been curtailed by the Dutch who took
Cochin and other areas of Kerala as well as Sri Lanka. The Portuguese were then confined
to Goa, Diu, and Daman in Gujarat whilst the Dutch were largely content to concentrate on
trade rather than conquest, particularly after an invading Dutch army was defeated by the
Maharaja of Travancore in 1741. The Danes never sought to expand beyond their trading
stations in Serampore (Bengal), Tranquebar (Tamil Nadu) and the Nicobar Islands and so the
main conflict between European powers was that between Britain and France. Throughout
the 18th century Britain and France, along with various native allies, fought one another for
control of trade, influence and territory. Fortunes fluctuated but in general British naval
supremacy ensured better lines of supply and by the end of the Napoleonic wars in 1815 the
French aim of Indian domination had to be abandoned and their influence was confined to
the small colony of Pondicherry in Tamil Nadu and four other trading posts.
As the 19th century progressed the power of the British East India Company expanded at
the expense of Indian rulers with some areas being annexed to direct British rule and some
kingdoms allowed to remain independent but under close British control. By the middle
of the 19th century the Dutch and the Danish had sold their coastal stations to the British
whilst the French and Portuguese retained only small coastal territories. The establishment

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of British rule in India was due in part to the expanding power of Britain in relation to rival
European powers, but primarily to the power vacuum created in India by the collapse of the
Moghul Empire in the north and of Vijayanagara in the south. India then fragmented into a
patchwork of relatively weak, competing states that were unable collectively or individually
to resist the British. Moreover, for many Indians, and Hindus in particular, the establishment
of British rule was a welcome relief from Islamic oppression and from the anarchy that
prevailed in many regions where warlords were able to operate without check.
Opposition to the British, however, began to coalesce, particularly in the central parts
of Northern India. The Punjab was the last major region to fall to the British after the Sikh
Wars of 1841-45, but by 1850 there was widespread anger towards the British both from
native rulers who resented their loss of status, and from within the army that was supposed
to be supporting and sustaining British power. In 1857 a widespread rebellion broke out in
Northern India. Initially this occurred amongst the Indian armed forces but a number of
Indian rulers also joined in and for a while the position of the British looked precarious. The
rebels, however, lacked a co-ordinated leadership and by 1858 the British had re-established
their control; the rebellion was suppressed with a considerable degree of cruelty and outright
brutality. One result of this uprising was that the old British East India Company was stripped
of its status and the whole of India was forced to become a part of the British Empire. Some
semi-independent states were allowed to continue in various parts of the subcontinent but
these were subject to close supervision and a British ‘resident’ was imposed in order to watch
over the government of these states.
Thus it was that for almost a hundred years India, including Pakistan and Burma though
not Nepal, formed a vitally important part of the British Empire, known figuratively as ‘the
jewel in the crown’. In the earlier decades, British rule was not particularly resented as it
meant a period of stability after the problems and uncertainties of previous years and for
Hindus and Sikhs it offered guarantees of religious freedom. In general the British had scant
respect for Indian beliefs or culture but they were quick to recognise that allowing freedom
of religious practice was an effective means of ensuring that opposition to their rule was
kept to a minimum. The British rule, or “the Raj” was, however, designed for the benefit of
Britain alone and claims that it also helped India to progress are largely spurious. That is not
to say that the governors and administrators of British India were not talented and dedicated
individuals but the system as a whole was based on the exploitation of India’s wealth and
natural resources for the benefit of Britain, and the pursuit of this aim meant that Indians
were not allowed to shape their own destiny.
Approaching the 20th century, opposition to British rule became more widespread,
particularly amongst the better educated sections of the population who were able to
understand the racism and exploitation inherent in the system. As demands for home rule
grew stronger and Gandhi’s campaigns captured the imagination of the Indian masses, the
British devised various strategies to suppress the rising tide of nationalist sentiment. Violence
was frequently employed against protestors and people could be imprisoned without trial
simply for expressing opposition to imperialism. The British also sought to create divisions
amongst their opponents by exploiting and exaggerating suspicions and hostility between
Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. At other times they made a show of being willing to negotiate
when in reality they had no intention of acceding to the demands of the Indian independence
movement. Gradually, however, British certainties about the rectitude of their position
were eroded and questions were raised as to whether imperialist rule of India was still cost
effective. When World War II came to an end in 1945, the idea of one nation dominating
another by forceful means was widely discredited whilst Britain was virtually bankrupt and
not in a strong position to suppress the nationalist movement. Moreover, Clement Attlee’s

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Understanding Hinduism

Labour government, elected in 1945, was far less inclined towards imperialism than were
the Conservatives under Winston Churchill. Hence in the aftermath of the global conflict,
the decision was quickly taken by the new British government that they would leave India
and grant full independence as demanded by the nationalists. Paradoxically perhaps, of all
the actions performed by the British in India their departure was one of the most poorly
executed. It was done too suddenly and with inadequate preparation or negotiation so that
when independence came to India and Pakistan in 1947 it was accompanied by terrible
acts of violence as Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were displaced and often slaughtered. What
should have been a time of joy and celebration therefore became one of the darker periods
of Indian history.
If we turn now to consider the effects that European rule had on the Hindu religious
tradition the following points might be noted:
This point probably applies more to the Islamic than to the British era but it is worth
considering here nonetheless. It can be observed that when religious traditions perceive
themselves to be under threat from external forces there is a tendency for them to move
towards an ultra-conservative standpoint. This is understandable as the perception is that if
they begin to adapt or develop in order to accommodate a changing environment, this will
lead to a loss of identity. I think we can observe this trend within Hinduism during the long
centuries of foreign domination when caste rules and restrictions became ever more rigidly
imposed on society and the social role played by Hindu women increasingly circumscribed.
Of course there are many reasons we might consider in explaining such trends but the sense
of insecurity engendered by outside domination would certainly be one factor to note.
During the period of Islamic rule a considerable section of the Indian population, perhaps
around 12%, converted to the dominant religious tradition. The Portuguese colonialists
displayed an equal zeal for their Roman Catholic faith and an equal intolerance of other
religions in the areas in which they became the dominant power. Conversion was to some
extent imposed on the native population that fell under Portuguese rule whilst the Indian
Christian and Jewish communities, which had lived and prospered for centuries under Hindu
rule, were subjected to persecution and oppression as the infamous Catholic inquisition was
briefly imposed on parts of India. Where Islamic rule was replaced by the British Empire,
the incentives for conversion to Islam rapidly dwindled away but there was only a slight
tendency towards conversion to Christianity amongst the Indian population. In the earlier
years there was a deliberate policy of prohibiting missionary activity in areas under British
control as it was thought that anything that disturbed the native population could inhibit the
profitability of the imperialist enterprise. In the second half of the 19th century, however,
the growing influence of evangelical Christianity in Britain virtually compelled the British
government to open India up to missionary activity. Thousands of Christian preachers came
to India over the next hundred years or so, many of them convinced that they could convert
the entire population to their own religion within a few decades. Their hopes and aspirations
were, however, to be disappointed as the number of converts was dispiritingly low whilst
many of the missionaries succumbed to disease and early death and now lie in forgotten
burial grounds far from their home. We do not have scope here to consider in any depth
the reasons for the lack of return on these extensive missionary endeavours but the likely
explanation is that the British had political but not social control of India and as a result most
Indians had little to gain and much to lose through conversion. Christianity did, however,
have some influence on Indian religious thought as Hindu intellectuals were willing to listen
to the Christian message even though they saw no necessity of changing their faith.
The British in India sought to demonstrate the difference between themselves and their
Islamic predecessors by allowing the free practice of Hinduism. In some cases they tried

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 Session Three: The Historical Development of Hinduism

to represent themselves as the liberators of the Hindu population from Islamic oppression
as in the infamous case in 1843 in which it was claimed that the sandalwood doors looted
from the Somanath Temple were being brought back from Ghazni (they were in fact cheap
replicas and still exist in a storeroom in Agra Fort). We are naturally inclined to dismiss such
disingenuous claims, regarding them as a display of political cynicism, but there is no doubt
that the period of British rule did mark something of a restoration of Hindu ritual practice
in the North of India. Temples such as those of Vishvanath in Varanasi (1780) and Somanath
in Gujarat (1783) were restored and rebuilt and worship was allowed to take place without
hindrance. So to this extent British rule in India did mark a relaxation of the injunctions
against the Hindu religion imposed by the Muslim overlords they replaced.
The ideology of imperialism was both racist and culturally supremacist. As we know, the
British ruled India for their own sake so that the wealth of India could be exploited in order to
make Britain the most powerful nation of the time. The justification for imperialism, however,
was based on the view that India was socially, politically and culturally backward and hence
incapable of self-rule. In this way British rule could be shown to be not exploitative but as
much for the benefit of Indians as it was for Britain. Of course these ideas were pure cant but
there is no doubt that many of the British governors in India believed in them and could not
accept any alternative view. This ideology of imperialism became more deeply embedded in
the British consciousness as the movement for independence grew ever stronger, because
it was the only counter-argument that could be mustered to deny the justice of the Indian
nationalist cause. Inherent in this ideology was the view that Indian religion, and Hinduism
in particular, was backward, superstitious and ultimately pernicious, ideas that were
supported and emphasised by Christian missionaries in search of converts. Hence a part of
the argument for independence inevitably came to rest on the status of Indian religion and
Indian culture, and was linked to the demand for reform of certain areas of the tradition. The
British focused particularly on caste and gender as being indicative of the barbarism of Hindu
society whilst tantra, image worship and the idea of Krishna as an amorous deity were noted
as being indicative of a primitive culture and a lack of moral grounding. Of course, viable
arguments can be presented on all these issues, and efforts from Hindu teachers to oppose
caste- and gender-based oppression were by no means new, but it does seem that the ideas
of Hindu reformers such as Dayananda Saraswati, Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Vivekananda and
Mahatma Gandhi were to some extent a response to the Western condemnation of Hindu
culture. As a part of the same trend, we might also notice the tendency for Hindu teachers to
play down the significance of tantra whilst placing greater emphasis on Vedanta as the core
of Hindu doctrine; and the primary representation of Krishna comes to be as the sagacious
teacher of the Bhagavad-gita rather than the playful lover of the Vrindavan stories. What
we can therefore observe is a trend towards the ‘sanitisation’ of Hinduism to make it more
acceptable to Western commentators.
Associated with the previous point, we might still detect a certain lack of confidence
within Hindu religious thought and a desire to be accepted and respected by outsiders.
There is perhaps a tendency for Hindus to be on the defensive where practices such as image
worship are discussed with outsiders, and an ongoing anxiety about outsider attitudes. In
part this is due to the fact that many Hindus do not understand the philosophical basis of
their own traditions, but one can still detect the influence of imperialist condemnation of
Indian culture that has certainly had a lasting effect on Hindu self-perception.

The post-independence period

In the modern era, the Hindu religion is undergoing enormous changes as the world is
transformed by globalisation and economic expansion. Like all the world’s religions, Hinduism

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Understanding Hinduism

has been forced to adapt and develop in order to remain relevant to its adherents whilst at the
same time staying true to its fundamental principles. Secularisation and the advancement of
scientific knowledge have posed further challenges that have undermined the claims made
by religious revelation whilst changing social values and new ideas on morality have raised
other fundamental issues that religion must respond to. The key question here is what can be
adapted as times change and what is fundamental to the religious ideal. As a religious tradition
that has always displayed flexibility and is less bound by claims of scriptural inerrancy,
Hinduism is perhaps the best placed of all the world’s religions to present a message that
will resonate with the modern mind. Moreover, the instinctive tendency towards religious
tolerance that distinguishes Hindu ideals from those of Western religion is wholly in tune
with the ethos of modernity. Hence the Hinduism of the past sixty years has undergone
enormous changes and particularly noteworthy here is the widespread rejection of caste-
based oppression and the demand for an ending of discrimination against Hindu women.
These goals are far from having been achieved but at the same time remarkable progress has
been made in a relatively short period of time.
The independence movement and the birth of a new nation have also given rise to a strong
nationalist consciousness, which is frequently associated with the Hindu religious tradition.
The ideals espoused by Gandhi and his followers based on tolerance and univeralism have
been challenged by other more radical exponents of Hinduism who feel that their religion
needs to be more assertive in its demeanour or risk being overwhelmed by aggressive
secularism, Islam, and Christianity. The ideals of Gandhi and other Hindu reformers are still
widely respected within the Hindu community and there is no real movement to restore the
traditional caste barriers amongst those who advocate a more assertive form of Hinduism.
The tension that exists within the Hindu community is more about how to respond to what
is perceived as aggression against Hinduism from outsiders. On one side the universalist
view still prevails, regarding all religions as equal, and favouring a peaceful and tolerant
response to criticism but this view is vehemently rejected by others who argue that Hindus
must react strongly and forcefully if they are to withstand the threats posed by secularism
and by other religions. It is the rapid rate of change in the practice of Hinduism alongside the
perceived need for a more assertive form of Hinduism that are perhaps the most significant
trends to have emerged in the recent history of the religion.

Concluding words
Some may feel that for an introductory course on Hinduism too much attention has been
devoted to providing an outline of Indian history and that the discussion should have confined
to purely religious matters. This is not an unreasonable view to hold, but my response would
be that religion never exists independently of social, economic and political trends and that
to understand the historical development of Hinduism it is absolutely essential to have some
basic knowledge of Indian history. Hence I hope you will forgive what might initially appear
to be an unwarranted deviation from the primary subject matter of the course. Within this
broad survey we have encountered a number of religious tendencies that may be new or
unfamiliar to you, so what I want to do now is to build on some of these ideas by firstly
considering the principal sacred texts revered by the Hindu tradition and then looking at
the varying belief systems that Hinduism has to offer. The hope is that after moving through
these discussions of scripture and doctrine you will have a solid appreciation of Hindu
religious ideas and of the historical context that has undoubtedly been influential in their
development.

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