Вы находитесь на странице: 1из 53

B.A. IIIrd Semester

Unit- I

I) Sources


Tabaqati Nasiri of Minhaj u’s Siraj:- Of the most significant works which shed light on Ilbari Turks Tabaqati Nasiri commands the pre-eminent position. Born in 1193 the author was intimately connected with the Ghorids since his childhood; and thus his account is based on first hand information. He brought down the narrative upto A.D 1260. In comparision to his other two contemporaries namely Hasan Nizami and Fakhri Mudabbir, Minhaj stands out distinctive for two reasons: 1) His knowledge of Ghorid family, its traditions and achievements are minute and detailed than any other source. 2) He has given details in chronological order which is not the case with other sources of the period. Ineffect, Tabaqati Nasiri furnishes detailed information on the Ghorids- their conquests, administration, institutions, party politics; passing references on other spheres of life are not also wanting. Yet while reading the work, the reader should not forget that the author was an active figure in contemporary politics. So his judgement and selection of facts is influenced by his likings and dislikings.

Taj ul Ma ‘asir of Hasan Nizami:- Taj ul Ma‘asir is a history of the Turkish conquests. The author wrote the work in response to a royal announcement inviting the scholars to write an account of the conquests of Shihab ud-Din. Hasan Nizami’s approach towards history is more literary than historical as it is written in verbose style with “endless metaphors, allegories and allusions.’’ We should also remember that as Hasan Nizami wrote under royal patronage, he had to follow the traditional style of the medieval fath names and resort to exaggerations to produce effects. The reader should therefore keep his fact into account while reading Taju’l Ma‘asir, especially the exaggerated account of the destruction of temples. Historical works of Amir Khusrau:- Amir Khusrau (b.1253) the great poet and saint scholar of medieval India remained in the service of various nobles, princes and rulers from the days of Balban upto Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq. He wrote atleast five historical masnavis and one historical work in prose. There are the Qiran-us-Sa ‘dain, the Miftah ul-futuh, the Nuh Siphar, the Dewal Rani Khizar Khan, the Tughluq Nama and the Khazain-ul-futuh respectively. The Qiran-us-Sadain was written in response to a royal command of Sultan Muizud-Din Kaiqubad to commemorate the historical meeting between him and his father Sultan Nasir un-Din on the banks of Saryu in Avadh. The Miftah ul-Futuh contains an account of the victories of Jalal ud-Din Khalji. The Nuh Siphar was written at the command of Mubarak Shah Khalji. It contains useful information about Mubark Shah’s reign. Besides other things the book deals with the valuable advices for nobles and kings in the efficient discharge of their duties. It also gives details about social, religious, cultural and geographical conditions. The Dewalo Rani Khizar Khan also known as Ashiqa comprises the love story of prince Khizar Khan, son of Alaud-Din Khalji and the daughter of Raja Karan of Nehrwala. It also gives valuable information on the last years of the reign of Alaud-Din Khalji. The Tughluq Nama deals with the rise and fall of Khusrau Khan, the usurper and the accession of Ghiyas u’d-Din Tughluq. Apart from the above mentioned historical masnavis, Amir Khusrau also wrote a history of the reign of Ala-ud-Din Khalji in ornate prose, known as Khazain ul-Futuh; also called as Tarikh- -i Alai. It deals with the conquests of Alau’d Din Khalji. Besides it also sheds light on the economic and administrative measures of the Sultan took for amaloriting the conditions of the people. It is the only contemporary history of the period; and the facts are narrated with admirable accuracy and wealth of detail.

Futuh us Salatin by Isami:- Among the chronicles of the Sultanate period which furnish a valuable information on the Sultanate period is Futuh us Salatin of Isami. It covers a long period from the times of Mahmud of Ghazni to those of Muhammad Tughluq. It indicates the work deals with the wars, campaigns and battles of the Sultans and does not touch the administration of his period. Isami was the contemporary of Muhammad Tughluq and he dedicated his work to Bahman Shah Sultan. Isami’s account of the early Turkish Sultans of Delhi is based on the information he received from his ancestors who were associated with the Ilbarite administration. His account of the Tughluq’s is biased as his family lost the long held state patronage and his grandfather died on his way to Deogiri when he had forcibly to

leave Delhi in connection with the transfer of seat of government during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq.

Tarikh-i Feroz Shahi of Zia u’d- Din Barani:- Ziau;d-Din Barani figures among the front ranking chroniclers of medieval India. Of his most important works, Tarikh-I Feroz Shahi and Fatawa-i Jahandari have incredible historical significance. The Tarikh-i Feroz Shahi begins with the history of the reign of Balban and ends with the history of the first six years of Feroz Tughluq’s reign. Like Ismami Barani also belonged to a family having long association with the Sultans of Delhi. While his maternal grandfather served as Shahna of Lakhnuti under Balban, his father and maternal uncle held important position during Jalalu’d Din Khalji and Alau’d Din Khalji respectively. Barani himself had been a nadim of Muhammad Tughluq for more than seventeen years. He also witnessed a crucial phase of Feroz Tughluq. Besides he was a disciple of the great Shaikh, Shaikh Nizam u’d-Din Auliya. Thus Barani, like Isami, was better placed with regard to his sources of information. After the death of Muhammad Tughluq, Barni fell a victim of the machinations of his enemies who succeeded to banish him from the court of Feroz Tughluq. It may be noted that he wrote the Tarikh during these difficult times when besides his failing health he was suffering from poverty of resources. Ideas on history:- In a lengthy introduction Barani gives an insightful details about the uses and methodology of writing history. He considers the study of history as important as the study of Hadis, Fiqh and hagiological literature. Like Bacon, he asserts that history makes man wise as one learns from the experiences of those in the past. He also articulates that the historian should be truthful, honest and frank. However, for some reason it would not be possible for him to write the facts openly, he should convey his point through implications and suggestions. Barani’s Subjective approach:- Although Barani advocated that the historian should be truthful, he himself failed to translate it in practice. “When he praises someone says K.S.Lal, he extols him to heaven, when he condemns he writes with his pen dipped in acid.’’ Certainly, Barani can not be understood if his own individual fads and prejudices are not kept in mind. K.A.Nizami while evaluating Barani writes “He was a rank reactionary in politics and a die hard conservative in religion. He scanned and scrutinized every man and movement in the light of his own ideals and standards.’’ Importance:- However, the above mentioned limitations can not underestimate the extraordinary value of Tarikh-I Feroz Shahi. He gives details of political, administrative, economic and cultural life during the Sultans. Surely without Barani, the history of the Sultans would have been a mere skeleton history. After all, for example, it is he who gives us details about the land revenue and market control measures of Alau’d-Din.

The Hagiographic or Mystic Literature

Of the non-political literature produced during the medieval period, the value of mystic literature as a source of information on varied aspects is of unique significance. Broadly speaking this literature is of two types- 1) Malfizat and 2) general works on mystic subjects.

Malfuzat:- The records of conversations between the Sufi-masters and their disciples (including the daily visitors who visited them for miraculous help) compiled by their reputed murids is known as Malfuzat. Malfuzat writing is one of the most literary inventions of medieval India, initiated by Amir Hasan Sifzi, the complier of Fawa’id u’l Fu’ad and followed by others. Writing about the historical significance of malfuzat literature K.A.Nizami remarks “Through these records of conversations we can have a glimpse of the medieval society, in all its fullness, if not all its perfection- the moods and tensions of the common man, the inner yearnings of his soul, the religions thought at its higher and lower levels, the popular customs and manners and above the problems of the people. There is no other type of literature through which we can feel the pulse of the medieval public.’’ Some historians, belonging to progressive thought, as Tapan Raychauduri, are of the opinion that the malfuzat literature also deals with the upper class ideology and aspirations. No doubt central to the malfuzat literature is sufi saints and his silsila, but we should not forget that he was visited by the poor masses for resolution of their basic problems, which finds a mention in this record. In this way along with giving us details about life and teachings of master saints, it illuminates many aspects of subalterns.

The most prominent malfuzat works are: Fawa‘id u’l Fu‘ad, Sarur us Sadur and Khair u’l Majalis. The Faw‘id ul Fu‘ad compiled by Amir Hasan Sijzi contains the conversations of Shaikh Nizam u’d Din Auliya from 1307 to 1322 A.D. The Sarur us Sadur is a collection of the sayings of Shaikh Hamid u’d-Din Naguri and his son Shaikh farid ud-Din Mahmud. The Khair ul Majalis contains the conversations of Shaikh Nasir ud-Din Chirang Dehlavi compiled by his disciple Maulana Hamid Qalandar.

Travel Accounts/ Travelogues

From the 13 th to the 16 th century there was a continuous streaming of travelers in to India who left behind valuable records which throw additional information on many aspects of contemporary life. In the 13 th century came the famous Venetian traveler Marco Polo; in the 14 th century followed the equally famous African traveler Ibn Batuta. In the 15 th century came a number of travelers whose records have survived to us. Mahuan, the Muslim secretary of Chinese mission recorded his observations on Bengal and Malabar. He was followed by Nicolo Conti, an Italian, Abdur Razzaq, the learned Persian ambassador, Fernao Nuniz, the Portuguese horse trader, and Domingos Peas who have left a precious information on Vijayanagar. Towards the close of the 15 th century came Nikitin and Stephano, and in the early part of the 16 th century arrived Varthama, Barbosa and Turkish Admiral Sidi Ali Reis. The travelogues have a special significance as a source of information in that they have recorded those facts which to the contemporaries were too common to consider them worth recording. In this way they have rescued the basic facts from falling into oblivion. Travelers are generally attracted by exotic; and therefore give all those facts a priority in their accounts which are unknown to their countrymen. In this way what was left out by the contemporaries for being commonplace has been preserved by the travelers for being strange and eccentric. Not surprisingly, therefore, travel accounts have become indispensable for social historians. And where the travelogues are missing, the historian is forced to build a half-way house for want of some basic materials left unrecorded by the indigenous sources. It is also generally observed that the travelers have recorded the facts with an admirable detachment and with intellectual curiosity. To quote K.M.Ashraf “… the foreign travelers alone expose what are commonly considered an ugly social institutions of India. It is a curious fact, but nonetheless true, that some of the most inhuman social practices of the land have never appeared to the Indian writers, poets and religious reformers…as worthy of their notice and comment.’’ However, there were a few limitations with these travelers. First, except Varthema, they were ignorant of the language of the country. Therefore they made many mistakes besides having failed to capture the contexts in totality. Secondly they sometimes mistook some institutions for the institutions of their own countries while ignoring their local contexts. For the paucity of space it is not possible to give details of the accounts left behind by these travelers. It is suffice to say that without Nicolo Conti, Abdur Razaq, Nuniz and Peas it would not have been possible to write a comprehensive history of Vijaynagara. So is true of Bengal and other Coastal towns without Marco Polo, Mahuan, Nikitin, Varthama and Barbosa. By far the most complete and best account comes from Ibn Batuta, he recorded in his Rehla. He stayed for a longer period than any other traveler; nobody ventured so far inland and gave an account of so many varied political and social phenomena as Ibn Batuta did. He married in the country; served as Qazi under Sultan Mohammad Tughluq and was even appointed as the accredited envoy of the Sultan of Delhi to the court of the Chinese Emperor. His account is thus life- like picture of India of his day.

II) Causes that led to the Turkish success:- Why the leading states of northern India were defeated within a short span of time15 years by Turkish armies, is a proposition worth examination, especially when many Rajput states had greater human and physical resources at their disposal when the Ghaznavid and Ghurid empires. Many arguments have been put forth to explain this phenomenal success of the Turks. However the most recent researches have shown that the real causes of the defeat of the Indians were mainly three viz, Growth of feudalism in India; Caste and clan distinctions; Superior military strategy and tactics of the Turks.

Growth of feudalism :-

On the eve of the Turkish conquest of India we not only find northern India nothing more than a medley of principalities wedded to a policy of eternal hostility and perpetual strife among themselves, but what is more that in each principality we find the emergence of a large number of ‘feudal lords’ variously called Samanta, ranak, rautta, damra. These lords held revenue assignments (bhage) which in practice became hereditary. They also assumed the right to sub—let their revenue assignments. In this way the whole country came to be parceled out into smaller political entities, each on the look out to declare independence and to appropriate the whole of the revenues of the land it held instead of parting it with his master. They were emboldened by the military contingent, each one of them held as per the contemporary administrative system. The growth of such feudal society in India considerably weakened the economy of the state as per feudal lords appropriated large revenues of their respective assignments and even at times when central authority was weak they refused to pay at all. The economic position was further weakened by the constant strifes between the chiefs especially when the Rajputs treated war as a sport. Secondly, the growth of the feudal society made the ruler more and more dependent upon the feudal chiefs for supply of forces. Thus the Rajput armies mainly consisted of feudal levies – raised by different Rajput leaders trained under different conditions and employed on different terms lacked unity of purposes and fought for individual glory. Fakhri Mudabir (the author of Adabul Harab Wa Shuja) strikes a very significant note when he says, “A commander with a heterogeneous army consisting of soldiers (drawn from different sources) hundred from here and hundred from there cannot achieve anything. Any army with so varied and so many component elements has been able to achieve anything great”

2. Social cause:- Some historians like Prof. Habib and prof. Nizami believe that the real cause of the defeat of the Indians lay in their social system and the invasions cause distinction. First of all we find the Rajput society divided in clans, each claiming a common descent. These clans formed exclusive groups and each claimed superiority over others. This had very baneful consequences. First it entangled them in perpetual wars among themselves. Second it killed the sense of national unity in them as it cultivated parochial nations of safe guarding the interests of there clan only, which ultimately led to the fall of the whole country like cards. What is worst the Rajputs were not ready to extend their sense of brotherhood to non Rajputs which led to a growing gap between the Rajput ruling groups and the people who were mostly non Rajputs but constituted about 90% of the population. The screws of caste system were considerably tightened since A.D. 800. The Smiriti writers of the period surpassed the previous writer’s inn emphasizing the social and religious disabilities of the Sudras and outcastes. This social system weakened the military organization and honey combed their social structure. That patriotic fervor in which every citizen instinctly lays his hands on the sword in movements of national crisis was killed by these caste distinctions. The bulk of the Indian population was apathetic towards the fortunes of the ruling dynasties. No appeal from the Rajput governing classes could possibly receive sympathetic response from the vast mass of Indian population because there was no unifying bond, no idea of social oneness’ no spirit of common citizenship and no national consciousness’. Even religion was the monopoly of the particular section and the majority of the Indian people had never had a glimpse of an Indian temple. Fighting for the preservation of Vedic was completely out of question for it was the sealed book for them and for hearing a single verse of its sacred text exemplary punishments were often inflicted on them. As was nature, the call from the fortified towns fell on deaf ears and failed to evoke any patriotic sentiments in the people who lived outside the city. Walls under unenviable conditions. The forts consequently became a static defense and could not be linked by any mobile striking force all around. Under a different social order these fortresses would have served as a fortified base of a very dynamic character linking up all the striking forces to that centre. By taking things as they were, a siege very often resulted in a Jauhar by the be seized. Whatever resistance was offered came from the privileged classes and the Rajput aristocracy. Had the Indian masses resisted the establishment of Turkish rule in India, the Ghurid would not have been able to retain even an inch of Indian territory. Commenting on the significance of the Ghurid conquest of northern India, Prof. Habib remarks: “This was not a conquest, properly so called. This was turn—over of public opinion – a sudden turn over no doubt, but still one that was long overdue,”

The caste system had played havoc with the military efficiency of the Rajput states. Since fighting was the profession of a group, recruitment was confined to particular tribe or castes. All others were excluded from military training. Thus the bulk of the population was either incompetent or unwilling to join the defense forces. The Rajput soldier himself had to work under serious handicaps which made his position very weak in the battle field. The

idea of physical contamination must have made division of labour practically impossible. A soldier had to fight had to fetch water for himself, prepare food, look after his utensils and o similar other works which in the Muslim ranks were performed by non—fighting groups. Caste rigors and the ideas of physical pollution made swift movement of the forces almost impossible. The Rajputs though known for their reckless bravery on the battlefield never released the truth of the Napoleonic dictum that in war all is mental. 3) The Rajput warrior fell in the hands of the melchchah but was subsequently released; he was doomed for-ever. He was disowned by his own caste. He was physically alive but socially and theologically he was dead. Naturally therefore whether imprisonment of a few hundred or thousand warriors would have solved the problem, Jauhars were performed on

a large scale and thousands of men and women were needlessly reduced to ashes. The

report of ever Jauhar performed in the fort would have broken the nerve of people living in the neighboring forts.

3) Superior Military Organization of the Turks :- Recent research has shown that the Turks did not have any superior weapons at their disposal as compared to the Indians. The Indians use iron strup from 3 rd century onwards. The Indian bows were more accurate and deadly than those of Turks; so was the case with Indian sword which was considered best in the world. But there were some plus points with Turks. First, the Turks knew how to organize and employ their army as one co-ordinate unit, with unity of purpose and unity

organization. On the other hand the Indian armies consisting of feudal levies, lacked unity

of purpose, fought for individual glory and quickly dispersed to their areas after the battle. Secondly, mobility was the key note of Turkish military organization of this time. It

was the age of horses, and a well equipped cavalry with tremendous mobility was the great need of the time. Indian military strategy gave greater importance to weight than to mobility. The Rajputs believed in crushing rather than moving rapidly and striking. Huge and unwieldy phalanxes of armies headed by elephants with gorgeous trappings were bound to be signally beaten when face to face with a swift and easy moving cavalry, which could attack the flanks rear of the enemy forces. The element of mobility was totally absent from Indian armies. Sir Jadunath Sarkar remarks: “the arms and horses of these transborder invaders gave them indisputable military superiority over the Indians. There provisions also were carried by fast trotting camels, which required no fodder for themselves but feed on roots and leaves of the wayside.” The superiority of the Turks in strategy and tactics primarily due to their well– organized cavalry. “After their mobility”, remarks R.C. Smail, ‘the second tactical characteristic of the Turks was their archery they used bow from the saddle and shot with out halting or dismounting. As a result they were able to combine their archery with tactical uses of their mobility even in retreat they were able to turn saddle and shoot at their pursuers”. The Indian armies seriously handicapped in this respect. Balban used to say: “I know well that no (Indian) ruler can raise his hands against the army of Delhi because the armies of the Rais and the Ranas though consisting of a lac paiks (footmen) dhankus (bowmen) cannot face my army. Barely six and seven thousand horsemen of Delhi are enough to ravage and destroy them.” It is significant that in Sanskrit literature the Turkish sultans of India are referred to as Ashwapatus, i.e. lords of horses.

Impact or Significance of the Turkish Conquest (or) Impact of the emergence of Delhi Sultanate:- Ans: - The Turkish conquest of India did not simply replace the rule of one dynasty by the other. By contrast, for northern India and the Deccan, the emergence and domination of Delhi sultanate marked a very clear break in the regions political past and introduced innovations of profound important;pl \ce in its cultural history. By all standards, the economic consequences of the conquest, too, were more than skin deep. Political consequences:- The most significant political consequence of the Turkish conquest was the replacement of the ‘feudal’, multi centered polity by a unifying state in which the king exercised unlimited powers. The creation of a unifying state based on military power undoubtedly had precedents in the country’s history. But the Delhi Sultans

success in this endeavour excelled all earlier efforts. We have to remember that on the eve of the Turkish conquest India was fragmented into a large number of states and there was fragmentation within fragmentation because of the nature of a polity which has been termed either ‘feudal’ or ‘Segmentary’. In order to unify the country the Muslims introduced Iqta system which they borrowed from the Islamic world. It was a transferable territorial assignment. The Iqtadars had to run the administration of the different territories collect the revenue, pay fawazil (surplus) to the central treasury, maintain military contingents and supply them to the centre at the time of any emergency. The Iqtadar had no ownership rights and could be transferred. Thus it was a system aimed at to administer the country without jeopardizing its political unity. Thus while the rais, ranas and thakurs fail to unite the country, the Turks succeeded in establishing a centralized state.]]][

Cultural Consequences:- The Turkish conquest was followed by the influx of streams of people from Persia and Central – Asia who brought with them a new culture – religion, dress, diet, language and literature, architecture, customs and manners, amusements and recreation etc. Since the new culture was without doubt a superior one as Persia and Central Asia were the hubs of Medieval Civilization

Building Technology:- Lime motor was brought by the immigrant Muslims during the Sultanates besides lime motor as cementing material the Muslims introduced the technique of constructing the true arc (Mihrab) dome (gumbad) Vault.

a) Paper:- One new industry which the Muslims brought to India was paper manufacture as this technology has reached Samarqand in the 8th century making it a famous center of paper manufacture at the time of Turks conquest in India. The earliest available manuscript in India was written in Gujarat in 1223—24, paper greatly facilitated and cheapened the circulation of the books and brought into being the class of professional transcribers.

Military technology:- The Turkish conquest not only led to the changes in military organization by maintaining a large standing army centrally recruited and centrally paid – but it brought significant changes in military technology. The Turks introduced the iron stirrup (rikab) and horse shoe (nal). The iron stirrup and horseshoe greatly improved warrior’s ability to damage his enemy. We have also evidence of the introduction of cannon in the second half of the 15 th century. The evidence comes from Gujarat Malwa, Deccan and Kashmir. Let us sum up by saying that the new techniques and crafts brought by the Muslims in India were saqiya, spinning wheel, pil loom, lime motor, true arch’s, domes, paper and book binding, stirrup, horseshoe, gunpowder, tin coating and mariners compass.

III): Polity, Administration and economy under Sultans: Iltutmish, Balban, Allauddin Khalji and Muhammad Bin Tughlaq:

Iltutmish (1210-1236)

In 1210, Aibak died of injuries in a fall from his horse while playing chaugan (Polo). Aibak who succeeded

on the throne by his son- in- law Iltutmish who brought back the capital to Delhi. Iltutmish was a slave of

Aibak, who had bought him as a slave. Originally Iltutmish belonged to the Ilbari tribe of Turkishtan. But was

sold to a merchant of Bukhara. As a slave he was first brought to Ghani and then to Delhi, where Qutbuddin

bought him. By virtue of his great military capability and intelligence he rose to position of Sultan. But before

that he had to fight and defeat the real son of Aibak.

Iltutmish must be regarded as the real consolidator of the Turkish conquests. At the time of his accession,

Ali Mardan Khan had declared himself the King of Bengal and Bihar, while Qubacha had declared himself an

independent ruler of Multan and ceased Lahore and parts of Punjab. Large portions of territories conquered by

he Turks had slipped out of control and subjugated chieftains had declared their independence. Iltutmish’s

quarter century reign was distinguished by a concerted drive to reestablish the Sultanates authority on the areas

that had been lost. In 1215, Yalduz (slave of Qutbuddin) was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Iltutmish wrested the province of Lahore from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor. Within three years of this event, the Mongols, under Changez Khan’s leadership appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalaluddin Mangbarni (the son of Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuges in Punjab. Henceforth, the Mongols remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans. While the Mongols were busy else where, Iltutmish ousted Qubacha from Multna and Uchch. He drowned himself into the Indus. As a consequence Iltutmish was able to cease Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. Secure in the west, Iltutmish was able to turn his attention elsewhere. In Bengal and Bihar Iwaz who had taken the title of Sultan Ghijasuddin had assumed independence. In 1226-27 Iwaz was defeated and killed in a battle with Iltutmish’s son near Lakhnauti. Bengal and Bihar passed under the Suzerainty of Delhi once again but they were difficult to rule, they repeatedly challenged the authority of Delhi. At about the same time, Iltutmish took steps to recover Gwalior and Bayana. Ajmir and Nagor remained under his control. He sent expeditions against Ranthambhor and Jalor to reassert his suzerainty. He also attacked Nagda, the capital of Mewar but was repulsed by Gujarat army. As a revenge Iltutmish send an expedition against the Chalukyas of Gujarat but was retreated with losses.

Raziya 1236-39 A.D

During the last years of his reign, Iltutmish was worried over the problem of succession. He considered none of his sons to be worthy of he throne; he nominated his daughter Raziya as his heir apparent. Having been nominated by hr father Raziya had to face stiff opposition from turkan-i-chihilgani (the forty). After the death of Iltutmish the forth had developed an ambition to become king makers and were divided into different groups and each group wanted to install a person of its liking whom the expected to be a mere figure head or a rubber stamp. The wazir Nizam-ul-Mulk Junaidi who had opposed her elevation to the throne and backed and supported a rebellion of nobles against her. Raziya defeated him and forced him to flee. She sent an expedition against Ranthambhor to control the Rajputs who had declared their independence. She successfully established law and order in the length and breadth of her Kingdom but her attempt to create a party of nobles loyal to her and to raise non-Turks to high office led to opposition. The Turkish nobles accused her of violating feminine modesty and of being too friendly to an Abyssinian noble Yaqut Khan. Reballiions broke out at Labore and Sirhind. She personally led an expedition against Lahore, and compelled the governor to submit. On the way to Sirhind an internal rebellion broke out in which Yaqut Khan was killed and Raziya imprisoned at Tabarhind. However, Raziya won over her captor Altunia and after marrying him made a renewed attempt on Delhi. Raziya fought valiantly, but was defeated and killed in fight by bandits.


The period between the death of Raziya 1240 and the rise of Balban as naib (vice-regent) is a period of contineous struggle between the nobles and the monarchy. While the nobles were agreed that only a descendent of Iltitmish could sit on the throne at Delhi, they wanted that all power and authority should vest in their hands. At first they seemed to succeed and appointed Bahram Shah, son of Iltutmish, as a successor to Raziya on a condition that he appointed one of the Trukish nobles, Aitigin, to the post of naib. For some time a body of three nobles, the naib, the wazir and the mustaufi (auditor general) constituted itself a the governing board reducing the monarch to the position of a figure head. But the conflict among them led to a struggle in which Bahram shah lost his throne and his life. The fate of his successor, Masud was no different. The effort of wazir, Nizam- ul-Mulk, to arrogate all power of wazir, Nizam-ul-Mulk, to arrogate all power to himself led to his murder and the rise of Balban.

The death of four monarchs within a short period of six years following the death of Iltutmish denoted serious crises in the relationship between the monarchy and the Turkish nobles. The nobles wanted to rule while the monarch merely reigned, but they could not present a united front. The evaluation of Nasiruddin Mahmud, a grandson of Iltutmish, to the throne in 1246 was really the handiwork of Balban, though he tried for some time to take all the Turkish nobles along with him. Nasiruddin was a suitable instrument for the nobles because he had little interest in political and administrative affairs.

Age of Balban 1246-1287 A.D.

Although Balban ascended the throne in 1266, the entire period from 1246 to his death in 1287 may be called the age of Balban because he was the dominant figure at Delhi during this time.

Balban as naib:- Nothing definite is known about the early life of Ulugh Khan, later known to history as Balban, he came from family of Ilbari Turks who were greatly respected in Turkistan. They were ousted from the area by the heathen Turks and Balban was sold as a slave in Baghdad and then brought to Delhi in 1232-33 where he was purchased by Iltutmish. He was thus one of the chihalgani Turks. He made his mark as a brave and intelligent officer in 1246 by fighting against the Mongols who had devastated Lahore and besieged Uchch in Sindh. Following this Balban took the initiative in carrying out a series of plundering raids against neighbouring rajas, rebellious rais and Zamindars. In consequence, within three years he rose to the position of naib or deputy to Nasiruddin Mahmud with full powers to control the army and the administration. He further strengthened his position by marrying one of his daughters to the young Sultan. However, the position of Balban was not secure for a considerable period. The growing authority of Balban alienated many of the Turkish chiefs who had hoped to continue their former power and influence in the affairs of government, since Nasiruddin Mahmud was young and inexperienced. They therefore, hatched a conspiracy and ousted Balban from his position. Balban was replaced by Imaduddin Raihan who was an Indian Muslim. Balban agreed to step aside, but carefully continued to build his own group. Within two years of his dismissal he managed to win over some of his opponents. Balban now made preparations for military show down. Sultan Mahmud bowed to the superior strength of Balbans group and dismissed Raihan. After some time Raihan was defeated and killed. But he did not assume the throne himself, probably due to the sentiments of the Turkish chiefs. In 1265, Sultan Mahmud died. Some historians are of he opinion that Balban poisoned the young king and also did away with all the royal princes so that he could himself assume the throne.

Balban as a ruler:- The assumption of the throne by Balban at Delhi (1266) marks the beginning of an era of strong centralized government by using a mixture of force and shrived intelligence vast experience and superb self confidence. During the period between Iltutmish’s death and accession of Balban, the overwhelming power of the forty had produced a disobedient self-willed feeling among the people who seized every opportunity to resist the authority of the government. The unruly behaviour of Turkani chahalgani had brought into contempt a throne which had been among the most dignified and exalted in Asia. Balban imparted new luster to it, brought order into the administration and restored efficiency to institutions whose powers or effectiveness had been shaken or destroyed. The law and order situation around Delhi and in the doab had deteriorated. In the Ganga-Jamuna doab and Awad, roads were poor and were infested with robbers and decoits so much so that communication with the eastern areas had become difficult. Some of the Rajput Zamindars had set up forts in the area, and defied the government. The Mewatis had become so bold as to plunder people upto the outskirts of Delhi. To deal with these elements, Balban adopted a policy of “Blood and iron”. Robbers were mercilessly pursued and put to death. In the area around Badayun, Rajput strongholds were destroyed, the jungles were cut down, and colonies

of Afghan soldiers were settled there to safeguard the roads, and to deal with the Rajput Zamindars whenever they raised a disturbance against the government.

Balban’s Mongol Policy:- Balban adopted a policy of both force and diplomacy. He repaired the forts of Bhatinda, Sunam and Samna and posed a strong force in order to prevent the Mongols from crossing the river Beas. He himself remained at Delhi and never moved out to distant expeditions. Simultaneously, he sent diplomatic feelers to Halaku. Envoys from Halaku reached and were received with great honour by Balban. Balban agreed to leave the major portion of Punjab under the Mongol control. The Mongols, on their part did not make any attack on Delhi.

Balban’s Administration or Balban’s theory Kingship

After the death of Iltutmish in 1235 A.D. confusion reigned supreme and the prestige of the crown greatly deteriorated. In order to increase the power and prestige of the monarchy, and to centralize all authority in his hands Balban adopted various administrative measures and introduced so many reforms in order to run the administrative machinery of the country. For this purpose he adopted the Iranian theory of Kingship according to which the king was divine or semi-divine in character and answerable only to God. Thus he wrote as well as preached and practised that Sultan is vicegerent of God. He underlined the theory that sultan was the shadow of God (Zil-i-allah) and emphasized it by insisting that in his court any one presented to him had to perform the sijda and paibos (prostration and Kissing the feet of the monarch). Secondly, he maintained a splendid court in which all the nobles had to stand in serried ranks. Balban himself maintained the utmost dignity in the court. He would never laugh out nor allowed anyone to do so. There was always a serious and grim look on his face. In order to enhance his position, Balban gave up drinking wine so that no one may see him in a non-serious mood. He refused to associate with ignoble persons, dancing girls etc. He would never appear before the public or even his private servants without his royal dress. In order to enhance his prestige, the sultan fabricated a lineage and claimed to be a descendent of legendary Iranian King Afrasiyab, and always kept himself aloof from common people.

Impartial and Equal Justice to all

Balban had no doubt adopted a stern policy but by no means he was a cruel monarch. He realized that the King would not command respect if he does not win the confidence of people which he thought would be possible only by administering justice impartially. If he adopted the policy of ‘Blood and Iron’ it was the need of the time. He gave equal justice to all his citizens. He never hesitated in awarding the right punishment even to his highest officers and nearest relatives. It is said that Haibat Khan, the governor of Awad had, under influence of wine, killed a person. He was ordered to be given 500 strokes of the whip in public and then handed over to the widow of the victim, putting him to death if she so desired. He saved himself with great difficulty by paying her 20,000 tanks.

Army:- A strong, centralized state needed a strong army. As it was considered that the army is a pillar of the state, Balban fully knew that the strong army was indispensable for checking the Mongol invasions, crushing the internal revolts and respect for the monarchy and to carry day to day administration. Consequently Balban maintained a powerful army with the help of his Diwan-i-Ariz (Military Department). He introduced many reforms in the administration of army. He pensioned off those soldiers who were no longer fit for service. Old and corrupt officials were removed and young and energetic soldiers were enrolled. Special attention was paid to the training of soldiers and every effort was made to look into their welfare. Old forts were repaired while many new were built at strategic points. He appointed experienced military officers as wardens of the marches.

Balban also ordered an inquiry into the position of old Turkish soldiers, many of whom had been given villages

in the doab as Iqta in lieu of salary.

To keep himself well informed, Balban appointed spies in every department.

End of Slave Dynasty or Mameluk

In 1287 A.D. Balban died and with him passed away the glory and prestige of the slave dynasty. There was

none among his successors who could run the machinery which was working so efficiently under him.

Balban, infact intended to nominate his son price Muhammad as his successor, but when he died in 1286

while fighting against the Mongols, all the hopes of Balban were dashed to the ground. In utter despire he

nominated his grant son Kaikhusrau, the son of Muhammad, as his successor. But after his death his nobles

raised Kaikabad, the son of Bughra Khan (Balbab’s son) to the throne of Delhi. Kaikabad was inexperienced

and he began to lead a life of a drunkard. His example was also followed by his ministers and nobles and within

no time the once magnificent and dignified court of Balban was changed into a drunkards den.


The coming to power of Khaljis brought a significant change in the racial composition of the nobility as it witnessed the downfall of Turkish aristocracy and the assumption of power by the Indian Muslims and the Indo-Afghans, now we find the old Turkish aristocracy enhilated or degraded and its place being taken by non-Turks. It is in this sense that the Khalji rule is regarded something novel. Alaudin Khalji further eroded the power of the old Turkish nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols, Indians and Abysannians (Malik Kafur ). That the Khaljis broadened the composition of ruling class it is no wonder that some historians call Khaljis coming to power as ‘Khalji Revolution’ , however, though the Khaljis coming to power brought in non-Turks in the fold of nobility but still it was not merit but rich ancestry which was considered a pre-requisite for entry into nobility. The cases like Malik Kafur are exceptions rather than rule.

Land Revenue administration of Allauddin Khalji Allauddin’s reign witnessed some remarkable changes in the agrarian system about which classical description has been given by Barani. The main purpose of the agrarian policy was to strengthen the financial basis of the Sultante by increasing revenue demands and cutting down the leakage to intermediaries. In order to achieve the purpose he is first recorded Sultan to systemize revenue assessment and collection to control over the Iqtas. For this he took some important measures which may be mentioned blow:-

1) Assessment on the basis of measurement and yield per Unit area:- Allauddin was the first monarch of the Sultanate who insisted that in the doab, land revenue would be assessed on the basis of measuring the land under cultivation. Alauddin got the land under each crop measured. It seems that he not only measured the land of each village but of each peasant. Then he estimated the per unit productivity of the land. Accordingly he worked out the total produce multiplying the area under crop by the yield. This system is known as kankut in later sources. Moreover, Barani does not tell about the method and mode of the measurement of the fields. 2) Magnitude of Land revenue:- After estimating the produce of each peasant the Sultan, according to Barani, imposed ½ as Khiraj (Land Revenue). Apart from this, no extra cesses were to be levied except a grazing tax (charai) on cattle and (ghari) on houses.

3) Medium of payment:- According to Barani, the Sulan ordered that the peasant should pay tax in Kind and not in cash. According to Irfan Habib there were two mediums of payment during Alauddins reign. In the doab, which comprised Khalisa, Khiraj was realized in Kind for his granaries. On the other hand, in the rest parts of the Sultanate the payment was normally obtained in cash.

4) Alauddin and Rural Intermedaries:- Before Alauddin it seems that group assessment was a common form of assessment. That is revenue was imposed up on the village collectively and it was the responsibility of the rural aristocracy – Khut, muqaddam and chaudhari-to distribute the land revenue among the peasants and to realise it from them. However, this was misused by these

intermediaries as according the Barani, they did not pay revenue which was due to their own lands nor did they pay ghari and charai. On the other hand they imposed their own cess upon the peasant known as Qismat-i-Khuti. In this way the whole burden of land revenue was borne by the poor peasantry as in the words of Barani the strong shifted the burden upon the weak. In this situation the rural aristocracy had become so rich that in the words of Barani, they rode on Arab horses, wore silken robes and chewed betel leaves. Allauddin prohibited the Khuts from levying any cess and forced them to pay full land tax on their cultivated lands. He also levied ghari and charai on them. In the picturesque language of Barani, the Khuts and muqaddams could not efford to ride on Arabian horses, or to chew betel leaves and they became so poor that their wives had to go and work in the houses of Muslims for wages.

5) Auditing and Punishments:- Alauddin tried to ensure the efficient and honest working of the machinery of the revenue administration. This was not easy since with the extension of Khalisa, large number of accountants, collectors (amils) and Patwaris and agents had to be appointed. Since these revenue officers were notorious for committing embezzlements, Alauddin gave them sufficient salaries to ensure them to live in comfort. He insisted that their accounts should be audited strictly. We are told that for small defaults they were beaten and sent to prison. Barani says that their life has become so insecure that no one was willing to marry their daughters to them.

6) Changes in Iqta organisation:- Alauddin introduced two important changes in Iqta organisation. First, he annexed the areas nearer the capital to the Khalisa. The system of paying the Sultans own cavalry troops by assigning villages as Iqtas was abolished. Instead they were paid in cash. Secondly he tightened his control over the administration of Iqtas by establishing a new system of assessment and collection agrarian taxes in the areas which were under muqtis.

Market Regulations of Alauddin Khalji : Market control measures of Alauddin Khalji constitute a significant achievement of the Sultanate period which amazes even a modern mind. A set of seven regulations issued by Alauddin and recorded in details by Barani came to be known as Alauddin’s market control measures. These were :-

1. The Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle etc.

2. These prices were really to be enforced since the Sutan carefully made all arrangements for marking the measure a success. A controller of market Shahna-i-mandi, Barids (Intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret spies) were appointed.

3. The grain merchants were placed under the Shahnai-mandi and sureties were taken from them.

4. The sultan himself was to receive daily reports separately from these three sources.

5. While ensuring strict control in the market, the sultan did not overlook the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains at low prices. In order to ensure this the Sultan ordered that the land revenue in the doab should be realised with such rigour that the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the karvans (the grain merchants). Similarly he advanced loans to the merchants for the purchase of commodities from the different parts of country as well as from external market.

6. The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and Chhain in Rajasthan. The land tax from the Khalisa

in the doab was realized in kind. The grain went to the state granaries.

7. Regretting was prohibited. All the banjaras were registered, and their agents and their family were

held collectively responsible for any violation. The Sultan succeeded in maintaining low prices and

ample supply in the market as reported by all authorities.

2. Military Reforms:- In order to face the Mongol threat and also to realize his dream of becoming

Sikandar-i-Sani Alauddin Khalji is the most prominent Sultan to reform the military organization. He laid the foundation of a large standing army which was kept in readiness at the imperial capital. According to Afif the cavalry alone numbered 4,75,000. The army was equipped with superior technology. A large number of technologists for manufacturing gargach, manjaniqs and arrads in large quantities to equip his army. He established the paighas, horse breeding centres in Delhi to breed horses of high quality for his army. Instead paying the army in land grants, they were now paid in cash from central treasury. He introduced examination system for recruitment in the army. Only those persons were recruited who were expert in riding, fencing and the use of war weapons. The function of recruiting a person in the army was performed by Ariz-i-Mumalik. What is most important that Alauddin introduced the system of daag (branding of horses), chehra (descriptive roll and muster system). The salary of each horseman was fixed at 238 tanka a year. But those horsemen

who contributed their own two horses (do-aspah) used to get 78 tanka more. Special spies were kept in every unit of army who informed the Sultan regarding the conduct of the military officers. To save his frontiers from the Mongol invasion to which he built new forts and repaired the old ones and garrisoned them with young and efficient soldiers.

Iqta System:- Iqta is an Arabic word and the institution had been in force in the early Islamic world as a form of reward for services to the state. It was used in the caliphate administration as a way of financing operations and paying civil and military officers. It did not imply a right to the land nor was it hereditary.

In order to consolidate the Turkish rule, they made revenue assignments in lieu of cash to their nobles known as Iqta. The assignee who collected revenue from these areas was known as muqti. From this he had to maintain the administration of his area, particularly to collect land tax, and to maintain military contingent and to send surplus to central treasury.

Expansion under the Tughluqs with special reference to Muhammad Tughluq.

The Tughluqs came to power in Delhi when Ghiyasuddin Tughluq ascended the throne in 1320. Under Alauddin he was the warden of the marches or the governor of the frontier provinces. The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to the hot land. The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the treasury had been depilated Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself first to the task of restoring the exchequer and the administration. After setting the administration, he appointed his son Ulugh Khan to restore the imperial position of warangal and send a noble to deal with a rebellion in Gujarat. Ghiyasuddin himself marched on Bengal to reduce it to submission. On his return from the successful campaign, a pavilion erected by his son Ulugh Khan (later Muhamad Tughluq), to welcome him, crashed and crushed him to death (1325). After his death his son Muhammad Tughluq ascended to throne in 1325. Soon after his accession he led campaigns to Kalanur (Punjab) and Peshawar. Probably it was a defence to the Invasion of Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 and was aimed at securing north-west frontier to the sultanate against the future Mongol attacks. On his way to Kalanur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to march and conquer Kalanur and Peshawar. The task seems to have been accomplished without much difficulty.

In about 1332 Sultan Muhammad Tughluq planned the conquest of Qarachi (Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh). For this purpose he enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in occupying Jidya an important place in Qarachil region. He was then instructed to return but Khushrau exceeded the instructions and marched ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned. This expeditions led to tremendous waste of resources and an erosion in the authority of Muhamad Tughluq.

Thus we find that during the reign of both father and son, the direct control of Delhi was extended to Warangal, Mabar, Madurai, Dwarsamudra up to the Southern tip of India

Muhammad Tughluq’s experiments. Next to Alauddin Khalji, Muhammad bin Tughluq (1324-51) is best remembered as a ruler who undertook a number of bold experiments and showed a keen interest in the development of agriculture. He was deeply read in religion and philosophy. He conversed not only with the Muslim mystics but also with the Hindu yogis and jain saints such as Jinaprabha suri. This was not liked by many orthodox theologians and accused him of being a rationalist. He was also prepared to give high offices to the people on the basis of merit irrespective of whether he belonged to noble families or not unfortunately, he was inclined to be hasty and impatient. That is why so many of his experiments failed and he has been dubbed an ill-starred idealist.

1. Transfer of capital 1327:- The most controversial step taken by Mhammad bin Tughluq early in

his reign was his so called transfer of capital from Delhi to Deogiri which was renamed as Daulatabad. Deogiri had been a base for the expansion of Turkish rule since the days of Alauddin. Muhammd Tughluq himself had spent a number of years there in south both as prince and as a ruler.

It appears that the Sultan wanted to make Deogiri a second capital so that he could control it more easily. For this purpose, he ordered many officers and leading men, including many sufi saints, to shift to Deogiri. No attempt was made to shift the entire population. It seems that a good deal of pressure was exerted up on the people to migrate. However, Delhi still remained a large and populous city in the absence of the Sultan coins minted in Delhi, while the Sultan was at Deogiri testify to this. Though Muhammad Tughluq had built a road from Delhi to Daulatabad and set up rest houses on the way to help the travellers, Daulatabad was more than 15000 Kilometeres away. Many people died due to long journey and heat, since this movement took place during summer season. Many of those who reached Daultabad felt homesick. After a couple of years Muhammad Tughluq decided to abandon Daulatabad, largely because he soon found that just as he could not control the South from Delhi, he could not control north from. Daulatabad. Though the attempt to make Deogiri a second capital failed, the exodus did not have a number of long range benefits. It helped in bringing north and south India closer together by improving communications. Many people, including religions divines became the means of spreading in Deccan the cultural, religions and social ideas which the Turks had brought with them to the north India. This resulted in a new process of cultural interaction between the north and south India.

Economic or Agrarian Reforms

a) Token Currency:- Another novel innovation of Muhammad Tughlaq was the introduction of

Token currency or copper currency. Since money is merely a medium of exchange, all countries in the world today have token currencies – generally paper currency, so that they do not have to depend upon the supply of gold and silver. There was a shortage of silver in the world in the 14th century. Moreover, Kublai Khan (1260-94) of China had already successfully experimented with a token currency. A Mongol ruler of Iran Ghazan Khan, had also experimented with it. Muhammad Tughlaq decided to introduce a bronze coin which was to have the same value as the silver tanka. This coin for the first time carried an inscription in persian. This new currency whose face value was much higher than its intrinsic value (i.e. value of metal it was made of) is termed as Token currency. The idea of a token currency was a new one in India and it was difficult to introduce the traders as well as the

common man to accept it. Muhamad Tughlqq might still have been successful if the government had been able to prevent people from forging the new coins. Barani says that every Hindu household became a mint. Since the government was not able to do so, and soon the new coins began to be greatly devalued in the markets. Finally Muhammad Taghlaq decided to withdraw the token currency. However, the Sultan accepted the failure with grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure currency.

b) Agrarian Reforms:- Muhammad Tughluqs reign presents a very interesting picture with regard

to the agrarian taxation. When he came to the throne he attempted a substantial increase in the scale of

land revenue demanded from the cultivators. Barani says that he increased it from ‘1 to 10 or 1 to 20’. It certainly gives the impression of an enormous increase. Barani suggests that additional new imposts (abwab) were levied. Yahya Sirhindi gives a different picture. He says that ghari and charai were collected with such rigor that houses were counted and cattle branded. But more important than these measures was that for assessment of Khiraj, officially decreed yields and officially decreed prices were used. This tremendous increase in revenue demand resulted in contractions of areas under plough and agrarian uprising around Delhi and doab. Thus for the first time, we hear of peasant revolt in the chronicles. Barani says that the peasants set fire to the grain heaps and drove away cattle from their homes. Cultivations was totally abandoned. The sultan adopted the unusual methods to suppress rebellion. In consequences many of the Khuts and muqaddams who acted as leaders of peasants were either killed or took refuge in forests. The Sultans troops surrounded the jungles and killed every one whom they found within the jungles. Thus the entire area was laid waste which caused failure of grain supplies to Delhi and followed by a famine that lasted for about seven years, from 1334-5 to 1342. Faced with these problems, Muhammad Tughluq became the first sultan who attempted to formulate an agricultural policy for promoting agriculture. He introduced the practice of giving agricultural loans named sondhar for increasing the area under cultivation and for digging wells for irrigation. Barani says that 70 lakh tankas were given till 1346-7 in Sondhar but perhaps hardly any amount reached the peasantry. A new ministry designated Diwan-i-amir-i-Kohi was established to promote agriculture. Its two main functions were to extent the area under cultivation and to reclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping pattern. It was recommended that barley should be replaced by wheat, wheat by sugarcane and sugarcane by grapes and dates. The

scheme failed largely because the men chosen for the purpose proved to be inexperienced and dishonest.

IV: Vijay-Nagar Empire

Nature of Vijayanagar polity: - Different historians have differently characterized the Vijayanagar polity. In this regard the most prominent historians are Nilkant Shastri, D.C. Sircar, Krishna Swami and Burton Stein. According to Nilkant Shastri the Vijayanagar state was essentially a protector of Hinduism and Hindu culture. In support of this he quotes Vijayanagar rulers’ patronage to Hinduism by way of constructing temples and mathas and patronizing the Brahmans. Why did Vijayanagar assumed this pre-eminently ideological character, Nilkant Shastri opines that the main reason for this was the constant threat of Muslim Bahmanid kingdom; and the threat needed to be tackled by creating religious fervour among the Vijayanagar people to be ready to sacrifice their lives for defending this what may be called the citidal of Hindu orthodoxy. And no wonder that the Vijayanagar rulers showed enthusiasm in reviving Hinduism and Hindu culture. According to Shastri it was also the threat of Muslim Bahmanid kingdom which also accounted for making Vijayanagar what he called a ‘war state’. According to him it was a war state because of half of the resources of the kingdom were spent on military preparedness and strengthening its defence sector. In this regard he quotes a Vijayanagar ruler saying that half of the revenues must be set aside for military purposes. Besides, he gives details of the resources spent by the Vijayanagar rulers on fortification, purchase of good quality war horses and recruitments of large standing army. What is more in order to substantiate that it was a ‘war state’ he gives details of the predominant role of warrior chiefs known as nayakas. According to his latest observation the rule of these warrior chiefs was so predominant that he called the Vijayanagar state a confederation of military commanders headed by a bigger one. To further substantiate his view that Vijayanagar state was a war state, Shastri refers to the role of Brahmans as commanders of Vijayanagar forts.

While Shastri is right in characterizing the Vijayanagar as a ‘war state’, what is however a matter of controversy is whether the Vijayanagar state was a really a champion of Hindu orthodoxy. It is doubtful. Had it been so then it would not have expanded at the cast of the Hindu states of Orissa, Karnataka and the chief ruling the Tamil regions as a matter of fact Vijayanagar was like any other ambitious medieval state which was bent on expanding its boundaries no matter who were around. It has been rightly observed that the wars in medieval India were more between Hindus and Hindus and Muslims and Muslim rather than Hindus and Muslims. Bahmanid kingdom being ruled by Muslims came handy to the Vijayanagar rulers to give the otherwise purely politico-economic tussle a religious colour. Since the religion was not the ready weapon to portray the Telgu-Kanadian based rulers’ policy of expansion towards wrangal, Orissa and the deep south, hence ethnic and other factors were invoked to create enthusiasm among its commanders and soldiers to appropriate these regions. It is interesting that while Vijayanagar and the Bahmanid kingdoms used religion for political aggrandizements but none of them showed prejudice against employing the people of other faiths. Vijayanagar rulers had thousands of Muslim cavalrymen in their service who defended Vijayanagar empire against Bahmanid onslaughts. Same is the case with Bahmanid rulers in whose service we find a number of Brahmans. To be sure, the conflict between the Bahmanid and Vijayanagar empires which remained a dominant feature of their mutual relations had fundamentally politico economic basis. Religion had no role in it. Both the rulers wanted to occupy the fertile tracts and commercially viably ports. Both had coveted Tungabahdra Doab, Krishna –Kaveri delta and Konkan region. And no wonder we find the conflicts taking place either for taking one or the other above mentioned geographical regions.

On balance, we may say that Vijayanagar as well as Bahmanid kingdoms were essentially like these medieval states who wanted to expand their boundaries and left no stone unturned to use ideology as a source for accomplishing this objective.

Segmentary State ------- Burton Stein:- According to Burton Stein Vijayanagar state, like Chola state, was a segmantary state but a variant form of segmentary state as the local chiefs were more independent from the control of local bodies, at least in Tamil macro-region if not in Telgu-Kanada region.

By segmentary state Burton Stein means that in this state the king exercised political authority over the core area and only ritual sovereignty over the peripheries or segments. In the segments of real authority was exercised by the local chiefs (in case of Vijayanagar by the Nayakas). The relationship between the centre and the segments was pyramidally organized i.e. the more a segment was geographically distantly located, the more was independent of central control and the more it had the chance to ceceed from the ritual control of the central authority. According to Stein the ritual control was exercised through the instrument of religion i,e. either by establishing temples in the segments or by patronizing religious class and sectarian leaders or by organizing festivals in which the chiefs participated.

Stein’s argument is based on the preeminent position held by the nayaks (warrior chiefs) during Vijayanagar period. He argues that the nayakas were not simple ‘feudal’ chiefs to enjoy the land grants given by the king and to pay tribute besides rendering military service to the centre. On the other hand the nayakas were powerful local potentates by their own right. He doubts whether they really paid tribute to the centre though rendering military service is not questioned. What Stein actually argues is that the nayakas were almost independent rulers of their respective areas and they only owed ritual allegiance to the central authority. To substantiate his theory he draws upon the theory of ‘war state’ as advanced of Nilkant Shastri particularly the views of Shastri that the Vijayanagar Empire was ‘a confederation of military chiefs’.

However, according to Stein Vijayanagar was a variant form of segmentary state because unlike the Chola chiefs, whose authority was restricted by the local bodies, the nayaka institution was more formal and independent from the control of local institutions at least in macro Tamil region (were previously the local bodies actually manned the local affairs) if not in Kanada-Telgu region where Nayaka institution originated.


Feudal State According to same historians like Krishna Swami Vijayanagar was a feudal state. The main basis of this theory is the nayaka system and the land grants given to Brahmans and the Temples. According to this theory no other Indian state is so close to feudal polity as a Vijayanagar because according to them 75% of the revenue was alienated as amaram grants enjoyed by the nayakas. These nayakas held the land on hereditary basis like them they too paid tributes and rendered military service to the centre. They also gave away the land to others. Thus the system of sub-infeudation. The system of land grants assumed greater proportions during the period as because of military needs the employed Brahmans as durga dhipitis (commanders of fortresses) and also used temples and religious sects for maintaining its ritual authority over the peripheries. On the basis of large scale amaram grants even D.C. Sircar (who does not agree with calling medieval India social formation as feudal) believes that Vijayanagar has much affinity with feudal polity.

To conclude, there is some grain of truth in each theory mentioned above but none is final. Each theory brings to face some important insights for understanding Vijayanagar polity and they provide a perspective for further research.

Nayankara system or Nayaka system:-

Nayaka system was an important politico-economic institution of Vijayanagar empire. Nayakas were essentially military chiefs who were in charge of different territories. About their position modern historians hold divergent views. According to D.C. Sircar nayaka system was a variety form of feudal system as the nayakas had to maintain military contingents, run the administration of different territories, collect revenue and to pay tribute to the central authority plus military assistance. Their position was hereditary but they were not the proprietors of land. Nilkant Shastri (according to his latest view) believes that the position of nayakas was far superior than feudal chiefs as he calls the Vijayanagar empire ‘a Confederation of military chiefs’ headed by a bigger one. Thus, according to this opinion the nayakas were also independent in their spheres of influence.

This view is also supported by Burton Stein who believes that the nayakas were almost independent rulers in their respective segments. And the king exercised only ritual authority over them. He even doubts whether these nayakas paid tribute to the centre,

though providing military assistance is not questioned. That the nayakas were independent rulers of their respective territories; it is no wonder that Stein considers Vijayanagar state as segmentary state like Chola state. However he calls it a variant form of segmentary state because according to him the local chiefs (nayakas) were more independent of the control of local landed group in Tamil Macro region if not a Telgu-Kanada area.

Before concluding it may be mentioned that nayaka institution was essentially of Telgu-Kanada origin and was imposed upon Tamil Macro-region with its conquest by Vijayanagar rulers. Having became a ‘war state’ in the words of N.K. Shastri the nayaka institution assumed unprecedented importance during Vijayanagar period.

History III Semester Unit 2 nd

BABUR (1526-1530) Factors that accounted for Babur’s conquest of India History repeated itself in 1526 when like the Turkish conquest of India,the developments in west and Central- Asia let to the Mughal conquest of India, Babur , The ruler of Farghana, after having failed to become the ruler of Samarkand was first forced to move towards Kabul in 1504 and then towards India to fullfill his dream to revive the glory of the Tamurid power. Had he not faced the tough enemies like Uzbeks to capture Samarkand and had there not been equally two other great powers- Ottoman Turks and Safavids, Babur would have been probably not thought of looking towards India. The second factor that accounted for Babur’s conquest was the economic factor. Like many earlier invaders from central India by the lure of is fabulous wealth.While India was well known to central Asia for its riches, Taimur, Babur’s ancestor, had further exposed it by carrying away a vast treasure and many skilful persons. This was an additional need for Babur to be attracted by Indian riches. Another important factor that motivated Babur to conquer India was an apprehension of an Uzbek attack on Kabul. As we know Uzbek’s had emerged the great power in Central Asia.Although he was holding Uzbek power. Therefore he considered India to be a good place of refuge and suitable base for operation against the Uzbek’s. It is because of these factors that to quote Babur, “I had never ceased to think of the conquest of Hindustan from the time I obtained Kabul(1504) to this victory at Panipat.’’

Factors that Favoured:-

Notwithstanding Babur’s strong ambitions to conquer India, it would have been difficult for him to translate desire into practice if the political situation in north-west India were not suitable for Babur’s entry into India. Ibrahim Lodhi’s efforts to create a large centralized empire had alarmed the Afghan chiefs as well as the Rajputs. It is needless to emphasize that Ibrahim Lodi’s efforts to re-establish the prestige of the crown militated against the Afghan ideas of tribal independence so there

was strong resentment against him. It is therefore no wonder to find a powerful Afghan chief Daulat Khan Lodhi, the governor of Punjab, inviting Babur to invade India. It is also believed that RanaSanga also extended the same invitation to Babur. Thus Babur got anopportunity to realize his ambitions, he had been entertaining for a long time.

Battles:- He fought the first battle against Ibrahim Lodhi at Panipat which resulted into Babur’s victory. This is known as the First Battle of Panipat(20th April 1526). It broke the back of Lodhi’s and brought about Babur’s control over the entire area upto Agra and Delhi. However, Babur had to wage two hard battles, one against the RanaSanga of Mewar and the other against the Afghans of eastern UP. The battle of Khanwa (1527) resulted into the defeat of Rana and Babur’s position got secured in Delhi and Agra region. Because of being ill and anxious about the situation in Central Asia, he entered into an agreement with Afghans and satisfied himself with claiming a loose sovereignty over Bihar and leaving most of it in the hands of Afghan chiefs.

Political condition of India on the eve of Babur’s Invasion

Let us examine the political condition of India on the eve of Babur’s invasion under the following headings:-

1. Different power centres:- On the eve of Babur’s invasion India was parcelled out among numerous, equally strong warring states. There was no paramount power in the country. India was not in a position to present a united front to an enemy.

2. Balance of power:- On the eve of Babur’s invasion, India was spilt into many equally strong powers. There was no paramount power and a struggle for supremacy was going on. Babur referred to five Muslim kings and two Hindu kings on the eve of his invasion.

3. Decentralization within Decentralization:-Decentralization took place during the period of Delhi Sultanate. This decentralization to a great extant was accelerated by the arrogant attitude of Ibrahim Lodhi. He went to extremes while trying to restore the dignity of crown. This enraged the Afghan chiefs and nobles and they went against Ibrahim Lodhi.

Importance of Babur’s Conquest

1. For the first time since the downfall of Kushan empire Babur and his successors were able to give India security from external invasions for about 200 years.

2. Economically also the control of Kabul and Kandhar strengthen India’s foreign trade since these two towns were the starting points for caravans meant for China in the east and the Mediterranean seaports in the west.

3. In north India Babur smashed the power of the Lodi’s and the Rajput confederacy led by RanaSanga.

4. Babur introduced a new mode of war fare in India. He showed that a skilled combination of artillery and cavalry could achieve a remarkable success.

5. By his new military methods as well as by his personal conduct, Babur re-established the prestige of the crown which had been eroded since the death of Feroz Tughluq.

6. Babur introduced a new concept of the state which was based on the strength and prestige of the crown, absence of religious and sectarian bigotry.

Humayun (1530-1556)

Political Conditions of India at the time Humayun’s Succession to Power

The empire founded by Babur was lost by his son Humayun in1540. There were number of problems left behind by Babur with which Humayun had to grapple with.

1. No doubt Babur defeated the Rajputs and made the Afghans to accept his sovereignty but he made no attempts to consolidate the administration. He made no improvements in the existing system of administration and parcelled out his empire into jagirs which he distributed among the nobles.There was little uniformity in the political situation of the different parts of the vast empire. Each kingdom, each

province, each district and each village was governed by its peculiar customs.

Another drawback of Babur’s administration was that whereas he distributed the vast treasures of Delhi and Agra with lavish generosity, he practically did nothing to augment the resources of the state. The result was that his treasury became empty and Humayun had to face theburntof his father’s extravagance.

Moreover, although Rajputs and Afghans were made to accept the supremacy of Babur but they were not completely crushed. The Afghans were particularly nursing the hope of expelling the Mughals from India.

Causes of Humayun’s Failure No doubt Humayun inherited a bed of thorns, but he too committed some mistakes which led to his failure.

1. He failed to assess Sher Khan’s actual power. His delay in taking action against Sher Khan resulted in his failure.

2. The division of empire by Humayun among his brothers led to his failure.

3. He did nothing for the welfare of his subjects during his 10 years. He spent his period in fighting which emptied his treasury.

4. Humayun’s treatment of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat was faulty. He should have defeated him while he was busy at Chittor.

5. After Chausa, Humayun did nothing to recapture the territory from Kanauj to Banaras. He always tried to remain defensive.

6. Humayun committed many mistakes in the battle of Kanauj. He remained inactive for two months. When Sher Khan attacked him, he could not make use of his artillery and the result was his failure.

7. The great blunder was his ill-conceived Bengal campaign where Humayun showed not only bad political sense but bad general ship as well.

Sher Shah Suri (1540-45) Sher Shah Suri ranks among the greatest rulers India has ever produced. This is abundantly clear from some of the far reaching reforms carried out by him besides uniting a large part of India, although he ruled for five years. The important measures carried out by him are as under:

1. The foremost contribution of Sher Shah was the establishment of law and order over the length and breadth of the empire.

2. He laid emphasis on making the roads safe and took stern action against robbers and dacoits.

3. Sher Shah paid great attention to fostering trade and commerce.For it he restored the old imperial road called the Grand Trunk road,from the river Indus in the west to Sonargaon in Bengal. He also built a road from Agra to Jodhpur and Chittor. He built a third road from Lahore to Multan.

4. Sher Shah built sarais on the highway at a distance of four miles for the convenience of merchants and travellers.

5. Sher Shah reduced and simplified the duties to promote the growth of trade and commerce. He ordered that the goods should be charged with only two taxes-one import duty and other sales tax.

6. He directed his governors and amils to compel the people to treat merchants and travellers well in every way and not to harm them at all.

7. He also made reforms in currency for the growth of trade and handicrafts. He struck fine coins of silver and copper of uniform standard in place of debased coins of mixed metals. He also made efforts to standardize weights and measures. The most important contribution of Sher Shah was in the field of Land Revenue System.In this regard Zabti system was introduced.Before him we find two systems of assessment operating, one was Kankut and other was ghalla-bakshi.Sher Shah completely discarded the ghalla-bakshisystem, he brought some radical alterations in the Kankut system.Instead of levying the rai to be fixed at each harvest, a standard schedule(rai) was now promulgated, to be applied to the sown area irrespective of the

actual harvest . The rai was based on three rates representing good,middling and low yields. These were averaged to obtain a general rate for the produce. One-third of the average yield was the share of the state. This was then converted into cash on the basis of prevailing market rates in different areas. So modified Kankut system became transformed into Zebti. He had simply measured the land sown with each crop and with the standard schedule of rai. The amount each peasant had to pay was written down on a paper called Patta. We are also told that in order to guard against famine and other natural calamities, a cess at the rate of the two and a half seers per bigha was also levied. Sher Shah set up a strong army in order toadminister his vast empire. He also placed considerable emphasis on justice.

Akbar (1556-1605)

Akbar’s Administration

The administration organized by Akbar was highly centralized and bureaucratic in nature. The administration is divided into different headings.

1. Central administration:-

a) The king was the foundation head of all powers. The appointments,

promotion, demotion and termination of nobles was subject to the will of the king. Akbar went a step further in ascribing the kingship the divine origin. AbulFazl on behalf of Akbar calls sovereignty Farri’i- Izadi (light of divinity). b) Vakil:- He was next to the king. During his reign there were two to three vakils. He was the head of administrative powers.

c) Diwan:- According to AbulFazl, the person who headed the department of income and expenditure was the wazir also called diwan. Under Akbar, the word diwan or diwan-i-ala was used more generally. He was the lieutenant of the emperor in financial matters, superintendent of the Imperial treasures and checked all accounts.

d) Mir Bakshi:-The post of Mir Bakshi had been in existence since the time of Balban under the name of diwan-i-arz.The recruitment of the army,the inspection of horses and the muster of troops were the permanent duties of Mir Bakshi. He kept a register of all the mansabdars who were employed for civil and military duties.

e) Sadr:- The sadr or sadr-us-sadur was the head of the ulama and was considered to be the chief advisor of the king regarding the enforcement and interpretation of sharia or the holy law. He was also

called qazi-ul-quzzat or head of the judiciary and appointed qazis all over the empire.

2. Provincial Administration:- In the time of Akbar the empire was divided into 15 provinces.

a) Subedar:- He was the head of the provincial administration.He

maintained peace within his province, looked after the welfare of the

people and was also the chief executive of the province.He also helped the revenue.

b) Record keeper:-There were four types of record keepers during the

period of Akbar like Wakya-Navis, Sawanak-Navis, Khulfia-Navis andHarkara. c)Karori:- Akbar put each pargana under the supervision of Karori. He was the revenue collector. d)Qanungo:- He was the head of village patwaris. He prepared all papers concerning agriculture and collection of revenue.

Akbar’s Religious Policy:- Akbar is an outstanding ruler whose reign is marked by some epoch making measures of which perhaps the most important was to integrate the different sections of the Indian society and thereby to provide a solid social base to the unity and integrity of the country. His policy of Sulh-i- kul(peace to all) had a long antecedents in Indian history. He laid stress on a religion based on love and devotion rather than one based on rituals or aliteral interpretation revealed books. Akbar took following measures to ensure communal harmony and social solidarity.


He abolished Jaziya, pilgrim tax and a practice of converting prisoners of war to Islam.


He gave positions to able Hindus in the Mughal nobility. We find competent Hindus like Todal Mal, an expert in revenue affairs, rose to the position of Diwan.


Akbar modelled his state policy on the basis of Timurid, Persian and Indian ideas of sovereignty so that the system of govt. takes care in the interest of all section of society.



In 1575 Akbar built a hall called hall of IbadatKhana (hall of prayers) at his new capital FatehpurSikri .To this IbadatKhana, he called a selected Ulama, Sufis and Scholars of his court. Akbar discussed religious and spiritual topics with them. The discord among the Ulama and their pride and conceit disgusted Akbar and he got further alienated from the Ulama. In 1578, Akbar opened the IbadatKhana to people of all religions – Christians, Hindus, Jains and even Atheists. This created a strong resentment among the Ulama as Akbar gave freedom to them to raise issues that were not in favour of Islam. A rebellion breaks out in the east. A number of Fatwa’s were given by the Qazi declaring Akbar a heretic. 3. Mahzar:- To further strengthen his position in dealing with the Ulama, Akbar also issued a declaration or Mahzar which asserted that if there were conflicting views among the mujtahids, Akbar, by virtue of being “a most wise and just king’’ and his rank being “higher in the eyes of God than of the mujtahids was entitled to choose anyone of the interpretations, which would be of “benefit to the nation at in the interest of good order.’’ The Declaration which was signed by the leading Ulama has been wrongly called a “Decree of infallibility.’’ Akbar claimed the right to choose only when there was a difference of opinion among those qualified to interpret the Quran. Akbar wanted the widest toleration.

There is a little doubt that the Mahzar had a little good effect in stabilizing the religious situation in the empire.

4.Tauhid-i – Illahi Or Din-i-Illahi:- Akbar’s reign is remarkably known for some for-reaching measures to bind different religious and ideological groups together, as the bickeringsamong them had dinned the Indian society into hostile camps. One of such important measures was what the contemporaries call Tauhid-i-Illahi. It was an order which stipulated that the adherents of the order should sacrifice prosperity, life, honor and religion for the common good. As aresult, according to Badauni, Akbargradually turned away from Islam and set up a new religion which comprised many religions- Islam, Hinduism, Christianity etc. However modern historians are not inclined to accept this view. They opine that there is a little evidence to prove that Akbar promulgated a new religion.The word used byAbulFazl and Badauni for the so called new path wasTauhid-i-Illahi which literally means “Divine Monotheism.’’This contains Akbar’s favourite motto “Allah-o-Akbar’’ or God is great. On the question as to what were the motives of Akbar to establish a new order, Badauni and AbulFazl give different versions. Badauni attributes it to, what he says, unworthy flatterers and panegyrists who suggested to him that he was the Insan-i- Kamil (perfect man of the age). AbulFazl says that Akbar was well qualified to lead the people to the spiritual bless and to establish harmony among different sections of the society. Whatever may have been Akbar’s motives, the Tauhid-i-Illahi virtually died with him. This is the reason that V.A. Smith calls it “Monument of Akbar’s Folly.’’

Akbar’s Land Revenue Measures

Akbar’s reign is known for some important measures. Upto the eleventh year of his reign, he followed the system of land revenue assessment

and collection instituted by Sher Shah. However there were some drawbacks in the system.In order to overcome these drawbacks Akbar assigned the task of ascertaining the local variation in crop rates and cash rates, he appointed two revenue experts- Muzaffar Khan and Todar Mal. It was on the bases of their measures that we find different crop rates and cash rates for different localities from 1567 onwards recorded in Ain-i-Akbari. Still there were some problems. It was complained that crop rates and cash rates were not realistic as they were fixed in haste. The most difficult problem which the state faced was the commuting crop rates into cash rates (dastur) every year. In1574 he ordered to work out a new crop rate and cash rate on the bases of the average crop rate and cash rate from 1570 to 1580. The crop rate and cash rate thus worked out is known as Ain-dehsala. The crop rates and cash rates prevailing during these ten years were averaged to work out a realized locality wise crop rates and cash rates. A remarkable feature of the new feature of the new jama was that the provinces were divided into revenue each with a separate schedule of cash revenue rates(dasturulamal) for various crops. The dahsala was not a ten year settlement nor was it permanent one.

Mansabdari system

“The Mansabdari system’’ to quote Abdul Aziz is the army, the peerage and the civil administration all rolled into one’’. The term Mansab, although primarily a military rank, really constituted the terms in which official hierarchy and incidentally social status was expressed. Apart from determining the status of its holder, the Mansabs also fixed his pay while it laid upon him the obligation of maintaining a definite number of troops with horses and equipments.

Long before the period of Indian Mughals, the ornaments of the cavalry in large Turkish armies was modelled on the decimal system. Under the Delhi Sultans, the ideal system laid down was that ten horseman (swars) should be put under the sar-i-Khails, ten Sar-i-Khails under the Sipah- Salar, ten Sipah-

Salar under the Amirs, ten Amirs under one Malik; ten maliks under one Khan; and atleast ten Khans under the King. Thus Sar-i-Khail would command ten men, a Sipah-Salar 100, an Amir 1000, a Malik 10,000 and a Khan 100,000.

It has been suggested that the origin of the mansab system lay in the ‘decimal system’ of organisation of army that obtained during the Sultans. There may be some truth in this, but it is important to remember that the mansabdari system as instituted by Akbar in 1577 was different in certain respects from the early system.

In the Mughal mansabdari system all mansabdars owed direct subordination to kings, whether they commanded to Swars or 5000. The distinction between the Umara (higher mansabdars) and the rest was purely conventioned and did not affect the system of military organisation. Thus mansabdars of 5000 did not make of his contingent by having under him 5 mansabdars of 1000 swars; his rank represented his own contingent exclusively.

Secondly, the Mugalmansabs was dual, represented by two numbers, one designated Zat (personal) and the other sawar (cavary) from the closing years of Akbar’s reign, the numbers of Zat itself became a fictitious, the chief use of which, besides indicating the salary according to the scale in force, was to place the holder in his appropriate position in the official hierarchy.The sawar rank, on the other handdeterminedthe number of horse man and horses the mansabdar was required to maintain. It may therefore be styledas the cavalry or military ranks.

Chehra and Dagh:- The main purpose of introducing two ranks was the compel every mansabdars to actually maintain the number of horses and cavalry-men. But dishonesty was so widespread among the nobles that mere paper edicts could not check it. Therefore to check all evasions of military obligation, Akbar introduced Chehra (descriptive roll) and dagh (branding) while chehra meant maintaining the descriptive roll of the soldier, under dagh system his horses were branded with the imperial marks.

Salary:- For meeting his expanses the mansabdar was paid handsomely. He got the pay as per his rank, which included his personal pay and the expanses he incurred on maintaining military contingent. A mansabdar with a rank of 5000

would got a salary of Rs 30,000 per month and mansabdar with 100 could get a 7000 per month.

Changes in Mansabdari System After Akbar:-

While the basic elements of Akbar’s mansabdari system were retained by his successors, certain new features also appeared. Thus under Jahangir we ‘month ratio’ and new regulations prescribing the size of contingents under various swar rank. The masharut (conditional) ranks became extensive under Aurangzeb.

The du-aspa-sih-aspa rank was theoretically regarded as a part of the sawar rank. The usual official formula for setting the rank is, for example 4000 zat 4000 sawar all means du-aspa-sih-aspa rank, which would mean 4000/4000+4000. If it was 4000zat and 4000sawar, of which 1000 du-aspa-sih- aspa, it meant 4000/ 3000+1000+1000. It may be deducedwhen the emperor wanted favour a man or desired that he should maintain large contingent without raising his zat rank, he did so by granting a du-aspa-sih-aspa rank.

Shah Jahan:-

The institute of month scales or ratios seems to have arisen out of difference between the official assessment of the revenue of a Jagir (jama) and the actual revenue collection (hasil) as we know, the mansabdars were usually paid in terms of Jagirs. But the problem arose in the later years 0f Shah Jahanthat the actual hasil of the Mughal Deccan amounted to about one quarter of the jama (i.e equal to three months s only). This situation necessitated the introduction of the institution of month scales. Thus when a mansabdar obtained a jagir whose jama greatly exceeded the actual realization, the jagir was known as Sheshmehi (six monthly), Sihmahi (three monthly) or even low as the case would be.

Reduction in military obligations:-

A further we modification which come across during the period of Shah Jahan, was to reduce the number of Sawars a noble was required to maintain. According to Abdul Hamid Lahori, the author of Padshahnama, under Shah

Jahan it was laid down that if a mansabdar was posted in the same province where he held jagir, he led to muster one- third of the contingents of his Sawar rank. In case he was posted outside, he had to muster one-fourth and if posted in Balakh and Samarqand he had to maintain one-fifth.

To conclude whether it was the reduction of salary which we find from Jahangir onwards du-aspa-sih-aspa or month scales or reduction in military obligation.This all shows that financial crisis began adversely affecting the mansab system- the mainstay of Mughal empire from time of Jahangir and as the time passed enormity went on increasing as no structural changein the socio-economic system was made to meet the new challenges.

Semester – 3 rd (Unit-3 rd )

Deccan Policy of Aurangzeb

Akbar was the first Mughal ruler who wanted to extend the Mughal suzerainty over Deccan states. Akbar remained satisfied with the conquest of Khandesh, Berar and parts of Ahmednagar. During Jahangir’s reign, there was no addition to Mughal territory in the Deccan. Shahjahan with alliance with Bijapur partitioned Ahmednagar in 1636 and till 1556-57 did not pursue and forward policy in the Deccan.

Aurangzeb was an ambitious and imperialistic emperor. He wanted to capture the kingdoms of Deccan from the very outset of his political career. He remained governor of Deccan twice and made some internal reforms there. He also defeated the rulers of Bijapur and Golkunda and intended to annex them to the Mughal empire but the intervention of Shahjahan, on the persuation of Dara Shikoh, checked his plans and these Deccan states survived from his imperialistic designs and religious bigotry for some time. After his accession to the Mughal throne he remained preoccupied with political problems of northern India so he could not play proper attention to them but after this, being motivated with some definite aims, he diverted his attention towards Deccan.

The objective of his Deccan wars was to conquer the states of Bijapur and Golkunda and crush the power of the Marathas. Unfortunately, the rulers of Bijapur and Golkonda were Shias and Aurangzeb as a Sunni was the deadly enemy of the Shias. Aurangzeb also felt the existence of these states enabled the Marathas to enrich themselves. The Marathas got not only military and administrative experience but also received a lot of money. Aurangzeb must have argued that if those states were annexed to the Mughal Empire, the Marathas would not dare to attack them.

Aurangzeb deputed his maternal uncle Shayista Khan to the Deccan to annihilate Shivaji. Early in 1660 a joint attack was launched against Shivaji, the Mughals advancing from the north and the Bijapuri’s from the south. For three years (1660-63), Shivaji was so hunted from all directions that he became a homeless wanderer. At this juncture, he launched a night attack at the well guarded mansion of Shayista khan who was wounded in the attack and whose son was

killed. This incident gave a rude shock to the Mughal prestige in the Deccan leading to the recall of Shayista Khan and the appointment of the Aurangzeb’s son Muazzam as viceroy in the Deccan. The next blow to the Mughal prestige in the Deccan was the sack of Surat by Shivaji in 1664, which was followed by plunder of Ahmednagar.

In October 1664 the emperor recalled the prince and commissioned his ablest Rajput general, Mirza Raja Jai Singh, to annihilate Shivaji. Jai Singh made plans to attack from all possible directions and started fighting in the east, where he could easily threaten Bijapur. Marching deep into Shivaji’s territory, he seized Purander and forced Shivaji to sign a treaty in June 1665 ( treaty of Purandhar), ceding four-fifths of his territory and promising to serve the Emperor loyally. In May 1666, Shivaji visited the imperial court at Agra but was put under confinement by Aurangzeb. His miraculous escape from captivity three months later was one of the most shocking events for Aurangzeb which he never forgot all his life.

Jai Singh was still fighting in Bijapur but he was frustrated by a dearth of funds and lack of Co-operation from the muslim nobles; his Afghan colleagues openly condemned war against another muslim state as Sacrilegious. The emperor did not understand Jai Singh’s problems and recalled him. Jai Singh died on his way to court on 6 September 1667. When he returned to the Deccan, Shivaji made peace with the new Mughal viceroy, Prince Muazzam. His son, Shambhaji was given a mansab of 5000 and was allowed a free hand to conquer Bijapur. Shivaji remained at peace with the Mughals from 1667 to 1669 while he devised laws for the Maratha government and consolidated his power. Then, in 1670, he recovered the forts surrendered under the purander treaty. In the middle of October 1670, the Marathas again attacked Surat and plundered it mercilessly. In 1672, Shivaji imposed Chauth (a levy) of four lakhs of rupees on the Mughal territories under his control, equivalent to quarter of the emperors revenue from them.

The Mughal Viceroy resisted Maratha attacks vigorously but he was unable to capture the elusive guerilla bands. On the wake of the chaos following Ali Adil Shah II’s death in early December 1672, Shivaji seized Panhala and Satara and then burst into west Bijapur and Kanara, plundering and devastating the country. Shivaji crowned himself king in his Raigarh fort on 17 June 1674

assuming the title Chhatrapati. Before his death in April 1680, the Maratha Kingdom had become the most powerful of all the states in the south. Shivaji as well as his son and successor Sambhaji (or Shambhuji) usually acted in collaboration with Bijapur and Golkonda to beat back the Mughal invasion. In spite of their best efforts, the Mughal commanders failed to make any headway against these powers.

Annexation of Bijapur and Golconda

Bijapur had failed to full fill the terms of the treaty of 1657 A.D. Therefore, Raja Jai Singh was deputed to attack it in 1665-66. But Jai Singh failed to get the Submission of Bijapur. The situation however changed when Adil Shah II died in 1672 A.D. and was succeeded by his four year son, Sikandar Adil Shah. His accession triggered off a game of power-politics among the nobles of Bijapur who were divided into rival factions, the one led by the Afghans and other by the Dakhinis and Abyssinians. Aurangzeb appointed a very energetic general Bahadur Khan as governor of the Deccan. Bahadur started by winning over the Bijapur nobles. Khawas Khan was one of such nobles who suggested a Mughal-Bijapur alliance against Shivaji. But before it could materialise, he was overthrown. Having failed in this attempt, the Mughals opened hostilities in 1676 by championing the cause of Bijapur’s Dakhni party against Bahlol Khan – the leader of the Afghan nobles in Bijapur. But after Bahlol Khan was repeatedly defeated, Bahadur Khan, the latter made a demonstration of high military preparedness which unnerved Bahlol Khan. Bahlol Khan allied with Bahadur Khan and connived at the Mughal conquest of Naldung and Gulbarga in 1677. After that he joined hands with the Mughal Commander Diler Khan and they wrote to Aurangzeb against Bahadur Khan accusing him of hindering Mughal interests in the Deccan. Aurangzeb recalled Bahadur Khan and appointed Diler Khan to officiate as the Subedar of the Deccan.

Diler Khan, the next Mughal governor, resorted to diplomacy and intrigue to attain what force has failed to accomplish. Through his secret agents, Diler Khan won over Sidi Masud, the minister of Bijapur, to send the boy Sultan’s sister Delhi to be married to prince Azam as a price for peace with the Mughals. The enmity between the Mughal governor of the Deccan, Shah Alam and Diler

Khan led the former to make peace with Bijapur in the beginning of 1680. In Bijapur the Khutba was read and coins struck in Aurangzeb’s name.

This relationship between the Mughals and Bijapur got ruptured because the Mughals sought help from Bijapur against Sambhaji, but instead of helping the Mughals, Bijapur secretly assisted the Marathas. In 1682, an expedition was sent against Bijapur under Prince Azam, but the same failed and prince was called back. For two years, Aurangzeb was busy against the Marathas and Prince Akbar. This interval was utilized by the ruler of Bijapur in re-organising his army with the help of Sharza Khan, his minister. Aurangzeb demanded the dismissal of Sharza Khan. As his order was not complied with, he proceeded against the king in person and besieged Bijapur in April 1685. A breach was made in the fortification of the city. It is true that the governor fought very bravely and the Marathas also tried to help the people of Bijapur, but the siege could not lost long. The city of Bijapur fell in September in 1686 and Sikandar Adil Shah Surrendered. The Adil Shahi dynasty was at an end. Bijapur was made the seat of the Mughal provincial governor but in a few years the city and its suburb, the fabulous Nauraspur, were desolate. Sikandar died in captivity in 1700 less than thirty two years old.

Now it was the turn of Abdul Hassan Qutb Shah (1672-87) of Golkonda. He was a Shia and handed over his administration to two Brahman ministers, Madanna and Akanna. Aurangzeb was not happy over the developments in Golkanda, particularly with the role of Madanna and Akanna who were believed to have joined hands with the Marathas against the Mughals. He learnt that Abdullah Qutb Shah had been financially helping Shivaji’s son Sambhaji. Abdullah’s promise of large military help to Sikandar Adil Shah during the Mughal invasion of 1685 also came to the emperor’s knowledge. Aurangzeb was dissatisfied with all that. He deputed Prince Shah Alam to attack Golkunda. Abdul Hassan left Hyderabad and sought shelter in the fort of Golkunda. The war between Golconda and Mughals dragged on for some time. Ultimately, Aurangzeb arrived at Golconda in January 1687 and pressed the siege. Both mining and assaults failed. There Aurangzeb had recourse to bribery and grained admittance through the treachery of one of the officers of the garrison who opened a gate. Abdul Hassan was captured and made a prisoner. His kingdom was annexed in September, 1687.

Religious Policy of Aurangzeb

Aurangzeb was an orthodox Sunni Musalman. He lived a pious and virtuous life strictly according to the sunni principles, and had learnt to follow religion in every walk of life. He had, therefore, religious considerations uppermost in his mind in his dealings with the people or in the state affairs. From his early life, he had been under the influence of orthodox mullas who acted as his principal guides all through his life. Soon after his accession to the throne, Aurangzeb sought to remove all those anti Islamic practices which had come into vogue under Akbar and Jahangir. Stamping of the Kalmia on the coins was forbidden lest the holy words be trampled underfoot or defiled by the unbelievers. The Nauroz festival was to be discontinued and his court rejoicings were to be merged with the coronation festivity. A Muhtasib was appointed to regulate the lives of the people in strict accordance with the holy law. The innovators, atheists, hypocrites who had spread over India were chastised and forced to give up their wicked courses and were forced to obey the theologians and observe the fasts and prayers regularly. Cultivation of bhang was prohibited throughout the empire. All old mosques and monasteries in and round Delhi were repaired and made as new. Imams, muazzins, khatibs, and khadims were appointed with regular salaries, and students granted daily allowances so that they could engage in the study of theology with composure of mind. From the eleventh year of his reign he discontinued the practice of “ Jharoka Darshan” a practice by which his predecessors appeared every morning on the balcony on the wall of the palace to accept the salute of the people, who then gathered on the ground in front. In the same year he forbade music at court and dismissed the old musicians and singers. But music, though banned from the court, could not be “banished from the human soul”. It continued to be secretly practiced by the nobles, and the imperial prohibition had some force only in important cities. In the twelfth year the ceremony of weighing the Emperors body on two birthdays against gold, silver and other commodities was given up, and royal astronomers and astrologers were dismissed. Aurangzeb stopped the use of Hindu form of salutation. He discontinued the practice of placing a tilak on the forehead of the new Rajab. He forbade the covering of tombs with roofs and prohibited women from visiting them. Aurangzeb stopped the celebration of Muharram in 1669. He prohibited the celebration of Holi in public streets and the raising of subscriptions for it.

Aurangzeb personally practiced what he sought to enforce on others. His private life was marked by a high standard of morality, and he scrupulously abstained from the common vices of his time. Thus he was regarded by his contemporaries as a “Darvish” born in the people and thus Muslims venerated him as a “Zinda Pir” or living saint. To promote general morality he issued a number of regulations. He passed an ordinance prohibiting the production, sale and public use of wine and Bhang. Manucci tells us that the dancing girls and public women were ordered either to get themselves married or to leave the kingdom. The emperor also passed strict orders against singing obscene songs, and stopped the burning of faggots and processions during certain religious festivals. It is mentioned in the official “guide-books” of Aurangzeb’s reign that he forbade Sati (December 1663) but, “the evidence of contemporary European travelers in India shows that the royal prohibition was seldom observed.

Aurangzeb re-imposed Jaziya on non Muslims. It is said that he lost much wealth in the continuous campaigns of Deccan, which promoted him to re- impose jaziya. For a long time he succeeded in sustaining the government. He also re-imposed pilgrimage tax on Hindus. Both the taxes were earlier abolished by Akbar. The Ulemas who had suffered during the time of Akbar, revived their supremacy during the period of Aurangzeb.

There is a controversy over the issue whether Aurangzeb was the idol breaker or not. Ishtiyaq Hassan Kurashi and Aziz Ahmad both reject the view that he was the destroyer of temples. As we know that even in Ancient India the destruction of temples could took place, because in that period it was considered a heroic on part of victorious rule. Aurangzeb hardly issued any order in the peace time for destruction of old temples. Probably the famous Hindustan temple which exists even at this time could have been no more, had he issued orders for their destruction. But he issued orders of destruction of those temples which had the life of 10-12 years besides a ban was imposed on the construction of new temples. However, if any temple was under construction, its work was not stopped, but orders were issued that it should not cross the height of a mosque. So Aurangzeb was not be regarded as the sole destroyer of the temples.

In short, his desire to convert the Hindustan in the Dar-Ul-Islam failed. It was just an arbitrative attempt on his part. He could not implement the

Sharia in India in the real sense. Moreover, his certain orders just remained as dead letters.

Decline of the Mughal Empire

In 1707, the year of Aurangzeb’s death, the Mughal empire had reached its farthest physical limits. The conquest of the kingdom of Bijapur and Golconda in the late 1680s had made the empire spread to the southern edge of the Deccan peninsula and brought almost the entire subcontinent under Mughal sovereignty. Yet, the Mughal imperial structure collapsed within 40 years of Aurangzeb’s death. By the middle of the century, the empire lay in ruins with its vast possessions reduced to a roughly rectangular wedge of territory about 250 miles from north to south and 100 miles broad. Not only did the political boundary of the empire shrink, but there was also a collapse of the administrative structure, so assiduously built by great rulers like Akbar and Shahjahan, under the weight of its own inner contradictions. On the ruins of the empire rose several independent principalities in different parts of the country.

However, the processes of the decline and the emergence of regional polities have been intensely debated among historians. It has also been a subject on which scholarly opinion is more sharply divided than on any other aspect of Mughal history.

Early historians, such as Sir Jadunath Sarkar, (Sarkar, The Fall of Mughal Empire) placed the blame squarely on Aurangzeb’s religious bigotry and the weakness of later Mughals and their nobles. According to Sarkar, Aurangzeb’s discriminatory religious policy generated a Hindu reaction among Rathor, Bundela, Maratha and Sikh groups, which his weak successors could not set right. In a different manner, william Irvine (The Later Moghuls) also focused on the ruling elite and ascribe Mughal decline to a deterioration of character of emperors and their nobles.

Sarkar’s view is no longer accepted by historians. It is evident that it was not only the Hindus, but also the Muslim nobility and members of religious orthodoxy who created problems for the Mughals. More significantly, contemporary sources

identify the rebels and the disturbers in terms of their class (zamindar, for instance), clan or region (such as Rajputan or Gujaran), and not as Hindu. Finally, the eighteen century did not lack able generals and politicians who formed a part of the Mughal coterie. The fact that they did not provide leadership at critical moments and got embroiled in personal aggrandisement highlights that the causes of decline were insipient in the very nature and structure of the Mughal administrative system.

In 1959 the publication of Satish Chandra’s Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, marked the first serious attempt to study the structure of the Mughal Empire. He concentrated his research on the working of two key institutions of the Mughal empire- the mansabdari and the jagirdari systems. The nobels were the principal state functionaries, who were given ranks in keeping with their positions in the Mughal hierarchy. These ranks known as mansabs entitled the holder to assignments of land revenue (jagir). Among his duties, the mansabdar was required to maintain a contingent of troops who were paid from the revenue income of the jagir. These soliders were the power source of the mansabdar, helping him to collect the revenue from the people. Thus, the availability of revenues to be assigned and the ability of the nobles to collect that revenue became the too crucial prerequisites for an effective working of the system. In the opinion of Satish Chandra, towards the end of Aurangzeb’s reign, the mansabdari- jagirdari system went into progressive disarray and, in the regimes of his successors, led to the collapse of the empire.

In a later work, Satish Chandra revised his own position somewhat and ruled out the general view that the Deccan was a deficit area and the crisis was on account of be-jagiri, that is, the absence of a jagir for a newly appointed mansabdar. The crisis in the system was intimately tied to its non-functionality, not true, however, that the system of transfer of jagirs put the aristocracy under strain; this was compounded by a rise in the price of luxury goods (brought about by increased export to European markets). An added complication was created by the intricate power-plays between jagirdars, zamindars and khudkasht (resident) cultivators. All this made it evident that by the end of Aurangzeb’s reign, the mansabdari system had become non- functional.

Territorial expansion itself put the Mughal state treasury under strain, although, as mentioned earlier, acquisition of new territories was almost a compulsion. This double- bind was made worse, according to J. F. Richards, by Aurangzeb’s wrong policies. In Richard’s view, there was no real shortage of jagirs in the Deccan. While conquest brought newer areas under Mughal control, Aurangzeb decided not to distribute them as jagirs. He retained them as khalisa (royal lands) to fund further wars in the Deccan. This faulty policy was complicated further by the politics of the warrior aristocracies that made problems of Mughal administration in the Deccan acute. Undoubtedly, Richards point that be-jagiri was not the main problem in the Deccan is significant. At the same time, collecting revenue in the Deccan had always been problematic. Hence, it is difficult to decide whether the distribution of lands of Bijapur and Golconda as jagirs would have resolved the crisis in the system.

Athar Ali’s work on nobility and their politics in the late seventeenth century appeared in 1966(M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb), in this work the problems attending the annexation of the Deccan states, the absorption of the Marathas and Deccanis into the Mughal nobality, and the subsequent shortage of jagirs have been emphasized. The sudden increase in the number of nobles, caused due to the expansion of the empire into the Deccan and Maratha territory, created a crisis in the functioning of the jagir system. According to Athar Ali, the nobles competed for better jagirs, which were increasingly becoming rare due to the influx of nobles from the south. The logical consequence was the erosion in the political structure which was based on jagirdari to a large extent.

According to Nurul Hasan, the developing agrarian relations during the Mughal rule brought about an authority structure which was like a pyramid, resulting in overlapping of rights of various kinds. Consequently, the bulk of the revenue demand was passed on to the peasants. The decline in the authority of the state and the pressure on jagirs compounded the situation further, leading to an agrarian crisis.

The zamindars, by and large, were loyal to the state, but the agrarian conditions were such that conflicts between them and the state, as also amongst themselves, were inevitable and this created law and order problems, in which the authority of the state emerged second best. And, whatever equilibrium was

maintained in such instances was totally disturbed after Aurangzeb’s death, giving the zamindars the upper hand. They had non to oppose them and no effort was made to improve the pattern of agrarian relations. The collapse of the agrarian system became inevitable.

The most influential theory of Mughal decline was offered in the early 1960s by Irfan Habib, a notable Aligarh historian of the Marxist strain in his seminal work. (The Agrarian system of Mughal India). According to Irfan Habib, the mechanism of collection of revenue that the Mughals had evolved was inherently flaed. The imperial policy was to set the revenue at the highest rate possible to secure the greatest military strength for the empire, the nobles. On the other hand, tended to squeeze the maximum from their jagirs, even if it ruined the peasantry and destroyed the revenue paying capacity of the area. Since, the nobles jagirs were liable to be transferred frequently, they did not find it necessary to follow a far-sighted policy of agriculture development. As the burden on the peasantry increased, they were often deprived of their very means of survival. In reaction to this excessive exploitation of the peasantry, the latter had no option but to protest. The forms of rural protest in Medieval India were varied in nature. In many areas the peasants took to flight. Entire villages were left deserted due to the large scale migration of peasants to the towns or other villages. Very often the peasants protested against the state by refusing to pay the revenue and were up in arms against the Mughals. Habib argued that these peasant protests weakened the political and social fabric of Empire.

The Maratha kingdom

The period between the advent of Shivaji in 1647 and the Third Battle of Panipat in 1761 is known in the modern history as the period of Maratha ascendancy. They not only established their control over the major part of the Deccan and central India but also established their sway over different parts of Northern India.

Causes of the rise of the Marathas

1- A common language (Marathi), a common religion (Hinduism), and a common homeland created a feeling of unity among the Marathas and fostered a feeling of Nationalism among them. They were inspired by the idea of carving out an independent state of their own. 2- The geographical conditions greatly helped in making the Marathas strong soldiers with the spirit of self-reliance and capacity of hard work which greatly helped them to carve out a powerful kingdom. 3- The social and religious awakening created by the Bhakti saints also greatly contributed to the awakening among the Marathas and promoted a feeling of nationalism among them. In this regard the contribution of Ramdas Samnath deserves special mention. 4- The Deccan policy of Aurangzeb also greatly contributed to the rise of Maratha power. He tried to extend Mughal rule over the south and sent Mughal armies which reduced Khandesh and Ahmadnagar to subjugation. These were placed under the Mughal viceroys who were greatly resented by the Marathas. 5- The balance of power between the Hindus and the Muslims in the territories inhabited by the Marathas also greatly contributed to the rise of the Marathas, as the area was a Hindu stronghold.

Despite the presence of the above factors, no Maratha leader before Shivaji thought of carving out an independent Maratha empire. This was for the first time realised by Shivaji and he laid the foundation of a strong Maratha empire which posed a serious threat to the Mughal Empire.

Shivaji (1827-80):

Shivaji, born in 1627 in fort of Shivner, belonged to the Bhonsle clan and his grandfather, Maloji, rose to prominence in the Nizamshashahi kingdom of Ahmadnagar. Maloji’s eldest son, Shahji, father of Shivaji, married Jijabai, daughter of a Nizamshahi noble named Lakuji Jadav Rao a descendant of the Yadavas of Devagiri. Shahji played an important part in the political and military affairs of Nizamshahi kingdom and fought for Ahmadnagar in its final struggle against the Mughals in 1636. He then entered in the service of Bijapur and subsequently had to flee for life to Karnataka after entrusting his paternal jagir of Poona and the care of his wife Jijabai and her young son Shivaji to his trusted agent Dadaji Kondadeva who was earlier an officer of the Adilshahi kingdom. Probably in 1637 or 1638 Dadaji became the guardian of Shivaji and the administration of the jagir remained under Dadaji’s defacto control till his death in 1647 when Shivaji assumed full charge. The jagir entrusted by Shahji to the care of Dadaji extended over the regions known as the Mavals.

Shivaji’s early campaigns were directed against the Adilshahi kingdom of Bijapur. He took care to maintain peace with the Mughals because he was not strong enough to fight on two fronts. In 1653 he captured Kalyan, an important city and wealthy mart of the Adilshahis on the west coast. From 1657 to 1660, Shivaji repeatedly attacked and plundered the Adilshahis territories. There upon the widowed queen of Muhammad Adil shah decided to take vigorous measures to put down Shivaji’s power by capturing him dead or alive. In 1660, Afzal khan, a front- rank noble and general of the Adilshahi kingdom, was entrusted with the command of an expedition against Shivaji. Afzal khan proposed an interview with Shivaji, promising him pardon and grant of territory. But his actual plan was to arrest Shivaji. At the said meeting, when Afzal khan while embracing Shivaji attacked him with a dagger , the latter promptly killed him with the tiger- claws(bagh-nakh).

Meanwhile, Aurangzeb deputed his maternal uncle Shayista Khan to the Deccan to annihilate Shivaji. Early in 1660 a joint attack was launched against Shivaji, the Mughals advancing from the north and the Bijapuri’s from the south. For three years (1660-63), Shivaji was so hunted from all directions that he became a homeless wanderer. At this juncture, he launched a night attack at

the well guarded mansion of Shayista khan who was wounded in the attack and whose son was killed. This incident gave a rude shock to the Mughal prestige in the Deccan leading to the recall of Shayista Khan and the appointment of the Aurangzeb’s son Muazzam as viceroy in the Deccan. The next blow to the Mughal prestige in the Deccan was the sack of Surat by Shivaji in 1664, which was followed by plunder of Ahmednagar. In 1665 Auranzeb entrusted the task of suppressing Shivaji to Mirza Raja jai Singh of amber who opned the campaign with the siege of Purandhar. Driven to desperation after months of resistance, Shivaji negotiated for submission and a treaty was concluded at purandhar(1665), by which Shivaji was allowed to retain twelve of his forts, including Raigarh, on condition of obedience and service to the Mughals and surrender to twenty- three of his forts. After the treaty of purandhar, Shivaji’s visit to the Mughal court at Agra, his confinement there and his great escape are well known facts of history. After returning to the Deecan in 1666, Shivaji took no aggressive measures and devoted a year or two in reorganizing his resources. On the other hand, Muazzam, the Mughal viceroy in the Deccan, also adopted a conciliatory policy and Aurangzeb conferred the title of Raja on Shivaji and his son Sambhaji was granted a mansab and jagir in Berar. But the three year long peace (1667-70) was broken when Aurangzeb attacked a part of the jagir in Berar. Now Sjivaji, with a second sack and plunder of Surat in 1670, renewed his attacks against the Mughal and the Adilshahi territories. In 1674, he arranged his grand coronation according to the vedic rites at his capital Raigarh. On his occasion he announced the formation of his sovereign state. He also introduced a new era of his own, dating from his coronation.

With all splendor and demonstration of Shivaji’s coronation and the lofty titles of full sovereignty assumed by him, his actual dominion was hardly more than two hundred miles in length and far less in breadth. Even the whole Maratha country had not come under his control. The Siddis of Janjira and the Portuguese were his constant enemies of the west coast. The Mughal pressure from the north was increasing. Even his brother Vyankoji in the south had limited him and announced his sovereignty at Tanjavur in a similar coronation ceremony. Expansion of his dominion thus became a necessity for Shivaji. It was against this background that Shivaji marched for his longest and last campaign in 1977, which took him to Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The objective

of this campaign was the subjugation of the Adilshahi kingdom of Bijapur, for which he entered into a secret pact with the sultan of Golconda, through the good officers of Madanna and Akanna, the two Brahmin ministers of Golcunda. As per the terms of treaty between the Marathas and Golcunda, it was decided that the conqured Adilshahi territories would be divided between the two parties and both would cooperate in resisting the Mughal invasions against either of them. During the course of this campaign Shivaji conquered Gingee, Maduri, Vellore, etc. and about 100 forts in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. He also settled the affairs with his brother Vyankoji, who ruling at Tanjavur. In order to further extend his kingdom to the coastal region, he seized certain territories to the south of Goa and conquered the island of Janjira(70 km south of Bombay) from its Abyssinian ruler called the Siddis. The Karnataka expedition proved to be Shivajis last great achievement.

The last two years of Shivaji’s life were tragic. In December 1678, his son Sambhaji escaped with wife Yesubai and joined Diler khan, the Mughal governor in the Deccan. It was nearly after a year that he returned to the Maratha dominion. During this period the Mughals exerted great pressure on the Marathas. All these events had a shattering effect on Shivaji’s health from which he never recovered and died on April 4, 1680.

Administrative structure of the Marathas

The Maratha administration is essentially derived from the Deccani structure though some of its institutions are Mughal derivations.

Central Administration:

The Maratha polity was essentially autocratic monarchy but an enlightened one. The king was at the helm of affairs. The king’s chief objective was the happiness and prosperity of his subjects (raja kalsya karanam).

known as


1- Peshwa (prime minister): He was the head of both civil and military affairs. 2- Mazumdar ( auditor): He looked into the income and expenditure of the state.


assist the king, there was a council of state ministers

3- Wakins : He was the in charge of king’s private affairs 4- Dabir : Foreign secretary 5- Surnis (superintendent): He used to take care of all the official correspondences. 6- Pandit Rao: Ecclesiastical head. 7- Senapati: commander in chief 8- Nyayadhish : Chief justice The ashtapradhan was neither the creation of Shivaji nor was at first organised at the time of his coronation. The peshwa, mazumdar, wakins, dabir, surnis existed under the Deccani rulers also. All, except pandit rao and nyayadhis were asked to lead military campaigns. Under Shivaji these offices were neither hereditary nor permanent they held office till the king’s pleasure and they were directly paid by the exchequer and no jagir was granted to any civil or military officer. Later, under the peshwas, they assumed hereditary and permanent character. The council could advise the king but it was not binding on him to accept its advice. Each of the ashtapradhana was assisted by eight assistants: diwan, mazumdar, fadnis, sabnis, karkhanis, chitins, jamadar and potins. Next to ashtapradhana was chitins (secretary) who dealt with all diplomatic correspondences and wrote all royal letters to provincial and district officers who were also written by him. But responding to the letters of commanders of forts was the job of fadnis. The latter was a subordinate secretariat officer under Shivaji. This office rose to prominence under the peshwas. The potnis looked after the income and expenditure of the royal treasury, while the potdar was an assay officer. Provincial administration The country was divided into muzas, tarfs and prants. All these units already existed under the Deccani rulers and were not the innovation of Shivaji. But he reorganized and renamed them. Mauza was the lowest unit. Then were the tarfs headed by a havaldar, karkun or paripatyagar. The provinces were known as prants under subedar, karkum ( or mukhya deshadhikari). Over a number of prants there was the sursubedar to control and supervise the work of subedars. Each subedar had eight subordinate officers: diwan, mazumdar, fadnis, sabnis, karkhanis, chitins, jamadar and

potnis. Later, under the peshwas tarf, pargana, sarkar and suba were indiscriminately used. Under Shivaji none of the officers was permanent and hereditary. All officers were liable to frequent transfers. But under the peshwas, the office of kamavisdar and mamlatdars became permanent. To check the mamlatdars, there were darkhdars who were hereditary provincial officers. They served as a check on mamlatdars and other naval and military officers. Neither the mamlatdars could dismiss them nor compel them to perform any particular job if not specified.non of the eight provincial level officers derived their power from mamlatdar. Instead they served as a check on his power. Shivaji’s successors:

Shivaji’s son Sambhuji continued his defiance of Aurangzeb by giving shelter to the rebel prince Akbar, an act that Aurangzeb sought to punish by the use of force. Shambhuji faced the challenge astutely, although in the end he was captured and executed. Shambhuji’s royal pretensions aroused the hostility of important deshmukh families, who offered Aurangzeb help on the condition that he confirmed that all the special rights that their families had accumulated would remain hereditary. They also got valuable jagirs from the emperor.

Shambhuji’s successors had to contend with similar dithering loyalty from the deshmukhs. By the time Shambhuji’s grandson, Shahu, raised the Mughal court, came to rule in 1708, Maratha fighting bands were operating autonomously, raiding and pillaging Mughal tracts along the northern frontier. The multiple alliances that the Mughals had forged in the course of territorial expansion had conferred different rights and privileges on deshmukhs, who had come to form zamindaris encompassed by the Mughal empire.

Shahu tried to mediate between the Maratha bands and the Empire, but his claim to the throne was challenged by Tarabai, wife of Shambhuji’s brother Rajaram, who tried to rule in Satara in the name of her son, shivaji- II. The deshmukhs were divided between the two camps, and as before, some of them continued to owe loyalty to the Mughals. What won the day for Shahu was the help and advice he got from his chitpavan Brahman ministers, who n account of

their charismatic leadership, ability to negotiate and capacity to consolidate, played a major role in the growth of Maratha power in the early eighteen century.

Balaji viswanath, appointed peshwa and chief financial officer by Shahu 1713, helped the Sayyid brothers install a puppet emperor in the throne of Delhi in 1719. He also negotiated a treaty with the Mughals, which virtually recognized Maratha control over the Mughal provinces in the Deccan. The Marathas were granted the right to chauth over the six Mughal provinces and Shahu also got an additional right to sardrshmukhi in the Deccan in recognition of his status as the head of deshmukhs. With this began a trend that would make the Brahman pehwa’s the de facto rulers of the Maratha state based in Poona.

The office of the peshwa became hereditary and was held by Balaji’s son Bajai rao from 1720 to 1740 and by his son Balaji Baji Rao till 1761. Under the able guidance of these astute politicians, royal power was consolidated by means of conferring prestige and privileges to old and new local chiefs who served Shahu and the peshwa. Balaji vishwanath patronized other chitpavan Brahmans who formed the core of ‘a rapidly expanding literate elite’ who served as tax collectors and administers, and provided ‘a surprising number of military leaders in the coming decades’. This group was bound through ties of marriage and loyalty to the peshwas. Balaji also enlisted the support of several Brahman banking families. Whose credit was crucial for Shahu’s bid to the throne. These families advanced money against future revenue receipts; within a decade, the arrangement acquired the elements of sophisticated government finance.

The territory under Maratha was from which tribute was extracted increased steadily during Shahu’s reign, particularly after the young Baji Rao, in Gordon’s characterization, was the most charismatic and dynamic leader in Maratha history after Shivaji. Soon after assuming power, the 20- year- old peshwa convinced Shahu and the inner circle about the importance of marching northward in order to launch an assault on the Mughals. In the following decade, Gujarat and Malwa were attacked on two and sometimes three fronts by Maratha bands during the campaigning season.

Baji Rao assumed the post of commander to fight in Shahu’s name. He also continued the trend of appointing new men who owed personal loyalty to Shahu and to him. The established elite deshmukhs were bypassed and men were appointed from the Gaekwad, Holkar and Shinde families as commanders of military bands in the peshwa’s concerted move against the Mughals. Such men were given jagir’s not only in the newly conquered territories but also in the swarajya, or core Maratha territory. The loose state structure that resulted from this arrangement came to be called the Maratha confederacy, in which the kings at satara nominally ruled over the powerful peshwa and several groups of feudatory chiefs who administered their own territories.

Mughal rule over Malwa and Gujarat virtually ended in the late 1720s, when the joint forces of the Mughal commander and the Nizam of hyderadad were defeated by Baji rao. Subahdar Girdaur Bahadur, the Mughal head of Malwa was captured and killed towards the end of 1728, and Maratha military, commanders started tribute. However, it has to be borne in mind that even though the local gentry and pity zamindars of these regions allowed the Marathas to divert resources away from the Mughal, they did not allow the Marathas to “to appreciate the rituals and symbols of sovereignty” and take the place of the Mughal state.

Baji Rao took on the Nizam –with whom he had been fighting off and on from 1725-outmaneouvered his troops in guerrilla warfare, trapped them in the dry hills of palkhed, cut of their supplies and forced the Nizam to come to terms in march 1728. The Nizam had to recognize Shahu as the sole Maratha monarch who had the right of chauth and Sardeshmukhi over the Deccan. Maratha revenue collectors, driving out by the internecine warfare and competition among various groups were reinstated and the Nizam agreed to pay the outstanding chauth and sardueshmkhi arrears the implications of the victory at Palkhed, therefore, were significant –by defeating “the best –equipped Mughal army of the day under its best general”, Baji Rao had successes in establishing Shahu’s legitimate authority over the Deccan. The tactics of cutting off supplies and rapped movement had enabled him to outdo the Nizam’s superior artillery.

The same tactic prevailed in Malwa, control over which allowed Baji Rao to reach Rajasthan 1729. Baji Rao’s successful tactics produced a change in the

method of warfare; the heavy cavalry and large, slow- moving armies of the Mughals were out done by the raiding warfare of Maratha bands. The bands generally ignored forts; they ransomed cities and drew Mughal armies into un favorable areas of the plans were the cut them off from reinforcements and supplies. Baji Rao’s success was such that he dared to raid Delhi in 1737 and obliged the humiliated Mughal empire to formally cede Malwa in 1739. This allowed Maratha rule to spread to close to Agra.

By the time of Baji Rao’s death in 1740, the frontiers of the Maratha state extended to Rajasthan, Delhi and Punjab in the north; Bihar, Bengal and Orissa in the east; and to Karnataka and the Tamil and Telugu areas in south. The Nawab of Bengal and the Nizam of Hyderabad, despite offering vigorous opposition, had to virtually give away Orissa and share Karnataka with the Marathas. Peshwa Baji Rao reigned as the de facto ruler of the Maratha polity, having survived and subdued factional resistance at court for more than decades. Though incessant activity, he had transformed many areas of revenue paying Mughal provinces into a revenue paying Maratha province.

Semester 3 rd (Unit-IV) Architecture under Delhi Sultans

The architecture style which was brought by the Turkish invaders was neither completely Arabic.

It was a mixture of the styles of Tranoxiana, Iran, Afganistan, Egypt and Islamic. Some basic

characteristic features of Persian architecture like pointed three folded arches, propped roofs,

octagonal buildings were born in India but Irarians developed these features. The architecture

style which was brought by the Turkish invaders had four main charecteristics features viz.

Dome, minarates, arches and propped roofs. Delhi sultans after established their rule in India

constructed number of building among them Quwat-ul-Islam mosque of Delhi was the first

monument was built by Qutub u din Aibek within four years between 1195-99 over a plateform

of a hindu temple which was destroyed by muslim army. Qutub minor is the second monument

constructed during Aibek’s time but he could built only its first story it was completed by sultan

Illtutmish. ‘Adhai din kajhonpur’ at ajmir was another Islamic monument built by Aibek.

Previously it was a Sanskrit school which built by Bisaldev. Aibek demolished its upper part and

ercted a dome on it.

Another important building is the tomb of Illtutmish. It has only one chamber and three arched

entrance. Its interior walls are engraved with verses of Quran. A new style of architecture

developed during Khiljis. Allaudinkhilji built ‘Alai Darwaza’ a red stone structure during 1310-

11 near Qutub Minor. He also laid foundation of Siri fort in the north of Qutub Minor. He also

built a pond called ‘HauzKhas’. Zamatkhana Masjid is accepted as an ideal Islamic structure

built by same ruler. Qutub din Mubarak khilji built Usha Masjid at Bayana. Later on number of

other building were constructed by Tughlaqs with different archetectural styles including Giyas u

din’s tomb, Mohammad Tugluqa Palaces and over allFeroztuqlugs monuments are well known

archetectural symbols of India.

Rise of Sufism: teachings and popularity:

Sufism is a common term used for Islamic mysticism. The Sufis were very liberal in their religious outlook. They believed in the essential unity of all religions. They preached spiritualitythrough music and doctrines that professed union with God. Sufism originated in Iran andfound a congenial atmosphere in India under the Turkish rule. Their sense of piety, tolerance,sympathy, concept of equality and friendly attitude attracted many Hindus, mostly fromlower classes, to Islam. Sufi saints such as MoinuddinChisti, NizamuddinAuliya, FariduddinGanj-e-Shakar were the pioneer Sufïs who are still loved, respected and honoured inIndia. The sufis were also influenced by the Christian and Buddhist monks regarding theestablishment of their khanqahsand dargahs. Khanqahthe institutions (abode of Sufis)set up by the Sufis in northern India took Islam deeper into the countryside. Mazars(tombs) and Takias(resting places of Muslim saints) also became the centers for thepropagation of Islamic ideas. These were patronized both by the aristocracy and thecommon people. The Sufis emphasized respect for all human beings. The Sufis were organized into religious orders or silsilahs. These silsilahswere namedafter their founders such as Chishti, Suhrawardi, Qadi. And Naqshbandis. According toAbul Fazl, the author of the Ain-i-Akbari, there were as many as fourteen silsilahsinIndia during the sixteenth century. Each order had its own khanqah, which served as ashelter for the Sufi saints and for destitutes, and later developed as a centre of learning.Ajmer, Nagaur and Ajodhan or Pak Pattan (now in Pakistan) developed as importantcentres of Sufism. These also started the tradition of piri-muridi, (teacher and the disciple).In order to attain a state of mystical ecstasy, the sufis listened to poetry and music (sama)which were originally in Persian, but later switched to Hindawi or Hindustani. They preachedthe unity of God and self-surrender unto Him in almost the same way as the votaries of theNïrgun Bhakti movement did. Music attracts everybody, irrespective of language. Slowlysuch music attracted the Hindus who started visiting the dargahsin large number. TheHindu impact on Sufism also became visible in the form of siddhas and yogic postures.The Sufis were not the only popular religious teacher of the time. There were also theBhakti saints. Their teachings were similar to those of the Sufis but they had been teachingfor a longer time. They were popular among the artisans, craftsmen and traders in thetowns. The people in the villages also flocked to listen to them.The Sufi and Bhakti saints had many thoughts and practices in common. Their essentialbelief was in the need to unite with God. They laid stress on love or devotion as the basisof the relationship with God. To achieve all this a Guru or a Pir was needed. Popular sisilas of sufi order 1. Chasti Order: Chasti order was the most popular among all sufi orders. The chaste custom was similar to the hindu customs. The prominent chaste saints were Khawaja ManiudinChasti, Qutub u din Bakhtiyar Khaki, Faridu din Ganj I Shakar, Nizam u din Awliya etc. in 16 th century, the prominent saint of this sect was sheikh Salim chaste who was contemporary of Akbar.


Shurwardi Order: it was another order its foundation in India was laid down by Sheikh

BahudinZakariya. He was Khurassani and the disciple of Shihabu din Shurwardi. Bahahudin received from illtutmish the tittle of shiekul Islam. In addition to these two the other sisilas includes Sattari order, Qadiri order, Firdousi Order, Qalandari etc. Bhakti tradition in India:

The Bhakti saints attacked the rigidity in religion and the objects of worship. Theydisregarded caste and encouraged women to join in their religious gatherings. The Bhaktisaints did their entire teaching in the local vernacular language to make it comprehensibleeven to simple minds. The Bhakti saints belonged to various backgrounds but mainly from the lower castes. Many were artisans by origin or belonged to the less prosperous class of cultivators. Theystressed the need for tolerance among humans and religions. The Bhakti movement was long known in the South. The idea of preaching Bhakti throughhymns and stories was traditionally done by the Alvars and the Nayannars of the Tamildevotional cult.

Popularity of the Bhakti Movement How the Bhakti movement did became so popularwith the people? An important reason was that theychallenged the caste system and the superiority of theBrahmans. They welcomed the ideas of equality andbrotherhood which the Sufi saints also preached.People were no longer satisfied with the old religion. They wanted a religion which couldsatisfy both their rationality as well as emotions. All the Bhakti saints emphasized oneness of God. They said that the path to God lay indevotion and Bhakti to Him and not in any rituals. They condemned rituals and sacrifies.In northern India, it developed into two streams, nirgunabhakti and saguna bhakti. Thenirgunabhaktaswere devotees of a formless God even while calling him variously asRama, Govinda, Hari or Raghunatha. The most conspicuous among them were Kabir andNanak. The sagunabhaktaswere devotees of Rama, the son of Dasharatha, or Krishna,the son of Devaki and Vasudeva. Some of the best examples of SagunabhaktaswereTulsidas, who idolised Rama in his famous RamcharitaManas, and Surdas, who sangpraises of Krishna in his famous Sursagar. Raskhan, a Muslim poet, who was a devoteeof Lord Krishna, also belonged to this tradition. The first important feature of bhakti movement was the concept of oneness of God andbrotherhood of all human beings. It did not discriminate against anyone on the basis ofcaste or gender. Its second important feature was surrender into God, who is all pervasiveand capable of solving the problems of the devotees. The third important feature of bhaktiwas an intense personal devotion to God with an emphasis on a good moral life. It was feltthat chanting the name of God constantly purified the soul and prepared one for His grace.A true devotee does not want heaven or moksha. He only wants to chant the Lord’s nameand be born again and again to sing His praise. In addition, came the guru or spiritual teacher, whose function was to provide people withhope, strength and inner courage. He was supposed to be a person who had marchedahead on the path

of bhakti and had probably realised God and hence was capable ofleading others into Him. This brought in a system of pahul. Pahulwas the sanctified wateroffered by a master to the pupil or shishyaas a token of his being accepted as a trainee onhis march to godliness. The Sikhs performed “washing of the swords” ceremony, calledkhandekapahul, evolving as the pir- muridicustom (the saint-soldier concept). Haveyou been able to notice here some features of the Bhakti tradition, which were similar tothe practices and ideas of the Sufis? The spirit of Bhakti pervaded the whole of India and found vivid and beautiful expressionin the religious poetry of the medieval saints and mystics, no matter what religious faith theybelieved in. Their literary compositions, rendered into geet, qawali, etc united the people,as nothing else could have done. It also stimulated the development of regional languages.

PAINTINGUnder Mughals Another area which was influenced by Islamic culture was painting. Humayun had spentmore than twelve years in Persia as a refugee. He brought painters with him to India whenhe became the ruler of Delhi once again in 1555. Famous among them were Mir Sayid Aliand AbdusSamad who nurtured the tradition of painting manuscript. An example of it isDastan-e-Amir Hamza, which has nearly 1200 paintings. The period also witnessed theflowering of portrait and miniature paintings. However, what is amazing is that some ofthese painters tried to paint the classical ragas, thereby giving form and colour to suchabstract conceptions as music. Seasons or baramasa paintings were similarly given artisticforms. Can you ever estimate the creativity of these artists? Nowhere else in the worldexcept perhaps in China, artists have tried to paint music or seasons. Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan continued to give patronage to these artists and as aresult, the Mughal school of painting continued to flourish. Akbar as a liberal ruler extendedhis patronage to painting. He also employed a large number of Hindu painters like Daswantand BasawanLal. Consequently, there was a fusion of Persian and Indian styles (of painting)during his period. The European influence on Indian painting too was noticed. The Mughal school of painting reached its zenith under Jahangir who was a famous painter.His court was adorned with famous painters like Ustad and Abul Hasan. Mansur was famous for his miniature painting. However Aurangzeb due to his orthodox views andpolitical preoccupations stopped patronising music and painting. Like their masters, someprinces also extended patronage to painters. Thus, besides the Mughal school, the Rajputand the Pahari schools of painting also received encouragement. Even the upper classes insociety started patronizing painters. As a result, the havelis (big mansions) of the rich andtemples were profusely embellished. These havelisin Rajasthan attract a large number oftourists even today. You can visit these havelis if you find an opportunity to visit Rajasthan.The Mughal school of painting from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century gave rise to theIndo-Persian school of miniature art. The Mughal court painters introduced landscapestogether with human figures and costumes. When they came in touch with the traditional Indian styles, they became more natural. Signing on the miniatures as a

tradition alsostarted. Artists were now employed on monthly salaries. They illustrated such importantworks as the Changeznama, Zafarnamaand the Ramayana. Mughal architecture:

It was in the field of art and architecture that the rulers of this period took a keen interest. The composite cultural characteristic of the medieval period is amply witnessed in thesefields. A new style of architecture known as the Indo- Islamic style was born out of this fusion. The distinctive features of Indo-Islamic architecture were the (a) dome; (b) loftytowers or minarets; (c) arch; and (d) the vault. The Mughal rulers were great lovers of nature. They took pleasure in spending their time inbuilding beautiful forts and gardens. The famous Mughal gardens like the Shalimar Bagh and the NishatBagh are important elements of our cultural heritage. There were waterwaysand fountains criss-crossing these gardens and finally, there were gardens with stages orlevels. The water, while cascading from one stage to another, was made to fall in smallstreamlets with lamps lit behind them, making the water shimmer and lend a special charmto the whole atmosphere. It could also be made to flow over a chiselled and sloping slab,so that the water flowing over it shimmered. The best example of this type of garden is theShalimar Gardens of Lahore (now in Pakistan). The Lahore garden has three stages. Buta better example can be seen in India at Pinjore Garden situated on the Chandigarh-Kalkaroad where we have a seven-stage garden. This impressed the British so much that theycreated a three-stage garden in the Vice-Regal Lodge (now the RashtrapatiBhawan) inNew Delhi, It was on these very lines that the famous Vrindavan Garden in Mysore werebuilt in the twentieth century. The pietraduraor coloured stone inlay work on marble became very popular in the days of Shah Jahan and the finest examples of this type of work are available in the Red Fort in Delhi and the TajMahal at Agra. Besides, the structures within the FatehpurSikri complex, the forts at Agra and Lahore and the Shahi mosques in Delhi and Lahore are an important part of our heritage. During this period mosques, tombs of kings and dargahscame to dominate the landscape.

Important building constructed by Mughal rulers in medieval time:


Forts: the mughal emperors were great builders and that is why mughal period is called golden age of architecture in medieval Indian history. The first to undertake construction on large scale was Akbar. He constructed a series of forts, the most important being the Agra fort, built in red sand stone.


Palaces: Humayun laid the foundation of the city Din Panah at delhi. Akbar adorned his capital, Agra with magnificent buildings and the palace known as Jahangir Mahal was constructed there. The architecture of FathepurSikri is an excellent blending of Persian, central Asian and various Indian styles.


Mausoleums and mosques:during Akbars reign, Humayuns tomb at Delhi was the first mughal tomb to be placed in the center of a large park like enclosure. It was built by his widow Hamidabano begum. It has a double dome of marble while the central dome is octagonal. The most beautiful of all buildings in India was TajMahal constructed by Shahjehan for her beautiful wife. It has majestic architecture with four minarits and the central dome. The most important mosques includes Jamia masjid Delhi made of red sand stone, Agra Masjid, Lahore stone Masjid and JamiaMashjid at Aurangabad.