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The reaction against opera seria was so strong that the critique of contemporaries
such as Gluck and Calzabigi was later taken at face value. As late as 1965 the revised
edition of The Oxford Companion to Music was still explaining that
[there] lived and worked, during the first half of the eighteenth century, some
of the greatest composers of the whole history of opera . . . but not one of their
operas has any place in the operatic repertory now . . . chiefly . . . from the excessive
formality of their treatment. It is just possible that the world may come to take
pleasure again in these one-time favourites, but the greater probability is that they
will merely continue to be revived occasionally for the interest of historically-
minded connoisseurs. (Scholes, 1965: 711)
The masters of opera seria were able to inhabit the form and create works that stand
up in modern production. The root problem was not, therefore the formality per
se, but the social and political world that it reflected. This was compounded by the
fact that the main reformers, Zeno and Metastasio, were both literary figures for
whom opera’s essential language, music, was neither a priority nor their expertise.
For them, the opera was squarely based on the libretto. The result was a literary
structure, within which a place had to be found for the music, the virtually uni-
versal da capo aria. Divorced from carrying the narrative, the da capo aria became
increasingly self-standing. This was exploited by singers as they came to dominate
productions, insisting on opportunities for vocal display and inserting favourite arias
into whatever opera they performed – the so-called ‘portmanteau’ arias with which
they toured from one opera house to another. Ultimately this led to the ‘pasticcio’,
whole operas made up of well-received arias/tunes from any number of works.1
By the latter part of the century these abuses had become sufficiently well known
to be (half-)satirised by Goldoni when he described his first attempt to write a
libretto. On presenting it to the manager he was gently taken aside and told:
If you were in France, you might take the trouble to please the public; but here,
you must begin by pleasing the performers; you have to satisfy the composer of
the music; you have to consult the scene painter; there are rules for everything,
50
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 51
and it would be a crime against true dramaturgy if one dared offend them, if one
failed to observe them.
Listen, he continued; I am going to show you some of these rules, which are
immutable, and which you do not know.
The three principal characters in the drama must sing five arias each; two in the
first act, two in the second, and one in the third. The performers of the second
rank can only have three, and the other roles must be content with one or two at
the most. The author of the words must provide the composer with the various
opportunities which allow nuances of light and shade in the music, and take care
that two melancholy arias do not follow one another; it is necessary to arrange,
with the same care, the bravura arias, the action arias, the arias of the secondary
characters as well as the minuets, and the rondeaux.
Above all, it is most necessary to take care to give neither the passionate nor the
bravura arias or the rondeaux to the secondary characters; these poor people must
be content with whatever they are given, and it is forbidden to honour them.
(Goldoni, 1992: 128–9)
Finally, because the music of the recitative was – of necessity – less complex and
musically interesting than that of the aria, the latter attracted all the attention, leaving
the recitative as a necessary evil, as the French Ambassador de Brosses reported:
‘Chess is marvellously well adapted to filling in the monotony of the recitatives, and
the arias are equally good for interrupting a too assiduous concentration on chess’
(Grout, 2003: 222).
Algarotti’s 1755 Saggio Sopra l’Opera in Musica is an historical critique of modern
opera; in it, he discusses a number of ‘abuses’, prefaced by the assertion that ‘it is
impossible to preserve [the arts] from decay and in the unimpaired enjoyment of
their constitutional vigour without making them revert from time to time to their
original principles . . . No art now appears to stand so much in need [of having this]
put in practice as that of music’ (Strunk, 1998: 914).
His main criticisms are that
r The composer has usurped the overall power in opera, ‘contracting all the views
of pleasing to his department alone’.
r ‘The twin sisters, poetry and music, no longer go hand in hand.’
r The recitative ‘as it is wont to be the most noisy part of an opera, so it is the least
attended to . . . It seems as though our musical composers were of the opinion that
the recitative is not of consequence . . . But the ancient masters thought in quite a
different manner.’
r ‘Brilliant passages’ should only be used ‘where the words are expressive of passion
or movement’, and the ‘repeating of words . . . that are made for the sake of sound
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52 Opera
merely are devoid of meaning and prove intolerable to a judicious ear’ (Strunk,
1998: 914).
Many composers sought to address this. However, while some, such as Jommelli
and Traetta tried to make the opera seria and above all the da capo aria work better
(‘internal’ reforms), others including Benda and Gluck, developed radically different
approaches (‘radical’ reforms). All these worked within a small circle dominated by
Vienna, Paris and some of the smaller but artistically notable German and Italian
courts. Common influences were Rameau who was equally concerned with the
restrictions of the Lullian model in France, as well as major developments in ballet
(Table 4.1).
Parallel advances were being made in the ballet. Jean-Georges Noverre chore-
ographed Jommelli’s pastorale Il trionfo d’amore and later several of Gluck’s operas
in Vienna and Paris. Noverre developed, if he did not actually invent, the ballet
d’action, the first real attempt to turn the ballet into a dramatic form. In his Lettres
sur la Danse et sur les Ballets, he explained that he required scores that were ‘written
to fit each phrase and thought’ to create dance drawn from all the arts in which ‘all
of these elements should be combined with poetry and imagination’ (Clarke and
Crisp, 1973: 29). Gasparo Angiolini, Noverre’s great rival, was equally committed
to ballet as a dramatic medium. Like Noverre, he worked with Gluck, first chore-
ographing his ballet Don Juan and then the ballet sequences in Orfeo ed Euridice. He
also choreographed two of Traetta’s operas. This circle of influences was completed
by Marco Coltellini, whom Calzabigi considered his successor and who wrote the
libretto for Traetta’s Antigona and in 1765 prepared Telemaco for Gluck.
Neo-classical ideals
These men were influenced by many of the ideals that had inspired the Camerata.
At this moment of crisis in opera, they turned to the Greek drama again, reflecting
the wider neo-classical movement. This grew out of the opening up of Greece in the
1750s when, for the first time since the decline of the Eastern Empire, significant
numbers of Europeans began to explore the Turkish-held lands of Greece and its
Asia Minor extension.2 For the first time, Europeans saw the art of Greece as distinct
from a generalised sense of ‘Antiquity’ – which turned out to have been the art
of Rome. The result was a considerable shock. Goethe’s reaction to the temples at
Paestum was typical:
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Table 4.1 Approaches to the reform of opera/opera seria
Coltellini Calzabigi
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54 Opera
At first they excited nothing but stupefaction. I found myself in a world which
was completely strange to me . . . But I pulled myself together, remembered the
history of art, thought of the age with which this architecture was in har-
mony, called up images in my mind of the austere style of sculpture – and
in less than an hour I found myself reconciled to them and even thanking my
guardian angel for having allowed me to see these well-preserved remains with my
own eyes. (Goethe, 23 March 1787)
Suddenly the work of the Renaissance was understood as, at best, an adaptation of the
Roman: not Homer, but Virgil translated into Italian. Neo-classicism now aspired to
return to the purity of Athens or the early Roman Republic. In painting, sculpture
and architecture it dismissed what it saw as the flippant, merely ornamental way in
which both the Baroque and Rococo had treated the classical. Where Boucher, for
example, uses classical subjects for decorative and erotic purposes without any regard
for the classical itself, David projects the world of the heroic, austere Roman Republic
as a moral and political as well as aesthetic ideal. Similarly, Handel’s Partenope bears
little relationship to its supposed sources and is, instead, an elegant comedy of the
sexes. By contrast, Gluck’s Alceste carries all the weight and moral seriousness of its
Greek source.
At the same time there was a broad realisation that reform was needed whether
based on classical principles or not, as Diderot explained:
Truth, goodness and beauty have their claims . . . Anything not bearing their
stamp is admired for a time, but in the end you yawn . . . The reign of nature is
quietly coming in, and that of my trinity, against which the gates of hell shall
not prevail: truth, which is the father begets goodness, which is the son, whence
proceeds the beautiful which is the holy ghost. (Strunk, 1998: 927)
This was the spirit that encouraged composers to try to recover the dramatic cred-
ibility of opera. It meant either re-examining the conventions that had developed,
or dispensing with them altogether.
Internal reform
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 55
important not just in their own right but because his printed scores became a source
of inspiration for artistic circles in Germany, Italy and Austria where formative
composers such as Jommelli, Traetta and Gluck worked.
French operas were strictly categorised and Rameau wrote in most of the available
forms so that his innovations in the great Tragédies en musique grew out of a practical
experience of French opera in all its variety (Table 4.2).
In fact, Rameau retained all the formal, external features of the Lullian opera,
but informed them with a new flexiblity. Elements flow into, interrupt and cross
over one another, creating larger units that are driven by the characters and their
dramatic situation. To enable this, Rameau developed
r a greatly enhanced, expressive use of the orchestra and solo instruments
r vocal writing that is always focused on the demands of the text, with no vocal
display for its own sake
r a continuum between recitativo, arioso and aria proper
r complete integration of the chorus and ballets within the action.
All this was evident in his first Tragédie, Hippolyte et Aricie (1733). Act iv, scenes iii
and iv show Rameau’s variety and integration of musical elements. He weaves music
and words together in a tightly organised unit including all the usual forms of dance,
airs and récitatives, but gives them a new dramatic coherence: a series of twenty-five
highly varied elements welded into a flowing dramatic whole (Table 4.3).
Rameau was also an important theorist. In his Traité de l’Harmonie he explains
how an opera composer should work: ‘A good musician should surrender himself to
all the characters he wishes to portray . . . He must declaim the text well, at least to
himself, and must feel when and to what degree the voice should rise or fall, so that he
may shape his melody, harmony, modulation and movement accordingly’ (Strunk,
1998: 696). The results are evident in the all-important confrontation between
Phèdre and Hippolyte in act iii, scene iii. It shows Rameau’s incisive handling
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56 Opera
411 Deuxième menuet en rondeau for oboe and bassoon, making a very rustic,
simple effect.
433 Bruit de mer et vents marked Vite, shift from C major to B♭ major, change to
duple time.
Strings play a series of repeated demi-semiquavers with a short, rising,
wind-like figure for flutes at the end of the bar that increases by one note
each time
448 Chorus Chorus breaks in with its exclamation first of alarm ‘Quel bruit! Quels vents!’
followed by horror as the sea monster appears and then an impassioned
appeal to Diane
462 Hippolyte Duple time as Hippolyte faces the monster – Aricie tries to stop him
464 Aricie Common time. Rising and falling figure of eight semiquavers in the strings as
Aricie exclaims at the struggle between Hippolyte and the monster.
467 Aricie quails at the sight. The strings alternate between two figures
471 Chorus Throbbing semiquavers in the strings as Aricie despairs of Diane. The chorus
cry out to the goddess
474 Everything finally vanishes, and nothing is seen but the chariot
483 Chorus The chorus sing in parallel, exclaiming at the loss of Hippolyte.
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 57
451 Chorus The chorus, again in parallel, explains that Hippolyte is no more
493 Phèdre Start of Phèdre’s monologue. Tempo shifts between 2/4, 3/4 (494) and 4/4
(497). Dynamics marked fort, doux
506 Phèdre Basse continue alone as Phèdre realises the truth, and then
514 2/4 Continuo and strings: she understands her own guilt
559 Chorus The chorus, again in parallel, repeats their statement from 451 that Hippolyte
is no more
of dialogue, with all the elements stripped down to their musical essentials. It
consists of 150 bars divided between five formal elements. The first three and the
last are only accompanied by the basse continue, while Hippolyte’s Air has a small
string accompaniment, emphasising the scene’s musical and dramatic continuity
(Table 4.4).
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58 Opera
r new approaches to the da capo aria, making it either more emotionally expressive
through extension (Jommelli) or more responsive to the text (Traetta)
r use of ensemble writing (duet, trio, quartet)
r introduction of the chorus (Traetta)
r richer use of the orchestra
r wider use of recitativo accompagnato, often dissolving the distinction between
recitative and aria.
Jommelli was a significant orchestral as well as operatic composer and he used his
symphonic grasp to expand the da capo aria, increasing its scope and expressiveness.
While it remained self-standing, it became a more articulated dramatic entity. In
his 1763 Didone Abbandonata, his third setting of Metastasio’s libretto, Aeneas’
act iii, scene vi aria ‘A trionfar mi chiama’ (I am called to triumph) extends to just
under ten minutes.3 About to abandon Dido, Aeneas celebrates his change from
lover to warrior. This is a musically complex piece. It consists of an A section in two
parts, divided by the ritornello and in which the second A is considerably varied. The
result is an eight-part structure: ritornello, Ai, ritornello, Aii, ritornello, B, a further
varied A, ritornello/coda (Table 4.5).
Aeneas’s character is strongly projected through the aria’s musical complexity
itself, but the words remain as limited by the formality of the repetition as in any
da capo aria. Typically, most of the vocal line in the A sections is taken up with
decoration, mainly on the significant word ‘trionfar’. But however much the da capo
Table 4.5 Didone abbandonata: act iii, scene vi, ‘A trionfar mi chiama’
4.24–4.32 Ritornello
4.32–5.00 B
9.24–9.33 Ritornello/coda
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 59
The effect is to bind the usual tripartite da capo musical structure together, allowing
Antigona to dwell on her central plight (B) (Table 4.6).
Traetta also makes extensive use of the ensemble. The Terzetto in Act i starts with
Antigona’s riposte to Creon, ‘Ah de’ tuoi re, tiranno’. The trio that follows alternates
solo lines with ensembles. Its rapidity precisely mirrors the energy of the argument,
emphasised by the orchestra’s continual interruption/punctuation. Finally, Traetta
reintroduced the chorus, sanctioned by Greek classical precedent, and which brought
a new major musical and dramatic dimension to the opera.
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60 Opera
Radical reform
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 61
resolution to the problem lay, however, in another direction, one that sought to
turn against everything that opera had become since it left the austere world of the
Florentine Camerata.
Gluck: ‘The poem is no more made for the music than the music
for the poem’
Gluck was well placed to effect his reforms. He had written for most of the major
opera houses and, like Rameau, had worked in most of the current operatic forms
and was a master of the opera seria and da capo aria form. Table 4.7 shows the
range of his compositions, including sixteen operas to libretti by Metastasio, three
of them after the first reform opera, Orfeo ed Eurydice. In 1752 Gluck had settled
in Vienna where he became Konzertmeister and then Kapellmeister to the Prince
of Saxe-Hildburghausen. In this capacity he set several of Metastasio’s libretti, but
with recitatives by Count Durazzo, the Intendant of the Viennese Theatres. In 1761
Durazzo introduced Gluck to the choreographer Gasparo Angiolini and his future
librettist, Raniero de’ Calzabigi.
In 1761 Angiolini collaborated with Gluck (and most probably Calzabigi) on
the ballet d’action Don Juan, ou Le Festin de Pierre. The musical characterisation is
striking, ranging from the serenade (no. 3) to the startling finale (no. 31) described
in the ‘Programme’: ‘The demons tie him and throw him into the utter depths
of hell, and from time to time one can see the eddying flames which devour him’
(Programme de Ballet de Don-Juan, in Winter, 1974: 134). The rapid rising and falling
strings with the brass sounding the note of doom over them is hugely effective and
musically exciting, presaging the same moment in Mozart’s Don Giovanni twenty-six
years later. It was with the ballet that Gluck first started to compose – and perhaps
consider – his new kind of musical theatre. At the same time Durazzo was reshaping
the drama by employing a French theatre company, paralleling what was happening
in so many courts and which had affected Jommelli, Traetta and Benda.
The year after Don Juan came the ground-breaking Orfeo ed Euridice (1762), but
it was only in 1767, five years later, that Gluck finally abandoned the opera seria
and its variants to devote himself completely to the ‘reformed’ opera. In 1765 he
was still working with Metastasio, writing the delightful comic serenata Il Parnaso
Confuso. Melpomene’s ‘In un mar che non ha sponde’ (On a sea without a shore)
shows Gluck’s ability to write a typically florid da capo aria, in which the singer could
‘display the agility of [her] fine voice in lengthy passage-work’ – the very thing he
was to complain of in the ‘Preface’ to Alceste two years later.
Gluck remains in some ways a controversial figure: his operas have never been
popular. Whatever their pleasures he himself was clear that ‘An opera such as Alceste is
no entertainment, but a very serious occupation for whoever listens to it’ (Howard,
1995: 147). What Gluck addressed – and this is why both Berlioz and Wagner
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Table 4.7 The range of Gluck’s operatic genres
1741–65
1763–5 3 1 5
(2 by Metastasio, Il Parnaso Confuso
1 by Coltellini) (Metastasio)
1767–81
Dramma Tragedia Tragédie Tragédie opéra Drame lyrique Drame Opéra- Prologue
Musicale héroïque ballet
1776 Alceste
1777 Armide
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 63
would later pay such attention to him – was not style and musical convention so
much as the purpose of opera. Foremost was the drama. Words, character and
situation were always his starting point. He echoes Rameau when he is reported
as saying that: ‘Before I begin, my greatest concern is to forget I am a musician. I
even forget myself in order that I shall see only my characters. The attempt to do
otherwise poisons all the Arts which aspire to the imitation of Nature’ (Olivier de
Corancez, in Howard, 1995: 245). This conditions the music, in which: ‘the voice,
the instruments, all the sounds, the very silences, must work towards a single aim,
that of expression, and . . . the union between words and music must be so close that
the poem is no more made for the music than the music for the poem’ (Howard,
1995: 178).
Orfeo ed Euridice
Orfeo brought together four major personalities: Gluck himself, Calzabigi, Angiolini
and the castrato Gaetano Guadagni who created Orfeo and of whom Calzabigi
said ‘Orfeo went well, because we discovered Guadagni’ (Howard, 1995: 57). The
result was the first of the ‘reform’ operas. The collaboration itself was significant. It
demonstrated the extent to which the reforms grew out of an emphasis on opera as
a holistic dramatic medium in which all the performing arts were interdependent as
they had been in the Greek theatre. In part this reflected the spirit of neo-classicism.
But this was neither antiquarian nor revivalist, as he insisted: ‘These old Greeks were
men with one nose and a pair of eyes, just like us. We do not have to submit to their
rules like servile peasants. On the contrary, we must throw off their clothes, break
free of the chains they would bind us in, and seek to become original’ (Howard,
1995: 153). Similarly iconoclastic, Calzabigi ‘held that music, on whatever verses,
was no more than skilful, studied, declamation, further enriched by the harmony
of its accompaniments, and that therein lay the whole secret of composing excellent
music for a drama’ (Howard, 1995: 55).
The hallmarks of reform opera are all present in Orfeo ed Euridice:
r The Overture was designed as an integral part of the drama, setting the mood and
scene, leading directly into the opening mourning
r The chorus plays an integral part, even though they are only observers, as in the
Greek drama
r Similarly the ballet was integral to the action rather than a mere divertissement
r Although the score is divided between recitative, chorus, aria, etc. this is the
first of Gluck’s ‘tragic operas manifesting total continuity, of which each part is
intimately connected with every other, each enhancing and strengthening the rest,
and working together reciprocally’ (Arnaud, in Howard, 1995: 170).
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64 Opera
r None of the arias is da capo and, while lyrical, only once is melody allowed to draw
attention to itself at the point where Orpheus, the singer, breaks into the famous
‘Che faro senza Euridice?’
All these points were formalised five years later, in the ‘Dedication’ to Alceste.
Alceste
The ‘Dedication’ was probably written by Calzabigi, but quite clearly represents
Gluck’s own views as repeatedly expressed in his letters and conversation. It is a
manifesto for reform, divided here into six points to highlight its argument:
r “When I undertook to write the music for Alceste, I decided to strip it completely
of all those abuses . . . which have for so long disfigured Italian opera.”
r “I thought to restrict music to its true function of helping poetry to be expressive
and to represent the situations of the plot, without interrupting the action or
cooling its impetus with useless and unwanted ornaments.”
r “I did not . . . want to hold up an actor in the white heat of dialogue to wait for
a tedious ritornello, nor let him remain on a favourite vowel in the middle of a
word, or display the agility of his fine voice in lengthy passage-work, nor let him
wait while the orchestra gives him time to recover his breath for a cadenza.”
r “I did not feel it my duty to skim quickly over the second part of an aria, which
may well contain the most passionate and significant words . . . to accommodate
a singer who wants to show in how many ways he can capriciously vary a passage,
rather than ending the aria where its meaning ends.”
r “I also considered that my greatest efforts should be concentrated on seeking a
beautiful simplicity. I have avoided making a show of complexities at the expense
of clarity; and I did not think it useful to invent novelties which were not genuinely
required to express the situation and the emotions.”
r “There is no convention that I have not willingly renounced in favour of the total
effect.” (Quotations from Howard, 1995: 84–5)
In Alceste, the closed musical forms and melody that characterise the opera seria were
abandoned. Instead arias, recitatives, choruses and ensembles are woven together
to create units dictated by the demands of the drama. Act i, scene ii opens with
the people in mourning. This is followed by a scena for Alceste which begins (bar
48) with a recitative that exemplifies Calzabigi’s concept that ‘music, on whatever
verses, was no more than skilful, studied, declamation’. Rather than being musically
neutral, however, the very simplicity expresses Alceste’s pious resignation to fate.
The form of the aria that follows is dictated by the changes, emotional heightening
and developments that she undergoes. It is the emotional fragility of someone who
has so far presented a noble and accepting face, but is in reality deeply troubled
(Table 4.8).
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Table 4.8 Alceste: act i, scene ii, ‘Io non chiedo, eterni dei’
80–86 Lyrical theme for oboe solo, which would normally be expected to be a ritornello; however, not only does it not return later, it is dropped
4/4 as soon as the voice enters
Moderato
87–95 Io non chiedo, eterni dei I do not ask, eternal gods Similarly, the lyrical and melodic character of the opening
Tutto il ciel per me sereno that all heaven be serene for me section, in which Alceste makes her modest demands of
heaven, ceases as she begins to reveal her inner state.
96–112 Ma il mio duol consoli almeno But at least allow my sorrow The aria moves to her real, interior feelings as distinct from her
3/4 Qualche raggio di pietà some ray of pity serene public face. The music remains lyrical but without a
Adagio [Last line repeated] sense of ‘tune’ and becomes increasingly declamatory. Gluck
extends (rather than decorates) the word raggio (ray) as Alceste
continues her appeal to the heavens.
113–129 Non comprendi mali miei None understands my ills The throbbing accompaniment increasingly reveals the twin
4/4 Né il terror che m’empie il petto. Nor the terror that fills my breast. poles of her mali (ills) and terror (love for her husband and fear
Allegro Chi di moglie il vivo affetto Who, of a wife the living love, for her children’s future). The repetition of the last two lines,
Chi di madre il cor non ha. Who a mother’s heart, has not. each with its own setting emphasises this.
[Last two lines repeated twice]
130–145 Eumelo Madre mia . . . My mother . . . The children’s simple vocal line and harmony emphasise their
3/4 Aspasia Bella madre . . . Lovely mother . . . innocence and creates a dramatic foil to Alceste’s increasing
Andante emotionality.
(cont.)
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Table 4.8 (cont.)
146–155 Cari figli, del diletto Dear children, of my beloved The music grows increasingly agitated, with repeated figures in
4/4 Sposo mio ritratti espressi, Husband perfect portraits, the upper strings, as Alceste dwells on her children.
Allegro
156–173 Freddo ho il sangue in ogni vena My blood is cold in every vein An insistent motif first heard in the strings (twice) and then
Se a voi penso, o figli amati! If I think of you, loved children! (twice) in the vocal line seems to reflect her freezing blood.
Ah, di me più sventurati Ah, more unfortunate than me The motif is repeated for the second two lines.
Non vi renda il Fato almen! May Fate at least not make you!
173–188 Repeat of text at 113–129 but with new musical emphasis: Alceste now returns to her own complaint, that no one
understands her ills.
178 m’empie il petto fills my breast Her heart swells in a new figure, rising to high C.
183 chi di madre il cor non ha who does not have a mother’s The central theme becomes a point of reference as Alceste sings
heart in unison (marked crescendo and tutti) with the orchestra.
189 The aria leads directly into the chorus but with a change to Moderato and B♭, separating their expressions from Alceste’s
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 67
Alceste’s aria ‘Ombre, larve’ in act i, scene v is both dramatic and begins by
suggesting a memorable melody. The scene begins with a long accompanied recitative
as Alceste resolves to sacrifice herself. Finally, she recognises that God/the gods move
within her and that she will become an example for future wives. At this moment of
triumph over her own weakness the orchestra enters and the key shifts to B flat. A
gently throbbing figure announces Alceste’s opening, musically striking motif as she
addresses the gods with new-found resolution. It recurs three times, punctuating the
aria, but despite its attractiveness it remains an isolated motif. Gluck stops the aria
becoming melody-centred unlike Orfeo’s ‘Che faro’. Neither da capo nor strophic,
its musical form is that of the character’s inner struggle and falls into five dramatic
sections (Table 4.9).
Finally, an example of how Gluck was able to integrate all the elements of a
complex scene. Act iii, scenes ii and iii is the moment of final parting for Alceste and
Admeto as the Deities of the Underworld call for their due. This is a dramatic unity
woven out of a sequence of moments, each of which responds to the psychological
and dramatic growth of the character or event (Table 4.10).
Gluck was clear that his ‘music will be fully effective only in the proper situation’
(Howard, 1995: 156) and most trenchantly that his ‘sole aim was to enter into the
content and situation of the drama, and to seek to give expression to these’ (Howard,
1995: 95). With this, he established a new attitude and criteria for opera. Like Wagner
a hundred years later, this would split the world of opera, between those for whom
it was essentially a dramatic form and those for whom it was primarily musical
63–88 Andante ‘Ombre, larve’ Alceste proudly refuses to ask for pity or mercy for
what she is about to do
92–117 Andante ‘Ombre, larve’ She asks the gods not to be offended by what she
has dared to do
118–144 Allegro spirituoso She feels an unknown force at work within her,
greater than herself. This spirited, exultant passage
ends with the only ornament in the aria (142)
145–162 Andante ‘Ombre, larve’ Full of resolve, Alceste returns to her opening
address to the gods, reaffirming that she requires
neither pity nor mercy.
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68 Opera
251 2/4, E♭ major The Deities call on Alceste to Oboes in minims over strings playing repeated
Andante. fulfil her vow semi-quavers. The chorus almost in a monotone –
Oboes and strings impassive and implacable.
275 4/4, C major Alceste suddenly becomes The contrast with Alceste’s final realisation of what
Strings aware that the moment has she has committed herself to is striking. A
come speech-based recitative with semibreve
accompaniment on the strings, but ending in
perturbation with the strings in agitated semiquavers.
284 2/4, E ♭ major, The Deities demand that Similar to 251, but with horns insisting over the
Andante Alceste come with them strings.
Horns and strings
289 4/4 Full orchestra Admeto asks to be taken Admeto’s music is marked smaniando (raving). Its
instead of Alceste long lyrical line sounds like Romantic Italian opera. It
is an impassioned plea.
312 Admeto asks for a final Alternating quavers and quaver rests in the strings,
embrace like a faltering heart.
336 Alceste’s farewell The music falters with the upper strings’ rising figure.
1 Lento. Full orchestra Orchestra The devastating return to the opening of the act i
‘Intrada’.
15 Recitative Voices, Evandro and Ismene Semibreves and minims accompany the sound of
confirm Alceste’s death voices entering.
34 Lento. Full orchestra Mourning chorus In parallel lines and simple harmony, the chorus
mourns, each part singing on a single note creating
great blocks of sound, until bar 42.
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Reform: the reintegration of elements 69
and (usually) melodious. Yet at the same time, Gluck’s operatic and social sphere
remained that of the court or its emulators. Above all, his classical subject matter and
austerity beg the question as to whether his operas were the start of a new tradition
or the end of an old one. The extent to which this was true is shown by looking at a
complete alternative to the opera seria – the social, musical and dramatic tradition
of the opera buffa and its revolutionary impact.
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