Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
ФИЛОСОФИЯ
Дудник С. И. Сталинская модернизация как исторический опыт............................... 394
Derzhivitskii E. V., Larionov I. Yu. The problem of moral choice in political ethics.......... 406
Jorge de Carvalho M. Fichte’s “empty form of knowledge”.................................................... 417
Levytskyy V. S. Nature and essential characteristics of classical rationality........................ 430
Марков Б. В. Сознание Другого в феноменологической
и постаналитической философии.................................................................................. 447
Shakhnovich М. М. The polemical practice in ancient epicureanism.................................. 461
КОНФЛИКТОЛОГИЯ
Nasimova G. O., Buzurtanova M. M., Saitova N. A. Social protests in Kazakhstan:
factors and trends................................................................................................................. 472
Орлов М. О. Конфликтогенный потенциал социальной коммуникации
в цифровую эпоху.............................................................................................................. 485
КУЛЬТУРОЛОГИЯ
Prokopenko V. V. The origins of Platonic pedagogy: an introduction to the study of
Minor Plato’s dialogues........................................................................................................ 497
Самылов О. В., Симоненко Т. И. Мистическая историософия
Велимира Хлебникова....................................................................................................... 507
РЕЛИГИОВЕДЕНИЕ
Бутаков П. И. Реформация как призыв к дискуссии...................................................... 519
Терюкова Е. А., Алферова Н. В., Рунге К. Е. Е. М. Шиллинг как исследователь
религиозных верований народов Кавказа: по материалам документальных
и вещевых коллекций из собрания государственного музея
истории религии................................................................................................................. 528
CONTENTS
PHILOSOPHY
Dudnik S. I. Stalin modernization as a historical experience................................................ 394
Derzhivitskii E. V., Larionov I. Yu. The problem of moral choice in political ethics........... 406
de Carvalho M. J. Fichte’s “empty form of knowledge”.......................................................... 417
Levytskyy V. S. Nature and essential characteristics of classical rationality......................... 430
Markov B. V. Consciousness of Others in phenomenology
and postanalytical philosophy............................................................................................. 447
Shakhnovich М. М. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism.................................. 461
CONFLICT STUDIES
Nasimova G. O., Buzurtanova M. M., Saitova N. A. Social protests in Kazakhstan:
Factors and trends................................................................................................................. 472
Orlov M. O. The conflict potential of social communication in the digital age................... 485
CULTURAL STUDIES
Prokopenko V. V. The origins of Platonic pedagogy: an introduction to the study
of Minor Plato’s dialogues.................................................................................................... 497
Samylov O. V., Simonenko T. I. Mystical historiosophy of Velimir Khlebnikov................... 507
RELIGIOUS STUDIES
Butakov P. A. The Reformation as a call to discussion............................................................ 519
Teryukova E. A., Alferova N. V., Runge K. E. M. Shilling as a researcher
of the religious beliefs of the people of the Caucasus: a case study based
on the documents and artifacts collections from the State Museum
of the History of Religion..................................................................................................... 528
2019 ВЕСТНИК САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГСКОГО УНИВЕРСИТЕТА Т. 35. Вып. 3
ФИЛОСОФИЯ И КОНФЛИКТОЛОГИЯ
ФИЛОСОФИЯ
УДК 141
Для цитирования: Дудник С. И. Сталинская модернизация как исторический опыт // Вест-
ник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3.
С. 394–405. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.301
* Исследование выполнено при поддержке РФФИ, грант 19-011-00603 «Наука как социальный
институт в проектах российской модернизации (петербургский опыт)».
© Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2019
394 https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.301
Общепризнано, что Россия в своей истории прошла, самое меньшее, через че-
тыре попытки модернизации, и во всех четырех случаях имеются основания гово-
рить о «революции сверху»:
1. Преобразования Петра I, предполагавшие создание передовых для того
времени отраслей промышленности (кораблестроительной, литейной, ору-
жейной и т. д.) и их соединение с наукой, институциализированной в виде
новых административных формаций (цифирные школы, школа математи-
ческих и навигацких наук, проект академии наук).
2. Великие реформы середины XIX столетия, включавшие в себя помимо
аграрной реформы («освобождения крестьян»), не без оснований оцени-
ваемой в качестве неудачной, и формирование более гибкой модели взаи-
модействия науки, общества и государства (редакционные комиссии как
опыт деятельности научных экспертных сообществ, Императорское учи-
лище правоведения, стоявшее у истоков судебной реформы, дискуссии во-
круг университетского устава 1863 г., первые антропологические общества
и т. д).
3. Индустриализация, коллективизация, культурная революция 20–30-х годов
XX в., когда субординация научных, технических и промышленных задач
осуществлялась при явном приоритете военно-политических целей, а науч-
но-техническому творчеству в условиях административно-командной си-
стемы были предоставлены неограниченные ресурсы.
4. Постсоветская модернизация, начало которой было бы правильно датиро-
вать политикой «перестройки» второй половины 80-х годов XX в., а причи-
ны ее неудачного и драматического характера, помимо прочего, коренятся
в резком падении престижа научного знания и социальной инфляции нау-
ки как социального института.
Предметом данной статьи является третья попытка модернизации, или ста-
линская модернизация. Очевидно, что именно эта «революция сверху» была опре-
деляющей в построении общества социализма, и критическая оценка историческо-
го опыта сталинской модернизации, со всеми ее отрицательными и положительны-
ми аспектами, имеет весьма важное значение для современных наук об обществе
и человеке. Существующие на данный момент оценки сталинской модернизации
весьма разнообразны и в конечном счете зависят от общего отношения к опыту по-
строения социалистического общества в СССР. Само же это отношение выражает-
ся чаще всего в трех модальностях. Во-первых, многие критики отказываются при-
знавать исторический опыт СССР социалистическим, и, как следствие, причиной
неудачи этого опыта считается характер сталинской модернизации, в ходе которой
необходимое для социализма сочетание политической и экономической демокра-
тии не могло быть достигнуто. Во-вторых, если и признается движение СССР по
пути социалистического строительства, то неудачи этого строительства относятся
на счет исторической отсталости страны; именно ею объясняется в данном случае
характер сталинской модернизации со всеми ее эксцессами. Третья модальность
выражается в теориях «перерождения» социализма в СССР, и причиной этого «пе-
рерождения» является именно сталинская модернизация, оказавшаяся неспособ-
ной ответить на вызовы времени. Иными словами, при всем разнообразии мнений
Литература
1. Соловьев С. М. Публичные чтения о Петре Великом. М.: Наука, 1984. 235 с.
2. Ключевский В. О. Дневники. Афоризмы и мысли об истории. М.: Наука, 1968. 524 с.
3. Маркс — Даниельсону, 10 апреля 1879 г. // Маркс К., Энгельс Ф. Соч. 2-е изд. М.: Изд-во по-
литической литературы, 1964. Т. 34. С. 287–293.
Контактная информация:
For citation: Dudnik S. I. Stalin modernization as a historical experience. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg
University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 394–405.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.301 (In Russian)
In this article we consider the third attempt of modernizing Russia, or Stalin modernization.
Along with previous attempts, Stalin modernization had the character of a “revolution from
above”. As it defined the creation of a society of socialism, the critical evaluation of the his-
torical experience of Stalin modernization, including all its negative and positive aspects, is
very important for modern studies of man and society. In the end, the existing evaluations of
Stalin modernization depend on the relationship to the Soviet experience of creating a social-
ist society in the USSR. The first characteristic feature of Stalin modernization is the fact that,
along with previous modernization attempts, it was “overtaking modernization”. The fact that
all attempts of modernization in Russia were kinds of “revolution from above” predetermined
the inverse sequence of transformations: initiatives of the ruling class were not the answer
to the needs of civil society; on the contrary, these initiatives were directed towards regulat-
ing the development of civil society and its requirements. Marxist rhetoric, which served as
ideological support for Stalin modernization, should not mislead when Stalin transformations
are presented as unique, not having analogs in the history. Stalin modernization was strongly
connected with preparation for war, and if this preparation concealed the ultimate goals of
transformation (“creation of socialism in a separately taken country” in Marxist terminology),
then at that time it was quite justified, as there was a possibility of the disappearance of both
the subject and object of modernization. Incomplete Stalin modernization led to the death of
* The research was supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, grant 19-011-00603
“Science as a social institution in projects of the Russian modernization (Petersburg experience)”.
References
1. Solov’ev, S. M. (1984), Public readings about Peter the Great, Nauka Publ., Moscow, 235 p. (In Russian)
2. Kliuchevskii, V. O. (1968), Diaries. Aphorisms and thoughts about history, Nauka Publ., Moscow,
524 p. (In Russian)
3. Marx to Danielson (1964), in Marx K. and Engels, F. Sochineniia, 2nd ed., vol. 34, Politicheskoi litera-
tury Publ., Moscow, pp. 287–293. (In Russian)
4. Zil’berman, D. B. (2014), Orthodox ethics and material of communism, Ivana Limbacha Publ., St. Pe-
tersburg, 256 p. (In Russian)
5. Nemtsev, M. (2014), Communism as the highest period of “easternization”: D. B. Zilberman about
Russian culture tradition and soviet society, in Zilberman, D. B., Orthodox ethics and material of commu-
nism, Ivana Limbacha Publ., St. Petersburg, pp. 217–253. (In Russian)
6. Arslanov, V. G. (2007), Postmodernism and Russian third way. Tertium datur of Russian culture of
XX century, Kul’turnaia revoliutsiia Publ., Moscow, 656 p. (In Russian)
7. Ul’ianov, V. M. (1999), Crisis of USSR. Reasons and consequences, Dialogue-MGU Publ., Moscow,
91 p. (In Russian)
8. Alekseev, V. V. and Nefedov, S. I. (2002), Downfall of Soviet Union in context of history of world so-
cialism, Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost’, vol. 6, pp. 66–77. (In Russian)
9. Nefedov, S. I. (2005), Demographic and structural analysis of social and economic history of Russia,
UGGU Publ., Ekaterinburg, 543 p. (In Russian)
10. Habermas, J. (2001), The Inclusion of the Other. Essay of political theory, Nauka, St. Peteresburg,
417 p. (In Russian)
11. Hardt, M. and Negri, A. (2004), Empire, Praksis Publ., Moscow, 440 p. (In Russian)
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
For citation: Derzhivitskii E. V., Larionov I. Yu. The problem of moral choice in political ethics. Vest-
nik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 406–416.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.302
In this paper, we identify and describe the particular characteristics of moral choice in politi-
cal ethics. For that purpose, the main features of political ethics as applied ethics, as well as
its difference from other areas of applied ethics, are revealed. We describe the method and
the limits of interpretation of political ethics as professional ethics. We come to the conclu-
sion that in some cases of political choice we cannot appeal to norms and principles of public
morality. The reasons are the ineradicable properties and goals of political activity—that is,
its significant impact on the welfare and lives of citizens of the state, a high degree of risk
and uncertainty, and the continuous presence of open ethical questions. On that ground, we
argue that in the case of moral choice political ethics should analyze each situation separately,
since any attempt to create universal prescriptions and recommendations would inevitably fail
as inappropriate. Hereafter, we propose the typology of ethical conflicts typical for political
practice. The first type is the moral conflict caused by the necessity of political compromise
that presupposes breaking previous promises. The second type is proper moral dilemmas that
include the choice between life and death of other people. The third type presents the choice
between some historically significant goals and the personal political career of a politician.
In the discussion, we will provide real-life examples for each type of political moral conflict.
The main research methods of the paper are categorical analysis of ethical concepts, compara-
tive analysis, cultural-historical method, analysis of moral dilemmas, event analysis, political-
psychological method, method of political-cultural comparative studies, and content analysis.
Keywords: political ethics, moral conflict, moral choice in politics, compromise, lies in politics,
moral motivation of politicians, the responsibility of politicians, political suicide.
In this paper, we investigate the problem of ethical choice of politician both as a per-
son and as an actor of social relationships. First, we will address the subject of relation
between politics and morality. On this ground, we specify the concept of political ethics
as well as the particular characteristics of ethical decision in politics. In the second part
of the paper we propose the typology of ethical conflicts typical for the political practice.
At the beginning of our discussion on political ethics, we would like to conceptualize
it as a form of applied ethics.
The generalized definition of applied ethics could run as follows: “Applied ethics is
the theory and practice of applying ethical norms and values to the variety of problematic
situations both in public, professional and private life.” The applied ethics is embodied in
* With the support of Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR), project №19-011-00234 “Moral
normality in professional ethical codes in the conditions of formation of a digital society”.
© Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2019
406 https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.302
several disciplines distinct from one another such as bioethics, business ethics, environ-
mental ethics, legal ethics, etc. Therefore, political ethics could be regarded as an example
of the applied ethics as well.
Unfortunately, the subject matter and the correlation between the theoretical and
practical components of each above mentioned type of applied ethics still constitute a
conceptual problem. In case of theoretical study of political ethics, it is the characteristics
of political life that need to be taken into consideration.
Being a part of human life, politics has a series of typical characteristics that we could
observe anytime and anywhere in the world. At the same time, politics frequently gives
rise to unique problems and cases, which do not fall within the scope of standard social
norms and values, including moral norms and values. Thus, in order to clarify the concept
of political ethics we need to consider the special status of political action and political
choice.
This is a common point of view, both among people who engage in political activity
and those who have almost no interest in politics, that politics is a kind of dirty business,
and even a genuine service for the sake of people and their welfare inevitably goes hand in
hand with violation of some moral norms.
Here the important comment is to be made that such activities as corruption as well
as abuse of political power, or intentional deception, betrayal, etc., carried out to one’s per-
sonal advantage or for promoting interests of a political party, are not the subject of this
paper. That kind of deeds gives us almost no resources for the ethical analysis and pertains
to the field of legal science, physiology or political science.
We regard politician as a public person, who acts not only upon self-interest but also
in terms of political rationality and the common good (bonum commune).
It is much more important for the political ethics to explain the dissonance between
political choice, political action and the violation of moral norms, which the political
choice may occasionally require.
The established point of view of the majority of contemporary researchers that we
endorse here is that we need to make a clear distinction between the normative ethics
(especially the ethics of universal rules and values) and the political ethics as a part of ap-
plied ethics.
It was Cicero who drew the important distinction between justice and political expe-
diency: “we, truly the most just of human beings, not permit the Transalpine nations to
grow olive and vine, so that our olive groves and vineyards will be worth more! When we
do this, we are said to do so prudently; but we are not said to do so justly” (De re publica,
III: IX,16: Fott (2014) [1].
As the German political philosopher Bernhard Sutor states, politics always has a mor-
al side and is to comply with the moral values, but at the same time we cannot discuss and
evaluate politics on the basis of moral considerations only [2, p. 31].
In his influential article “Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands” Michael
Walzer promoted the term “the dirty hands” and discussed the crucial dilemma in politics
that is the alleged possibility to perform unjust acts for the sake of the common good.
Walzer claimed that politician could be regarded to be honest if she or he inflicts harm
voluntarily and consciously but at the same time is sensible of all possible consequences
and even feels guilty. Walzer called for the close attention to the internal side of “moral”
choice that a politician makes [3].
Conclusion
In spite of being a type of applied ethics, political ethics cannot be expressed in the
form of professional codes, clear instructions or even general recommendations. We could
make the classification of the cases that are close in content and the optimal way for being
resolve, but this typology would not allow us to construct the general model or develop the
set of ethical norms and rules in political ethics. Every case needs to be considered ad hoc.
The cases when politicians violate their promises do not prove that they are immoral
people since it constitutes a part of their professional skills and expert competence. How-
ever, this proposition can not be used as the justification of conscious lying, deception,
betrayal etc.
The common moral norms couldn’t be used in applied ethics including the political
ethics. Following the norms of common moral consciousness in the case of a complex
ethical conflict in politics would sometimes produce more harm to society than the prag-
matic choice of lesser evil. Every subjective moral preference should give way to objective
goals and tasks that comply with general welfare of the state and its citizens.
References
1. Fott, D. (2014), Marcus Tullius Cicero, “On the Republic” and “On the Laws”, trans. by Fott, D., Cornell
University Press, Ithaca, 377 p.
2. Sutor, B. (2001), The little political ethics, in Political and economic ethics, FAIR-Press Publ., Moscow,
pp. 27–174. (In Russian)
3. Walzer, M. (1973), Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands, Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol. 2,
no. 2, pp. 160–180.
4. Williams, B. (1981), Politics and moral character, in Williams, B. Moral Luck: Philosophical Papers
1973–1980, Cambridge University Press, pp. 54–70.
5. Kapustin, B. G. (2004), The moral politics and the political morality. Preface, in Kapustin, B. G. (ed.),
Moral’ v politike. Khrestomatiia, MSU Publ., Moscow, pp. 3–38. (In Russian)
6. Ankersmit, F. R. (2002), Political Representation, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 266 p.
7. Edmonds, D. (2014), Would You Kill the Fat Man?: The Trolley Problem and What Your Answer Tells
Us about Right and Wrong, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 240 p.
8. Thomson, J. J. (1985), The Trolley Problem, The Yale Law Journal, vol. 94, no. 6, pp. 1395–1415.
9. Lemmon, E. J. (1962), Moral Dilemmas, The Philosophical Review, vol. 71, no. 2, pp. 139–158.
10. De Klerk, F. W. (1999), The Last Trek — A New Beginning. The Autobiography, St. Martin’s Press, New
York, 412 p.
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
Для цитирования: Derzhivitskii E. V., Larionov I. Yu. The problem of moral choice in political
ethics // Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019.
Т. 35. Вып. 3. С. 406–416. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.302
Контактная информация:
For citation: de Carvalho M. J. Fichte’s “empty form of knowledge”. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg
University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 417–429.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.303
This paper deals with Fichte’s Grundzüge, and in particular with his discussion of the “empty
form of knowledge” he claims stands at the centre of the third — i.e., the present — age. Fichte
speaks of a fundamental principle that forms the “common denominator” between the third
and fourth main epochs. This fundamental principle — the “maxim of comprehensibility”
(Maxime der Begreiflichkeit) — makes knowledge and comprehension the measure of all that
“counts as being valid and as really existing”. But the question arises: How can one and the
same principle act as the “unifying concept” for two different “main epochs of human life”?
Does this not go directly against Fichte’s claim that two main epochs differ from each other in
every respect, precisely because they produce two entirely different “unifying principles”, and
because everything in them must reflect the difference between their “unifying principles”?
Fichte’s answer to this question is as follows: a) the fundamental maxim in question allows for
two diametrically opposed interpretations, so that each of them provides the principle or the
“unifying concept” from which the third and fourth main epochs arise, and b) the third main
epoch only gives rise to the empty form of science, as opposed to “truly real science”: it stands
for a careless and easy-going, shallow, conventional, trivializing and incorrect conception of
the “fundamental maxim of comprehensibility” — so that it misses what is essential, does not
do justice to the fundamental maxim, overlooks its implications, and indeed goes against its
innermost meaning.
Keywords: Fichte, Wissenschaftslehre, philosophy of history, form of knowledge, principle.
1. Introduction
This contribution deals with Fichte’s discussion of the “empty form of knowledge” he
claims stands at the centre of the third — i.e. the present — age.
First, let us recall that Fichte’s “philosophical picture of the present age” [1, S. 196] in-
volves an attempt to deduce “the main epochs of human life on earth” (cf. [1, S. 197]) from
a single principle, or rather from a “unifying concept of the entire human life on earth”,
which “can be clearly comprehended in its unity, and from which the main epochs of hu-
man life on earth can be fully deduced and clearly understood, both in their origin and in
their connection with each other” (cf. [1, S. 197]). According to Fichte, this “unifying con-
cept of the entire human life on earth” consists in humankind being able to “order all its
relations with freedom according to reason” (cf. [1, S. 198]). That is, it consists in freedom
“appearing in the entire consciousness of the species” and emerging “as its own freedom,
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.303 417
as a true and actual deed and as a product of the species in its own life, proceeding from
its own life” (cf. [1, S. 198]). This freedom-oriented goal forms the all-encompassing con-
nection in which every essential aspect of human life and every significant turn of events
can be integrated.
Let us recall, moreover, that Fichte’s entire conception of the “main epochs of human
life on earth” hinges on the claim that, “according to the basic idea presented, mankind’s
life on earth is divided into two main epochs or ages”: “one in which the species lives and
exists without as yet having ordered its relations with freedom according to reason; and
another in which this rational ordering is accomplished” (cf. [1, S. 198–199]). The first
main epoch is a precondition for the second one, insofar as complete freedom cannot be
merely given, but must come about as something self-acquired — i.e. as the result of a kind
of self-liberation or self-release — and requires, therefore, a preliminary stage or starting
point (the “whereof ”, so to speak, without which there can be no self-liberation or self-
release).
But this is not all. Fichte also points out that the transition from the first to the second
main epoch cannot come about immediately. Since the first main epoch is characterized by
the absolute domination by a blind drive or instinct, it leaves no room for the transition to
the opposite state of freedom (cf. [1, S. 199–200]). According to Fichte, this transition is
impossible without the intervention of two mediating elements, namely:
1. an epoch in which “the results of the rational instinct [des Vernunftinstinkts] (…)
are made into an external ruling authority, upheld through coercive means (…) by
the strongest individuals of the species, in whom — precisely on account of their
strength — that instinct speaks in its loudest and broadest tones” (cf. [1, S. 200]),
so that it takes the form of a “coercive authority” (cf. [1, S. 200]), i.e. a form that
differs from absolute or “unconditional authority” (cf. [1, S. 201]) (from the “soft
coercion of personal instinct” (cf. [1, S. 200])); and
2. an epoch in which the “drive to free oneself from rational instinct” (cf. [1, S. 200])
gains the upper hand and “rebels against the pressure of a foreign instinct that
interferes with one’s own right; and through this awakening it breaks the chains,
not of rational instinct in itself, but of the instinct of foreign individuals, which has
taken the form of an external source of coercion” (cf. [1, S. 200]).
The first of these two “mediating elements”, or “transitional ages”, corresponds to a
kind of attenuated form of instinct (cf. [1, S. 243])1, which, by introducing a distance be-
tween the individual and “externalized” instinct, so to speak, provides the track switch
leading to the revolt against instinct perceived as a “foreign authority”, or as “coercion” —
and therefore also to the second mediating element. The latter is characterized, in turn, by
generating a preliminary form (or a weak, ill-conceived, immature form) of freedom, which
falls far short of freedom’s full development. According to Fichte, the latter can only be at-
tained in the fourth, or even in the fifth main epoch.
Let us recall, finally, that the succession of stages we are talking about reveals two
main aspects expressly emphasized by Fichte.
The first one relates to the fact that the different epochs under consideration are also
distinguished by the role they ascribe to the species, or the individual. The “rational in-
1 Diejenige,
da dieser Instinct, schwächer geworden, und nur noch in wenigen Auserwählten sich
aussprechend, durch diese wenigen in eine zwingende äußere Autorität für Alle verwandelt wird.
3 The4th main epoch, and hence also the second conception of the “maxim of comprehensibility”.
4 “(…) denn dieses [das Zeitalter der Vernunftwissenschaft] tadelt keineswegs jene Maxime der
Begreiflichkeit an und für sich, — es erkennt sie vielmehr an als ihre eigene; sondern es tadelt nur den
schlechten und untauglichen Begriff, der bei diesem Begreifen zum Grunde gelegt und zum Massstabe aller
Gültigkeit gemacht wird” (underlining added). Incidentally it should be noted that this passage from the 8th
lecture is actually meant to describe how the fourth main epoch views the third. But one must not forget that
Fichte intends the fourth main epoch to be understood as the remedy for the insufficiency of the third (and,
in particular, for the insufficiency of its understanding of the “fundamental maxim of comprehensibility”) —
so that its view of the third main epoch also coincides with Fichte’s own claims.
5 Perhaps we can borrow one of Fichte’s expressions and speak of the “determining ingredients” (die
for the comprehension that is “already at hand” (schon fertig, und bei der Hand) [1, S. 209].
comprehensibility” underlying the third main epoch is afflicted by the fact that the form of comprehension
and knowledge does not become an Idea, in the Fichtean sense. And this, in turn, relates to the fact that the
Leichtnehmen (viz. the ‘lightheartedness’) discussed in the 5th lecture (cf. [1, S. 249]) — i.e. the flaw of taking
things too lightly or too easily — also hinders the understanding of the fundamental maxim itself.
14 One could also speak of the whole opinion-system (or of the whole system of beliefs) of the third main
tis personae, or the ‘main characters’, as it were, of the third main epoch (its science, its art, its politics, its
morality, its religion, its writers, its books, its critics, its readers, etc.) — which Fichte examines gradually and
with great care. We turn our attention away from these different ‘characters’ and seek rather to outline the
structural features that form their ‘common denominator’.
17 Namely the opposite conceptions and the wildly different attitudes and perspectives that are
18 Sothat the form of knowledge and cognition (the “concept of the concept”, etc.) falls prey to this
drive, which leaves its mark on it.
19 Which in that case would be the third one.
20 And indeed, because it reveals, as one might also put it, a “necessary educational stage” of knowledge
“fundamental maxim of comprehensibility” that is characteristic of the third main epoch to be understood
not only as a necessary misunderstanding, but also as the misunderstanding that paves the way for the
development of a genuine “concept of the concept”. According to Fichte, the third main epoch is by no means
a dead end. Of course, it can also become one, but only as long as it fails to produce the reaction that provides
Для цитирования: de Carvalho M. J. Fichte’s “empty form of knowledge” // Вестник Санкт-
Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3. С. 417–429.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.303
the key for overcoming the “empty formal knowledge” and for the emergence of the fourth main epoch,
i.e. “truly real science”. In a word, the third age is like the face of Janus, turned simultaneously to empty
knowledge and to “truly real science”. This aspect can at present only be briefly mentioned, as there is no
room to discuss it here in detail (cf. [1, S. 267]).
For citation: Levytskyy V. S. Nature and essential characteristics of classical rationality. Vestnik of Saint
Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 430–446.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.304
The 20th century began under the sign of deconstruction of the classical comprehension of
substantiality of history, culture and mind. It turned out that each culture has its unique world-
view universals and a conclusion has been made that there is a principal difference between
classical and modern cultural worlds, and in the rationalities characteristic to them. In the
article, based on V. Stepin’s conception of scientific rationality, the essential characteristics of
the classical mind, which possess heuristic potentials when comparing pre-modern and mod-
ern rationality, are explicated. In particular, the ontologism of the pre-modern mind has been
distinguished and substantiated based on historical and philosophical material — rootedness
in being, only partially related to man; its hierarchy is the dependence of cognitive possibili-
ties on the ontological level of the entities opening to the mind; and the transcendence is the
fundamental incomprehensibility of the bases and “guarantors” of the mind and the world for
the mind itself. Within the framework of the classical mind, archetypical principles of West-
ern rationality were formulated as such, some of which, after the secularization of medieval
culture, became the principle of organizing secular social reality, which ultimately led to the
emergence of a new social reality, later called Modernism.
Keywords: mind, rationality, modernity, ontology, hierarchy, transcendence.
Every person is surely confident in his ability to use his/her own mind. Rationality for
some time has generally become synonymous with civilization. At about the same time
(the second half of the nineteenth century), doubts about the cultural invariance of ration-
ality also began to creep in. Practical use of mind has become dependent on a particular
cultural tradition. Inclusion in this tradition makes us confident in the adequate operation
of the mind: rationality becomes a part of the norm. In this case, in an ordinary situation,
the question of the basis of one’s own, and especially cultural mind never arises.
The situation changes when “anomalies” appear in the discourse (using Kuhn’s ter-
minology), in the form of representatives of other cultures, or the heritage of other eras.
In such situations comes an awareness of the particularity of mind of one’s own culture —
even if a person believes infallibly in the superiority of his own rationality, he cannot but
feel the otherness of his opponent’s rationality leading to the specified stress.
It should be noted that the twentieth century began and went under the sign of the
deconstruction of Hegel’s (originally Christian) understanding of the substantiality of his-
tory, culture, and mind. Neo-Kantians of the Marburg school showed that the transcen-
dental subject is culturally determined, Wittgenstein linked rationality with depth gram-
mar, Heidegger combined linguistic and ontological imperatives, Foucault put meaning in
© Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2019
430 https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.304
discourse. In the second half of the last century, and especially after the linguistic turn, the
particularity of individual cultural worlds became philosophy’s commonplace. It turned
out that each culture has its own unique worldview universals, if we use the terminology
of Stepin. Thus, this philosophical tradition comes to the necessary conclusion regarding
the fundamental difference between the classical and modern cultural worlds, and their
rationalities accordingly.
At the same time, many authors (Losev, Averintsev, Borodai, Sidash, Heidegger, Mari-
tain, Gilson, Swiezawski) made the specifics of the classical period the subject of their
research. They were able to identify its characteristic features and indicate some of its uni-
versal features. Against the background of these explications regarding the classical mind,
a different architectonics of its modern heir is well seen.
The subject of this article is formed at the intersection of these two methodologies.
On the one hand, aimed at clarifying the unique for the premodern mind and at the same
time its unique foundations, on the other hand — establishing their connection with those
of its structures (principles) that the Modern Mind inherited.
Before moving on to the main subject of this research, it is vital to have a clear under-
standing of the main terminology. We are talking about such definitions as “mind”, “intel-
ligence”, “reason”. On the one hand, it seems that there is no problem here, and the use of
these terms is quite self-evident — we use them on a daily basis and, without the slightest
difficulty, move from one to the other, often using them as synonymous. On the other
hand, if we talk about the scientific problem of demarcating the meanings of these terms,
then it is very difficult to reach a certain level of generalizations (for example, cultural),
because even within the same cultural integrity, different authors can use these terms vari-
ably1. Therefore, the following reflection is not an attempt to linguistic, but rather to se-
mantic classification.
The thing the ancient Greeks called διάνοια (dianoia), and with which they associ-
ated discursive thinking, reasoning that is passing from one sensual subject to another, in
Latin, became the ratio, and the most adequate analogue of it in Russian can be considered
as reason2. In the Russian-speaking tradition, the more well-established translation of the
Latin “ratio” is “mind”, but if you follow the meaning, the more appropriate translation is
still to recognize the “reason”, especially when it comes to medieval philosophy. Moreover,
such a reading is quite admitted by Latin dictionaries3.
Greek νοῦς (noûs), corresponds to the Latin intellectus and the Russian “mind”, less
often the “intellect” is used4 (due to the greater everydayness of the meaning of the latter).
1 A good example in this case is the work of Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scotus. Speaking of higher
cognitive ability, which the Greeks called νοῦς (mind), Thomas uses the term “intellectus”, which is trans-
lated into Russian with the term “mind” (sometimes intellect). In the same case, Duns Scotus along with
“intellectus” and “ratio” uses the definition of “mentis”, which is generally characteristic of the Augustinian
tradition of the Franciscans (“mens” is the term of St. Augustine to mean “reason”). See, respectively [1; 2].
2 Plato, at the end of the sixth book of the dialogue “The Republic”, gave an excellent hermeneutics of
which deals with the interpretation of the term “Intellectus”. This article especially draws attention to the
codification in the period of the scholasticism of the repathetical understanding of “intellectus”, as “νοῦς”, on
the one hand, and Abelard’s (although not only his) interpretation of ratio in the context of Greek διάνοια,
rational discursive activity on the other. See [3, p. 96–107]. At the same time, for example, Losev in the
volume “Aristotle and the Late Classics” of “The History of Ancient Aesthetics” citing an excerpt from “On
the Soul” of Aristotle, indicates that “the translator instead of the Greek” mind “puts the Russian” mind
“ which is corresponding, rather not Greek noûs, but Greek dianoia [4, p. 78]. Although in the volume
“Sophists. Socrates. Plato”, in the part of Plato’s thinking on thinking that is devoted to analysis, uses“ mind
”and“ reason ”as interchangeable concepts [5, p. 451]. However, this remark of the Russian-Soviet scholar is
intended, rather, to emphasize the difference between the understanding of the “mind” in antiquity (which
is sometimes translated as intelligence) and the “mind” of modern philosophy.
5 However, despite the fact that “reason” is a more commonly used term in philosophical literature, the
Russian language still captured the essential characteristic of this type of knowledge in the word speculation
(умозрение), which indicates intelligent vision (умное зрение), when by analogy with the eye, the mind
seizes the intelligible image as a whole.
6 Analyzing Plotinus’s legacy, Averintsev summarized the difference between reason and mind (intel-
ligence) very succinctly: “The founder of Neo-Platonism, Plotinus contrasts the alphabet with the Egyptian
hieroglyph: the sign system of the alphabet, like the discursive work of reason, parses the word into“ ele-
ments ”and then mechanically assembles it from them, but more noble is the symbolism of the hieroglyph
offering our “vision,” the intuition of our mind is a holistic and indecomposable eidos» [7, p. 87].
7 Archpriest Leonov gives a good difference analysis for the difference between “mind”, “intelligence”
and “reason” in patristic literature, showing that the price for sin was the “slide” from the contemplative
mind to the reasoning mind [6].
8 It should be said that there are more emblematic translations of this passage, for example, Boroday in
the monograph “The Birth of a Philosophical Concept. God and matter in the dialogues of Plato “translates
it as follows”: Everything we have said so far, with minor exceptions, described things as they were created
by the Demiurge’s mind” [10, p. 52].
9 See, for example, Timaeus 30b–31b, 39e.
10 This moment fundamentally distinguishes the creationist theories of Plato and the Bible — unlike
the Plato texts, in Christianity God creates the world from nothing.
11 It is appropriate to recall the concept of Martin Heidegger, who understood the truth of the times of
antiquity as ἀλιθεια (aletheia) and opposed it to modernity of authenticity, and considered the entire history
of the West as oblivion of existence. See more: [12; 13].
12 Losev, for example, justifies a position opposite to a long tradition that comes at least from the
Middle Ages, he insists that Aristotle did not criticize and deny Plato’s teachings, but developed and per-
fected — it is completely wrong to understand Aristotle as an antagonist of Plato — he is the successor of
his work. Thus, in the context of the theory of the Mind, Losev writes: “In Plato’s work the Mind consists of
ideas, and in Aristotle’s work the Mind consists of ideas in exactly the same way; and both of these Minds,
both philosophers have as the same eternal and actual cosmic or rather supra-cosmic Mind” [4, p. 43].
13 See the position of Losev on this subject, which then became widely replicated in many studies on
the Plotinus’ philosophy [15].
14 The same idea is concisely formulated by Proclus, the finisher of the neo-Platonic tradition, in his
treatise “The Fundamentals of Theology”: “167. Every mind thinks of itself, but the first mind is only of itself;
and in it the mind and the intelligible are one in number” [16].
15 Enneads contain dozens of arguments on this topic in this context. See, for example, En V.3.5; 4.2.
rary understanding of “nature” and its difference from the ancient “physis” in this context. See more: [23].
losophy of Thomas Aquinas Stefan Swiezawski noted that Aquinas did enough to defeat sacralism, accord-
ing to which prayer, service, fasting, etc. has a higher status than ordinary work. “...Each question is sacred
in its own way — sacredly everything, wrote Swiezawski ,Analyzing the philosophy of St. Thomas. — There
are no divisions into sacred and non-sacred. Everything is sacred, and this is the true position of true sacral-
ism. Recall here the words of St. Paul: “So, whether you eat, drink, or whatever you do, do everything to the
glory of God” (1 Cor. 10.31) [24].
18 In this question, and especially regarding the distinction between human and Divine knowledge,
there is one interesting and one of the most in-depth studies on the philosophy of Thomas Aquinas, which
came out recently, which belongs to the American researcher Eleonore Stump [25].
19 Describing the process of overcoming Platonic skepticism undertaken by the great scholastics, Gil-
son wrote: “The only way out of the difficulty lies, therefore, in recognizing: there is empirical certainty
based on inference with a stress put on experience. Undoubtedly, the induction of patterns from experi-
ence will not lead us to absolutely necessary conclusions: there is no contradiction in the fact that things
can be generated in a different way than they are actually produced. But the knowledge that we have about
their laws will not be less reliable and infallible because it relies on the stability and necessity of the natures
themselves. The great principle, which guarantees the value of experienced knowledge, says that everything
that happens regularly, due to some reason that does not act freely, is a natural consequence of this reason.
‘Natural’ means: not appropriate, but necessary. Therefore, the knowledge of nature, which we are able to
acquire through experience, has the necessary character” [22, p. 331].
21 And in the treatise “On the mind, ideas and existence” of the fifth “Ennead” Plotinus writes: “Beauty
arises in the soul through reason. Then: what is that which the mind gives to the soul? With necessity —
Mind, but not the mind that is sometimes clever, and sometimes stupid, but the true Mind” [14, p. 262].
22 Here is what Plotinus writes about this in the treatise “On Cognitive Hypostases and what is on the
other side”: “So, the mind sees the light with light not through anything else. Light sees a different light and,
therefore, the light sees itself. This light shines in the soul, enlightening it, making it intelligent, that is, liken-
ing itself to the mountain light. If now you present [the light in your soul] as a trace of light coming into the
soul, and even more beautiful, great and pure, then perhaps you will come close to the nature of Mind and
intelligible ”(En V.3.8). See also En V.3.17.
23 There are many of such discourses in “Summa theologica”. For example, see ST I. 87.1; ST I. 89. 2.
24 It should be said that although Aristotle gave the most universal definition of entelechy, the intuition
and phenomenology of this process is already present in the texts of Plato. In the “Republic”, the founder of
the Academy writes: “So, this is what I see: in what is knowable, the idea of good is the limit, and it is difficult
to distinguish, but as soon as you discern it the conclusion suggests itself that it is the reason to all right and
beautiful. In the realm of the visible, it begets the light and its ruler, and in the realm of the intelligible, it
itself is the ruler, on which truth and understanding depend, and anyone who wants to act consciously in
both private and public life should look at it” [20, with. 253]. See also [20, p. 233].
25 Sim. to the philosophy of Plotinus, for whom entelechy is perhaps the main system-forming prin-
ciple, and the “Enneads” themselves can be viewed as continuous melancholy and prayer to the One — the
only thing that interests the Alexandrian philosopher ultimately is a transition from himself to Him, as
an image to a primordial character, thus completing the path (En VI. 9. 11). In the Fifth Ennead, Plotinus
writes: “[Not a man only, but] all things are movedand move to Him [to the Good] by virtue of natural
necessity, foreseeing [an inner sense] that they cannot be without Him” [14, p. 158]. See also En VI. 2. 11.
References
1. Thomas Aquinas (2015), De unitate intellectus contra averroistas, LENAND Publ., Moscow. (In Rus-
sian)
2. Duns Scotus (2001), Collected Works, Frantsiskantsev Publ., Moscow, 584 p. (In Russian)
3. Cassin, B. (ed.) (2011), Dictionary of Untranslatables: A Philosophical Lexicon, vol. 2, Duh i Litera
Publ., Kyiv. (In Ukrainian)
4. Losev, A. F. (1975), History of the Ancient aestethics. Aristotle and the late Classics, Iskusstvo Publ.,
Moscow, 672 p. (In Russian)
5. Losev, A. F. (1994), History of the Ancient aestethics. Sophists. Socrates. Plato, Ladomir Publ., Moscow,
714 p. (In Russian)
6. Leonov, V. Concepts “Mind”, “Intellect”, “Reason” in the tradition of Church Fathers, available at: https://
azbyka.ru/ponyatiya-um-razum-rassudok-v-svyatootecheskoj-tradicii (accessed: 18.03.2018). (In Russian)
7. Averintsev, S. S. (1979), Neoplatonism in front of Platonic critique of the myth-poetry thinking, in
Platon i ego epokha, Nauka Publ., Moscow, pp. 83–97. (In Russian)
8. Pre-Socratics, trans. from Ancient greek by A. Makovel’skii, pt. 1 (Eleate period), available at: http://
filosof.historic.ru/books/item/f00/s00/z0000120/st013.shtml (accessed: 18.03.2018). (In Russian)
9. Plato (2014), Collected works, vol. VI, Liteo Publ., St. Petersburg. (In Russian)
10. Borodai, T. Yu. (2008), The birth of philosophical concepts. God and matter in the dialogues of Plato,
Savin Publisher, Moscow, 283 p. (In Russian)
11. Aristotle (2016), Metaphysics, «E» Publ., Moscow. (In Russian)
12. Heidegger, M. (1991), On the essense of truth, in Heidegger, M. (ed.), Razgovor na proselochnoi dor-
oge, Vysshaia shkola Publ., Moscow, pp. 8–27. (In Russian)
13. Heidegger, M. (1993), Plato’s teaching on truth, in Heidegger, M., Vremya i bytie: Stat’i i vystupleniya,
Respublika Publ., Moscow, pp. 345–360. (In Russian)
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
Для цитирования: Levytskyy V. S. Nature and essential characteristics of classical rationality // Вест-
ник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3.
С. 430–446. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.304
Контактная информация:
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.305 447
Проблема
Человек постоянно сталкивается с непостижимостью внутреннего опыта дру-
гих людей. Поскольку язык как средство общения не всегда пригоден для описания
индивидуальных переживаний, остается рассчитывать на эмпатию — сопережива-
ние. Но таким образом на место одного непостижимого ставится другое. Помимо
невыразимости, внутренний опыт другого ставит перед аналитиком и другие про-
блемы. Интерес к нему в философии был вызван поисками непосредственно дан-
ного. Отсюда вера в его истинность, которой явно недостает и фактам, и теориям.
Ведь те и другие — это конструкции на основе нашего языка.
Опора на непосредственное знание оказывается общей для самых разных
эпистемологических программ и, в частности, точкой пересечения феноменоло-
гии и аналитической философии. Р. Карнап допускал своеобразные «эпистемоло-
гические атомы», из которых должна быть логически построена система знания.
М. Шлик критерием значимости теоретических высказываний считал верифика-
цию, посредством которой они выводятся или сводятся к непосредственным дан-
ным, считающимися как бы «приколотыми» к самой реальности [1, с. 57]. У Гуссер-
ля тоже есть нечто вроде «примордиального опыта», но это не чувственные вос-
приятия, а интуиция.
Тщательное систематическое сравнение феноменологической и аналитической
философии сознания отсутствует, скорее всего, по той причине, что они использу-
ют разные и не сводимые друг к другу языки. В результате сложился паритет (напо-
минающий отношение сверхдержав): феноменология и герменевтика претендуют
на статус методологии и философии гуманитарных наук, а аналитическая фило-
софия ориентируется на естественнонаучное знание. Между тем у них есть точки
соприкосновения при исследовании таких характеристик сознания, как самооче-
видность, непропозициональность и интенциональность. Вопреки сложившемуся
представлению о противоположности феноменологической и эмпиристской про-
грамм обоснования знания в постаналитической философии происходит ассими-
ляция феноменологической техники анализа сознания. Создатели искусственно-
го интеллекта находят в «Логических исследованиях» Э. Гуссерля реконструкцию
разнообразных актов сознания, которые необходимо формализовать и заложить
в программу, чтобы машина могла «мыслить».
Любой опыт предполагает набор разнообразных предпосылок, включающих
не только общие понятия, но и установки внимания, оценки, селекции, гешталь-
ты восприятия, схемы памяти и т. п. Механизм их признания имеет мало общего
с научным обоснованием. Отчасти он экзистенциальный, так как основан на факте
человеческого существования, отчасти — социальный, так как формируется пу-
тем дрессуры и обучения. Социальные установки и культурные предпосылки, рас-
крытые в рамках марксистской и постмарксистской критики идеологии, образуют
внешний контекст, в рамках которого осуществляются акты сознания. Благодаря
общим нормам и правилам, обеспечивающим социальный порядок, возможна
коммуникация Я и Другого.
Вывод
Человеческие действия не исчерпываются причинно-следственными описани-
ями. Регулируемое нормами поведение осуществляется на основе некоторых обще-
принятых кодов, и поэтому может быть прочитано и интерпретировано. Действия
осуществляются на основе технических, моральных и эстетических предписаний.
Поэтому человеческое поведение описывается в терминах «намерение», «цель», «мо-
тив», «интерес» и т. п. Мотивация интересна тем, что соединяет силовой и смысло-
вой аспекты действия. Человек может повлиять на физическое состояние системы
с помощью знания. Инициатива, или, как говорил Гегель, «хитрость разума» состоит
в том, что он сталкивает между собою различные силы и добивается нужного ре-
зультата. Таким образом, необходимо обратить внимание не на полярные противо-
Литература
1. Schlick M. Allgemeine Erkenntnislerhe. Berlin: Springer, 1925. 350 S.
2. Райл Г. Понятие сознания / пер. с англ. М.: ДИК, 1999. 408 с.
3. Гуссерль Э. Логические исследования / пер. с нем. M. : Академический проект, 2011. Т. 2. 562 с.
4. Гуссерль Э. Идеи к чистой феноменологии и феноменологической философии / пер. с нем. М.:
ДИК, 1999. 336 с.
5. Гуссерль E., Деррида Ж. Начала геометрии / пер. с англ. М.: Ad Marginem, 1996. 269 p.
6. Brentano F. Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkt. Leipzig: F. Meiner, 1924. 364 S.
7. Chisholm R. The First Person. An Essay on Reference and Intentionality. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1981. 324 p.
8. Чуешов В. И. Языки философии / под ред. Б. В. Маркова. СПб.: Изд-во СПбГУ, 2009. С. 148–156.
9. Nagel Th. The View from Nowhere. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. 358 p.
10. Чалмерс Д. Сознающий ум. В поисках фундаментальной теории / пер. с англ. М.: URSS, Ли-
броком, 2013. 512 с.
11. Плесснер Г. Ступени органического и человек: Введение в философскую антропологию / пер.
с нем. M. : РОССПЭН, 2004. 368 с.
Статья поступила в редакцию 23 ноября 2018 г.;
рекомендована в печать 13 июня 2019 г.
Контактная информация:
Марков Борис Васильевич — д-р филос. наук, проф.; b.markov@spbu.ru
For citation: Markov B. V. Consciousness of Others in phenomenology and postanalytical philosophy.
Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 447–
460. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.305 (In Russian)
* RFBR grant N 18-511-00015 Bel_a “Anthropological and argumentological the bases of intercultural
communication and intercultural dialogue” (2018–2020).
References
1. Schlick, M. (1925), Allgemeine Erkenntnislerhe, Springer, Berlin, 350 S.
2. Ryle, G. (1999), The concept of Mind, trans. from eng., DIK Publ., Moscow, 408 p. (In Russian)
3. Husserl, E. (2011), Logical studies, vol. 2, Akademicheskii proekt Publ., Moscow, 562 p. (In Russian)
4. Husserl, E. (1999), Ideas to pure phenomenology and phenomenological philosophy, trans. from germ.,
DIK Publ., Moscow, 336 p. (In Russian)
5. Husserl, E. and Derrida, J. (1996), Beginning geometry, trans. from eng., Ad Marginem Publ., Moscow,
269 p. (In Russian)
6. Brentano, F. (1924), Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkt, F. Meiner, Leipzig, 364 S.
7. Chisholm, R. (1981), The First Person. An Essay on Reference and Intentionality, University of Min-
nesota Press, Minneapolis, 324 p.
8. Chueshov, V. (2009), Languages of philosophy, ed. by Markov, B. V., St. Petersburg University Press,
St. Petersburg, pp. 148–156. (In Russian)
9. Nagel, Th. (1986), The View from Nowhere, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 358 p.
10. Chalmers, D. (2013), The Conscious Mind. In Search of a Fundamental Theory, URSS Publ., Librokom
Publ., Moscow, 512 p. (In Russian)
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trans. from germ., ROSSPEN Publ., Moscow, 368 p. (In Russian)
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
For citation: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism. Vestnik of Saint
Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 461–471.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306
The article explores the presentation methods of a philosophical doctrine in Greek and Ro-
man Epicureanism; it is shown that for the ancient, middle, and Roman Epicureans a con-
troversy with representatives of other philosophical schools was a typical way of present-
ing their own views. The polemical practice, in which the basic principles of Epicureanism
were expounded through the criticism of other philosophical systems, first of all, Academics
and Stoics, was considered not only as the preferred way of presenting the own doctrine,
but also as the most convenient rhetorical device, which had, among other things, didac-
tic significance. The founder of the school, Epicurus, often included in his texts the terms
used in other philosophical schools, giving them a different, often opposite, content. While
presenting his teaching in the treatise “On Nature” or in letters to his followers, Epicurus
pushed off the opinions of Democritus, Plato, and the Stoics, but resorted mainly to implicit
criticism of his opponents, often without naming them by name. His closest students and
later followers — Metrodorus, Hermarchus, Colotes, Philodemus, Lucretius, Diogenes of
Oenoanda — continuing the controversy with the Academics and the Stoics, more frank-
ly expressed their indignation about the “falsely understood Epicureanism” or erroneous
opinions. In their writings, satirical techniques and angry denunciations were often used to
criticize opponents. The focus of the article is on the controversy of Epicurus with Plato; the
interpretation of the concept of “anticipation” in Epicurus and the Stoics, the polemic con-
troversies and the use of the principle of “refraining from judgment”, drawn from the Stoics,
to criticize Academics. In addition, the article analyzes the rhetorical tricks of Philodemus,
who believed that frank speech is not only the best way to heal the soul, but also a method
of philosophical controversy.
Keywords: Epicurus, Epicureanism, Colotes, Philodemus, Roman Epicureanism, Stoicism,
Academic Scepticism, polemic method.
* The article was written with the support of the RFBR grant No. 18-011-01123 “The Problem of Con-
necting Morality and Religion in Epicurean and Stoic Philosophy: A Comparative Analysis of the Contro-
versial Discourse”.
© Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2019
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306 461
There is an opinion that Epicurus not only rejected the teachings of all other phi-
losophers, but was himself ignorant in the field of philosophy. This is one of the many
legends that have accompanied Epicureanism throughout the centuries of the history of
this school. Epicurus was well aware of the philosophical concepts of his predecessors and
contemporaries. For example, in his mature years he wrote a special work “Against Theo-
phrastus”, and his essay “On Nature” testifies to the knowledge of Aristotle’s early esoteric
writings. Diogenes Laertius reported that among the ancient philosophers the closest to
Epicurus were Anaxagoras and Archelaus, the teacher of Socrates (DL X, 12). According
to Cicero, the philosophy of Epicurus fully grew out of the teachings of Democritus (ND
I, 73). The most interesting in this regard is the attitude of Epicurus to Plato.
It is well known that Epicurus argued with Plato. The main work of Epicurus “On
Nature”, was written in a controversy against determinism, contained a criticism of early
natural philosophers, early atomists, Stoics, Plato and Aristotle. Out of twenty-two known
works by the favorite student of Epicurus, Metrodorus, eight (only judging by the names)
were written in the polemical manner: “Against the healers”, “Against Timocrates”, “Against
the dialecticians”, “Against the Sophists”, “Against Democritus” , “Against Plato’s ‘Gorgias’”
(criticism of the ideas about the posthumous judgement for corporeal souls), “Against
Plato’s ‘Euthyphro’” (on internal and external piety). Hermarchus wrote an essay “Against
Empedocles”, and Polyaenus “Against Aristotle”. Colotes wrote “Against Plato’s ‘Euthyde-
mus’” (on the art of dispute) and “Against Plato’s ‘Lysis’” (about friendship). Epicureans
Zeno of Sidon, Demetrius of Lakonia, Lucretius, Philodemus, Diogenes of Oenoanda,
all of them in their writings argued with their opponents, defending and attacking, and
sometimes did not hesitate in expressions, calling opponents ‘charlatans’, ‘deceivers’ and
even ‘madmen’.
Epicurus was an opponent of Plato in the field of metaphysics and epistemology, in
the sphere of relations to the state and politics, religion and art. Excerpts from the funda-
mental work of Epicurus “On Nature”, found in Herculaneum papyri, show that he reject-
ed Plato’s cosmology, the doctrine of the world soul, astrology, according to which stars
and planets are divine beings. Eusebius wrote: “What he can have in common with Plato
is he, who removed from his field of vision the divine nature, cut off the soul’s hope for a
new appearance in the future” (Praep. Ev. XV, 5, 3). However, Epicurus and his followers
knew perfectly well the works of Plato. They rejected Platonism by no means blindly or
absolutely. Criticizing Plato, they used his vocabulary and images, filling them with other
content. Diogenes Laertius, enumerating the nicknames given by Epicurus to the various
philosophers, reported that Epicurus called Plato “golden” (DL X, 8), that is, “divine”. It
is known that Plato speaks about the role of the philosopher in the ideal state, he writes,
that God fashioned philosophers able to rule, and mixed them in birth with gold, and
therefore they are most valuable (Resp. 415 a). Last century scholar Frederick Solmsen
believed that Epicurus, not only argued with the ideas expressed by Plato, but consciously
built his philosophical system as anti-academic. He attributed the anti-Platonian passages
of Lucretius to Epicurus himself, wanting to prove that the latter not only argued with the
ideas expressed in “Timaeus”, but consciously built his philosophical system as directed
against Platonism [1, p. 11; 2, p. 37].
Epicurus and his followers subjected Plato’s notions and images to rethinking, in-
herently criticized. For example, likening to God was the ethical ideal of Platonism. The
“Phaedo” tells about the soul, which best followed God and became like him (Ph. 248).
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
Для цитирования: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism // Вест-
ник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3.
С. 461–471. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306
Контактная информация:
КОНФЛИКТОЛОГИЯ
UDC 323.25
For citation: Nasimova G. O., Buzurtanova M. M., Saitova N. A. Social protests in Kazakhstan: Factors
and trends. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3,
pp. 472–484. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.307
The authors discuss the features of protests in Kazakhstan and identify their factors and caus-
es. The analysis of the content of the sociological surveys, the posts on the social networks,
the web sides and blogs of Kazakhstan’s top officials enabled the authors to establish the issues
of social and economic nature that are the most probable triggers of protests. The authors
conceptualize their root causes as a discrepancy between the articulated goals of moderniza-
tion and poor performance of the public administration responsible for their implementation.
The authors’ analysis goes beyond the changes of protest behavior and includes the responses
of the state organs and the role of the Internet. Further, the article provides a typology of the
protests occurred in Kazakhstan and deals with their scale and scope. The article also touches
upon the means employed by the state to diffuse social tensions and the respective role of civil
society institutions, which is argued to be insufficient. The authors conclude that the protests
in Kazakhstan are spatially and topically limited, as is their destructive potential. Kazakhstan
shall not anticipate massive protest actions due to the impact of the currently implemented
social and economic reforms, commitment of the majority of its citizens to maintenance of
political stability and their fear of possible destructive consequences, as well as the lack of any
organized political force capable of transforming public discontent into political actions and
underdevelopment of civil society.
Keywords: protests, conflicts, modernization, state, government.
Introduction
Protests are integral for any political system. Protests are more likely to occur while
a political system is undergoing the process of its development or transformation. Popu-
lar uprisings during the Arab Spring throughout the Middle East and North Africa that
resulted in overthrowing of the political regimes in those countries appear to be the vivid
472 https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.307
examples thereof [1, p. 340; 2 p. 301; 3, 54]. Protests of that sort may have quite drastic
consequences. In Syria, they evolved into a bloody armed conflict.
However, more established systems may be also prone to protests. The Western Eu-
ropean governments are challenged by manifest frustration of the masses about the social
and economic situations in those countries [4]. The current wave of the “gilets jaunes”
(yellow vests) movement is spearing beyond the French borders, gaining momentum and
acquiring a rather distinctive political character [5].
Thus, the probability of protests and their potential to cause drastic destabilization
is the questions that shall not be overlooked. Kazakhstan is not immune from such de-
velopments; some mass protests accrued there as well. Understandably, these protests are
generally seen as challenging the social stability. Given their acute importance, there have
been increasing number of studies and surveys to measure the level of social tensions and
conflict potential, conducted on the regular basis by several research institutes and think
tanks in Kazakhstan [6, p. 90; 7, p. 56; 8, p. 51; 9, p.102; 10, p.175].
However, these days, we are not only witnessing the protests that are growing in
terms of their frequency, intensity or composition of their participants, we are dealing
with changing “discourses” and “repertoire” thereof. This actualizes and problematizes
the question of how we study such protests. The enquiry that provided the basis for this
article was conceived with this question in mind. Thus, the authors were well aware that,
in addition to such a conventional method as survey, some newer, more adequate tech-
niques of data collection to study protest behavior were to be employed. Those techniques
included search query of the electronic and printed media; monitoring of the social media
and social networks; and examining the content of the posts, i.e. complaints and queries,
submitted electronically on the official websites of particular government agencies and
officials. Those methods enabled the authors to have a clearer picture of the factors, root
causes as well as of the protest behavior patterns in Kazakhstan.
Thus, the protests that have been occurring in Kazakhstan for the last decade are in
the focus of the scholarly attention of the authors, who examined and analyzed the data
collected by them independently and by other researchers in order to find the answer to
the following questions: what issues are more likely to trigger protests in Kazakhstan; how
can the protests, that already have occurred, be categorized in terms of their participants,
subject matter, forms and means as well as the response of the authorities; how does the
Internet influence the dynamics of the protests; what is the role of civil society; is there
any probability of mass violet protests in Kazakhstan that could threaten political stability
in this country?
As it has been mentioned above, the analysis is sourced by the primary and second-
ary data. The secondary data have been collected through a series of sociological surveys
and studies conducted by the Institute of World Economy and Politics under the Founda-
tion of the First President of Kazakhstan, the Institute of Eurasian Integration, the “Open
Society” International Institute for Regional Research, the Kazakhstan Institute for Socio-
Economic Information and Forecasting, the “Social Perspective” Public Foundation, the
Research Institute for International and Regional Cooperation at the Kazakh-German
University, the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of Kazakh-
stan, and the Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law.
As it will be shown further, the surveys informed merely on the issues that the respond-
ents identified as the most possible triggers of future protests and on their own personal in-
Source: The Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, 2018 [15].
The fact that peaceful assemblies with political agendas are less common is attributed
by the Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law to cleansing
of the political space from any oppositional parties or public associations barely disloyal to
the authorities. Secondly, under the law in Kazakhstan, there are very strict rules of hold-
ing peaceful assemblies. It creates serious thresholds for those who wishing to hold a pro-
test actions and stipulates for severe sanctions for those who choose to disobey1 [14, p. 9].
The state control machinery and law enforcement is frequently used against those
who are trying to organize peaceful assemblies with a political agenda. The Activists of the
oppositional political forces are constantly under heavy pressure; permissions are denied
on the regular basis, the leaders are detained — report the experts of the Kazakhstan In-
ternational Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, [14, p. 10].
The next important trend is a changing character of the protest behavior per se. This
is largely due to the fact that modern protests technologies heavily depend on the use of
the Internet. The Internet, according to researchers, is not only a mechanism for commu-
nication but a space where protest attitudes, beliefs and values are being developed and
respective behavior patterns are being formed. Thus, regulation of the Internet, in some
form or another, has been a constant item of the government agenda [15, p. 224].
Having examining the activities in the internet, the authors argue that one of its dis-
tinguishing features is that they may not even go beyond the cyber space. There have been
numerous on-line petitions demanding demission of certain ministers or reformation in
1 The Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan on Organization and Conducting of Peaceful Assemblies,
Rallies, Processions, Pickets and Demonstrations in the Republic of Kazakhstan, available at: http://adilet.
zan.kz/rus/docs/U950002126_ (accessed: 05.03.2019).
2 Thestrike of oil industry workers in the Mangystau Region of Southwest Kazakhstan resulted in
major unrest in the city of Zhanaozen.
3 In the spring of 2016, the amendments to land legislation caused negative reaction throughout in
Kazakhstan. As a result, the public debate turned into the protests in a number of regions of Kazakhstan.
To resolve the situation, the Land Reform Commission was established by the President Nazarbayev, which,
eventually, provided the platform for a constructive dialogue between the state and the people.
Conclusions
The authors reached the following conclusions. Firstly, there are consistently present
factors in Kazakhstan that balance each other; those contributing into growth of the con-
flict potential and those defusing such potential. Secondly, the protests in Kazakhstan are
most likely to be triggered by social and economic issues. Thirdly, protests in Kazakhstan
shall not be seen as a mere indicator of instability, rather they are revealing the conditions
when society is ready to adopt new legal and institutionalized means to express publicly the
existing conflict of interests. Fourthly, as overwhelming majority of Kazakhstan’s citizens
are not inclined towards unconventional protest behavior or any unlawful means to resolve
their problems, the probability of mass protests or conflicts in Kazakhstan remains rather
low. Finally, conflict resolution mechanisms in Kazakhstan are poorly institutionalized as is
evident in rather underdeveloped legal means and structures aimed at facilitating articula-
tion of the grievances as well as reconciliation or balancing of the conflicting interests.
References
1. Lynch, M. (2014), The Arab uprisings explained. New contentious politics in the Middle East, Columbia
University Press, New York, 352 p.
2. Vasil’ ev, A. and Petrov, N. (2012), Recipes of the Arab Spring, Algoritm Publ, Moscow, 345 p. (In Rus-
sian)
3. Brownlee, J., Masoud, T. E. and Reynolds, A. (2015), The Arab Spring: Pathways of repression and re-
form, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 346 p.
4. Quaranta, M., (2015), Political Protest in Western Europe Exploring the Role of Context in Political Ac-
tion, Springer Publ., New York, 346 p.
5. Grossman, E., (2019), France’s Yellow Vests — Symptom of a Chronic Disease, Political Insight, vol. 10,
no. 1, pp. 30–34.
6. KazISS (2014), Level of Social Conflict Potential (Social Survey Findings), Almaty. (In Russian)
Для цитирования: Nasimova G. O., Buzurtanova M. M., Saitova N. A. Social protests in Kazakhstan:
Factors and trends // Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтоло-
гия. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3. С. 472–484. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.307
Контактная информация:
Конфликтогенный потенциал
социальной коммуникации в цифровую эпоху
М. О. Орлов
Саратовский национальный исследовательский
государственный университет им. Н. Г. Чернышевского,
Российская Федерация, 410012, Саратов, ул. Астраханская, 83
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.308 485
является не просто особой коммуникативной средой, но и закономерной частью
жизненного пространства современного человека. Именно поэтому если еще
в конце 1990-х — начале 2000-х годов цифровая коммуникация не воспринима-
лась всерьез, ассоциируясь главным образом с хобби и развлечениями, то на сегод-
няшний момент она плотно вошла в нашу повседневную жизнь, и без информа-
ционных технологий уже сложно представить себе эффективную работу, образо-
вательный процесс, социальную жизнь. Таким образом, трансформация процесса
коммуникации в цифровой среде закономерно ведет к определенным изменениям
и в оффлайн-реальности (сфере социокультурных взаимоотношений физического
мира), заставляет пересмотреть привычные взгляды на коммуникацию, социаль-
ную стратификацию, критерии истинности, образование и многие другие аспекты
социальной реальности.
В силу вышеуказанных причин конфликтогенность информационного про-
странства становится более ощутима в качестве рискообразующего фактора. Со-
циальный сегмент интернет-пространства с самого своего появления обладал до-
статочно мощным конфликтогенным потенциалом, мысля себя как совокупность
сообществ по интересам. Общий дух социальных коммуникаций в Интернете
в первые годы развития социальных сетей можно обозначить формулой: «Те, кто
разделены географией, да будут объединены идеей» [1, с. 34]. Основное коммуни-
кативное пространство тематических блогов, форумов и имиджбордов мыслилось
не как пространство для всеобщей коммуникации в рамках традиционной морали,
а как сфера общения для субъектов, объединенных частными интересами и цен-
ностями. Да и сама специфика первых субъектов цифровой среды сформирова-
ла особое отношение к Интернету как месту всеобщей свободы и дозволенности.
В силу этих причин изначально стиль коммуникации сложился таким образом, что
не предполагал следования классической культуре общения, напротив, аксиологи-
ческой дискурсивной установкой являются яркое выражение своей позиции в наи-
более острой форме и рассмотрение всех участников коммуникации как равных
и свободных.
К 2000 г. развитие социальных сетей и массовое увеличение количества поль-
зователей Интернета сгладило обозначенные особенности цифровой коммуника-
ции. Однако специфика цифровой коммуникации оказалась настолько выражен-
ной, что породила противостояние коммуникации онлайн и оффлайн. Впрочем,
исследователей здесь подстерегает и другая проблема — риск развития стереотип-
ного представления об онлайн-коммуникации как о чем-то менее важном (или
менее качественном), чем традиционная оффлайн-коммуникация. Так, профессор
А. В. Перцев отмечал: «Время на то, что в экзистенциализме называлось “подлин-
ной коммуникацией”, сократилось до минимума» [2, с. 13]. Между тем, информаци-
онное общество требует переосмысления многих базовых понятий. Что представ-
ляет собой «подлинная коммуникация» в эпоху социальных сетей?
Современное общество, в силу особенности функционирования своих инсти-
тутов, делает коммуникацию в определенном смысле обязательным процессом, вне
зависимости от того, какова ее аксиологическая ценность для конкретного актора
коммуникации. В этом смысле условное разделение коммуникации на подлинную
и неподлинную видится вполне логичным, однако критерии выделения подлинно-
сти коммуникации следует переосмыслить в новом ключе.
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М.: Логос, 2009. 430 с.
9. Ямщикова Е. Г. Проблема формирования сетевого этикета и профессионально-этических ка-
честв педагогов в информационной среде // Воспитание, социализация и развитие личности. Чело-
век и образование. 2017. № 1 (50). С. 54–58.
10. Брызгалина Е. Философия образования в контексте традиций и инноваций // Человек вчера
и сегодня: междисциплинарные исследования. Вып. 4 / отв. ред. М. С. Киселева. М.: ИФРАН, 2010.
С. 3–18.
11. Асадуллина С. Х. Теория и практика разрешения виртуального конфликта: Практико-ориен-
тированная монография. СПб.: Нестор, 2009. 327 с.
12. Миронов В. В. Платон и современная пещера big-data // Вестник Санкт-Петербургского госу-
дарственного университета. Сер. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35, вып. 1. С. 4–24.
For citation: Orlov M. O. The conflict potential of social communication in the digital age. Vestnik of
Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 485–496.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.308 (In Russian)
The article deals with the problem of communication culture transformation in the modern
information space. Modern achievements in information technology are increasingly moving
the communication process into the information space, which naturally leaves certain imprints
References
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klassiki do informatsionnogo sotsiuma: Sbornik materialov Vserossiskoi konferentsii (Astrakhanʹ, Astrakhan-
skii gosudarstvennyi universitet, 27–28 sentiabria 2018 g.), scientific. ed. by Baeva, L. V. and Markelov, K. A.,
Sorokin Roman Vasil’evic Publ., Astrakhan, pp. 13–18. (In Russian)
3. Savchuk, V. V. (2013), New media are new forms of violence, in Vul’f, K. and Savchuk, V. V. (eds),
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tersburg, pp. 223–236. (In Russian)
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Received: December 2, 2018
Accepted: June 13, 2019
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
КУЛЬТУРОЛОГИЯ
UDC 1(091)+141.131
For citation: Prokopenko V. V. The origins of Platonic pedagogy: an introduction to the study of Minor
Plato’s dialogues. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35,
issue 3, pp. 497–506. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.309 (In Russian)
The article deals with the question of the ideological content of Plato’s “minor” dialogues and
their significance for understanding Plato’s philosophy. The author sees his goal in showing
that the traditionally low assessment of these works by Plato is unfair. Thus, the article pro-
vides analysis of the “minor” dialogues in terms of their role in the implementation of Plato’s
educational strategies. Plato is affirmed never to separate the problems of philosophy and edu-
cation because philosophy itself was understood by Plato as the education of the soul. The arti-
cle proposes to consider “Minor Plato’s” dialogues as part of the Corpus Platonicum regardless
of the solution to chronology and authenticity problems, since these dialogues in one way or
another belong to the heritage of the Academy. The article analyzes two dialogues, Clitophon
and Theages which are still little studied in Russian literature. The connections between the
considered dialogues and the great works of Plato — Republic, Symposium, and Theaetetus —
are revealed. The author comes to the conclusion that the relationship between these dialogues
should be viewed as a “challenge-response” relationship in which the dialogues’ back-and-
forth occurs. It has been established that not only do Plato’s major dialogues contain answers
to questions posed in Minor Plato’s dialogues, but, conversely, Clitophon and Theages become
keys to understanding Symposium and Theaetetus. The article proves that Plato made this
dialogues back-and-forth in order to achieve better understanding of his philosophical ideas
by students.
Keywords: Plato Minor, pedagogic approach, dialogues roll-call, erotosophy.
The starting point of our study is the belief that Plato’s philosophy cannot be under-
stood without taking into account his pedagogical activity. We believe that the foundation
of the Academy was one of the most important events in Plato’s life. In such a way he ex-
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.309 497
pressed his understanding of philosophy as a theory and practice of education. The idea of
education occupies an extremely important place in Plato’s teachings and, therefore, all his
texts are more or less intended to achieve pedagogical goals even those dialogues where
completely different questions would seem to be discussed. Such an approach to Plato’s
philosophy implies reading Plato’s dialogues in an educational context. The pedagogical
approach appeared in the Platonic studies long ago: in F. Schleiermacher’s works at the
beginning of the 19th century. Since then the pedagogical hypothesis has never disap-
peared from the the Platonic studies and experienced a real flourishing in the first half
of the 20th century (W. Jaeger, P. Friedlander, J. Stenzel). Subsequently the interest in the
image of Plato as an educator was somewhat weakened and gave way to other approaches,
in particular, to analytical methodology. Recently, however, we can observe a gradual in-
crease in interest in the educational and institutional aspects of Platonic philosophy in the
works of Western and Russian researchers R. Barrow, R. C. Lodge, S. Scolnicov, A. O. Rorty,
Yu. A. Shichalin, I. N. Mochalova). We also want to emphasize that Plato devoted most of
his life to education: first as a student of Socrates and then as a scholarch of the Academy.
Although very little is known about the pedagogical practices used in the Academy,
we have no doubt that the texts of Corpus Platonicum were used as tools in the educa-
tional process. And it predetermines the very dialogical form of Plato’s works. Therefore,
the study must take into account the pragmatic aspect of Plato’s dialogues. We believe that
in this case it will be effective to apply pragmalinguistic methodology, which assumes that
the text is treated as a communicative act. Such a methodology requires taking into ac-
count not only the content of the text, but also its form, i.e. the author’s rhetoric, poetics
and dramaturgy of the work. All these expressive means play a crucial role in transmitting
a message from the author to the addressee.
The pragmatic approach allows us to take a fresh look at some of Plato’s dialogues,
which for a long time have been deprived of the researchers attention and greatly under-
estimated. They are the dialogues called “small”, “early”, “Socratic”. W. Jaeger, who used the
term “Smaller Socratic Dialogues”, included “Apology of Socrates”, “Euthyphro”, “Laches”
in this group of dialogues [1, p. 87–160]. But Jaeger does not even mention other small
dialogues. W. Guthrie includes nine names in the group, which he called “Early Socratic
dialogues”. They are “Apology of Socrates” “Crito”, “Laches”, “Charmides”, “Euthyphro”,
“Lysis”, “Hippias Major”, “Hippias Minor”, “Ion” [2, p. 67–324]. G. Vlastos adds “Menex-
enus” and “Gorgias” to this group, and T. Irwin adds “Protagoras” [3, p. 78–95]. A. F. Losev
published “Theages” in the Plato’s early dialogues edition in Russian although he expressed
doubt about his authenticity [4, p. 66–78]. Losev also included a number of dialogues in
this collected works, which he called “the works of the Platonic School” (“Demodocus”,
“Sisyphus”, “Eryxias”, “Axiochus”). W. Guthrie considers these dialogues as absolutely un-
reliable or at least controversial while other researchers (G. Vlastos) do not pay any at-
tention to them at all. M. Canto-Sperber calls these works apocryphal and gives them the
following characteristic: “these are plagiarism or essays obviously related to a later time,
often consisting of parts borrowed from the real Platonic dialogues. Doubtful dialogues
are also excluded (“Hipparchus”, “Rival Lovers”, “Second Alcibiades”, “Minos”, “Theages”,
“Clitophon” and “Epinomis”) [5, p. 214]. Thus, researchers do not agree the contents of
this group of dialogues. Not everyone also agrees that these dialogues should be called
Socratic and early. Yu. A. Shichalin subjected the definitions considering these dialogues
of Plato as early and insignificant to reasoned criticism [6].
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
Для цитирования: Prokopenko V. V. The origins of Platonic pedagogy: an introduction to the study of
Minor Plato’s dialogues // Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Философия и конфлик-
тология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3. С. 497–506. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.309
Контактная информация:
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.310 507
обладателей некоего тайного, эзотерического знания, недоступного широкой пу-
блике. Мистическое освоение истории оказывается особенно популярным в пери-
од становления исторического знания, когда историография еще не оформилась
в «строгую» науку. Одним из самых первых сочинений такого специфического
жанра является книга Фабра д`Оливье «Философическая история человеческого
рода», вышедшая в свет в 1824 г. В этой книге, небольшой по размеру, был рас-
крыт целый ряд тем, которые позже становятся чуть ли не обязательными у боль-
шинства мистиков и оккультистов: эзотерическая интерпретация Библии, гипотеза
о существовании в доисторическое время всемирной империи Рама, акцент на осо-
бой роли Египта в качестве источника тайных знаний и т. д. [1].
Если появление подобных мистических попыток освоения истории становит-
ся нередким и даже закономерным, то они неизбежно дают о себе знать и в России,
что характеризуется, по меньшей мере, двумя особенностями. Во-первых, интерес
в отечественной культуре к мистическому историзму проявляется сравнительно
поздно — в начале XX столетия. Во-вторых, мистико-оккультные интерпретации
историзма несут на себе явный след внешнего влияния со стороны теософских
(«тайная доктрина» Е. П. Блаватской) и антропософских (Р. Штайнер) учений, ко-
торые именно в это время становятся известными образованной публике России.
Так, например, исследование поэтики романов Андрея Белого («Петербург», «Мо-
сква») и историософских поэм М. Волошина («Путями Каина») с необходимостью
вынуждает констатировать влияние западного оккультизма [2, с. 83–91; 3].
Весьма любопытными являются образцы мистического историзма, которые
сравнительно легко можно найти в сочинениях Велимира Хлебникова. Разумеется,
и у него можно обнаружить внешние влияния, но они всегда имеют либо опосре-
дованный, либо синтетически-синкретический характер, что позволяет говорить
в данном случае об оригинальности его концепций и интерпретаций. И если совре-
менное состояние отечественной культуры отмечено очевидными девиациями от
научного и философского историзма (в ряду которых различные варианты фолк-
хистори, «новая хронология» А. Фоменко, конспирологические теории и т. п.), то
анализ истоков русского мистического историзма приобретает закономерную ак-
туальность.
Мистическую историософию Хлебникова можно реконструировать по многим
произведениям поэта, но центральная роль, без сомнения, принадлежит «Доскам
судьбы» — собранию записей и наблюдений, общим предметом которых являются
законы времени, открытие которых приписывает себе автор. Можно сказать, что
перед читателем раскрывается нумерологическое учение, главной областью при-
менения которого является история человечества. Во многих поэтических произ-
ведениях Хлебникова можно обнаружить ссылки на довольно сложные арифме-
тические соотношения, которые без обращения к «Доскам судьбы» остались бы,
скорее всего, непонятными читателю. В «Досках судьбы» мы встречаем наиболее
полно изложенные математические расчеты и формулы, однако в этих рассуждени-
ях математика чаще всего соединяется с поэтическими метафорами, заменяющими
необходимые комментарии. «Время обращения второго спутника Сатурна равно
32 часам 53 минутам 7 секундам: O2 = (482 · 3 + (23 + 2) 48 + 7)23+3 Г, где Г — год речи
[¼ сек]. Эта простота времен, соединяющих звезды и человеческую речь, указы-
вает, что молния меры, молния измерения непрерывно соединяет все концы все-
Литература
1. Тухолка С. Философия истории. СПб.: Дамаск, 1999. 95 с.
2. Кузьмин Е. Оккультизм в «Corona astralis» Максимилиана Волошина // Апокриф. № 36. 2011.
С. 83–91.
3. Силард Л. Герметизм и герменевтика. СПб.: Изд-во Ивана Лимбаха, 2002. 328 с.
4. Хлебников В. Доски судьбы // В. Хлебников. Собр. произв. М.: ИМЛИ РАН, 2006. Т. 6/2. С. 8–72.
5. Хлебников В. Мысли и заметки. 1922 г. // Хлебников В. Собр. произв. М.: ИМЛИ РАН, 2006.
Т. 6/2. С. 102–104.
6. Юнг К. Г. Синхронистичность: акаузальный связующий принцип. М.; Киев: Рефл-бук; Ваклер,
1997. 320 с.
Контактная информация:
For citation: Samylov O. V., Simonenko T. I. Mystical historiosophy of Velimir Khlebnikov. Vestnik
of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 507–518.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.310 (In Russian)
In this article the mystical historiosophy of Velimir Khlebnikov is considered as a form of Rus-
sian historiosophical thought. Religious, philosophical, historical and cultural prerequisites
of formation of the concept of historicism in Russian mysticism of the beginning of the 20th
century are analyzed. Special attention is paid to “Boards of Fate”, a collection of notes and
observations about the universal laws of time discovered by Khlebnikov. In the article general
principles are formulated of assessment of both the mystical historiosophy of Khlebnikov, and
other attempts of mystic-occult development of the principle of historicism. Progress in the
humanities and cultural anthropology makes it easy to see the limitation of such attempts and
to establish some of their initial attitudes, reproduced by default. When these attitudes remain
ignored, mystical historicism not only is reproduced in this or that form again and again, but
also naturally finds admirers. In particular, we consider the idea of “the universal myth” which
for a long time was an attractive reference point for anthropology and for other humanities.
References
1. Tukholka, S. (1999), Philosophy of history, Damask Publ., St. Petersburg, 95 p. (In Russian)
2. Kuz’min, E. (2011), Occultism in “Corona astralis” by Maximilian Voloshin, Apokrif, no. 3, pp. 83–91.
(In Russian)
3. Szilard, L. (2002), Hermeticism and hermeneutics, Ivana Limbakha Publ., St. Petersburg, 328 p. (In
Russian)
4. Khlebnikov, V. (2006), Board of Fate, in Khlebnikov, V., Sobranie proizvedenii, vol. 6/2, IMLI RAN
Publ., Moscow, pp. 8–72. (In Russian)
5. Khlebnikov, V. (2006), Thoughts and notes. 1922, in Khlebnikov, V. Sobranie proizvedeni, vol. 6/2,
IMLI RAN Publ., Moscow, pp. 102–104. (In Russian)
6. Jung, C. G. (1997), Synchronicity: acausal connecting principle, Refl-Buk Publ., Wackler Publ., Moscow
and Kiev, 320 p. (In Russian)
7. Lebedev, Yu. A. (2008), “Board of Fate” as “viviparous bonding” in the world meretrices Khlebnikov,
in Velimira Hlebnikov’s “Board of Fate” Text and Contexts, Tri kvadrata Publ., Moscow, pp. 185–196. (In
Russian)
8. Khlebnikov, V. (2006), Conversation between Oleg and Kazimir, in Khlebnikov, V., Sobranie proizve-
denii, vol. 6/1, IMLI RAN Publ., Moscow, pp. 288–289. (In Russian)
9. Vladimirskii, B. M. (2000), “Numbers” in the works of Khlebnikov: the problem of self-oscillation
cycles in social systems, in Mir Velimira Khlebnikova, Iazyki russkoi kul’tury Publ., Moscow, pp. 723–732.
(In Russian)
10. Kuz’menko, V. E. (2000), “The Basic law of time” of Khlebnikov in the light of modern theories
of coevolution of nature and society, in Mir Velimira Khlebnikova, Iazyki russkoi kul’tury Publ., Moscow,
pp. 733–756. (In Russian)
11. Khlebnikov, V. (1985), Word about the number and Vice versa, Voprosy literatury, no. 10, pp. 169–
190. (In Russian)
12. Khlebnikov, V. (2006), Fightings of 1914–1917. New doctrine about war, in Khlebnikov, V., Sobranie
proizvedenii, vol. 6/1, IMLI RAN Publ., Moscow, pp. 83–100. (In Russian)
13. Moshkov, V. A. (2004), Mechanics of degeneration, in Russkaia rasovaia teoriia do 1917 g., Feri-V
Publ., Moscow, pp. 609–679. (In Russian)
14. Chenikov, I. V. (2008), Khlebnikov and contemporary ciclistica, in Doski sud’by Velimira Hlebnikova:
tekst i konteksty, Tri kvadrata Publ., Moscow, pp. 218–233. (In Russian)
15. Godel’e, M. (2007), Mystery gift, Vostochnaia literatura Publ., Moscow, 295 p. (In Russian)
16. Marks, K. (2001), Capital, AST Publ., vol. 1, Moscow, 565 p. (In Russian)
17. Marks, K. (1959), To criticism of political economy, in Marks, K. and Engel’s, F., Sochineniia, 2nd ed.,
vol. 13, Gosudarstvennoe izdatel’stvo politicheskoi literatury, Moscow, pp. 1–167. (In Russian)
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
РЕЛИГИОВЕДЕНИЕ
УДК 215; 284.1
Для цитирования: Бутаков П. А. Реформация как призыв к дискуссии // Вестник Санкт-
Петербургского университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3. С. 519–527.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.311
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.311 519
скую жизнь Европы и всего мира, как она способствовала развитию гуманисти-
ческих идеалов и процессу секуляризации, а также формированию нового типа
религиозного сознания. Традиционно днем начала Реформации считается 31 октя-
бря 1517 г. В тот день, согласно легенде1, преподаватель Виттенбергского универ-
ситета Мартин Лютер прибил к воротам Замковой церкви свои 95 тезисов против
индульгенций. Тот факт, что точкой отсчета новой эпохи выбран именно этот по-
ступок провинциального профессора, кажется весьма странным. Во-первых, ос-
новные политические, социальные и экономические реформы XVI в. осуществля-
лись по инициативе князей и церковных властей, а Лютер не принадлежал к числу
власть имущих. Во-вторых, обычно к эпохальным событиям принято относить
что-то экстраординарное: вооруженные восстания, военные действия или прави-
тельственные указы, в то время как акт публикации тезисов вряд ли может пре-
тендовать на экстраординарность. Наконец, все значительные реформы начались
лишь после 1520 г., а в самом 1517 г. и в последующие несколько лет не происходило
никаких заметных событий. Поэтому связь между началом Реформации и Люте-
ром, его тезисами и 1517 г. выглядит достаточно сомнительной.
Интерпретация исторических событий и взаимосвязи между ними — заня-
тие в высшей степени произвольное и субъективное. Подтверждением этому слу-
жит поразительное разнообразие тем конференций и публикаций, посвященных
500-летнему юбилею Реформации. Сторонники гуманистических идеалов пред-
ставляют поступок Мартина Лютера как борьбу за свободу совести и либеральные
ценности; поклонники политэкономических теорий вкладывают в уста Лютера
проповедь капиталистических идей; наконец, теологи стремятся отыскать в 95 те-
зисах некое прогрессивное евангельское содержание. Но большинство этих плохо
совместимых друг с другом точек зрения сходятся в одном — 31 октября 1517 г.
произошло нечто настолько экстраординарное, что это привело к глобальным из-
менениям европейской цивилизации. И здесь может возникнуть правомерный во-
прос: стоит ли доверять этой единогласной оценке, если она основана на множестве
столь несопоставимых теорий?
Для того чтобы объективно оценить уникальность 95 тезисов, необходимо
разобраться с тем, какое значение придавал им сам Мартин Лютер. И здесь нужно
выяснить, с какой целью Лютер писал свои тезисы, какие идеи пытался выразить
с их помощью, на какую аудиторию рассчитывал и какого эффекта пытался до-
стичь. Была ли последовавшая за написанием 95 тезисов Реформация неким зако-
номерным развитием событий, напрямую вытекающим из самого поступка Лютера
и содержания его тезисов? Или же, напротив, сами по себе ни тезисы, ни акт их
создания не являлись чем-то революционным, и подлинные причины начала Ре-
формации следует искать в чем-то другом?
Точка зрения, представленная в данной статье, состоит в том, что ни в поступ-
ке Лютера, ни в самих тезисах не было ничего такого, что с необходимостью долж-
1 Сегодня
большинство исследователей склоняются к тому, что Лютер не прибивал 95 тезисов
к церковным дверям. На самом деле 31 октября 1517 г. он отправил свои тезисы частным письмом
архиепископу Майнцскому и в то же время раздал копии нескольким университетским коллегам.
Несколько месяцев спустя эти тезисы были напечатаны и распространены третьими лицами без
согласия автора. Подробное обсуждение и анализ имеющихся исторических фактов по данному во-
просу, а также гипотезы о возникновении легенды о прибивании тезисов приведены в статье [1].
оказался отмененным de facto. После окончания Пятого Латеранского собора следующий собор,
Тридентский, был созван только через 28 лет с целью борьбы с Реформацией, а следующий за ним
Первый Ватиканский собор состоялся лишь через 300 лет после Тридента. Основным результатом
Первого Ватиканского собора является принятие постановления Pastor Aeternus о непогрешимости
и первенстве юрисдикции папы. Декреты Pastor Aeternus (1516) Пятого Латеранского собора и Pastor
Aeternus (1870) Первого Ватиканского собора аннулируют постановление Haec Sancta (1415) Кон-
станцского собора не только de facto, но и de jure.
4 О влиянии Оккама на формирование теории консилиаризма см., напр.: [5].
ренцию в университете Франкфурта в январе 1518 г., на которой все собравшиеся единогласно осу-
дили Лютера, о чем не преминули сообщить в Рим [7, p. 464].
Литература/References
1. Leppin, V. and Wengert, T. J. (2015), Sources for and against the Posting of the Ninety-Five Theses,
Lutheran Quarterly, vol. 29, pp. 373–398.
2. Hendrix, S. H. (2015), Martin Luther: Visionary Reformer, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT,
xiv+342 p.
Контактная информация:
Бутаков Павел Анатольевич — канд. филос. наук, ст. науч. сотр.; pavelbutakov@academ.org
For citation: Butakov P. A. The Reformation as a call to discussion. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg Univer-
sity. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 519–527.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.311 (In Russian)
There are numerous interpretations of the event that is considered the beginning of the Euro-
pean Reformation of the 16th century, i. e., the publication of the Ninety-Five Theses by Martin
Luther in 1517. According to the most popular interpretations, the publication of the Theses
was an extraordinary historical event. I argue, however, that the writing of the Theses was an
ordinary episode of daily academic life. This claim is justified by excerpts from private letters
of Martin Luther from 1517–1518, contemporary historical scholarship of the Reformation
era, and analysis of the specific features of European academic life and events from the history
of the Church in the 15th–16th centuries. I consider the creation of the Ninety-Five Theses as a
part of the more-than-a-century-old academic competition between universities belonging to
the traditions of via antiqua and via moderna. In addition, I establish a relationship between,
on the one hand, the struggle of the philosophical and theological traditions of via moderna
and via antiqua and, on the other hand, the struggle of the ecclesiastical political movements
for conciliarism and for the primacy of the pope. I also claim that the true cause of the begin-
ning of the Reformation lies in the conflict between the ecclesiastical authorities, who tried
to suppress theological discussions, and the academic community, which considered those
discussions their undeniable right.
Keywords: Reformation, Martin Luther, Ninety-Five Theses, conciliarism, via moderna,
Council of Constance, the Fifth Lateran Council.
Received: April 5, 2018
Accepted: June 13, 2019
A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :
Для цитирования: Терюкова Е. А., Алферова Н. В., Рунге К. Е. М. Шиллинг как исследователь
религиозных верований народов кавказа: по материалам документальных и вещевых коллек-
ций из собрания государственного музея истории религии // Вестник Санкт-Петербургского
университета. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3. С. 528–540.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.312
528 https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.312
Основной целью настоящей статьи является обзор ранее не публиковавших-
ся архивных материалов крупного отечественного кавказоведа середины ХХ сто-
летия Евгения Михайловича Шиллинга (1892–1953), ныне хранящихся в Науч-
но-историческом архиве Государственного музея истории религии (далее ГМИР).
В последние годы научное наследие Е. М. Шиллинга неоднократно становилось
предметом глубокого научного исследования, был опубликован ряд статей, ос-
вещающих его сотрудничество с Центральным музеем народоведения в Москве
в 1920–1930-х годах и преподавание на кафедре этнографии в МГУ, экспедицион-
ную работу на Кавказе в 1940-х годах и собранные в полевых условиях коллек-
ции, ныне хранящиеся в РЭМ и Кунсткамере [1–5]. По экспедиционным отчетам
Е. М. Шиллинга 1940-х годов известно, что тема религиозных верований народов
Кавказа занимала особое место в его научных интересах. На протяжении многих
лет исследователем тщательно фиксировалась устная информация о местных ва-
риантах ислама, космогонических воззрениях, почитаемых местах, обрядах для
вызова дождя, обычаях весенней обрядовой запашки, гаданиях, знахарстве, при-
метах, амулетной магии [5, с. 26], собирался вещевой материал, связанный с на-
родной обрядовой практикой и мусульманским религиозным культом. Так, на-
пример, одним из результатов дагестанской экспедиции 1945 г. стало выявление
Е. М. Шиллингом в системе религиозных верований и обрядов аварцев «остатков
языческих культов и элементов полуязыческого христианства», что позволило
ему сделать вывод, что «ислам, занесенный в Дагестан еще при арабах, оконча-
тельно укоренился “в стране гор” лишь за период от XIII до XV вв.» [5, с. 32]. Дан-
ное наблюдение было подтверждено Дагестанской этнографической экспедицией
1946 г., в ходе которой Е. М. Шиллингом «по вопросу о религии были собраны
материалы по доисламским верованиям, дополняющие данные предыдущих по-
ездок (культ священных рощ и деревьев, праздник весны, апотропейный смысл
знака креста и др.)» [5, с. 39].
Однако страницы жизни ученого, связанные с его сотрудничеством с другим
московским музеем — Центральным антирелигиозным (далее ЦАМ), — вплоть
до настоящего момента выпадали из поля зрения исследователей истории отече-
ственной науки о религии. Теперь, благодаря сохранившимся, но ранее не опу-
бликованным экспедиционным материалам Е. М. Шиллинга из архива ГМИР,
эта лакуна может быть частично восполнена. Необходимо отметить, что особую
важность этим документальным материалам придает тот факт, что они пролива-
ют свет на пока малоизученный, в отличие от экспедиций 1940-х годов, период
в экспедиционной деятельности Е. М. Шиллинга — его полевую работу на Кавказе
в 30-х годах прошлого века.
Документальные материалы, связанные с научно-исследовательской деятель-
ностью Е. М. Шиллинга, в Научно-историческом архиве Государственного музея
истории религии образуют три дела, но не выделены в личный фонд этого ученого.
Возможно, именно этим объясняется тот факт, что до настоящего момента они не
были введены в научный оборот. Дела № 145 и № 222 включены в состав фонда
№ 31, опись № 1. Название 31-го фонда — «Центральный Антирелигиозный Музей
Наркомата Просвещения СССР» — указывает на происхождение входящих в него
документов из этого московского музея. Дело № 494 включено в опись № 1 фонда
№ 1. Пометки на листах дела позволяют сделать вывод, что входящие в его состав
лась лишь одна публикация — «Амулеты и талисманы кавказских народов» Г. Ф. Чурсина [11].
2 Пиры — почитаемые с глубокой древности святилища в Азербайджане.
II. Абу-Мусслим (9–20)
9 а.б. 13 июня 1934 г. Абу-Мусслим. Даг. А.С.С.Р., Гунибский район, Чох. Аварцы. КП.
№ 16340.
А) флаг — bajra из мечети квартала Калани (мечеть в настоящее время закрыта), на
белой бумажной ткани арабская надпись черной краской;
Б) медное навершие флага в виде шара из луженой меди.
Оба предмета получены из мечети Калани.
Навершие было надето на длинную деревянную жердь (древко); к этой же жерди
было пришито и полотнище флага. Флаг стоял в мечети, прислоненный к внутренней
стенке каабы.
О культовом назначении предмета см. экспонат 11.
Е. Шиллинг
P.S. флаг заменяет более старый, богато вышитый, не сохранившийся.
10 а, б. 13 июня 1934 г. Абу-Мусслим. Даг. А.С.С.Р., Гунибский район, Чох. Аварцы.
КП. № 16444.
Шашка старая плохого качества и плохой сохранности из мечети квартала Калани.
А) ножны деревянные с обломанным концом; оклеены черной кожей; имеет 2 желез-
ных пояска;
Б) клинок с деревянной рукояткой; на клинке круглое местное клеймо.
Шашка рядом с флагом находилась в мечети на подмостках Каабы.
11. 15 июня 1934 г. Абу-Мусслим. Даг. А.С.С.Р., Гунибский район, Чох. Аварцы.
КП. № 16341.
Флаг — bajra — большого размера, на полотне с арабской надписью, вышитой на
одной из московских фабрик в 1914 г., приобретен от жителя с. Чох Шарафа Асмало-
ва. Происхождение флага таково: дядя Шарафа — Гаджи Магомед Шарафов написал
в 1909 г. на бумаге арабский текст и завещал по этому тексту заказать хороший bajra для
мечети Калани. После смерти дяди, Шараф в 1911 г. во время пребывания в Москве за-
казал одной из частных московских фабрик приготовить bajra по исполненной на бума-
ге надписи, уплатив за это на фабрике 10 рублей. Данная фамилия считает себя потом-
ками Абу-Мусслима — toxom Osmani (от Abu Musslim Osmanli) — свой род («тухум»)
эта фамилия называет «тухум Абу Мусслим». В мечети Калани сосредоточен культ Абу
Мусслима. Жреческие обязанности исполняли представители Абу-Мусслимовского ту-
хума.
Об[орот].
Во время праздников Ураза и Курбан, т. е. 2 раза в год, в мечети Калани происходи-
ла следующая процедура: старший из Абу-Мусслимовского тухума брал bajra и шашку;
за правую и за левую руку при этом его поддерживали муллы. Процессия направлялась
из верхней двери мечети в нижнюю и выходила на двор. Здесь bajra укрепляли и оставля-
ли стоять под открытым небом на целые сутки. На площадке у нижней двери мечети пред-
ставитель абу-мусслимовского тухума обращается лицом в сторону соседнего аула Ругуд-
жа и грозит шашкой. Во время процессии толпа присутствующих кричит «ля и ля иляля».
Аульный чауш бросает вверх старые глиняные кувшины, и присутствующие стараются их
разбить на лету камнями. Если кувшины будут разбиты, то это означает, что в текущем
году будет хороший урожай. Шашка уносится обратно в мечеть. Угроза обнаженной шаш-
кой аулу Ругуджа — напоминание меча Абу-Мусслима, который, по преданиям, должен
был покорять непокорную Ругуджу, где он насаждал ислам.
В настоящее время обряд брошен, мечеть Калани закрыта. Экспонаты 9 и 10 фигури-
ровали во время вышеописанного обряда. Экспонат 11 был только заготовлен усердием
Абу-Мусслимского тухума, но в мечеть не попал.
Е. Шиллинг
12. 13 июня 1934 г. Абу-Мусслим. Даг. А.С.С.Р., Гунибский район, Чох. Аварцы. КП.
№ 16333,
Каменная лампа из мечети Калани.
Е. Шиллинг
13. 13 июня 1934 г. Абу-Мусслим. Даг. А.С.С.Р., Гунибский район, Чох. Аварцы. КП.
№ 16342.
Подставка для Корана деревянная из мечети Калани.
Е. Шиллинг
14. 13 июня 1934 г. Абу-Мусслим. Даг. А.С.С.Р., Гунибский район, Чох. Аварцы. КП.
№ 16336.
Железный замок от мечети Калани.
Е. Шиллинг
Литература
1. Ботяков Ю. М. Архивные и иллюстративные материалы Е. М. Шиллинга по традиционным
верованиям адыгов из собрания МАЭ // Народы Кавказа: музейные коллекции, исследования объ-
ектов и явлений традиционной и современной культуры. СПб.: МАЭ РАН, 2006. С. 81–95.
2. Тахнаева П. И. Сабля и знамя шейха Абу Муслима: чохские исламские реликвии// Народы Кав-
каза: музейные коллекции, исследования объектов и явлений традиционной и современной культу-
ры. СПб.: МАЭ РАН, 2015. С. 103–114.
3. Ипполитова А. Б. История музея народов СССР в Москве // Этнографическое обозрение.
2001. № 2. С. 144–160.
4. Мамаев М. М. Он заложил основы этнологии Дагестана (К 120-летию со дня рождения видно-
го этнографа-кавказоведа Е. М. Шиллинга) // Вестник Института ИАЭ. 2012. № 4. С. 149–163.
Контактная информация:
Терюкова Екатерина Александровна — канд. филос. наук, доц.; eaterioukova@mail.ru
Алферова Наталья Васильевна — канд. культурологии, доц.; alferovan@yandex.ru
Рунге Констанца — науч. сотр.; rungek@staff.uni-marburg.de
For citation: Teryukova E. A., Alferova N. V., Runge K. E. M. Shilling as a researcher of the religious
beliefs of the people of the Caucasus: a case study based on the documents and artifacts collections
from the State Museum of the History of Religion. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy
and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 528–540. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.312/(In
Russian)
This article is aimed at reviewing the documents and artifacts collections of the prominent
Russian specialist in Caucasian studies Evgeniy Mikhailovich Shilling (1892–1953) that are
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A u t h o r ’s i n f o r m a t i o n :