Social Changes from 750-1200 AD | Peasantization of tribes &

Proliferation of castes
Several distinctive features in socio-economic, cultural and political life appear to have taken concrete
shape during the period 750-1200 AD. It is on this ground that many scholars have argued to
distinguish it as a distinctive phase in itself – that of the early medieval. It is in this context that we are
to assess the social changes that took place in this period. Drawing from various perspectives and
authorities such as R.S. Sharma, B.N.S. Yadava and SuviraJaiswal, we look at a variety of source
material, including copper plate inscriptions of land grants, smriti literature, Puranic literature
and accounts of foreign travelers in order to understand the processes of change and
continuity in the period. Also, to be elucidated are the processes of peasantization of tribal
communities and the proliferation of caste identities during the time in consideration.

In discussing the early medieval period, we cannot escape the discussion of the model of Indian
feudalism propounded by R.S. Sharma and others. However, it is important for us to note that the
appropriateness of the term ‘feudal’ as well as the features as laid out in the model can by no means
be universally applied and in fact has been the subject matter of some of the most animated academic
debate in the recent decades. However, in this answer, we are not to delve into the intricacies of the
model or the alternative explanations. Rather we seek to understand the context of social change and
what those changes were.

The context in which social changes took place is one where an economy with feudal traits had
developed, involving large scale transfer of land revenues and land to both secular and
religious elements along with the right to administrate. According to R.S. Sharma, there was a
decline in trade and paucity of coins in circulation which contributed to a closed village
economy or ‘fiscal and administrative islands’. Other historians like D.N. Jha and R.N. Nandi,
have emphasized that such an economic situation would necessitate social changes as there
were conditions for development of social hierarchy based on unequal distribution of land and
revenues.

In this economy, with its strong sense of ‘localism’, the mobility of peasants and artisans was
affected. Jha likens the attachment of these groups to the soil to that of serfs in medieval
Europe, China and Japan. With the decline of trade and commerce as pointed out by Sharma,
artisans were tied to villages, towns or temples where they had to serve local clients. This
attachment to land began in backward mountainous regions to meet shortage of labour as
mentioned in a Chinese account of 732 AD, and then spread to other areas.

Certain Chandella grants talk of categories of artisans transferred to beneficiaries

along with villages. That they were expected to stay in the village can be inferred
from the use of words like jana-sahita( together with inhabitants and resources) and
janata-samrddha (well populated) . andpratibandhanyojitah. Sharma, too, elaborates
on the immobility of peasants and artisans, which forced a strong
 sense of localism and a restriction on independent movement.

Aside from immobility, other changes were also initiated by the prevailing mode of
production. Yadava talks about the formation of two major classes of the landed
intermediaries and large body of peasantry which was mostly dependant and impoverished.
The former, a dominant class of samanta elite and lesser landed intermediaries wielding
power and authority, emerged with its distinctive character, symbols, ethics, and style of life.
The latter emerged and expanded considerably as a result of operation of socio-economic
forces, inclusion of aboriginal tribes and acculturation.

Yadava, in his discussion of the subjection of peasantry, refers to an antithesis between ruling
aristocracy and peasantry and an oppression of the latter by the former. They were reduced
to tenants with mere occupancy rights, and there was an increase in size of family,
indebtedness, overtaxation and evils of subinfeudation and famine.

According to Jha, this was a process of enserfment of the peasantry. There is evidence to
suggest use of forced labour or vishti. Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra mentions vishti. All this
added to the woes of the peasantry. Ravisena, in his Padma Purana, refers to the harrowing
poverty and wretched life of krishivalajanah.

Thus we see, the subject peasantry was overburdened by an increase in coercive authority.
R.N. Nandi focuses on the region of South India in highlighting this by the use of characteristic
terms like besa-vagal or bond servant. There was an undermining of communal rights over land
in donated areas.

Nandi also points to of localities where crisis situations would arise as a result of these tensions,
manifesting in the form of peaceful and violent peasant protests especially in the11th century.
He refers to three kind of conflicts.

 The first kind emerged between Brahmans and peasants. Peasant action was
sometimes in defense, to capture Brahmanical land and to counter abuse of landlords.
 The second kind was between samantas and brahmanas. The refusal of the latter to
pay rents and dues incited the wrath of the king and feudatories. The SorabTaluk
inscription in 1117 AD talks of feudatory, GavundasvamiDandanath who attacked
immemorial agrahara of Kuppatur, like an asura destroyed sacrifices of brahmanas
and defiled women.
 The third kind was between peasant and the feudatory(slave). Sporadic risings, acts of
resistance, formation of social alliances & rise of protestant sects characterized the
11th century. The most important instance of peasant protest is that of Kaivartas in
Eastern Bengal who were subjected to exorbitant taxes and deprived of their plots of
as has been described by Sandhyakara Nandi in Ramacarita.

Sharma speaks of a Social Crisis, based on the accounts of the Kali Age (Yuga) in the Puranas. It is
attributed to natural calamities such as famine and drought; and more importantly, oppressive taxes. It
affected the production relations on which the ancient social order was erected, where the production
activities were carried on by peasants (vaiśyas) and labourers (śū dras). But between the 3rd and 4th
centuries A.D., Pū ranic texts say that the lower varnas discarded the functions assigned to them and
refused to pay taxes and render labour service. This led to varnasamkara or the intermixture of social
classes.
While conducting the study of the society during this period, we came across numerous social
changes which were unfavourable to the ideal of varnasramadharma as well as to the
privileged brahmanical class. The Puranic accounts of the first phase, in regard to Kali Age,
revealed the undermining of varpasramadharma which highlighted the depression among the
orthodox priestly classes and the indigenous ruling aristocracy. It is significant to state here
that the decline of the Vais’yas – and the rise of servile sudra classes also took place at the
same time. Dealing with some of the changing aspects of society as features of Kali Age, this
period has been seen as a period of social crisis by R.S. Sharma.

A close study of the descriptions of the age suggest that this was a period of social conflict
and crisis- largely generated by a two-fold contradiction, the one between Brahmanas and
Kshatriyas, the Vaisyas and the one between Brahmanas and Sudras. The solution to this sharp
class antagonism therefore lay in a new mechanism of extracting surplus. Thus, coercion was
coupled with a concessional method. However, it is also important to note that this theory has
been critiqued by B.D. Chattopadhyaya as it posits collapse of the pre-feudal social order.
Jha also points out that this explanation can be only applicable to heartland or areas where
brahmanical order was well-established. It is best to see the social crisis as an additional
agent of change.

Pesantization of Tribes

In addition to these changes, this period is described as one of ruralisation and Pesantization
of tribes. This takes place in the context of extension of agriculture through land grants. This
has been supported and discussed by several historians like Hermann Kulke and Mukhia.
Here, it is important to shed light on the change in relative position of vaishyas and shudras. In
the course of transition to the early medieval period, a sizeable section of the shudras,
including slaves, rose in social and economic status after getting associated with agriculture.
This ascendance was mostly as dependant peasants and farmhands. Simultaneously, a section
of vaishyas, descended to their level. Yadava asserted that slave labour may have become
unprofitable owing to inefficiency or even easy availability of labour.

Towards the middle of millennium, there was a gathering force of a tendency towards the
diminution of slavery. Instead we see workers being recruited and receiving pay instead of
compulsory labour. The term dasakarmakara in Buddhist texts and in the commentary of
Bhattotpala on Brihajjataka is said to mean dependant worker attached to master, neither as
slave nor servant. Shudras no longer appear as slaves, artisans and agricultural labourers,
and instead take the place of vaishyas as cultivators. A charter from 11th century of Assam
refers to artisans, leatherworkers, and agricultural laboureres becoming peasants, which gives
evidence for the ruralisation of artisans.

This can be connected to the decline in trade and commerce as those engaged in it also
declined in importance. Their decline in Bengal is discussed by Niharranjhan Ray, who talks of
Lakshmanasena, who writes the following at the unfurling ceremony of the trader’s banner: “O
where are the traders who once held you aloft? You are now being used as plough or animal-
post”. There was contempt for goldsmiths as dealers in gold were associated with the
disappearance of coinage for centuries on from 650AD. Manual work became more
contemptible(sickening) in medieval times.
In the discussion on peasantization, we must give importance to the differentiation within the
shudra community. There was a division of shudras into pure (sat) and impure (asat) as
described by texts like BrahmavaivartaPurana. Many vaishyas who had been reduced to status
of sudras were classified under sat as were those of mixed caste. There was a phenomenal
growth in the number of impure shudras, or untouchables.. This rise plays an important role in
the proliferation of castes which we will discuss later. This increase can be somewhat
explained by looking at the economy. As grants were issued to extend agriculture to
peripheral areas, there was an induction(enforcement) of relatively less developed tribes who
inhabited these areas, into the Hindu system through Brahmanisation and Hinduised Buddhism.
They were rendered as untouchables because of their backwardness. As some were reduced
to untouchables, the remaining were satisfied as they took the place of vaishyas.
Chattopadhayaya talks about the transformation of tribes into peasants as one of the forces
in operation throughout history.

Proliferation of Castes

The early medieval period was also characterized by a marginal increase in castes and has
been described by Sharma as one of proliferation and fragmentation. Existing varnas broke
up into new castes and new tribes and caste were incorporated into the existing fold.
Proliferation was striking among brahmanas who multiplied with the growth of localism.
Inscriptions refer to 194 gotras, which all came up due to migration and colonization of new
areas.

The classical theory given for the origin of the numerous castes regards them as the product of
confusion of the four primary varnas. This is borne out of an understanding of varna and jati in
the context of texts such as the smritis. However, it goes without saying that the varna-jati
system in reality at the time was not strictly identical to the picture presented by the normative
texts.

In early medieval times, constant transfer of land, led to the rise and growth of kayastha
community. These were of record keepers and writers, who had to draft documents of land
assignments and maintain records of land, villages and items of revenue given in the grant.
Initially they were drawn from the brahmana group but gradually, from different varnas.
They cut off marriage and other social connections, from the parent community, and confined
themselves to the new community while practicing class endogamy and family exogamy. Rise
of these as professionally literate class, undermined the monopoly of brahmanas as writers
and scribes. Kayastha were also appointed ministers such as that of Chandella and Kalachuri
kingdoms. They were also resented by brahmanas because they maintained records of land
grants with which the latter were mainly concerned.

In this new social group, there was proliferation as well. Kayasthas came to be divided into
territorial subcastes. At present, Karana kayasthas of Bihar maintain lists of their numerous
mulas like Maithils and Ambasthakayasthas who are divided into more than 100 subcastes.
“Lower” castes such as goalasand kurmis were divided into territorial groups forming subcastes
though there is a lack of written records in their case.

In the kshatriya community, proliferation was caused mainly by the emergence of the new
group of Rajputs. By the 12th century, the term Rajaputra came to denote a collective term for
 the new clans which emerged. B.D. Chattopadhyaya attributed this emergence to the
widespread phenomenon of proliferation of lineage based states in the early medieval
period. Statements regarding Rajput clans number them to 36, and in general they represent
a mixed caste, consisting fairly large numbers of petty chiefs holding estates.

Chattopadhyaya posits that it can be juxtaposed with the spate of colonization of new areas,
expansion of agrarian economy and proliferation of settlements. There is heterogeneity in the
kind of transformations taking place, which included disparate groups Medas who came from
a tribal background and Hunas who were foreigners; they were drawn in due to the
rajputisation process of social mobility.

Major clans which played a politically dominant role in early medieval India were Pratiharas,
Guhilas and Chahamanas. Chattopadhyaya talks of two stages involved in their development.
The first was a political process of disparate groups seeking political power. The second stage
became a comprehensive social phenomenon, with multiplication of rajaputras, not just as a
result of consolidation of political power, extended to explain growing phenomenon of minor
clans and subclans. According to Sharma this was an important development as they played a
role in superimposing their clan organisation on the existing social structure based on caste.

Shudras gave rise to the largest number of castes in the early medieval period. Earlier there were 10-15
and by the 5th century AD, there were 61 mixed castes. Conquest of people living in jungles by
brahmanised princes added to shudra castes enormously. Suppression of Bhillas is mentioned in this
conext in an inscription. As tribes were not absorbed as one caste or varna, we hear of
abhirabrahmanas, abhirakshatriya, abhiravaishya. A Kalachuri inscription, of the 12th century talks of
deliverance of the Ratanpur prince, Jajjalladeva II, from the clutches of the tribe, Thirus or Tharus which
was celebrated with the donation of villages to brahmanas. There, brahmanas inducted tribal people
into the cultural fold, supplied material culture of brahmanas, taught the script, language, plough
cultivation, knowledge about crops, seasons etc. These tribal people were accommodated as pure or
impure shudras.

Another significant process was the transformation of crafts into castes. As trade languished,
craft guilds became stagnant, immobile, hereditary and localized. Guilds turned into closed
exclusive groups resembling castes for all practical purposes. Craft villages are mentioned in
medieval inscriptions, such as two refer to kumbharapadraka which signified potter caste.

Also, as religious affiliations multiplied, there was a parallel multiplication in castes. Shaivism,
Vaishnavism, Buddhism and Jainism broke into numerous sects due to differences in rituals,
food and dress, sustained by regional practices. For instance, Jainism had 7 in Karnataka. The
irony, as pointed out by Sharma was that sects which had come up to remove caste got
swallowed up by the caste system.

Conclusion

Thus we have seen that the early medieval period was characterized by tremendous social
changes, which were set in the context of the economic features of that period. Aside from
witnessing the emergence of new groups like kayastha and rajputs, it also saw the subjection
of the already existing peasantry. There was a peasantisation population with the extensiuon
of agriculture and proliferation of numerous castes. These changes laid groundwork for further
changes that were too take place which have helped shape our modern day social identities.