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Participation in Policy Making
Richard James Smith
2070 Words
A Review of Public Participation in Policy Making
When individuals think of public policy they generally think of officials behind closed doors
making decisions, who are far distanced from themselves. That these decisions have an effect on their
lives but they have little control of the outcomes of policy making. Although in part this might have been
true historically, there has been a lengthy campaign to include the common person in the development of
policy to fit our modern democratic ideals (Corburn 2007: 151). Whether this amounts to citizens
joining participation programmes to help give a diversity of perspectives in the development of policy or
writing submissions to get a policy reconsidered in light of a formerly unconsidered perspective. This
participation is meant to bring to light the views of others who might not have a place in the professional
elite that are involved in the creation of policy making (Corburn 2007: 158; Kinsley 1997: 40, in Irvin
and Stansbury 2004: 59). However the successfulness of the endeavor has been questioned with the
allegation that policy participation which is voluntary and has not been organised in a highly contrived
manner to weed out partialness, will in fact, be dominated by the perspectives of higher socioeconomic
individuals (Schattschneider 1960, in Golden 1998: 247; Weber 2000: 240, in Irvin and Stansbury
2004: 59). This limitation of voluntary participation in public policy will be explored in this article through
a review of some of the literature related to the subject and an area of study will be presented relating to
the democratic makeup of actual and possible policy participants on Wellington’s public transport
network.
Public participation in policy making has been seen as an important factor in democracy, but
actual implementation shows that public representation is not as good as many believe. Democratic
ideas have led to the assertions of the likes of John Dewey who stated that there is a division of labour
with policy elites identifying problems and the public setting an agenda for fixing them (1954, in Corburn
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2007: 151). However others have stated this is not happening and that there is an unwillingness of policy
elites to work with citizens, while other have gone to the extreme by saying that the community
knowledge of citizens is superior to the so called knowledge of the policy elites (Corburn 2007: 151).
Corburn takes a less extreme position, but states that expert policy knowledge can not be replaced by
the community knowledge of citizens, but that it helps to gain a broader understanding when making
policy (2007: 151). However this contradicts the finding of Golden who found that the US public at
large were very poorly represented in the submissions on pending US regulations in a number of
agencies (1998: 257). Some were represented, such as the elderly, but the rest were either represented
by organisations acting on their behalf or not represented at all (Golden 1998: 257). This is only one
study and clearly limited to the US, but it still shows that the optimistic assertions of the likes of
Corburn are not empirically grounded. Further when individuals do take the time to participate in
submissions or policy participation programmes, then they genuinely are competing with other
individuals making submissions or engaging in participation programmes who have far greater resources
and who might be getting paid for their time and knowledge and thus have an unfair advantage in these
situations (Irvin and Stansbury 2004: 59). While those who are not paid and who are involved on their
own terms will most likely be highly partisan because the policy has major effect on their life or they are
in a socioeconomic position that gives them the time and the resources to be involved to make
submissions or engage in participation programmes (Smith and McDonough 2001: 245, in Irvin and
Stansbury 2004: 59). On a similar note, recent research by Hoff, Cardol and Friele on policy
knowledge between municipalities in The Netherlands found a strong correlation between knowledge of
recently implemented local social welfare policies and the individual’s education level, which
contradicted their earlier assumptions that municipalities that favour social democrat/socialist political
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parties would have greater knowledge because of their focus on social welfare policies (2013: 827). A
number of early theories were founded to explain the partialness of policy elites such as the simplistic
Agency Capture Theory which argued that policy agencies are captured by the interests of the industry
in which they work, such as transport policy agencies are drawn to support policies that favour the
interests of railway and trucking companies over the general public (Golden 1998: 249). These earlier
theories never really explained possible causes of bias among individuals who are not part of the policy
elite, which would only be properly looked at by the later Subsystem Theories.
After the work of one influential thinker a number of theories were formed that can be used to
help understand the limitations of citizen involvement in policy. One of the more influential thinkers on the
dynamics of the construction of policy has been Hugh Heclo, who argued that policy elites are not just
found in government and government connected organisations who view policy in a broad overarching
perspective, but that policy elites can be found in a variety of public and private organisations that have
a very narrow and blinkered perspective that is concentrated in a particular area of interest or
specialisation (Heclo 1978, in Sabatier 1988: 131; Golden 1998: 249). These outsider policy elites can
be motivated by ideals that can be quite similar to a belief system and where the ideals can bury
themselves into the groups diagnosis, prognosis and solution to public issues that might be then passed
on to other policy elites through the likes of a policy participation programme (Sabatier 1988: 1302). A
number of individuals fleshed out this idea in different directions and they are identified together as the
Subsystem Theories (Sabatier 1988: 130). These Subsystem Theories were roughly reviewed by
Weible, who attempted to synthesise these theories into one, although he did make a good case for the
importance of differencing between local expert knowledge and local general knowledge when studying
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policy (2008: 6156). One of these theories is the Multiple Streams Theory which is more orthodox
but provides a postpositivist approach towards policy science and asserts that there are two streams in
policy formation (out of a possible three) that allows partialness, the Problem Stream where science is
used to claim that something in the public arena is of issue to the extent that it needs to be fixed; while
the policy stream allows bias to enter in the application of science in search for a solution to the alleged
problem (Weible 2008: 617). The Punctuated Equilibrium Theory is similarly centred around the
application science as the prior theory, only from more social constructionist perspective where science
is used on the one hand to defend current policy from criticism and on the other hand to attack prior
policy solutions as being outdated. Thus the theory views the ebb and flow of policy making as the
successful and unsuccessful defence of policy solutions (Weible 2008: 6178). The Social
Construction Theory takes the social constructionist perspective in a slightly different direction by
focusing on unity in the scientific community on understanding of issues, the composition of the scientific
community itself, the solidarity of policy community and whether policy change will affect the position of
the society's elite and the influence of actors. Therefore the partialness found in policy making is because
of inherent protection of elite interests in its development (Weible 2008: 618). The theory was
developed by Schneider and Ingram who divided society into four groups based on whether the groups
had high or low social influence, whether the groups had high or low social status and a mirror version
showing the divide between perceived and actual representation which together represents the ability of
groups to mobilise and change policy for their benefit (1993: 3345). These groupings mean that certain
groups are therefore as seen deserving or undeserving of investment by the State which then gives or
limits the legitimisation of policy programmes (Schneider and Ingram 1993: 339). Carney argues that
subgroups are very UScentric, such as putting the elderly in the Advantaged category with high
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influence and high status, who he argues in Ireland would be found under the Dependent group with low
influence but high status (Carney 2010: 245). The other two groups are the Contenders with high
influence but low status and the Deviants with both low influence and status (Carney 2010: 234). This
enlightenment by Carney therefore suggests that the underlying bias that favours the interests of certain
groups could be quite different in others societies where social positions are constructed differently from
the United States where Schneider and Ingram developed the theory. The last major theory that was
reviewed by Weible is the Advocacy Coalition Framework Theory. The theory asserts that there are
advocacy groups who gain partialness from consuming information from policy elites which slowly
changes their understanding and forms coalitions of like minded advocacy groups (Weible 2008: 619).
This however can create conflict between advocacy groups which have been influenced differently,
which sees advocacy groups drawn back to expert knowledge to support their coalitions beliefs
(Sabatier 1987, in Weible 2008: 619). This interpretation of expert knowledge normally is not
overarching between advocacy groups in times of major conflict between advocacy coalitions, but in
times of decreased conflict the advocacy groups can share and communicate their interpretations with
other groups. The likelihood of sharing interpretations will increase if the interpretations are focused on
areas that are not of core belief to the groups or there is a structured form or equal footed debate that
allow sharing (Weible 2008: 619). Sabatier states that these coalitions are most likely formed when
there are areas of policymaking that are neglected or poorly represented that a group forms around the
issues in question. Sabatier gave an example of how flawed food safety policies created in the US by
agriculture coalitions gave rise to a coalitions that in the end helped to set up the US Food and Drug
Administration (Sabatier 1988: 138). These four Subsystem theories although explain public bias in
public participation, they have not been properly studied and compared in relationship to public bias.
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There are many changes in the Wellington public transport network in New Zealand which have
already been carried out, are underway or are planned. Examples include the update of the passenger
rail stock to the new FP “Matangi” class electric multiple unit trains, the plan to run a bus rapid
transport system through the middle of Wellington instead of light rail and the possible end of
Wellington’s trolleybus system in 2017 that has been suggested by the regional council. Each change
sees the local public engage in a participation programme for the voice of the general public to be heard
on such matters, however as seen, this noble ideal is of question. Are the individuals who have
participated or are highly interested in future policy participation normal representatives of Wellington's
citizens? Golden makes recommendation to look at past participation for evidence rather than employ
survey research of participation, however the first reason given is US specific and the second reason
specific to interest groups over representing themselves (1998: 248). Thus the positive approach of
Hoff, Cardol and Friele (2013) in their survey research of citizen knowledge would be appropriate to
implement in relation to investigating the connections between citizen knowledge, participation and other
variables such as education level; socioeconomic position; membership of advocacy groups et cetera.
The findings would then be analysed to tease out whether any of the Subsystem theories best described
the results. As the Subsystem theories are for the most part nonpositivist this means that other
theoretical approaches would need to be kept in mind.
The public’s participation in policy making has been seen as an important factor in a democratic
society, although the actual implementation shows this public representation leaves much to be desired.
A number of theories give explanations of this bias in public participation in the Subsystem family of
theories, although they have not been properly studied in relationship to participation. An area of study
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surrounding the knowledge of citizens in Wellington New Zealand of local public transport issues gives
an ability to study whether participatory citizens are normal representatives of the citizens as a whole.
Carney, Gemma M. (2010) Citizenship and structured dependency: the implications of policy design for
senior political power. Ageing & Society 30(2): pp. 229251.
Corburn, J. (2007) Community knowledge in environmental health science: coproducing policy
expertise. Environmental Science & Policy 10(2): pp. 150161.
Golden, M. M. (1998) Interest Groups in the RuleMaking Process: Who Participates? Whose Voices
Get Heard? Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 8(2): pp. 245270.
Hoff, J., Cardol, M. and Friele, R. (2013) Why Does Citizens' Knowledge of New Policy Vary
Between Municipalities? The Case of the Social Support Act'.Local Government Studies 39(6): pp.
816832.
Irvin, R. A. and Stansbury, J. (2004) Citizen participation in decision making: is it worth the effort?
Public administration review 64(1): pp. 5565.
Sabatier, P. A. (1988) An advocacy coalition framework of policy change and the role of
policyoriented learning therein. Policy sciences 21(23): pp. 129168.
Schneider, A. and Ingram, H. (1993) The social construction of target populations : implications for
politics and policy. American Political Science Review 87(2): pp. 334–347.
Weible, C. M. (2008) Expertbased information and policy subsystems: a review and synthesis. Policy
Studies Journal 36(4): pp. 615635