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Maia Therese S.

Coronel (181289)
December 9, 2019
History 12 - Final Paper

A Revolution for All Revolutions

Oppression in the Philippines is not a new concept, considering our past with the Spanish,
American and Japanese occupation. With oppression comes the revolution. Before the
Spanish occupation, the revolution came in the form of the Battle of Mactan. In the Spanish
era, it was in the form of the Katipunan and the Cry for Balintawak. In the American and
Japanese era, a revolution came in the form of the Sakdal Uprising and battles engaged in by
the Huks. With oppression came revolution and with revolution came bloodshed.

To provide context on the reasons behind the revolution, it is important to look into the
centuries that preceded this momentous event. To do this, it is important to look into Batas
Militar: A Documentary on Martial Law in the Philippines (Apostol & Arroyo, 1978). In the
documentary, Apostol and Arroyo (1978) tackle not only the transgressions that occurred
during the Marcos era but the past oppressive events in the History of the Philippines. Among
these are the 333 years of colonization of Spain and the American era. Within the film, there
is also mention of the structure we long to have as a country, namely a democracy with a
central government in Malacanang and a president at its helm. Presidents were entitled to a
four-year term unless extended by re-election. Why the statement of facts about the
government structure and the specificities of a presidential role? Well, because of all of this,
if not most, were changed with President Ferdinand Marcos and First Lady Imelda Marcos.

According to the documentary, in 1969, there was alleged electoral fraud in the Marcos
Campaign which came in the form of bribery and increase campaign expenses. In 1970,
rumors were going around about Marcos extending his term as president. Marcos even had a
group of military advisers called the “Rolex 12” during the years 1972-1981, wherein Martial
Law was implemented. On September 3, 1972, martial law was declared and all judicial roles
were then transferred to the police and military force. On that same day, Ninoy Aquino found
himself in chains,

“A long dark night for the Philippines was what Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.
perceived in the early dawn of September 23, 1972, as he was arrested by martial law
enforcers at the Manila Hilton.”​ (Mijares, 1976, p. 83).

What did martial law mean? Martial Law meant the closing of media establishments, the
silencing of those that speak against the president’s regime, and the permission for martial
law enforcers to act upon anyone against habeas corpus or the right to see a judge in court
before detention (Mijares, 1976).

“By his assumption of all powers of government unto himself, Marcos became an
absolute dictator, denying participation by the people, through their elected
representatives”(​ Mijares, 1976, p. 85).
Marcos became the dictator and denied his people, including leaders in the government, any
right to the judiciary. He became the sole judge, military leader, and political leader. He even
came up with a reasoning for all this: ​“civil liberties and political rights for rapid economic
growth.” (Mijares, 1976, p. 85). This qualified martial law to be implemented, because of its
positive effect on economic growth. That human life was less important than making a quick
buck. That a nation is not built on its people but its bank account. On August 21, 1983,
Senator Ninoy Aquino, a government official who was completely against Martial Law and
its devaluation of human life, was shot upon arrival in Manila (Apostol & Arroyo, 1978).
This, along with the many bombings, murders, arrests, and disappearances, sparked the idea
of revolution among the Filipino people.

The EDSA People Power movement of 1986 was a huge turning point in the history of the
Filipino people. Unlike revolutions in the past, here we have a revolution that is bloodless
and peaceful. It is even said that not a single shot was fired during the four days of the
movement. This yellow revolution was a symbol of peace and hope for a brighter tomorrow
for the country. With all these key elements in play during the revolution, we can see the
difference between how former President Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos treated his
fellow countrymen and how the country responded. There was no need for violence, no need
to step down to the level of the oppressor, there was only a need to unite as one empowered
body fighting for the same purpose, the stepping down of the Marcos regime to put a stop to
the people’s anguish. But how exactly were the masses, not only those that stood along
EDSA but those that watched from their homes, empowered? The bloodless revolution of
1986 empowered the Filipino masses by: (1) successfully setting out with a peaceful
revolution (2) giving justice to those who were treated with great injustice during the Marcos
regime; and (3) providing an avenue for voices to be heard.

Successfully Setting out With a Peaceful Revolution

Communists and extreme leftists claimed that the only way to end the Marcos tyranny
and begin radical social reform was through violence or armed revolution. ​(Gorospe,
1988, p. 84).

Here we see that a lot of people were taking up arms and using violence to defeat violence. It
may be a cliche but, fighting fire with fire would have created a forest fire-sized problem.
The success of the revolution was not because of the physical strength of the people, but of
their mental and emotional strength. To have that kind of high-level understanding and not
resort to a violent uprising is extremely commendable. This empathy, this sense of humanity,
is very empowering to the masses. In the speech by late Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino
Jr., he says about the Filipino people,

“He values his freedom, but because he values human life more, he will not easily
take up arms and would rather wait till his patience runs out.”​(Aquino, 1980).

Here we see the immense hope that Sen. Ninoy has in his people, that despite the travesties
committed unto them, they would still have that spirit of understanding and humanity. The
Marcos regime did not fully believe in the value of human life, but at least his people still
understood this. In another speech prepared by Aquino (that was not able to see the light of
day), he mentions again about a peaceful revolution,
“I have returned on my free will to join the ranks of those struggling to restore our
rights and freedoms through nonviolence...In a revolution, there can really be no
victors, only victims. We do not have to destroy in order to build.”​ (Aquino, 1983).

Here, the late senator reminds us of the fact that we are still one nation, one body suffering.
And if we destroy our fellow countrymen, then we are no better than the oppressive dictator
who governs us. We see this applied in the peace negotiations between guards and civilians
during People Power (Gorospe, 1988). Power and Responsibility: A Filipino Christian
Perspective (1988) reminds us that nonviolence in the case of people power is ​“not just a
tactic or strategy but a way of life” ​(Gorospe, 1988, p. 84). That being nonviolent does not
show weakness, but strength, humanity and true nationalism.

The article by Gorospe (1988) sheds light on the People Power revolution through the lens of
culture and religion. Here, he emphasizes on the values of the Filipino people and the values
of the Church, which led to the implementation of a nonviolent revolution.

“Filipinos are gentle people (mahinahon, hindi basagulero)... the innate value of awa
or compassion and mercy...patient (mapagpasensya), long-suffering (mapagtiis)
people...” ​(Gorospe, 1988, p. 84).

This description of the Filipino people is what Gorospe (1988) uses to justify the option for a
nonviolent movement. Much like the description of Ninoy of the Filipino, there is a positive
light shone on the behavior of the Filipino people, as those who are opposed to violence and
only want the best for themselves, their families, and their country. Not only did Gorospe
(1988) emphasize on Philippine values to justify the bloodless revolution, but he also
emphasized on Christian values and the interplay between these and political events that
transpired.

“The nonviolent revolution drew its strength from the Christian faith...manifesting the
faith and trust of the people in Divine Providence.”​(Gorospe, 1988, p. 85).

The Catholic church had much to say about the Marcos regime and during this time and they
were especially on the side of the poor. This time in Philippine history was when it was
established that no matter what regime (whether Aquino, Duterte, Macapagal-Arroyo, or
Marcos), the Church is on the side of the people and would retain the preferential option for
the poor ​(Gorospe, 1988)​. Which is why we see prayers like that of Father Ortiz, stating:

“With us into this hall, O God, we bring the growing fears, the dying hopes, the
perished longings and expectations of a people who have lost their political
innocence…” ​(Ortiz, 1970)

This prayer was said years before martial law was declared but still sends an important
message about that time and now. That there is still empowerment in faith and good morals
and values. That despite the loss of innocence and the loss of hope, there are still ways to
change the situation without resorting to bloodshed.
Giving Justice to Those Who were Treated with Great Injustice During the Marcos
Regime

“I have spent almost eight long and lonely years in military confinement. The problem
of Martial Rule and its injustices have nagged me all these years... Is the Filipino
worth suffering, or even dying, for? “ ​(Aquino, 1980).

Is the Filipino worth dying for? In the first place, there should not even be a single mention of
death. In an ideal democratic government, there is the legislative and the judiciary. There is
always a judiciary. But during the time of President Ferdinand Marcos, this was not the case.
Death was a norm and people were not happy about it.

“A death sentence awaits me. Two more subversion charges, both calling for death
penalties, have been filed since I left three years ago and are now pending with the
courts...Rather than move forward, we have moved backward. The killings have
increased, the economy has taken a turn for the worse and the human rights situation
has deteriorated.” (​ Aquino, 1983).

Here we see Marcos’ regime backfiring completely. Not only are human rights violations
increasing, but the economic situation was deteriorating. Nothing good was coming out of
this presidential term and everyone knew it. It was just a matter of a few more deaths before
people came to the idea of a revolution. And sadly, Ninoy’s death was one of those. By
overthrowing the Marcos regime (something that martyrs of martial law were fighting for),
the masses were able to somewhat avenge their deaths and disappearances.

In conclusion, martial law and the Marcos regime led to a large number of human right
violations and dishonesty in the government. The public has since lost trust in the system that
governs us. But we have to understand that we are the ones in power. The power of the
officials come from us alone. As the book, Revolution 2.0: The Power of the People is
Greater than the People in Power, the author states

“ Inevitably, in the wake of the fervor and unity of the revolution, public opinion has
fractured, uncertainties have swirled, and we are still a long way from a fully
established democracy. I do not pretend to have a crystal ball that can foretell
Egypt’s future, but I do believe that Egyptians will never again put up with another
pharaoh.” ​(Ghonim, 2012).

This excerpt was written in the context of Egypt, the same idea applies to the Filipino people.
Through people power, we have been empowered in the sens that we understand the power
we have as the masses of the country. We understand that we have the capability to create
change despite not being a president or a Senator. We have the power to stop another regime
like this from happening again, because history can repeat itself (not only the bad things, but
the good things too). In order to bring this semester to a close, I would like to to end this
essay with a quote by the late Senator Aquino about the Filipino:

“He is not a coward. He values life and he tends to give his leader the maximum
​ iven a good leader, because he is a good follower, the Filipino
benefit of the doubt. G
can attain great heights. “ ​(Aquino, 1980).
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Required Readings

Aquino, Benigno. “The Filipino Is Worth Dying For.” The Filipino is Worth Dying For. 4
Aug. 1980.

Aquino, Benigno. “Prepared Arrival Statement of Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr.” 21 Aug. 1983.

Mijares, Primitivo. ​The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos​. Bughaw,
2017.

Batas Militar: A Documentary on Martial Law in the Philippines. Film by Eugenia Apostol
and Felicitas Arroyo. 1998.

Ortiz, Pacifico. “A Prayer for the Nation”. January 26, 1970.

Additional Readings

GOROSPE, V. (1988). Power and Responsibility: A Filipino Christian Perspective.


Philippine Studies,​ ​36​(1), 75-87. Retrieved from ​www.jstor.org/stable/42633064

Ghonim, W., & Sjögren, O. (2014). Revolution 2.0.​ Natur & Kultur.

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