HONDURAS

EXHIBITS IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENT’S APPLICATION FOR ASYLUM,

WITHHOLDING OF REMOVAL, AND PROTECTION UNDER THE CONVENTION
AGAINST TORTURE

EXHIBIT PAGE #

A. Country Condition Documentation

1. U.S. Department of State, Honduras 2016 Human Rights Report, available at

https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/265808.pdf ............... [●]

GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS

“Honduras is a constitutional, multiparty republic. The country held national and local
elections in November 2013. Voters elected Juan Orlando Hernandez of the National
Party as president for a four-year term that began in January 2014. International
observers generally recognized the elections as transparent, credible, and reflecting the
will of the electorate. The National Congress elected a new 15- member Supreme Court
for a seven-year term in February.

“Civilian authorities at times did not maintain effective control over the security forces.

“Pervasive societal violence persisted, although the state made efforts to reduce it. The
March murder of environmental and indigenous rights activist Berta Caceres
underscored state institutions’ lack of effective measures to protect activists. Violence
and land-rights disputes involving indigenous people, agricultural workers, landowners,
the extractive industry, and development projects continued in rural areas, including the
Bajo Aguan region. Organized criminal elements, including local and transnational
gangs and narcotics traffickers, were significant perpetrators of violent crimes and
committed acts of murder, extortion, kidnapping, torture, human trafficking, and
intimidation of journalists, women, and human rights defenders.

“Other serious human rights problems were widespread impunity due to corruption and
institutional weaknesses in the investigative, prosecutorial, and judicial systems, and
excessive use of force and criminal actions by members of the security forces. Additional,
human rights problems included harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions;
lengthy pretrial detention and failure to provide due process of law; threats and violence
by criminals directed against human rights defenders, judicial authorities, lawyers, the
business community, journalists, bloggers, and members of vulnerable populations;
violence against and harassment of women; child abuse; trafficking in persons, including
child prostitution; human smuggling, including of unaccompanied children; failure to
conduct free and informed consultations with indigenous communities prior to the
authorization of development projects; discrimination against indigenous and Afro-
descendent communities; violence against and harassment of lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; ineffective enforcement of labor laws; and
child labor.

“The government took steps to prosecute and punish officials who committed abuses,
including arresting and prosecuting members of congress, judges, prosecutors, police
officers, mayors, and other local authorities. Civilian authorities arrested and
investigated members of the security forces alleged to have committed human rights
abuses. Some prosecutions of military and police officials charged with human rights
violations moved too slowly or failed to convict the responsible parties.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN/DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

“Rape and Domestic Violence: Violence against women and impunity for perpetrators
continued to be a serious problem. The UNAH Violence Observatory reported 222
violent deaths of women in the first six months of the year, compared with 478 violent
deaths of women during 2015.

“Rape was a serious and pervasive societal problem. The law criminalizes all forms of
rape, including spousal rape. The government considers rape a crime of public concern,
and the state prosecutes rapists even if victims do not press charges. Prosecutors treat
accusations of spousal rape somewhat differently, however, and evaluate such charges
on a case-by-case basis. The penalties for rape range from three to nine years’
imprisonment, and the courts enforced these penalties. Rape continued to be
underreported, however, due to fear of stigma, retribution, and further violence. The
Center for Women’s Rights (CDM) reported that 2,774 women and girls reported sexual
crimes to the Public Ministry in 2015. As of October the Public Ministry’s Office of
Crimes Against Women had received 1,172 formal complaints of domestic violence and
provided 2,989 legal consultations. The CDM also reported that the Public Ministry’s
General Directorate for Forensic Medicine conducted 3,022 examinations of sexual
violence survivors in 2015, a 40 percent increase over 2014. According to reports from
victims, 73 percent of attackers were family members or other individuals the victims
knew.

“Violence between domestic and intimate partners continued to be widespread. The law
provides penalties of up to four years in prison for domestic violence; however, if a
victim’s physical injuries do not reach the severity required to categorize the violence as
a criminal act, the only legal penalty for a first offense is a sentence of one to three
months of community service. Female victims of domestic violence are entitled to certain
protective measures. Abusers caught in the act may be detained for up to 24 hours as a
preventive measure. The law provides a maximum sentence of three years in prison for
disobeying a restraining order connected with the crime of intra-familial violence. In
many cases victims were reluctant to press charges against their abusers because of
economic dependence on their male partners, their roles in caring for children, and a
lack of domestic violence shelters. The CDM reported that 18,070 women filed
complaints of domestic violence in special domestic violence courts in 2015.

“The government provided services to victims of domestic violence in hospitals and

health centers. The national government provided space through September for an NGO
in Tegucigalpa to run a shelter, and provided police protection. Local governments, in
cooperation with NGOs, operated domestic violence shelters in San Pedro Sula,
Choluteca, La Ceiba, and Juticalpa; they also had an office in Comayagua. NGOs
operated their own small shelters in Santa Rosa de Copan and Comayagua. The
government did not provide enough financial and other resources for these facilities to
operate effectively.

“In cooperation with the UN Development Program, the government operated

consolidated reporting centers in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula where women could
report crimes, seek medical and psychological attention, and receive other services.
These reporting centers were in addition to the 298 government-operated women’s
offices--one in each municipality--that provided a wide array of services to women,
focusing on education, personal finance, health, social and political participation,
environmental stewardship, and prevention of gender-based violence. The quantity and
quality of services that these offices provided was uneven. CONADEH reported that in
2015, 37 percent of the 3,372 complaints it received for violations of women’s rights
were for domestic violence, 22 percent were for lack of access to justice and due process,
and 41 percent were for alleged violations of economic, social, and cultural rights.

“In March 2015 the UN special rapporteur on violence against women expressed
concern that most women in the country remained marginalized, discriminated against,
and at high risk of being subjected to human rights violations, including violence and
violations of their sexual and reproductive rights. UN Women reported in 2015 that
violent deaths of women and girls, domestic violence, and sexual violence in all forms
increased steadily from 2005 to 2014, but UNAH’s Violence Observatory reported a drop
in violent deaths of women between 2013 (636 deaths) and the first six months of the year
(222 deaths).

“Sexual Harassment: Both the penal and labor codes criminalize various forms of sexual
harassment. Violators face penalties of one to three years in prison and possible
suspension of their professional licenses, but the government did not effectively enforce
the law. Sexual harassment was a serious societal problem but was underreported
because of fear of stigma and reprisal. The CDM reported that 94 women filed
complaints of sexual harassment in the workplace in 2015. The Supreme Court reported
receiving only two cases of sexual harassment in 2015 and none in the first six months of
the year. In that time one case was brought to trial, four cases were dismissed, two
provisionally dismissed, and one case resolved through mediation.”

CHILD ABUSE
“Child Abuse: Child abuse remained a serious problem. The UNAH Violence
Observatory reported 412 cases of mistreatment and abandonment of children in 2015.
The law establishes prison sentences of up to three years for child abuse.

“The Violence Observatory reported the homicides of 570 children--88 girls and 482
boys--in 2015, a 9 percent decrease from 2014. NGOs stated that these figures probably
underestimated the number of crimes against children. As of July the children’s rights
organization, Casa Alianza, reported the homicides and violent deaths of 147 children;
there were no arrests in 80 percent of these cases. The Violence Observatory reported
117 such homicides, a more than 50 percent decrease from 2015. Casa Alianza said the
homicides often involved torture, strangulation, and dumping bodies in remote areas.
While there were some improvements in the overall security situation, there were reports
that police committed acts of violence against poor youths. Human rights groups
continued to allege that private citizens and individual members of the security forces
used unwarranted lethal force against youths.

“Because the country’s antigang legislation specifies lower penalties for minors, gangs
continued to employ underage youth in their operations. Children from eight to 12 years
old frequently worked as lookouts and collected ‘war taxes’ (that is, extortion payments).
Consequently, rival gangs often disputed recruiting areas around schools.

“Five street children between the ages of 13 and 16, who were working without
authorization to collect and recycle garbage, were killed on February 11 in Tegucigalpa.
Media reported that gang members were presumed responsible for the deaths.

“Early and Forced Marriage: The minimum legal age for marriage is 21, although with
parental consent boys may marry at 18 and girls at 16. According to government
statistics, 10 percent of women marry before age 15 and 37 percent before age 18.

“Sexual Exploitation of Children: The commercial sexual exploitation of children,

especially in prostitution, continued to be a problem. The country was a destination for
child sex tourism. The legal age of consent is 18. There is no statutory rape law, but the
penalty for rape of a minor under age 12 is 15 to 20 years in prison. The penalty is nine
to 13 years in prison if the victim is age 13 or older. Penalties for facilitating child
prostitution are 10 to 15 years in prison, with fines ranging from one million to 2.5
million lempiras ($44,000 to $110,000). The law prohibits the use of children under 18
for exhibitions or performances of a sexual nature or in the production of pornography.

“Displaced Children: Many children lived on the streets. Casa Alianza estimated there
were more than 8,800 street children in major cities. Between September 2015 and
August, Casa Alianza assisted 256 street children, 38 more than in the previous 12
months. During the same period, the organization assisted 400 children in its shelters
and helped 75 children reintegrate with their families.

“Polling indicated that lack of economic and educational opportunities, fear of violence,
and the desire for family reunification motivated children to seek to emigrate. One civil
society organization reported that common causes of forced displacement for youth
included death threats for failure to pay extortion, attempted recruitment by gangs,
witnessing criminal activity by gangs or organized crime, domestic violence, attempted
kidnappings, family members’ involvement in drug dealing, victimization by traffickers,
discrimination based on sexual orientation, sexual harassment, and discrimination for
having a chronic illness. Casa Alianza reported that as of July 4, the Belen migrant
attention center in San Pedro Sula had processed 417 youths deported from Mexico.
Casa Alianza identified 261 of these youths as persons displaced by violence.

“Institutionalized Children: Between January 2015 and September 2016, at least 10

juveniles were killed while in detention in government facilities, nine of them in the
Renaciendo center. CONAPREV reported four incidents at Renaciendo as of August,
including violence between members of MS-18 and another gang, Los Chirizos, resulting
in the deaths of two minors affiliated with Los Chirizos and injuries to 11 other
detainees.

“International Child Abductions: The country is a party to the 1980 Hague Convention
on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction.

“See the Department of State’s Annual Report on International Parental Child Abduction
at travel.state.gov/content/childabduction/en/legal/compliance.html….

“The law regulates child labor, sets the minimum age for employment at 14, and
regulates the hours and types of work that minors up to age 18 may perform. By law all
minors between 14 and 18 years old must receive special permission from the STSS to
work, and the STSS must perform a home study to verify that there is an economic need
for the child to work and that the child will not work outside the country or in hazardous
conditions, including in offshore fishing. The STSS approved 132 such authorizations
between 2014 and August. The vast majority of children who worked did so without STSS
permits. If the STSS grants permission, children between 14 and 16 years old may work a
maximum of four hours a day, and those between 16 and 18 years old may work up to six
hours a day. The law prohibits night work and overtime for minors under the age of 18,
but the STSS can grant special permission for minors ages 16 to 18 to work in the
evening if such employment does not adversely affect their education.

“The law requires that individuals and companies that employ more than 20 schoolage
children at their facilities provide a location for a school.

“The government did not devote adequate resources or sufficient inspectors to monitor
compliance with child labor laws or to prevent or pursue violations. Fines for child labor
are between 5,000 lempiras ($220) and 25,000 lempiras ($1,100) for a first violation,
and as high as 50,000 lempiras ($2,200) for repeat violations. These fines are higher
than those for other violations of the labor code. The law also imposes prison sentences
of three to five years for child labor violations that endanger the life or morality of a
child. The STSS did not effectively enforce child labor laws, except in the apparel
assembly sector, and there were frequent violations. The STSS issued 35 fines in 2015 for
child labor violations. As of September the STSS had identified 14 small businesses that
employed children, and fined seven of them.

“Estimates of the number of children under age 18 in the country’s workforce range from
370,000 to 510,000. During the year the Ministry of Education reported that 32,719
students in grades one through 12 were working. Children often worked on coffee, okra,
and sugarcane plantations; rummaged at garbage dumps; worked in the forestry,
hunting, and fishing sectors; worked as domestic servants; peddled goods such as fruit;
begged; washed cars; hauled goods; and labored in limestone quarrying and lime
production. Most child labor occurred in rural areas. Children often worked alongside
family members in agriculture and other work, such as fishing, construction,
transportation, and small businesses. Some of the worst forms of child labor occurred,
including commercial sexual exploitation of children, and NGOs reported that gangs
often forced children to commit crimes, including murder (see section 6, Children).

“Also see the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor at
www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-labor/findings/.”

VIOLENCE BY GANGS

“Organized criminal elements, including narcotics traffickers and local and

transnational gangs such as MS-13 and the 18th Street gang, committed murders,
extortion, kidnappings, human trafficking, and acts of intimidation against police,
prosecutors, journalists, women, and human rights defenders. Major urban centers and
drug trafficking routes experienced disproportionate rates of violence. Media reported
that as of September 7,176 individuals working in the transportation sector had been
killed during the year, often for failing to make extortion payments. The Violence
Observatory of the National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH) reported that
290 workers from the transportation sector were killed in 2015, a 40 percent increase
from 2014.

“On May 27, the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary

executions recognized that the government had taken steps to reduce the homicide rate,
but urged authorities to do more to protect the right to life and reduce violence.
According to the UNAH Violence Observatory, there was no significant change in the
overall annual homicide rate in the first six months of the year compared with 2015,
which remained at approximately 60 per 100,000 after several years of steep decline.
Reports linked many of these homicides to organized crime and gangs….

“Violence and Harassment: There were continued reports of harassment and threats
against journalists and social communicators (defined as persons not employed as
journalists who served as bloggers or conducted public outreach for NGOs). Reports
linked most of these instances of harassment and threats to organized criminal elements
and gangs….
“On April 5, the special rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons
welcomed the government’s recognition that internal displacement existed in the country
and its acknowledgement that the challenges it presents require research and concerted
action to tackle its root causes. UNHCR remained concerned about forced displacement
caused by high levels of violence, national and transnational gang activity, human
trafficking, and migrant smuggling. The government maintained an interinstitutional
commission to address the problem of persons displaced by violence. UNHCR reported
that it collaborated extensively with the commission, which monitored displacement and
developed policies and programs to prevent displacement and to provide protection to
displaced persons, focusing on the most vulnerable persons affected by organized crime
and other situations of violence. A 2015 UNHCR report estimated there were between
174,000 and 182,000 internally displaced persons in the country. There were no official
numbers for forced displacement in the country, in part because gangs controlled many
of the neighborhoods that were sources of internal displacement (see section 6,
Displaced Children). Media reported in March that gangs ordered residents of two
communities, one in San Pedro Sula and one in Tegucigalpa, to vacate their homes; the
government responded by increasing law enforcement operations and presence in the
affected neighborhoods. Several communities along the border with El Salvador reported
that gangs displaced them by moving into their communities, following increased police
action in El Salvador. On July 10, authorities lifted a one-month curfew in the town of
Mapulaca, in Lempira Department near the border with El Salvador, after increasing
security force activities in the area….

“Because the country’s antigang legislation specifies lower penalties for minors, gangs
continued to employ underage youth in their operations. Children from eight to 12 years
old frequently worked as lookouts and collected ‘war taxes’ (that is, extortion payments).
Consequently, rival gangs often disputed recruiting areas around schools.

“Five street children between the ages of 13 and 16, who were working without
authorization to collect and recycle garbage, were killed on February 11 in Tegucigalpa.
Media reported that gang members were presumed responsible for the deaths….

“Some of the worst forms of child labor occurred, including commercial sexual
exploitation of children, and NGOs reported that gangs often forced children to commit
crimes, including murder (see section 6, Children).”

VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS

“The law states that sexual orientation and gender identity characteristics merit special
protection from discrimination and includes these characteristics in a hate crimes
amendment to the penal code. Nevertheless, social discrimination against LGBTI persons
was widespread. As of October the special prosecutor for human rights was investigating
nine formal complaints of discrimination by members of the LGBTI community in
previous years. Representatives of NGOs that focused on the right to sexual diversity
alleged that the PMOP and other elements of the security forces harassed and abused
members of the community. As of August the NGO Colectivo Color Rosa reported 11
violent deaths of LGBTI persons, similar to levels in previous years. In October the
Public Ministry reported records of 218 cases of violent deaths of LGBTI individuals
since 2009, of which 14 cases had resulted in convictions and 171 were still under
investigation. NGOs also documented multiple instances of assaults and discrimination
against members of the LGBTI community.

“On June 2, prominent LGBTI activist and community leader Rene Martinez was killed.
Martinez was an activist in the ruling National Party, the president of an LGBTI
association in San Pedro Sula, the leader of a local community council, and a volunteer
with a community-based violence prevention program. As of early August, the VCTF
continued to investigate the case. It was uncertain whether his death was related to his
LGBTI status or political activities. LGBTI rights groups asserted that government
agencies and private employers engaged in discriminatory hiring practices. LGBTI
groups continued working with the VCTF, the Ministry of Security, and the Office of the
Special Prosecutor for Human Rights to address concerns about intimidation, fear of
reprisals, and police corruption. In April the HNP assigned 30 new agents to the VCTF,
bringing the total to 41 VCTF investigators. As of September the new investigators were
going through a training and mentorship phase, after which the HNP would assign them
either in Tegucigalpa or San Pedro Sula. As of September the VCTF was investigating 17
homicides of members of the LGBTI community. The VCTF arrested two suspects from
cases initiated during the year and one suspect from a case initiated in 2015.

“The HNP took steps to educate personnel to respond more effectively to cases of
gender-based violence and violence against LGBTI persons. The Criminal Investigations
School (EIC) designed two new police education modules, one on gender-based violence
awareness and the other on LGBTI violence reduction. These modules were included in
all EIC courses for recruits beginning on August 22….

“Access to employment, educational opportunities, and health services continued to be

major challenges for persons with HIV/AIDS. One civil society organization reported
that three members of the LGBTI community died of gunshot wounds after medical
personnel refused to treat them because they would not submit to HIV tests. Community
members reported that transgender women were particularly vulnerable to
discrimination, and that many could find employment only as sex workers….”

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION

“There were multiple reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or
unlawful killings.

“Civilian authorities investigated and arrested members of the security forces accused of
human rights abuses. Impunity, however, remained a serious problem, with delays in
some prosecutions and sources alleging corruption in judicial proceedings.

“On March 3, environmental and indigenous activist, Berta Caceres, was killed in her
home in Intibuca Department (see also section 6, Indigenous People). In early May the
Public Ministry arrested five individuals implicated in her killing, including an active
duty Honduran Special Forces officer and a manager at a hydroelectric project that
Caceres had actively opposed. Law enforcement authorities arrested a sixth suspect in
September. As of November a judge had remanded all six to custody pending trial, and
their defense lawyer had submitted a request for dismissal of the charges, which was still
pending. The Public Ministry continued its investigation into whether others were
involved in planning the crime. The Honduran Armed Forces dishonorably discharged
the Special Forces officer implicated in Caceres’ death.

“Also in March local and international media reported that corrupt senior police
officials working for drug traffickers were responsible for the killings of senior
antinarcotics officials Julian Gonzalez in 2009 and Alfredo Landaverde in 2011, and the
murder of senior anti-money-laundering prosecutor Orlan Chavez in 2013. According to
media reports, other senior police and Ministry of Security officials covered up the
crimes or failed to take action to bring those responsible to justice.

“Subsequently, the government passed legislative decree 21-2016, which created the
Special Commission in Charge of Purging and Restructuring the Honduran National
Police (HNP), comprising the minister of security, a former president of the Supreme
Court, and two prominent members of civil society, to review systematically the
performance and integrity of all police officials. As of December 19, the commission had
reviewed the personnel files of 3,004 officials and dismissed 1,835 officers, while
allowing 256 officers to retire voluntarily, for a total of 2,091 police officers dismissed
from the HNP. In February a three-judge tribunal acquitted all senior military officials
previously accused of covering up the 2012 killing of 15-year-old Ebed Jassiel Yanes
Caceres.

“On May 19, Military Police for Public Order (PMOP) soldier, Jose Alonzo Miranda
Almendarez, shot and killed Alexis Alberto Avila Ramirez when Avila and his brother fled
from the PMOP squad executing arrest warrants against them in the city of Danli, El
Paraiso Department. A judge ruled there was sufficient evidence to hold Miranda on a
charge of abuse of authority and manslaughter pending a trial; his defense requested a
dismissal of the charges, and an appeals court was reviewing the appeal as of October.
Miranda’s PMOP patrol was participating in a joint operation directed by the National
Interinstitutional Security Force (FUSINA), but it reported to the 110th Infantry Brigade.

“In August the trial of four armed forces intelligence personnel implicated in the 2014
killings of siblings Ramon Eduardo Diaz Rodriguez and Zenia Maritza Diaz Rodriguez
was scheduled to begin in February 2017.

“In February a judge issued a warrant for the arrest of PMOP members involved in the
shooting of 11-year-old Yoslin Isaac Martinez Rivera in November 2015. As of October
the individuals had not been arrested.

“Authorities arrested HNP officer, Donis Joel Figueroa Reyes, for the November 2015
torture of three detainees and murder of detainee Jose Armando Gomez Sanchez. The
three individuals had been detained for public intoxication but allegedly attempted to
escape detention, after which they were handcuffed to the ceiling in the police station and
beaten by Figueroa, resulting in Gomez’s death. Figueroa was originally detained in
November 2015 but had escaped from custody.

“There continued to be reports of violence related to land conflicts and criminal activity
in the Bajo Aguan region, but the overall level of violence in the area was far below its
2012 peak. On October 18, Jose Angel Flores, president of the Unified Farm Workers
Movement of the Aguan (MUCA) and his colleague Silmer Dionicio George, were killed
after leaving a meeting of MUCA leaders. On November 21, the Public Ministry
announced arrest warrants for two individuals-- Osvin Nahun Caballero and Wilmer
Giovanni Fuentes--believed to be involved in the October 18 attack; the ministry stated
that the murders appeared to be related to the continuing land conflict. No members of
the security forces or private security guards were reported to have been responsible for
deaths related to the land conflict. One private security guard of an agricultural
company, however, was reportedly killed due to land conflict, and agricultural workers
reported at least one other violent encounter between private security guards and
agricultural workers as of August.

“Organized criminal elements, including narcotics traffickers and local and

transnational gangs such as MS-13 and the 18th Street gang, committed murders,
extortion, kidnappings, human trafficking, and acts of intimidation against police,
prosecutors, journalists, women, and human rights defenders. Major urban centers and
drug trafficking routes experienced disproportionate rates of violence. Media reported
that as of September 7,176 individuals working in the transportation sector had been
killed during the year, often for failing to make extortion payments. The Violence
Observatory of the National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH) reported that
290 workers from the transportation sector were killed in 2015, a 40 percent increase
from 2014.

“On May 27, the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary

executions recognized that the government had taken steps to reduce the homicide rate,
but urged authorities to do more to protect the right to life and reduce violence.
According to the UNAH Violence Observatory, there was no significant change in the
overall annual homicide rate in the first six months of the year compared with 2015,
which remained at approximately 60 per 100,000 after several years of steep decline.
Reports linked many of these homicides to organized crime and gangs….

“[Torture, etc.]: Although the constitution and law prohibit such practices, human rights
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) received complaints of abuse by members of the
security forces on the streets and in detention centers. On August 10, the UN Committee
Against Torture expressed concern over numerous reports of human rights violations,
including torture, by members of the security forces. As of September the National
Human Rights Commission (CONADEH) reported 221 complaints implicating members
of the security forces or other government officials in torture or other cruel or inhuman
treatment, whereas the quasigovernmental National Committee for the Prevention of
Torture, Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment (CONAPREV) reported 70 complaints
against government officials for human rights violations, the majority relating to
detention conditions. The Public Ministry had 49 active torture cases against members of
police and military as of October.

“In April agents from the Public Ministry’s Technical Agency for Criminal Investigations
arrested nine prison guards in Danli, El Paraiso Department, for allegedly torturing an
inmate. Media reported that the alleged victim, Carlos Lenin Meza Navas, had lodged a
complaint against a guard on February 6 for not permitting him to make an authorized
telephone call. The guard and eight of his colleagues subsequently assaulted Navas in his
cell, beating him unconscious.

“There were reports that criminal gangs tortured individuals…

“Prison conditions were harsh and sometimes life threatening because of pervasive
gang-related violence and the government’s failure to control criminal activity within the
prisons. Prisoners suffered from overcrowding, insufficient access to food and water,
violence, and abuse by prison officials.

“Following a 2014 fire in the Comayagua prison that killed 361 inmates, the National
Congress approved the National Prison System Act in 2015, which modified the
organization of prisons and mandated the professionalization of police charged with
prison administration. In February the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
(IACHR) reported that the country’s prisons still suffered from many of the same
problems that contributed to the 2014 Comayagua tragedy. These problems included the
delegation of internal controls to prisoners themselves and a corresponding lack of
responsible management by prison authorities; overcrowding and deplorable
incarceration conditions; and a failure to segregate men and women fully in most
prisons.

“Physical Conditions: Prisoners suffered from severe overcrowding, malnutrition, lack

of adequate sanitation and medical care, and, in some prisons, lack of adequate
ventilation and lighting. The Ministry of Human Rights, Justice, Governance, and
Decentralization reported that as of August the total prison population was 17,253 in 27
prisons, an 8 percent increase over September 2015. According to the ministry, the
system had designed capacity for approximately 10,600 inmates.

“The National Prison Institute (INP) reported that as of August 12, 16 inmates had died
in prison, 14 from natural causes and two from suicide. Seven inmates were killed outside
prison while receiving medical care or on conditional home release. In contrast,
CONAPREV reported that 19 prisoners died in altercations between inmates, three
committed suicide, and four died from illness.

“As of August the Ministry of Human Rights, Justice, Governance, and Decentralization
reported that the country’s four pretrial detention centers held 75 individuals. Three of
these centers were on military installations, and the other was located on the installations
of the HNP’s Special Operations Command (known as COBRAS). The government used
pretrial detention centers to hold high-profile suspects and those in need of additional
security. The military provided some support services to the three detention centers
located on military bases; however, the military neither administered them nor provided
guards for the facilities. Instead, the INP oversaw them, as it did other prisons.

“Due to overcrowding and lack of adequate training for prison staff, prisoners were
subjected to serious abuses, including rape by other inmates. Prisons lacked trained
personnel to safeguard the psychological and physical wellbeing of inmates, and some
prisons lacked sufficient security personnel.

“Many prisoners had access to weapons and other contraband, inmates attacked other
inmates with impunity, escapes were frequent, and inmates and their associates outside
prison threatened prison officials and their families. These conditions contributed to an
unstable, dangerous environment in the penitentiary system. Media reported multiple
prison riots and violent confrontations between gang members in prisons throughout the
year. Inmates killed several prison guards, including the deputy director of the San Pedro
Sula prison, either inside prison facilities or by giving orders that criminal associates on
the outside carried out on their behalf.

“There were credible reports from human rights organizations that, in addition to
subjecting prisoners to isolation and threats, prison officials used excessive force, such
as beatings, to control prisoners.

“The government held approximately one-half of its female prisoners at a facility for
mothers with young children and pregnant women. Others were housed in separate areas
of men’s prisons. In the San Pedro Sula prison, for instance, approximately 70 women
resided in their own wing of the prison but shared communal space with upwards of
2,900 men. Children up to the age of three could stay with their mothers in prison.
Authorities often held pretrial detainees together with convicted prisoners.

“Authorities did not segregate those with tuberculosis or other infectious diseases from
the general prison population; there was only limited support for persons with mental
illnesses or disabilities. CONAPREV reported that every prison had a functioning health
clinic with at least one medical professional, except for the National Penitentiary in
Francisco Morazan Department. Basic medical supplies and medicines, particularly
antibiotics, were in short supply throughout the prison system. In most prisons only
inmates who purchased bottled water or had water filters in their cells had access to
potable water.

“As of August the NGO Casa Alianza said juvenile detention staff reported there were
438 minors (394 boys and 44 girls) in five juvenile detention centers, segregated by
gender. CONAPREV, however, reported that 542 boys resided in two juvenile detention
centers and the COBRAS pretrial detention center as of August. According to the
Directorate of Childhood and Family, 304 youths benefited from alternative sentencing
outside the juvenile detention system between January 2015 and August (see section 6,
Institutionalized Children)….

“The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, but human rights
NGOs reported that authorities at times failed to enforce these prohibitions effectively.
CONADEH reported 12 cases of arbitrary arrest as of September. The Committee of
Relatives of the Disappeared in Honduras reported 23 illegal or arbitrary arrests: five by
the PMOP, 13 by the HNP, and five by municipal police….

“The armed forces surrendered members accused of human rights violations to civilian
authorities. The armed forces sometimes dishonorably discharged such individuals, even
before a criminal trial. The Public Ministry, primarily through the Office of the Special
Prosecutor for Crimes against Life, is responsible for investigating cases in which a
government agent is allegedly responsible for killing a civilian. Prosecutors try such
cases in civilian courts. Prosecutors and judges attached to FUSINA prosecute and hear
cases related to FUSINA operations. A unit within the Office of the Special Prosecutor
for Crimes against Life manages some cases of homicides committed by members of the
security forces and government officials. The human rights office of the joint staff of the
armed forces investigated allegations of human rights abuses by members of the armed
forces.

“Corruption and impunity remained serious problems within the security forces. Some
members of police committed crimes, including crimes linked to local and international
criminal organizations.

“On April 11, in response to media reports that high-ranking HNP officers had ordered
the killing of senior antinarcotics and anti-money-laundering officials in 2009, 2011, and
2013, the president approved a decree creating the Special Commission in Charge of
Purging and Restructuring the HNP. The minister of security heads the commission and
oversees the work of three prominent members of civil society and a small group of
advisors. The commission has authority to: determine the suitability of HNP officials and
dismiss officers without cause, implement a mechanism to follow-up and supervise the
evaluation and dismissal processes, pass the personnel records of dismissed police
officers suspected of criminal activity to the Public Ministry and the Supreme Auditing
Tribunal for review and possible prosecution, and report progress to the president and
National Congress on a quarterly basis.

“As of mid-December the commission reported that it had evaluated 3,004 HNP officers.
The commission recommended that 887 of these be retained, 1,835 dismissed, 256
voluntarily retired, 15 suspended pending further review, and another 11 retained
pending further evaluation; many of those dismissed were high-ranking officers. The
commission referred 23 of these officers to the Public Ministry for possible criminal
prosecution. At the commission’s request, the attorney general formed a special unit to
investigate cases that the commission referred to it. The process has led to more
dismissals than the previous five efforts undertaken since 1998 combined. The
commission still needed to evaluate rankand-file members of the HNP. The commission
said the personnel it recommended for retention remained subject to continued suitability
evaluations.

“The Human Rights Office of the Honduran Armed Forces reported that as of August,
more than 4,500 service members had received human rights training. The Honduran
Armed Forces and various NGOs provided the training. The Honduran Armed Forces
Cadet Leadership Development course trained approximately 220 cadets on human
rights in 2015-16….

“Arbitrary Arrest: The Public Ministry reported 35 cases of illegal detention or arbitrary
arrest as of October….

“Pretrial Detention: Judicial inefficiency, corruption, and insufficient resources delayed

proceedings in the criminal justice system, and lengthy pretrial detention was a serious
problem. As of August according to the UNAH’s Institute for Democracy, Peace, and
Security, 53 percent of the country’s prison population had not been convicted. For
crimes with minimum sentences of six years, the law authorizes pretrial detention of up to
two years. The prosecution may request an additional six-month extension, but many
detainees remained in pretrial detention much longer, including for more time than the
maximum period of incarceration for their alleged crime. The law does not authorize
pretrial detention for crimes with a maximum sentence of five years or less. The law
mandates that authorities release detainees whose cases have not yet come to trial and
whose time in pretrial detention already exceeds the maximum prison sentence for their
alleged crime. Even so, many prisoners remained in custody after completing their full
sentences, and sometimes even after an acquittal, because officials failed to process their
releases expeditiously.

“Detainee’s Ability to Challenge Lawfulness of Detention before a Court: Persons are

entitled to challenge the legal basis or assert the arbitrary nature of their arrest or
detention. Judicial inefficiency, corruption, and insufficient resources delayed
proceedings, however, and excessively protracted legal processes were a serious
problem….

“The constitution and law provide for an independent judiciary, but the justice system
was poorly funded and staffed, inadequately equipped, often ineffective, and subject to
intimidation, corruption, politicization, and patronage. Low salaries and a lack of
internal controls rendered judicial officials susceptible to bribery. Powerful special
interests, including organized criminal groups, exercised influence on the outcomes of
some court proceedings.

“In March the president of the Supreme Court disbanded the National Judicial Council,
created in 2013 to implement an evaluation system for judges, for corruption and
incompetence. The council had allegedly committed contracting irregularities, nepotism,
overvalued travel expenses, and other irregular acts. Prosecutors had already charged
the vice president of the council with influence peddling for pressuring a judge to drop
money-laundering charges against his cousin. He and other members of the council
resigned before the president of the Supreme Court formally disbanded the council….

“Credible observers noted problems in trial procedures such as a lack of admissible

evidence, judicial corruption, widespread public distrust of the legal system, and an
ineffective witness protection program (some protected witnesses were killed during the
year)….

“There were credible complaints that police occasionally failed to obtain the required
authorization before entering private homes. As of June the judicial system reported
three convictions in 10 alleged cases of illegal entry by government officials.

“Ethnic minority rights leaders and farmworker organizations continued to claim that
the government failed to redress actions taken by the security forces, government
agencies, and private individuals and businesses to dislodge farmers and indigenous
people from lands over which they claimed ownership based on land reform laws or
ancestral land titles (see section 6, Indigenous People). …

“The law provides for criminal penalties on public officials for corruption, but
authorities did not implement the law effectively. Government institutions were subject to
corruption and political influence, and some officials engaged in corrupt practices with
impunity. Insufficient internal controls and lack of training in public resource
management contributed to the corruption and lack of transparency. The government
took steps to address corruption at high levels in government agencies, including
arresting and charging members of congress, judges, prosecutors, current and former
senior officials, including presidential staffers from previous administrations, mayors
and other local authorities, and police officers.

“Following large-scale public protests in the spring of 2015 against government

corruption, in January the government signed an agreement with the Organization of
American States to install the MACCIH. The MACCIH began operations in the country
on April 19, with an initial focus on police reform, electoral reform, and emblematic
cases of public sector corruption networks.

“Former president Rafael Leonardo Callejas Romero (1990-94) was among 16 persons
accused of corruption in 2015 for actions related to the International Federation of
Association Football scandal. Callejas surrendered to foreign authorities in December
2015, and on March 28, he pled guilty in a foreign court to eight charges of organized
crime, fraud, money laundering, and conspiracy to commit money laundering.

“Corruption: Prosecutions of public-sector corruption predominantly targeted lowlevel

officials and focused on charges of abuse of authority and misconduct in public office,
which were easier to prove but carried lower penalties than illicit enrichment, fraud, and
money laundering. Since the 2014 indictment of the entire board of directors of the Social
Security Institute (IHSS), however, there was an increase in indictments of higher-level
officials. Since 2014 prosecutors had filed charges against 54 persons in the IHSS
scandal, including former ministers, business executives, and labor leaders; prosecutors
charged many in multiple cases. As of December 20, there had been five convictions
related to the IHSS scandal, including prominent business executive Jose Bertetty. Courts
issued three of these convictions during the year. Many cases were in the appeals stage
(a case can be appealed before it goes to trial). In June 2015 the government brought
charges against public officials at the Ministry of Health and employees of the private
company Astropharma, including then vice president of the National Congress, Lena
Gutierrez, and three members of her family. In August the court of appeals ruled that the
case could continue to trial. On August 8, the Financial Crimes Task Force executed a
search warrant at LAIN (International Labs) and seized evidence to support a new line of
investigation in the Astropharma case. Trial court judges were selected on September 7.
On December 16, former IHSS director Mario Zelaya was convicted on firearms
charges; he faced trial on seven additional charges including bribery and money
laundering.

“There were reports that the government’s anticorruption institutions did not take
sufficient steps to contain high-level corruption and were unwilling or lacked the
professional capacity and resources to investigate, arrest, and prosecute those involved.
The civil society organization National Anticorruption Council has an investigative unit
of 15 persons. The council receives government funding, which obliges it to disclose the
names of its investigators, making them more vulnerable to reprisals. NGOs reported that
some individuals who reported public corruption received threats.

“In August the domestic NGO (and chapter of Transparency-International), Association

for a More Just Society (ASJ) published a report reviewing public corruption in the
country for the seven years prior to 2015. The report revealed that during those years the
Public Ministry received 3,471 complaints about public corruption and issued 283
indictments. The ASJ tried to review the case files of 165 of the indictments, but it was
unable to find 55 case files in the court system. Of the cases it reviewed, nine had
resulted in convictions, 29 were resolved without a conviction, and 14 had been open for
more than three years without resolution, which the ASJ defined as impunity. In 2015
there were 28 convictions for public-sector corruption, and as of August, there had been
19 such convictions. Among those convicted during the year were two members of
Congress, a former government minister, a judge, current and former mayors, and two
individuals associated with the IHSS scandal….

“LGBTI rights groups asserted that government agencies and private employers engaged
in discriminatory hiring practices. LGBTI groups continued working with the VCTF, the
Ministry of Security, and the Office of the Special Prosecutor for Human Rights to
address concerns about intimidation, fear of reprisals, and police corruption.”

2. UNHCR, Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs

of Asylum-Seekers from Honduras, 16 July 2016, available at
http://www.refworld.org/docid/579767434.html ......

[Note: This report contains footnotes, deleted in excerpts below.]

“Overview of Situation in Honduras (at p. 6): The contemporary exodus of Hondurans
in search of international protection is rooted in the human rights, social, political and
economic impact of the increasing reach, power and violence of gangs and other
organized criminal groups in Honduras. The extent of the violence is reflected in the fact
that over the past five years Honduras has recorded some of the highest homicide rates of
any country in the world. This surge of violence has been driven by the activities of
organized criminal groups linked to international drug-trafficking, a multitude of street
gangs, and also by the severe response of the State security forces. Societal conflicts over
land and politics, as well as widespread domestic and societal abuse of women and
children, also fuels the flight of Hondurans seeking international protection….

Through the 1990s and 2000s, gang members deported from the USA and local gang
members reportedly built up ‘hybrid’ gangs based on the violent Californian gang model.
This new generation of gangs drew upon the long history of well-established local street
gangs among the youth of Honduras, many of which were co-opted or destroyed by the
new gangs. Analysts note that with the relative institutional weakness and corruption of
the State in Honduras and social deprivation among Honduran youths, these violent
‘hybrid’ gangs rapidly consolidated themselves in many poorer neighbourhoods in San
Pedro Sula, Tegucigalpa and other urban centres. As a result, many gangs in Honduras
are presently reported to be affiliated to one of the two main gang structures also
imported from the USA, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS) – which in Honduras is also
commonly referred to as the MS-13 or Mara 13 – and its rival Barrio 18 (B-18) – which
in Honduras is also referred to as the 18th Street Gang or Mara 18. However, there are
also a wide range of other local gangs and criminal bands (bandas), including the
powerful Chirizos.

“During the 2000s, the Honduran State responded to the gangs’ increasing territorial
dominance and escalating criminality and violence by adopting a strategy of mano dura
(‘Firm Hand’), based on repressive security measures, and the Plan Libertad Azul (‘Blue
Security Plan’). A wave of hundreds of extrajudicial executions of youths suspected of
gang membership started in 2001. In 2003 Honduras became the first country in Central
America to incorporate mano dura measures into law, criminalizing suspected gang
membership with lengthy prison terms. The use of these extreme repressive measures by
the security forces resulted in the detention of large numbers of poor (especially tattooed)
youths. Yet, whilst this mano dura strategy contained the gang violence for several years,
analysts note that it failed to eliminate the gangs and instead provided the impetus for
them to reorganize and emerge as more violent and disciplined structures in the late
2000s.

President Porfirio Lobo Sosa of the Partido Nacional de Honduras (PNH) took office in
2010. It is reported that during his administration (2010-2014) the country saw some of
the highest levels of violence ever experienced, with unprecedented homicide rates
accompanied by apparent increases in drug-trafficking in Honduras, in the power of the
gangs and in police involvement in criminality. By 2011, a large number of Honduran
drug smuggling structures (sometimes also referred to as transportistas) were reportedly
trafficking cocaine through the country for larger regional drug- trafficking
organizations. In the early 2000s, a pact among the principal drug smuggling structures
reportedly carved out distinct territorial spaces in Honduras in which each would carry
out its drug trafficking activities. Many areas of Honduras where the drug smuggling
structures operated were reported to be under the complete control of these networks,
which reportedly also drew in mayors, businessmen and landowners. The drug smuggling
structures were reported to have significant influence in the security forces and the
judiciary. Moreover, political candidates supported by, or linked to, these structures
reportedly entered Congress, became mayors and entered important posts in the
Executive. Some Honduran drug smuggling structures reportedly had connections with
Colombian cartels, but most worked also with the Mexican cartels – particularly the
Sinaloa cartel – that have been present in Honduras since the late 1990s and which, from
2007 onwards, reportedly began to expand their power in the country.

“The 2013 elections were characterized by political violence, with candidates for
political office threatened, attacked and in some cases killed. The PNH candidate, Juan
Orlando Hernández, was victorious and assumed the Presidency in 2014. Faced by high
levels of violence and widespread police corruption, the Hernández administration
promoted the increased use of the military to assist with internal security functions,
creating inter-agency structures to bring together a range of State institutions to combat
organized crime. The Hernández administration also collaborated closely with the
United States, which from 2013 onwards began to publicly identify persons suspected of
being leading figures in drug-trafficking organizations. Since then, various drug
smuggling structures and the main Sinaloa cartel network in Honduras are reported to
have been dismantled, with the majority of the persons designated as ‘specially
designated narcotics traffickers’ by the U.S. authorities now detained and/or extradited
to the United States. The measures taken by the Hernández administration are also
reported to have contributed to a significant reduction in homicide rates.

“From 2014 onwards, these developments have reportedly generated renewed conflict
within and between Honduran drug smuggling structures and rising levels of violence in
the territories controlled by such structures, apparently due to the breakdown of the
territorial pact and internal struggles for control of the remnants of the larger structures.
This state of flux has reportedly resulted in renewed efforts by the Sinaloa cartel, and by
other Mexican cartels as well, to build alliances with the newly emerging groups. In
2015, the release by the United States of indictments against former Vice- President
Jaime Rosenthal and a number of his family members exposed the apparent extent of the
links between criminal structures in Honduras and influential members of the Honduran
political and economic elites. Moreover, a 2015 corruption scandal in the Social Security
Institute (Instituto Hondureño de Seguridad Social, IHSS) is reported to have provoked
mass anti-government protests by citizens calling themselves the Indignados (‘the
Indignants’) movement. In 2016, in an effort to address the high levels of corruption in
both political circles and government institutions, an OASmandated anti-impunity body
was created in Honduras.

“Despite the success of the Hernández administration in dismantling a number of smaller

gangs and criminal bands, gangs are reported to remain entrenched in the everyday life
of Honduras’ cities and towns. They are reportedly increasing their recruitment of
children and youth, while levels of extortion are reported to have greatly increased.
Moreover, incidents of gang violence, including killings of civilians, are regularly
reported, largely as a result of new disputes for territory and the control of local drug
markets (plazas). A non-violence pact proposed by Barrio 18 and MS in 2013, and
modelled on the El Salvador gang truce, was apparently ignored by the government and
has since been abandoned. Rather, the government reportedly directed that imprisoned
gang leaders be kept in isolation cells and, in 2015, adopted new legislation that
increased the punishment for gang members and leaders. …

“Structures and Patterns of Organized Violence (at p. 10): In recent years, the homicide
rates in Honduras have been among the highest in the world. In 2011 and 2012, official
sources in Honduras reported a rate of over 90 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, the
highest homicide rate recorded in any country up to that point. The homicide rate fell
significantly between 2013 and 2015. However, even this reduced homicide rate – of
between 56 and 60 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, depending on the source – still
remains one of the highest in the world. It should be noted in this context that four of the
five countries with the highest homicide rates in the world are located in Central
America.

Since the start of the 2010s, most homicide victims in Honduras are reported to have
been male,40 with the vast majority between the ages of 15 and 39 and particularly
between the ages of 20 and 34. Moreover, the overwhelming majority of homicides in
Honduras are reportedly carried out using a firearm, reflecting the widespread
availability of both legal and illegal firearms in the country. Assassination (sicariato) is
among the leading registered causes of homicides in the country. Moreover, official
sources indicate that a high proportion of the homicides registered in Honduras are
related to the activities of organized criminal groups, including gangs and groups
involved in drug trafficking.

“Homicides tend to be concentrated in particular parts of Honduras. Thus, at least since

the start of the 2010s, some departments have consistently recorded very high homicide
rates. These include Cortés, Atlántida and (to a lesser extent) Francisco Morazán, where
the cities of, respectively, San Pedro Sula, La Ceiba and Distrito Central (Tegucigalpa /
Comayagüela) are located. Crucially, the reported murder rate for each city is high in
comparison to the average for the rest of the respective department, suggesting that the
cities represent particular hotspots of violence in these departments. Indeed, for several
years, San Pedro Sula, with a murder rate almost double that of even the national capital
city of Distrito Central, was reported to be the city with the world’s highest murder rate.
The mapping of homicides in each of these cities suggests that, although some
neighbourhoods have persistently high homicide levels, patterns of violence also move
between neighbourhoods over time. Organized violence in these cities reportedly
revolves principally around the activities of street gangs, although the international drug
trade is also reported to be an important factor in the violence in San Pedro Sula and La
Ceiba.
“Outside those departments with big cities, other departments have also registered
homicide rates well above the national average. Since 2010, this has been the case
consistently for Yoro and Colón departments in the north of the country and, more
sporadically, also for Copán (up to 2012) and Ocotepeque (2011-13) departments on the
poor western border with Guatemala. However, the main urban centres of these
departments often have homicide rates that are reported to be either on par with, or
consistently less, than the rest of the department, suggesting that the violence in these
areas is not tied exclusively to urban dynamics and may even have a more rural
character. Crucially, whereas street gangs are reported to have a more minimal presence
here, these departments reportedly serve as important areas of operation for powerful
and sometimes conflictive drug-trafficking groups.

“Violence against women is also reported to be prevalent in Honduras. In 2014, the most
recent year for which comparative figures are available, Honduras had by far the highest
absolute number of femicides (murders of women because of their gender) in Central
America, as well as the highest rate per 100,000 of population in Latin America. In 2015,
the rate of female homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in Honduras had reduced slightly
from the peak of the preceding few years but remained extremely high. While domestic
violence against women and girls is the most reported crime at the national level and has
traditionally been the leading cause of femicide in Honduras, a significant proportion of
female homicides were reportedly the result of violence by organized criminal groups
rather than domestic violence.New forms of gang-related violence have emerged in
Honduras in which women and girls linked with one gang are reported to be considered
a target for vengeance by rival gangs. Women are reported to be abused, (gang) raped
and killed as part of gang initiation rites or if they try to leave the gang to which they
belong or with which they are affiliated or forced to collaborate.

“Large numbers of Honduran girls and women from both poor and middle-class families
are also reported to be forced into prostitution in Honduras and trafficked into sex
slavery in Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, the US and elsewhere, with members of the
Honduran security forces reportedly participating in some of these prostitution networks.

“Women and girls are also reported to be forcibly disappeared in Honduras. 697 forced
disappearances of women and girls were reportedly registered with the authorities
between January and September 2015. Many forced disappearances are reported in
zones where organized criminal groups, particularly gangs, operate. Clandestine
cemeteries have reportedly been found in these areas; the victims buried there reportedly
include not only women but also persons in military uniforms.

“Children are reported to be heavily impacted by the violence in Honduras. Between

2010 and 2015, the vast majority of victims of sexual violence were girls aged 10 to 19
years. Homicide rates are reported to be extremely high for children, including in
particular for girls. The overwhelming majority of these deaths are reportedly caused by
firearms and carried out in the street. Moreover, it is reported that some 70 per cent of
child homicides in Honduras are committed by other children, which suggests a strong
linkage to gang dynamics. Domestic abuse of children, both boys and girls, is also
reported to be a serious problem in Honduras. Alongside homicides, forced
disappearances, and widespread forms of violence against women, a range of other types
of violent crimes are prevalent in Honduras. Many of these are less easily documented
than homicides and are known to be underreported because victims do not report these
crimes to the police, reportedly for fear of retribution and due to a lack of confidence in
the authorities. Such crimes include extortion, usually by gangs; collectively, the
population of Honduras reportedly pays an estimated US$200 million per year in
extortion money, which is often called a ‘war tax’ (‘impuesto de guerra’) by the gangs.
Those who do not pay are reportedly murdered or see their businesses burned down as a
reprisal. The transport sector is reported to be particularly affected, but extortion by
gangs also reportedly impacts upon many other sectors of society, including business
owners and workers, street sellers, teachers, judges, lawyers, politicians, nurses, farmers,
schoolchildren, police officers, home owners and even priests.

“Armed Actors (at p. 14): The current dynamics of violence in Honduras stem from the
presence and activities of four main forms of armed actors: gangs and criminal bands,
including those affiliated with the Barrio 18, Mara Salvatrucha (MS) and Chirizos gang
structures; drug smuggling structures (sometimes also referred to as transportistas); the
State security forces, particularly the police and the armed forces; and private security
forces. In practice, it may not always be possible for victims to make a clear distinction
between the various actors, in part because of allegations of high levels of infiltration of
the State security forces by organized criminal structures, and of high levels of
corruption within many organs of the State.

Gangs in Honduras: One of the poorest countries in Central America, Honduras is

particularly affected by the violence of street gangs (pandillas). Within the region, it
reportedly has one of the highest concentrations of gang members after El Salvador,
although estimates of the number of gang members in Honduras vary considerably.
Recent estimates of gang membership range from 4,728 to 70,000 individuals across the
different gangs in Honduras. Observers consider these gangs to be among the principal
actors that have made Honduras one of the most violent countries in the world and that
have provoked the current crisis of forced displacement.

“A large number of local street gangs are reportedly concentrated in the three main
urban areas of Honduras: (i) Tegucigalpa, the national capital, and its sister city of
Comayagüela, which jointly make up the country’s Central District (Distrito Central);
(ii) the city of San Pedro Sula and its surrounding environs in the department of Cortés,
the economic powerhouse of the country; and (iii) La Ceiba, located in coastal Atlántida
department. Yet local street gangs are also reported to operate in many other cities and
towns of Honduras. Nowadays, there are reportedly few neighbourhoods (barrios or
colonias) in the larger cities that are free from the influence of the gangs; even those
neighbourhoods where the gangs do not exercise control are not exempt from extortion
and gang attacks.

“Honduran street gangs are usually based in marginal poor or lower-middle-class

urban zones, at times comprised of just a single neighbourhood (colonia or barrio) or a
few such neighbourhoods, and also in some rural zones. However, despite a culture of
identification with their home territory, these gangs are also considered capable of great
mobility and can rapidly expand their influence to nearby neighbourhoods. They may
reportedly also relocate to new neighbourhoods (and even sometimes new towns or
cities) to seek refuge from offensives against them by the security forces or other gangs.
Similarly, while physical reference points such as streets, streams, graffiti, or other
markings often mark the dividing lines between gang territories, these ‘invisible’
boundaries can reportedly also shift literally overnight as one gang pushes into, or
disputes, the territory of another. Zones where two or more gangs are disputing control
are usually extremely violent, and the gangs may be separated by as little as a single
street.

“One important feature of contemporary gang dynamics in Honduras is the relative

diversity of gangs. The two major transnational gang structures in Central America – the
Barrio 18 (B-18) and the Mara Salvatrucha (MS) – are both present in Honduras (where
they are also referred to as Mara 18 and Mara 13 respectively), with many local gangs
affiliated to one or other structure. However, on the margins of these powerful structures,
a number of local gangs presently exist in Honduras that identify with one of the ‘home-
grown’ Honduran gang structures (e.g. the Chirizos etc.), or simply do not identify with
any wider gang structure. Subtle variations in the modus operandi of these different
gangs and gang structures and their dynamic nature are reported to produce a complex
gang demography, in which shifting fortunes, alliances and disputes can lead local gangs
to disappear or be displaced, just as new ones may suddenly emerge or grow in power.

“Most Honduran gangs reportedly pursue a strategy of exclusive control over their home
territories, using violence to repel other gangs or challengers. Within its own territory,
each gang reportedly tries to control the specific localized criminal enterprises which
sustain members’ livelihoods, including extortion, drug-selling, prostitution and other
crimes. Many gangs are also reported to target businesses, (public) transport routes and
even homes in their own and other nearby neighbourhoods for extortion. The practice of
extortion in one form or another – often called the ‘war tax’ (‘impuesto de guerra’) – has
reportedly been an important source of revenue for most gangs since the late 1990s and
has often been carried out from the prisons by gang leaders by telephone and, more
recently, via social networking sites.

“Each local gang is reported to have its own active membership that can range in size
from a handful to several dozen members, organized in nominal hierarchies under the
leadership of more senior members. Local gangs in Honduras are reported to be largely
composed of youth and young adults (although senior members are often older), and
male-dominated, with girls and women usually participating only in more peripheral
roles. Recruitment is reported to be increasingly selective and based on the idea of
‘pocos pero locos’ (‘few but crazy’), with a smaller and tougher core of initiated
members supplemented by a larger periphery of relatively disposable younger aspirants,
including forcibly recruited children as young as six years old. Although many gang
members traditionally used to identify themselves through highly visible gang-related
tattoos and style of dress, these practices are reported to now be somewhat discouraged
by the gangs as they also helped to identify members to the security forces and other
gangs. Imprisoned members are reported to remain active in the gang structure, with
imprisoned leaders often having directed the activities of those on the street.

“Once initiated into a gang, members must follow the code of conduct established by the
gang. The violation of different rules is reported to lead to different punishments,
commonly serious beatings or even death. Lifelong loyalty to the gang is required and
those who desert or cooperate with the security forces or rival gangs are reported to be
routinely pursued and killed by members of their own gang as a punishment. The gangs
are reportedly assisted by many ‘anonymous’ voluntary or involuntary collaborators in
the territories where they operate, including family members, women, youth and children
from the neighbourhood, who are not initiated gang members but act as lookouts, help to
collect and launder extortion money and perform other tasks, and who sometimes collect
a salary from the gang. Gangs are reported to often take over houses in the areas where
they operate, sometimes after displacing the families living there, to use them as a base
for rest, storage, interrogation and torture.

“Gangs are reported to exercise extraordinary levels of social control over the
population in their territories (and, to a lesser extent, over other territories where they
may also practise extortion). In these zones, inhabitants reportedly must stay ‘silent’
about the gang and its activities and often face a plethora of gang-imposed restrictions
on whom they can talk to and what about, what time they must be inside their homes,
where they can walk or go to school, whom they can visit and who can visit them, what
they can wear, and even, reportedly, the colour of their hair. Many gangs are reported to
forbid inhabitants to show ‘disrespect’ for the gang, a subjective evaluation on the part
of gang members that, especially in the case of the more violent gangs, can reportedly
encompass a multitude of perceived slights and offences such as arguing with a gang
member or refusing a request, resisting a child’s recruitment into gang activities, or
rejecting the amorous attentions of a gang member.

“Civic organisations and societies, especially those that represent an alternative source
of authority to that of the gang, are often reported to be prevented from holding meetings
in territories controlled by the gangs, with communal leaders also having been killed by
the gangs. In the 2013 national elections, presidential candidates reported that they had
to ask permission from the gangs to carry out political activities or hold political
gatherings in the neighbourhoods controlled by the gangs and pay extortion money for
the privilege.

“While MS gangs in particular have reportedly worked hard to also build positive
support from their local communities through dialogue and even to develop social
projects for the benefit of inhabitants, most gangs in Honduras reportedly achieve this
degree of social control principally through the use of threats and violence to create a
pervasive atmosphere of fear among inhabitants, especially amongst those without family
or other links to the local gang. For instance, in some neighbourhoods, local gangs are
reported to have installed barriers and gates at the entrance to the neighbourhood in
order to monitor the community and also prevent the entry of those considered as
undesirable by the gang, who may be killed by gang members. In some cases, gangs
controlling strategic neighbourhoods have reportedly issued threats to multiple residents
with an ultimatum to leave, apparently on the basis that the gangs considered these
residents as “enemies” who had intruded into the neighbourhood.

“As noted above, persons who resist the authority of the local gang or who even
inadvertently cross it, or who collaborate with the security forces or with rival gangs, are
reportedly subjected to swift retaliation from the gang, including being killed. Moreover,
it is reported that their family members are often targeted as well. Especially in
territories disputed by two or more gangs, collective threats and punishments may
reportedly be imposed by the gangs upon several families or even whole streets for a
perceived infraction or disloyalty, leading to group displacements.

“The strongly macho ethos of the Honduran gangs expresses itself through their reported
virulent hatred and ill-treatment of persons of (perceived) diverse sexual orientations
and/or gender identities and in the reported widespread use of sexual and gender-based
violence against women and girls living in many gang territories, including forcing girls
into prostitution and killing those who resist.

“Women and girls are subject to extensive forms of control by local gangs and reportedly
are increasingly threatened and forced to carry out activities for the gangs, such as
acting as a look-out (bandera), dealing drugs and collecting extortion payments. The
gangs also appear to be increasing their attacks against police and military officials and
their family members living in gang-controlled zones.

“Barrio 18 (B-18) and Mara Salvatrucha (MS) gang structures (at p. 20): The majority
of local gangs in Honduras are reported to be affiliated with either the Barrio 18 (B-18,
also referred to as the Mara 18), or the Mara Salvatrucha (MS), also referred to as the
Mara 13). The most recent estimates (going back to 2012) suggest that their combined
active membership is likely to be between 12,000 and 25,000 persons, of which perhaps
5,000 to 6,000 make up the core of the gangs of active and initiated members. Both B-18
and MS are large transnational gang structures that have their origins in the Californian
gang scene, where B-18 was formed by Mexicans and MS by the children of Salvadorians
fleeing the civil war.Both B-18 and MS are themselves reported to be affiliated in turn
with the Southern (Sureño) gang movement: this reportedly unites Hispanic gangs
originating from southern California under the aegis of the powerful Mexican Mafia and
is reported to offer a form of collective security (against attack by non-Sureño gangs) for
members of these gangs when incarcerated in the USA. However, in both the streets and
prisons of Honduras, Barrio 18 and MS are reported to remain implacable enemies.

“During the early 2000s, the Barrio 18 and MS gang structures reportedly managed to
successfully absorb, co-opt or displace many rival street gangs in Honduras, emerging as
the main two gang structures in the country. Yet, in a number of towns and cities where
Barrio 18 or MS gangs are present, they reportedly exist alongside other, more ‘home-
grown’ local gangs.
“The Barrio 18 gang structure is reported to be well-established in Honduras, where it is
said to have greater numbers and reach than MS. Barrio 18 in Honduras is generally
considered to be less sophisticated and disciplined, and more unpredictable, than its
arch-enemy, MS. Barrio 18 in Honduras is reported to be a more horizontal, subsistence-
based and fragmented structure than MS, and privileges loyalty to the ‘barrio’ over all
else, which may partly explain the repeated use by its membership of sudden violence.
Indeed, extreme and cruel violence is reported to be a core element of Barrio 18’s
identity and modus operandi in Honduras, with such violence appearing to be directed as
much at its own members and the communities that it dominates as at rivals and the
Honduran security forces. The imprisoned Barrio 18 leadership is reportedly not always
strong enough to exert full control over the activities of the semi-independent Barrio 18
local gangs on the streets. The MS gang structure also reportedly has an extensive
presence in Honduras. In contrast with Barrio 18, MS in Honduras is reported to be
much more sophisticated, calculating, disciplined and coordinated, working through
smaller, more contained, local clikas (‘cliques’). In Honduras, it is reportedly more
vertical in structure than is Barrio 18 and has a more stable leadership. The allocation of
different tasks to different levels of members within MS cliques also appears to be
compartmentalized in ways that are similar to a military structure. However, despite the
increasing sophistication of MS in Honduras, the imprisoned leadership of MS reportedly
still sometimes struggles to fully exert control over individual MS cliques on the street.

The MS in particular is also reported to be growing in its political sophistication.

Although MS gangs do not, at present, appear to be financing political campaigns or
controlling government contracts on a widespread basis, it is reported that MS in
Honduras has significant influence over the mayors of at least two cities.

“At least since 2010, Honduran MS gangs have also been reportedly moving beyond
mere subsistence crime and have begun laundering money and investing in property,
transport, hospitals and other businesses in Honduras, the US and Colombia. They have
reportedly also taken over Honduran transport companies that they have bankrupted
through their excessive extortion demands. MS has also apparently taken control of a
number of bus terminals and even takes decisions about who works there. As part of this
rebranding of the gang, MS has reportedly created a whole new infrastructure of
professionals, developing links with white-collar criminals and sending youth to
university to train as lawyers. In consequence, some MS leaders are reported to have
become extremely wealthy and live in luxury with their families in exclusive residential
neighbourhoods.

“Since the early 2010s, as part of the evolution of MS in Honduras, MS gangs have also
reportedly worked towards creating a more positive relationship with the communities
where they live, and are more open to dialogue with the community than is B-18. As such,
in some parts of Honduras, violent MS cliques are also reported to have become the
guarantor of local security through a form of ‘safe neighbourhood’ (barrio seguro)
scheme in which petty crime is not tolerated, the provider of social programmes and also
the go-to arbiter for domestic or neighbourly conflicts.
“In general, although MS gangs reportedly continue to use extreme violence, including
killings, for example against rival gangs, perceived informants or others who offend
against MS, such use of force often appears more predictable and less impulsive or
arbitrary than that of Barrio18. In a similar manner, whereas Barrio 18 reportedly
reacts aggressively towards incursions by the authorities, MS gangs are reported to
usually avoid direct confrontation with the State security services. Instead they reportedly
seek to develop relationships with corrupt officials, who warn MS of police operations,
help it take over new territories and even act as bodyguards and collect extortion monies
for it. However, in response to the government’s 2016 Operación Avalancha (‘Operation
Avalanche’) that resulted in the capture or surrender of a number of leading MS
members and confiscation of MS property, authorities issued an alert about possible
reprisals by MS gangs.

“For both Barrio 18 and MS, extortion of the lucrative transport industry in Honduras
has reportedly been a primary source of income over the last decade or more. However,
Barrio 18 is also reported to target small businesses and, increasingly, even residents of
the poverty-stricken zones where it practises extortion, which creates conflict between
Barrio 18 and the community. By contrast, although MS is reported to heavily extort the
transport industry, it reportedly does not usually prey heavily on its immediate
neighbours and even acts as their ‘protectors’ against such demands by other criminal
groups, earning it further social capital with the community. Both Barrio 18 and MS also
reportedly seek control of the lucrative local drug-dealing trade, which they have been
taking over from other providers, whom they kill or co-opt as they move into new
neighbourhoods. Presently, both Barrio 18 and MS are reportedly trying to expand into
new territories, including those controlled by their rivals, in order to capture a bigger
share of this market, generating disputes and renewed violence, including killings. Both
Barrio 18 and MS also reportedly derive a more limited level of income from other
criminal activities, such as theft and the buying and reselling of stolen goods.

“The leaders of the Honduran Barrio 18 and MS gangs are reported to maintain ties with
their counterparts in El Salvador and the US, via social networks and other media, with
whom they reportedly discuss strategy and for whom they arrange the safe passage of
weapons and other contraband.

“At the national level, the Barrio 18 and MS structures in Honduras are reported to be
sufficiently organized to move members between different cities to reinforce affiliated
local gangs when their members are captured or killed. Their leaders are also reported
to have tried several times to attempt to negotiate either singly or jointly with the
government about issues such as non-violence pacts. Moreover, following a period of
intense confrontation between Barrio 18 and MS up to 2007, the two structures
apparently agreed, at least in Tegucigalpa, to divide territories such that there were few
territorial disputes. However, since 2011 and particularly from 2015 onwards, a process
of greater confrontation between the rival structures has become steadily more evident,
with each seeking to expand and capture new drug markets (plazas). There are also
reports of leaders being sent to Honduras from affiliated gangs in El Salvador,
Guatemala and the US, as well as the movement of gang-members between neighbouring
countries to evade law enforcement, to establish and man satellite operations and
reportedly to exchange tactical knowledge and intelligence, adding to the dynamics of
violence. In the highly disputed colonias where both Barrio 18 and MS are present,
conflict between the two is reported to be constant and intense.

“Chirizos gang structure and its derivatives (at p. 25): The Chirizos are presently
reported to be the largest ‘home grown’ gang structure in Honduras. The origins of the
Chirizos are ireportedly found in the armed structure created by Hector Portillo, alias El
Gato Negro (‘Black Cat’), as enforcers for his major drug distribution network in
Distrito Central, particularly around the market zone of Comayagüela. By 2012, the
youths working as lookouts (banderas) and drug couriers (mulas) for the structure run by
El Gato Negro had reportedly formed a separate new structure called the Chirizos, which
was supported by former senior members of El Gato Negro’s drug network. This new
structure was reported to be dedicated not only to local level drug distribution but also to
kidnapping, extortion, contract killing, arms sales and robbery. At present, the Chirizos
are reported to maintain a strong presence in numerous colonias of Comayagüela where
El Gato Negro’s organization used to operate, particularly around the market zone.

“By 2013, however, desertions from the Chirizos had also reportedly led to the formation
of two major derivative gang groups in these same zones of Comayagüela and
Tegucigalpa where the Chirizos operate. These newer structures are called El Combo
Que No Se Deja158 and the Benjamins. The two groups reportedly clash with the
Chirizos for the control of territory in these zones. At the same time, El Combo Que No
Se Deja are reportedly not rivals to the Benjamins and the two gangs are even reported
to share territories such that members of either gang can enter the territory of the other
without problems.More recently, a faction of El Combo Que No Se Deja also split off to
form a smaller new gang named the Mafia. Other derivative factions reportedly include
deserters from the Chirizos, such as the small Los No Pasa Nada gang, and remnants of
the original El Gato Negro structure, such as the Corrales, a small family-based criminal
band.

“One notable feature of the Chirizos structure and its derivative gangs is the reported
relative youth of most members, including some of the leaders (although the patrons
appear to be older). Thus, the majority of Chirizos are reported to be children and youth
between the ages of 12 and 24 years. The membership of the Benjamins and El Combo
Que No Se Deja is apparently even younger, with most being children between the ages
of nine and 17 years. All three gangs reportedly target their recruitment at local children
living or working in the market zones of Comayagüela and Tegucigalpa, as well as at
classmates in the educational centres where some of their membership is enrolled. Boys
and girls, especially those living in vulnerable circumstances such as child street sellers,
are reportedly recruited into these structures without distinction as to gender, and those
who refuse are reportedly killed. The gangs also reportedly make use of professionals to
manage their finances and assist with money-laundering.

“The modus operandi of all of these groups is reported to be similar to that of the larger
gang structures of Barrio 18 and MS. In particular, these structures are reported to have
a well-founded reputation for extreme violence as the means for maintaining control over
the inhabitants of the territories that they dominate, terrorizing the local population into
submission. Like Barrio 18 and MS, the Chirizos and their derivative gangs reportedly
impose a range of rules on the population living in these territories, including the rule of
silence, enforced by curfews and checkpoints where inhabitants must pay to enter or
leave. These gangs are reported also to have forced families out of their homes and
sometimes taken over the houses, using them as command and torture centres (casa
locas).

“The principal source of income for all of these gang structures is reported to be
extortion and control over the local drug plazas, although they are also reported to be
involved in contract killing, kidnapping and arms sales. Extortion carried out by the
Chirizos and their derivative gangs is reported to be directed principally against the
transport sector, market stallholders and other small businesses in these zones. They are
reported to resort rapidly to extreme violence in the form of kidnappings, torture and
killings against persons who refuse their demands and against their family members. The
Chirizos, in particular, are reportedly known for brutally torturing and killing those who
defy them and leaving their bodies on display in public spaces. However, in 2014, the
jamming of mobile phone signals near prisons reportedly led imprisoned leaders to lose
control over younger, lower-level gang members on the street, who began to engage in
extortion without consulting the leaders or sharing all of the proceeds, causing conflict
and score-settling within these groups.

“The territories of these three ‘home-grown’ Honduran gang structures currently appear
to be largely limited to poor and marginal areas of Distrito Central, without the wider
national coverage achieved by the Barrio 18 and MS gang structures. However, their
activities in these localities are reported to have swiftly brought the Chirizos into violent
conflict with the Barrio 18 gangs and, more recently, with MS gangs in these parts of the
capital. Since 2014, for instance, the Chirizos have reportedly been engaged in a bloody
struggle with MS gangs for control over territory in the market zone of Comayagüela.
These gang structures are also reported to react aggressively to the security services,
killing police officers and their families who live in the zones under their control or
forcing them to leave their homes.

“From 2014 onwards, the security services are reported to have succeeded in capturing
and imprisoning many of the original leaders of the Chirizos and their derivative gangs.
However, the larger three groups have reportedly not been dismantled and a new
generation of youthful and even more violent leaders has arisen to take the place of those
who are now detained.

“Other street gangs and criminal bandas (bands) (at p. 28): A range of other local street
gangs and criminal bands are reported to be present in Honduras that do not form part
of the larger gang structures. One of the largest and longest-established of the smaller
territorial street gangs is the Vatos Locos (‘Crazy Dudes’) gang structure that has a
presence in certain parts of the country. Other smaller street gangs in different parts of
Honduras include Barrio Pobre 16, the Tercereños, the Ponces and the Parqueños.
Among the black English-speaking population of Honduras’ Caribbean islands, there are
reportedly local gangs such as the Mara Organizada Ganster (Organized Gangster
Mara) and the West Side, while in some mainland black Garifuna communities, including
in San Pedro Sula, the US-based rival gangs Rojos (‘Bloods’) and Azules (‘Crips’) gangs
are reported to be present.

“Even if the larger gang structures of the Barrio 18 and MS are reported to have
partially or wholly taken over or destroyed smaller local rivals during the late 1990s and
early-mid 2000s, these local street gangs remain a feature of the gang landscape in
Honduras. Indeed, various smaller gangs may be present alongside gangs affiliated to
the bigger gang structures in volatile and violent localities, such as the 39
neighbourhoods making up Rivera Hernández in San Pedro Sula, where at least four
smaller gangs are reported to hold territories contiguous to those of the Barrio 18 and
MS gangs, or the many gangs present in various sectors of La Ceiba. Many such smaller
gangs reportedly drift in and out of alliances with each other, and with Barrio 18 and MS
gangs, in which some even have their origins. These smaller gangs reportedly rely
largely on extortion for revenue.

“Finally, also present in Honduras are ‘militias’, such as the Pumas in La Ceiba, that
originally emerged in certain localities to combat the gangs but which now are reported
to operate to all intents and purposes as gangs themselves, preying on the population and
terrorizing it.

“Alongside the territorial street gangs, many cities and towns of Honduras are also
reported to be home to violent criminal bands (bandas). The distinction between bandas
and local street gangs is not clearcut since both tend to be localized groups of youth and
young men who are armed and carry out criminal activities in a distinct territory.
However, in their origins, many such bandas appear to be constituted less explicitly
around the youth-based forms of cultural identity that are central to the gangs and are
often formed instead with professional criminal objectives as their primary objective. As
such, despite being highly localized, these bandas tend to represent more sophisticated
and experienced organized crime structures, or are linked to such structures. Despite the
reported success on the part of the authorities in dismantling particular bandas in part or
in full in 2014-2015, such bandas reportedly continue to have a presence in certain cities
and rural areas of Honduras. Moreover, in the urban centres of Honduras, a multitude of
smaller and less powerful bandas are reported to operate alongside the more established
ones, such as the Castellanos, the Peludos and the Berrios. Violent confrontations
between these urban bandas, and between bandas and local street gangs, are reported to
occur periodically.

“In more provincial parts of the country, other well-armed and predatory bandas are
reported to be directed by local politicians, or by local families with a reputation of being
ruthless. In their respective rural zones of influence, these bandas reportedly terrorize
local populations and dedicate themselves to a range of criminal activities, including
appropriating land, cattle and other property by force, extortion, kidnapping and
assassination. In other cases, such organized bandas are also reported to be involved in
drug-trafficking.

“Drug smuggling structures (at p. 30): Alongside the street gangs that are mainly
concentrated in the bigger cities of Honduras, there are also reportedly many organized
criminal structures dedicated to cross-border drug-trafficking that operate in more
sparsely-populated areas of the country. Since the 2000s, and especially after the 2009
coup, Honduras reportedly became one of the main points through which cocaine from
the Andean region enters Central America by sea and by air and from where it is then
transported north by land or sea. A correspondingly large number of Honduran drug
smuggling structures are reported to move cocaine shipments along contraband routes
through isolated rural zones of the country. The larger drug smuggling structures
reportedly tend to be based in distinct zones of the country. Many of these structures are
reported to have close links with larger regional drug-trafficking organizations,
particularly the Mexican Sinaloa cartel, which hire them to receive, store and transport
drugs through Honduras. Although drug trafficking is a lucrative source of income for
these smuggling structures, some reportedly also engage with other illicit businesses
based around the smuggling of other goods.

‘Drug smuggling structures in Honduras are reported to be relatively complex structures,

usually comprised of horizontal networks of connected persons. Especially in the case of
larger and more powerful drug smuggling structures, the leadership is reportedly often
comprised of a tight-knit nucleus of members of a single family or a few linked or
cooperating families, many of which are reported to have a history of involvement in
cattle-rustling, car theft, marijuana-trafficking and other forms of cross-border
smuggling.

“Many of the other activities undertaken by the drug smuggling structures, such as
transportation and security, appear to be contracted out by the leadership to other
smaller local groups. Similarly, each network reportedly has an armed wing that carries
out enforcement and security operations as required. Despite their integration into the
relevant drug smuggling structure, these armed elements are reported to vary in the
extent to which they maintain a distinct identity as violent criminal bands (bandas) and
carry out their own separate criminal activitiessuch as selling arms, trafficking girls and
women, carrying out hired killings, and appropriating cattle and land by force.

“It should be noted that there are also other drug smuggling structures that appear to be
much smaller and more ad hoc operations. Notwithstanding their size, the activities of
these groups reportedly have the potential to generate considerable conflict and violence
in the regions where they operate. Among these smaller operations are the widely present
and violent drug-stealing groups (tumbadores) that operate by stealing drugs shipments
from other drug smuggling structures to then sell on to rival operators.

“Due to the nature of their trade, Honduran drug smuggling structures, especially the
larger ones, are generally reported to be more sophisticated and disciplined
organizations than the street gangs. They are reported to rely primarily on corruption
and bribery of local and national political, police and judicial authorities to secure
protection for their activities, although direct use of violence is also reported where this
is deemed necessary. In general, assassinations and threats by these organizations
appear to be limited largely to disputes or punishments of those involved in the
structures, or others who are deemed to pose a risk. However, small and medium
landowners in these zones who refuse to sell their lands to these groups are also reported
to face violence, as may other members of the community who refuse to collaborate.
Usually, though, these structures reportedly buy the tolerance of the local population by
investing in local businesses and creating employment in job-scarce regions; some
inhabitants also act as lookouts and informants or store merchandise for the structures.
Within these territories, the well-armed drug smuggling structures and their contacts in
the local authorities reportedly impede outside gangs and common criminals from
establishing themselves, giving inhabitants a sense of relative security.

“In the early 2000s, the six major structures apparently agreed to respect a territorial
division of drug trafficking routes in the country. However, from 2014, the capture of the
leaders of these structures by the authorities has reportedly thrown the drug smuggling
structures into flux. Even so, elements of the large drug smuggling structures are
reported to remain active and have adapted new trafficking strategies, although
infighting among family members for control of the business is reportedly producing
internal fragmentation. At the same time, some structures are reported to be pushing into
territory formerly dominated by other groups, suggesting that the agreement between the
drug smuggling structures no longer holds. Also, emerging groups are reportedly using
the chaos to stake their own claims in these regions. All of these disputes are reportedly
pushing new dynamics of violence in those territories, which in turn has an impact on the
population in the areas concerned.

“State Security Forces (at p. 34): Originally a dependency of the military, the 14,000-
strong civilian police force is now located under the Security Ministry (Secretaría de
Seguridad), which oversees such institutions as the National Police, National
Preventative Police Division, Transit Police Division, National Special Units Division
and the reconstituted Police Investigation Division. In 2013, a new elite armed police
unit called the TIGRES (Tropa de Inteligencia y Grupos de Respuesta Especial de
Seguridad) (‘TIGERS’: Intelligence Troops and Special Security Response Groups) was
created to fight organized crime using high-technology investigative and intelligence
capabilities; it began to operate under the control of the Security Ministry during 2014.
In late 2014, General Julian Pacheco was appointed as Security Minister, the first time
an active military official had been appointed to lead the Security Ministry and national
police.

“The Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas) of Honduras are ultimately subject to civilian
control through the Ministry of National Defence (Secretaría de la Defensa Nacional).
In 2014, the national Army, Air Force and Navy reportedly comprised around 10,550
troops. From 2011, alongside their national defence function, they were reportedly used
to support the police and other State institutions dealing with the security situation inside
Honduras, especially in zones affected by organized criminal groups. In 2013, a new
branch of the Armed Forces was created – the Public Order Military Police (Policía
Militar de Orden Público, PMOP). This institution is reportedly formed of soldiers
specialized in police functions and is tasked to take rapid action to combat organized
crime and reestablish security in gang zones.

“The security forces are reported to have contributed directly to the current dynamics of
violence in the country. Since the early 2010s, a key component of the security strategies
adopted by the Honduran government has reportedly been the increasing militarization
of the provision of internal security. This is reported to be partly a response to the
severity of the challenges that the government faces in this sphere but also in part due to
the failure of successive attempts to reform the country’s highly corrupt national police
force.

“However, the civilian authorities are reported to have sometimes failed to maintain
effective control over the security forces. The police and armed forces are reported to
engage in extrajudicial killings of habitual criminals and suspected gang members.
Reportedly, these killings by the security services are sometimes passed off as gang
infighting. Moreover, children and youths living in poor areas reportedly tend to be
regarded as gang members by the security forces and are therefore subjected to abusive
and discriminatory treatment; in some case, such children reportedly also fall victim to
extrajudicial killings by the security forces, even when they were not known to be
involved in criminal activity. In general, the use of military personnel to conduct police
operations has reportedly led to an increase in reports of human rights violations by
soldiers since 2012, including murders, torture and arbitrary detentions. The practice by
the military police of operating with their faces covered and without visible identification
has also reportedly allowed such troops to act with impunity.From 2009 to 2015, in the
Aguán region of Colón and Yoro departments, there have been reports that the security
forces tortured, abused and mistreated peasant inhabitants in the context of their
operations.

“Moreover, since the early 2010s, reports have emerged suggesting the existence of
police death squads and vigilante groups with possible connections to the security forces
engaging in the extrajudicial killing of suspected gang members and other youths in poor
areas of Honduras. In the three years between 2010 and 2013 alone, it was reported that
Honduran prosecutors received 150 formal complaints about death squad-style killings
in Tegucigalpa and at least 50 more in San Pedro Sula. Corrupt police officials,
including those of the PMOP, have also been reported to be involved in extortion,
kidnapping and other abuses and crimes against the local population.

“Private Security Forces (at p. 36): The most recent estimates, relating to 2013, suggest
that there are between 60,000 and 70,000 armed private security guards in Honduras,
i.e. more than double the number of officers in the police and armed forces; the vast
majority are thought to be unregistered. Many ex-police and ex-military officers
reportedly run private security agencies, taking advantage of their training and contacts.
Moreover, organized criminal groups are reported to have created private security
agencies as a cover to facilitate their purchase and trafficking of arms. The proliferation
of private security agencies in Honduras is said to reflect the high level of insecurity in
the country and a lack of faith in the State security apparatus.

“Members of these private security agencies, along with members of the State security
forces, were reported to be involved in carrying out violence against members of
indigenous, Afro-Honduran and peasant communities engaged in rural land disputes
with large landowners or corporations, such as in the region of the Bajo Aguán, Colón
and Yoro departments, and elsewhere in Honduras.

“State Response to Gang Violence and Organized Crime (at p. 36): Honduras was
reportedly the first country in Central America to adopt anti-gang measures in law,
reforming Article 332 of the Penal Code in 2003 to allow gang members to be fined and
imprisoned for the crime of ‘illicit association’. This provision contains no criteria to
define who should be considered to be a gang member; as a result, the provision has
reportedly been used by the police to detain any youth with tatoos. In July 2015, further
reforms to Article 332 of the Penal Code were adopted that increase the fine and term of
imprisonment to between 20 and 30 years for gang members (increased by two-thirds for
gang leaders), which is further increased by one-third for persons who use vulnerable
persons such as children or who attack State officials. However, gang members who
cooperate with investigations by the authorities may have their prison term reduced by
up two-thirds, a possibility not open to leaders. Shortly after adopting this new ‘anti-
mara law’, Honduras was also reported to be considering following El Salvador in
legally designating gangs as ‘terrorist organizations’. …

“Most crucially, from 2014, and with the assistance of the United States, the authorities
are reported to have severely disrupted the main Honduran drug smuggling structures
and trafficking routes, as well as the Sinaloa cartel network in Honduras, and also
reportedly extradited a number of their leading figures and linked politicians to stand
trial for drug-related offences in the United States….

“However, the police reportedly do not have a permanent presence in all of the urban
zones where gangs operate and, where they are present, they are reportedly not usually
seen as offering a sufficient form of protection for residents who are threatened by gangs.
Mass displacements by local residents due to threats by the gangs often take place
despite an increased presence in the community by the security forces. Similarly, where
the security forces carry out operations to provide security to gang-affected
neighbourhoods without a permanent police presence, inhabitants reportedly know that
the gangs will return once the temporary State presence is removed. Often the most that
police are able to do for those who have received threats is to temporarily shelter them in
the local police station and help them to leave the area. Even police officials who live in
areas where the gangs operate are reported to acknowledge their fear at the inability of
the State to protect them from assassination when they are off-duty.

“Between 2010 and 2013, only 3.7 per cent of the homicides investigated at the national
level were reported to have resulted in convictions, with this figure dropping to one per
cent for those in Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula and Comayagua. Moreover, the reported
persistent failure of prosecutors to produce sufficient evidence to lay charges has
reportedly resulted in many repeat offenders – including gang members – being
repeatedly arrested for alleged crimes but never prosecuted, even in straightforward
cases such as those involving extortion. It was estimated by the Honduran authorities in
2014 that around 85 per cent of extortion victims refrain from lodging a complaint with
the police, due to threats by gangs and the gangs’ practice of killing those who do report
them to the authorities.

“Impunity for violence against women and girls remains a serious problem; stigma, fear
of retribution and further violence, and lack of confidence in the justice system reportedly
dissuades many women from reporting sexual or domestic violence. Despite
improvements to the legal framework for the protection of vulnerable groups in
Honduras from 2015 onwards, impunity is reported also to be a particularly acute
problem in relation to violence and other crimes committed against a range of other
sectors of society, such as human rights defenders; legal and judicial professionals;
indigenous and Afro-descendant populations; children and adolescents; individuals of
diverse sexual orientations and/or gender identities; journalists and other media
workers; and peasant communities particularly in the Bajo Agúan region. Moreover,
there are reports of criminal law provisions such as ‘incitement to violence’ being
frequently used by the authorities as a means of intimidating and harassing members of
these same sectors of society….

“Corruption and Human Rights Violations by State Agents (at p. 40): As noted above,
the police and the armed forces, including the PMOP, have also been accused of
involvement in serious criminal activities and human rights abuses… The police force is
reported to be one of the most corrupt and mistrusted in Latin America. While there have
been numerous attempts by the Honduran government to reform and purge the police,
these efforts at reform are reported to have largely failed, with internal reports in 2015
showing few cases where crimes involving police officers have been prosecuted.
Moreover, a number of officials – including higher-ranking officers – reportedly remain
part of the police force despite having links to organized criminal groups that are
responsible for serious crimes including drug-trafficking, murder and kidnapping.
Honduran drug smuggling structures are reported to have significant influence in the
security forces and the judicial system, while political candidates supported by, or linked
to, these structures have reportedly entered Congress and have become mayors and
entered important posts in the Executive. Corruption and impunity in the security forces
are thus reported to continue to contribute to widespread impunity for crimes committed
by members of drug smuggling structures and gangs, State officials and other individuals
in Honduras.

“Moreover, gangs such as MS are reported to have connections within the police that
pass on information about operations by the security forces to the gangs and assist the
gangs in other ways. Collusion between gangs and the police in extorting the population
is also reported to take place, with the police being paid off to allow gangs to extort
without interference or even sometimes collecting extortion money for the gangs. There
have apparently been regular attempts by the gangs and other organized criminal groups
to infiltrate the ranks of the police with their own members. The specialized FNA is
reportedly perceived by the general population as not having been successful in
dismantling gang structures; by only capturing individual low-level members who are
sent to pick up the extortion money, the FNA actions are in fact perceived to have led to
an increase in extortion by gangs and bandas rather than a decrease. Indeed, a sharp
increase in the murders of workers has been reported in the heavily-extorted public
transport sector in 2014 and 2015, i.e. after the FNA was created.

“The judicial system is reported to be particularly inefficient and subject to intimidation,

corruption, patronage and political interference, which in turn is reported to contribute
to high levels of impunity for crimes in Honduras. In 2013, an evaluation system
implemented in the judiciary reportedly resulted in the dismissal of almost one-fifth of the
judges reviewed, with several arrested and imprisoned for taking bribes from drug-
traffickers. In November 2015, an independent investigation into candidates for the
Honduran Supreme Court alleged that over one-fifth of the 197 judicial candidates were
connected to illicit activities, particularly organized crime and drugtrafficking. In late
2015 a national judge from the special court system for high profile cases against gangs
and organized criminal groups was reportedly convicted of accepting bribes, whilst by
early 2016 other judges, prosecutors and the Vice-President of the National Judicial
Council were reported to be under investigation on similar charges.

“Trends in Internal and External Displacement and Returns (at p. 42): ... One of the
reported reasons for multiple displacements is that displaced persons often have little
choice but to relocate to areas that are also controlled by gangs. If they move to an area
controlled by the same gang, their problems are likely to follow them to the new location;
if they move to an area controlled by a different gang, they are likely to be challenged by
this gang as rival gangs usually do not accept persons coming from areas controlled by
other gangs settling in their home territory. Where gangs and other criminal groups have
serious problems with a person or believe that the person in question could represent an
ongoing threat, they are reported to make efforts to try and track the person down even
after they have fled their home. As there is no government programme for assisting IDPs,
each new displacement is reported to exacerbate the downward spiral in their living
conditions.

“Moreover, because persons who flee their homes due to threats or gang-related violence
often have to do so rapidly, they usually incur substantial economic losses as they have
little time to make arrangements to sell or rent their houses and businesses or even to
collect all of their belongings. Where gangs have specifically required such persons to
leave, they are reported often to take over the house to use it for their own purposes or to
destroy it to prevent the return of the family. Even families who flee due to a perceived
threat from the gang but without receiving a direct order to leave may reportedly still be
prohibited by the gang from renting or selling their property and their property may even
be destroyed to prevent its later recuperation. …

“The overwhelming majority of claims for asylum by Hondurans are lodged in the United
States. Although many of these claims are lodged by adults, from 2011 onwards there
was a sharp increase in the number of unaccompanied and separated children fleeing
Honduras and the other Northern Triangle countries, many of whom applied for asylum.
Interview data from 2013 from Honduran children apprehended in the United States
indicates that 44 per cent of the interviewed children from Honduras claimed to have left
because of violence in society, with 34 per cent specifying organized criminal actors as
the source of harm, while 24 per cent of the interviewed children mentioned domestic
violence as a relevant factor. …

“Refugee Protection under the 1951 Convention (at p. 44): This Section outlines a
number of potential risk profiles for asylum-seekers from Honduras. UNHCR considers
that asylum-seekers from Honduras falling within one or more of these risk profiles may
be in need of international refugee protection under Article 1A of the 1951 Convention
relating to the Status of Refugees (1951 Convention), depending on the circumstances of
the individual case. Potential risk profiles are based on UNHCR`s legal assessment of
available country of origin information at the time of writing as referred to in Section II
and the present section.

“Examination of claims by asylum-seekers in this context should include a full analysis of

applicable Convention grounds. In the particular context of Honduras, where gangs are
reported to exercise high levels of social control over all aspects of life of members of the
population in the areas under the gangs’ control (see Section II.B.2.a and II.B.2.b in
particular), it would frequently be appropriate for applications for international
protection from applicants who flee gang-related forms of persecution to be analysed in
relation to the ground of (imputed) political opinion. The ground of political opinion
needs to reflect the reality of the specific geographical, historical, political, legal,
judicial, and socio-cultural context of the country of origin. In contexts such as that in
Honduras, expressing objections to the activities of gangs may be considered as
amounting to an opinion that is critical of the methods and policies of those in control
and, thus, constitute a “political opinion” within the meaning of the refugee definition.
For example, individuals who resist being recruited by a gang, or who refuse to comply
with demands made by the gangs, such as demands to pay extortion money, may be
perceived to hold a political opinion. …

“Persons perceived by a gang or other organized criminal group as contravening its

rules or resisting its authority (at p. 45): Gangs in Honduras are reported to perceive a
wide range of acts by residents of the area under the gang’s control as demonstrating
‘resistance’ to their authority. Acts commonly construed as challenging a gang’s
authority reportedly include but are not limited to: criticizing the gang; refusing a
request or ‘favour’ by a gang member; arguing with or looking mistrustfully at a gang
member; refusing to participate in gang activities or to join the gang; rejecting the sexual
attention of a gang member; having (perceived) links with a rival gang or a zone
controlled by a rival gang; refusing to pay extortion demands; wearing certain clothing,
tattoos or other symbols; participating in civil, religious or other organizations viewed as
undermining the gang’s authority; and passing on information about the gang to rivals,
authorities or outsiders.
“Persons who live in localities that serve as ‘invisible’ boundaries between the territories
of rival gangs, or where the control of one gang is being disputed by another gang, face a
heightened risk of being perceived (sometimes by both sides) as having links with the
rival gang. Civic leaders, and other formal and informal community leaders, who
represent an alternative source of authority to the gangs or who oppose them, or are
perceived by the gangs as doing so, are equally at risk of violent retaliation.

“The nature of retaliation for perceived acts of ‘resistance’ or ‘disloyalty’ by inhabitants

is reported to vary to some degree depending on the ‘character’ of the local gang (and
any wider gang structure with which it is affiliated) and the form of ‘resistance’ involved.
For instance, gangs with a violent internal ethos, such as those affiliated with B-18, are
reported to be extraordinarily sensitive to ‘disrespect’ from the local population, such
that even the misinterpretation of a friendly gesture by a community member is capable
of drawing a violent reaction from gang members. Most perceived contraventions of
gang-imposed rules are reportedly dealt with severely by the gangs of Honduras:
individuals whom the gang members suspect of resisting their authority are reported
often to be killed without prior warning, although sometimes the killing is reportedly
preceded by threats and/or other attacks against the person concerned.

“Persons living in areas where other organized criminal groups such as drug smuggling
structures or rural bandas operate are also reported to face threats and attacks if they
are seen as resisting the authority of the local group, for example, by refusing when
required to collaborate or to sell lands to the group, or otherwise provoking or opposing
the group. …

“Persons in professions or positions susceptible to extortion, including: public

transport workers; taxi and mototaxi (tuc-tuc) drivers; persons involved in informal
and formal commerce as business owners, their employees and workers, or as street
vendors; schoolchildren; children and adults who receive remittances from abroad;
public sector employees; politicians; priests; owners of homes; and certain returnees
from abroad (at p. 46): Extortion is reportedly widespread in Honduras and the regular
extortion quotas for money, goods and services imposed by the gangs and bandas can be
crippling. The transport sector is reported to be a principal target for this extortion and
almost 1,000 public transport workers, including taxi and mototaxi (tuc-tuc) drivers,
have reportedly been killed between 2010 and 2015, with a sharp increase in numbers in
2014 and 2015, the vast majority reportedly for resisting extortion. Owners, employees
and workers in formal and informal businesses, including street vendors, are also
reported to be frequently extorted in the territories where gangs and bandas operate.
Many gangs and bandas are also reported to extort a wider range of inhabitants in the
territories where they operate, particularly schoolchildren, teachers, children and adults
who receive remittances from abroad, but also public sector employees such as nurses,
teachers, judges, and police officials, as well as politicians, priests, and owners of homes.
Deportees and returning migrants who bring resources from overseas, or who are
perceived to do so, are also reported to be an identifiable target for extortion by the
gangs.
“The level of extortion payments can reportedly be raised steeply and without warning by
gangs and it is reportedly not unusual for victims to lose their livelihood due to excessive
extortion demands by gangs. Some gangs reportedly take over and run the bankrupted
bus and taxi cooperatives. Moreover, extortion victims reportedly may have to
simultaneously pay extortion money to two or more gangs, especially where a business
operates across one or more territories where these gangs practise extortion.

“Extortion is reported to be a principal source of income for most local gangs in

Honduras and the refusal to pay extortion demands is usually construed by gang
members as a serious act of resistance to the authority of the gang itself. Individuals who
refuse to pay extortion demands – or who delay in meeting their ‘quotas’ because they
are unable to pay – are reportedly subjected to threats and violence against them, as well
as against their employees, business partners and family members. The threats and
violence reportedly swiftly escalate with any continuing delay or refusal to pay, with
persons in these circumstances reportedly commonly being killed by the gangs. Persons
found by the gangs to have reported extortion demands to the authorities can reportedly
expect severe retribution. …

“‘Informants’, witnesses and victims of crimes committed by gangs and other

organized criminal groups, or by members of the security forces (at p. 49): Witnesses
and victims of crimes committed by gangs and other organized criminal groups in
Honduras have reportedly been killed by the perpetrators to ensure their silence, even
when they have not sought to formally denounce those crimes to the authorities. Those
who do denounce the crimes, or who otherwise cooperate with the authorities against
gangs or other organized crime groups as ‘informants’, are reportedly routinely pursued
for their ‘betrayal’, often along with their family members, even when placed in a witness
protection programme.

“Persons giving evidence against corrupt members of the security forces have sometimes
also reportedly been killed, even as protected witnesses. …

“Family members, dependants and other members of the household of gang members
or other organized criminal groups; inhabitants of areas where gangs operate; and
others who are perceived to be affiliated with a gang (at p. 50): Persons suspected by
one gang of supporting or having links with a rival gang or organized criminal group are
reportedly subjected to threats and violence. Persons with a family member (or family
members) in a gang or other organized criminal group, as well as other persons
perceived to be affiliated with members of a gang or other organized criminal group, are
reportedly treated with suspicion by rivals; there are reports of such persons having been
attacked and killed.

“At the same time, there are also reports of boys and young male inhabitants of zones
where the gangs operate and persons otherwise perceived – whether correctly or not – to
be affiliated with the gangs by members of the security forces or by members of reputed
death squads having been attacked and killed by these armed actors.
“Gang and criminal ‘traitors’ and former members; turncoats (at p. 50): Gangs and
other organized criminal groups reportedly track down those whom they consider to have
betrayed them. The gangs are reported to usually pursue and kill their own ‘traitors’,
including not only the so-called pecetas (turncoats) but also those who leave a gang
without permission or otherwise seriously breach the rules of the gang. The family
members of these ‘traitors’ are reportedly sometimes also the object of reprisals. At the
same time, an individual who has left a gang with permission reportedly continues to face
an undiminished risk of assassination by members of rival gangs, and by members of
his/her own former gang if s/he refuses to collaborate with such demands as they may
make from time-to-time of the ex-member. Drug smuggling structures are also reported
to track down and kill those whom they consider to have betrayed them. …

“Children and youths with certain profiles or in specific circumstances (at p. 52):
Children and youth suffer multiple types of violence in Honduras. Children may fall into
any of the profiles listed in these Eligibility Guidelines. However, children in Honduras
may also be at risk of child-specific forms and manifestations of persecution. Domestic
abuse of children, both boys and girls, is reported to be a serious problem in Honduras.
Moreover, the homicide rate among children and adolescents is reported to be very high
and appears to be largely the result of gang violence.

“The fact that children, particularly those living in territories where the gangs operate,
are frequently a target of gang violence is partly the result of the reportedly large
numbers of youth in the gangs themselves. Indeed, some gangs in Honduras, such as the
Chirizos and their derivatives, are predominantly comprised of children and youth.
Recruitment by gangs of local children and youth is reported to start from an early age,
with gangs reportedly viewing schools as fundamental to their organization and
controlling many public schools in the urban areas where they operate with impunity. In
some schools, opposing gangs reportedly control different parts of the school, resulting
in situations where some students are unable even to deliver a textbook to certain
classrooms because of the risk they face. Efforts by gangs since the late 2000s to recruit
growing numbers of new members from among children and youth have reportedly
intensified in 2015. Girls are reportedly targeted from a young age by gangs with
demands to become “wives” or girlfriends of gang members.

“Children and youth who have not been recruited by a gang but who live in territories
where gangs operate reportedly find it difficult to avoid coming into contact with the
local gang, its members and its activities (e.g. being asked to do the gang a ‘favour’,
receiving the amorous attention of a gang member, etc.) or being (mis)taken for a
member or affiliate of the local gang by rival gangs.Students who go to school in an area
that is controlled by a different gang than the gang that controls the area where they live
are reportedly at risk of being targeted for violence by the rival gangs at school and
while they travel to school. Children equally face such risks when they travel for example
to visit relatives or attend a health centre in an area controlled by a different gang. The
gangs are reported to have a presence in almost all of the public schools in urban areas,
where they carry out extortion and other activities, and some schools have been forced to
close due to the violence of the gangs.Many children threatened by gangs at school
reportedly withdraw from the school or the education system entirely.

“The refusal to join a gang or to collaborate with its members by a child or youth and/or
their family is reportedly usually interpreted as a challenge to the gang’s authority or as
a ground for suspicion of some rival affiliation, resulting in threats and violence directed
against the child or youth and/or their family members. Even if the child leaves the area
where the gang operates, family members who remain there reportedly may continue to
face threats and violence. There are reports of children who left Honduras and who
subsequently returned, either voluntarily or involuntary, having been killed very shortly
after their return. …

“Women and girls with certain profiles or in specific circumstances (at p. 54):
Discrimination and violence against women and girls is reported to be widespread and
systematic in Honduras by members of gangs and other organized criminal groups, the
security services and other individuals. The country has the highest recorded rate of
femicides in Latin America, and also one of the highest rates of femicides among girls
and adolescent girls in the world. The forced disappearance of women and girls in
Honduras has reportedly increased significantly since 2008. The vast majority of victims
reporting sexual violence are reported to be girls and adolescent girls. Large numbers of
Honduran girls and women from both poor and middle-class families are also reported
to be forced into prostitution in Honduras and trafficked into sex slavery in Mexico,
Guatemala, El Salvador, the United States and elsewhere.

“In the territories where the gangs operate, sexual and gender-based violence against
women and girls is reportedly widespread, as is the forcible recruitment of girls to carry
out tasks for the gangs. Women and girls are reportedly sometimes forced into
prostitution by the gangs. Women and girls perceived as being linked with a particular
gang are reportedly also a target for vengeance by rival gangs and they and other
women and girls are reportedly abused, raped and killed as part of gang initiation rites,
or if they try to leave the gang to which they belong or with which they are affiliated, or if
they are seen to resist its authority in other ways, including by rejecting the sexual
advances of a gang member.

“Women and girls may be seen by individual gang members as their partner, even when
a woman or girl has never consented to being in a couple. Women and girls in this
situation are reported to be subjected to persistent violence, while being unable to seek
protection due to the authority exercised by their “partner” in the area controlled by the
gang.400 Family members of women and girls who have problems with the gangs are
also often targeted on the basis of their affiliation to the woman or girl in question.401

“Domestic violence against women and girls in Honduras is reported to be widespread,

as is impunity for the perpetrators. Where gang members use domestic violence against
their wives and other female members of their own household, the victims are often
trapped as any attempt to report the violence or to escape the situation in the home would
likely lead to targeting for violence by gang members, and may also put the woman’s
family members at risk. …

“Individuals of diverse sexual orientations and/or gender identities (at p. 54):

Discrimination against individuals of diverse sexual orientation and/or gender identities
is reportedly widespread in Honduras and such persons have consistently been targeted
for abuse, assaults and murder by the security forces, the gangs and other organized
criminal groups, and other sectors of society. Between 2009 and December 2014, there
were 174 recorded violent deaths of individuals of diverse sexual orientations and/or
gender identities, mainly in Cortés and Francisco Morazán department. 37 further deaths
were reported in 2015, and these high levels of violence reportedly continue in 2016. The
majority of these incidents are reportedly at the hands of the security services. However,
the Honduran gangs are also reported to possess a strong macho ethos, which reportedly
expresses itself on an everyday basis through their virulent hatred and ill-treatment of
persons based on their perceived sexual orientation and/or gender identity. Transgender
individuals, in particular transwomen, are reported to be at particular risk of violence.…

“Teachers and educators working in public schools and educational institutions (at p.
57): Due to the youthful membership of the gangs in Honduras, gangs reportedly often
seek to exert influence in and on public schools and educational institutions in the zones
where they operate. Gang members may also be present as students in these schools and
educational institutions. Teachers and other educators working in parts of the country
where gangs are present reportedly often find themselves subject to extortion demands.
For example, in Tegucigalpa, it has been reported that more than 500 schools pay
extortion to the gangs. Moreover, those teachers and educators who represent an
alternative source of authority or resist or oppose the gangs and their recruitment of
local youths, or even just give gang members bad grades, have reportedly been
threatened and killed by the gangs. Between 2009 and 2014, 83 teachers and educators
were reported to have been murdered in Honduras. …

“Former members of the police and armed forces (at p. 58): Members of the police and
armed forces, and their family members, have reportedly long represented a target for
extortion, attack and assassination by gang members and other organized criminal
groups, especially lower-ranking officials who often live in the same neighbourhoods as
gang members. In the first two months of 2016, ten police officers and four soldiers were
reported to have been killed, while in 2015 52 police and 17 soldiers were reportedly
killed by gangs. Moreover, police officials who report alleged crimes or improper
activities of public interest to the relevant authorities have also reportedly been subject to
threats and harassment. Even elite military officials working on high profile organized
crime cases are reported to have received threats against them and their families. …

“Public officials, especially those engaged in investigating or confronting organized

crime such as judges, prosecutors and attorneys (at p. 59): Judges, prosecutors and
attorneys, especially those engaged in investigating or confronting gangs or other
organized criminal groups, are reported to have frequently been threatened, attacked and
killed. Between 2010 and September 2015, at least 102 homicides were reported of
lawyers working as prosecutors and as attorneys in private practice, the vast majority in
Francisco Morazán, Cortés and Yoro, three departments with a strong presence of gangs
and other organized criminal groups. Lawyers working for the gangs may reportedly also
face assassination if they try to leave the service of the gang. Between 2013 and 2015, at
least four judges were murdered and, in 2014 alone, at least 20 judges reported receiving
death threats, principally due to their work on criminal cases. Moreover, judges were
also reported to be subject to intimidation from political actors to prevent them from
issuing ‘uncomfortable’ decisions, at the risk of falling victim to a ‘purge’ by the Council
of the Judiciary (Consejo de la Judicatura). Similarly, it was also reported that corrupt
prosecutors used the criminal charge of ‘prevarication’ (prevaricato) to intimidate
judges who issued decisions that went contrary to their (private or political) interests.
Other public officials, including both local and national government employees, who are
working in territories where the gangs operate have reportedly also been killed or
threatened by the gangs due to their work. …

“Persons with certain political profiles (at p. 59): In the political campaigning leading
up to both the primaries of 18 November 2012 and the general election of 24 November
2013 that led to the election of the current Hernández administration, threats, armed
attacks and homicides were recorded against candidates for political office, leaders of
political parties, political party activists and their family members. 13 such homicides
were reportedly recorded for the 2012 primaries and 35 for the 2013 general election.
Moreover, 9 further armed attacks against such persons were recorded for the 2012
primaries and 17 for the 2013 general election. This political violence reportedly affected
all political parties, but particularly the LIBRE party and the Liberal Party, and was
reportedly concentrated in those departments where organized criminal groups operate,
potentially reflecting their interest in penetrating local and national politics.

“There have been occasional reports of other death threats and killings of political office
holders and mayors with an apparently political motive. However, other influential
political office holders and political leaders have been murdered in circumstances that
apparently suggest a link to organized criminal groups, including drug smuggling
structures. …

“Journalists and other media professionals, especially those working on issues relating
to organized crime and corruption (at p. 60): The general context of violence against
journalists and other media workers reportedly worsened after the 2009 coup and persist
to the present. As such, journalists and other media professionals, and their family
members, especially those working on issues relating to organized crime and corruption
in Honduras, are reported to have frequently been the subject of threats, attacks and
murder by gangs, organized criminal groups and elements of the security services. In
2015, Honduras was reported to be the country with the highest homicide rate for
journalists in the whole of the Americas.

“It is reported that 50 journalists and media workers were murdered between 2003 and
2014, of whom ten were killed in 2014. In 2015 at least ten journalists were reported to
have been murdered. Many of these murders were apparently related to reporting on
organized crime, corruption and land disputes, and took place across the country,
including in rural areas. A wide range of armed attacks and threats against journalists
and media workers across different areas of Honduras have also been reported. …

“Human rights defenders and other social and political activists (at p. 61): Human
rights defenders, and other social and political activists who are working on issues
perceived to be sensitive, and their family members, have reportedly been the subject of
threats, attacks and killings by gangs, organized criminal groups, elements of the security
services, including private security personnel and other individuals in Honduras. Those
who are subject to such mistreatment reportedly include but are not limited to persons
working for the defence of human rights in general, women’s rights activists, activists
working on the rights of individuals of diverse sexual orientations and/or gender
identities, trade unionists, indigenous and peasant rights activists, and land and
environmental activists.

“Between 2010 and 2014, it is reported that 22 human rights defenders were murdered,
14 of whom during the time when they were beneficiaries of precautionary measures by
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. During the same period, human rights
defenders in the country also reported two forced disappearances of their colleagues, 15
kidnappings, 88 cases of information theft, 53 cases of vehicle sabotage and 3,064
prosecutions allegedly initiated to intimidate human rights defenders through the misuse
of criminal law provisions. In 2014 and for each of the four preceding years from 2010 to
2013, Honduras was the country with the highest per capita rate for murders of land and
environmental activists in the world. These trends apparently continued undiminished in
2015 and into 2016.

“In 2015 and 2016, it was also reported that other activists participating in public
protests concerning social and political issues, including those convened against the
government by the Indignados (‘Indignant’) movement, had been threatened and killed.
…

“Members of indigenous, Afro-Honduran and peasant communities involved in land

disputes (at p. 62): Members of indigenous, Afro-Honduran and peasant communities
involved in rural land disputes are reportedly subjected to threats, evictions and violence
by members of the security forces, private security forces and organized criminal groups.
Land disputes in Honduras, including those tied to land reform and large-scale
development projects such as hydro-electrical and mining projects, are reported to be a
major source of political and social unrest in the country, as the interests of these
communities in the land intersect with those of large landowners and corporations, or
those of organized criminal groups wishing to use the lands for drug-trafficking. The
long-running, and now simmering, conflict between peasants and large landowners over
lands in the Bajo Aguán (Lower Aguán) region of Yoro and Colón departments, and its
militarization by the authorities, is reportedly but one among many localized, tense and
violent land disputes that exist in Honduras.
“The indigenous, Afro-Honduran and peasant communities that are particularly affected
by such land disputes represent sectors of the population that experience high levels of
exclusion and poverty. Moreover, during land disputes in departments such as Colón,
Yoro, Choluteca, Comayagua and La Paz, members of these communities are reported to
have also been threatened, attacked, forcibly disappeared, tortured, detained, harassed,
violently evicted and killed in operations by the security forces, private security forces
and organized criminal groups, even where they benefitted from precautionary measures.
459 These dynamics have contributed to making Honduras reportedly the most
dangerous country for land and environmental activists, with 111 such murders
registered between 2002 and 2014, 460 and these violent dynamics and killings
apparently continue unabated in 2015 and 2016. …

“Family members, dependants and other members of the households of persons falling
within the previous risk profiles (at p. 63): Family members, dependants, other
members of the households of individuals with any of the profiles above can reportedly
also be a target for attacks and assassination by gangs, organized criminal groups and
elements of the security forces, sometimes even after the person who was initially
targeted has fled or has already been killed….”

3. IACHR & OAS, Country Report: Situation of Human Rights in Honduras, 31

Dec. 2015, available at http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/Honduras-en-
2015.pdf ...................................

[Note: Report contains footnotes, which are deleted in excerpts below.]

GENERAL: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

“Violence and insecurity are serious problems facing Honduran society, with major
repercussions on the effective enjoyment and currency of human rights in the country. In
2013, the murder rate in Honduras was the highest in the world, with 79 homicides per
hundred thousand inhabitants, according to figures published by the National Violence
Observatory of the University of Honduras (UNAH). For 2014, the State reported that
based on the UNAH’s figures, the murder rate in Honduras had fallen to 66.4, whereas
the UNAH published a figure of 68. Despite the discrepancy in the figures, the IACHR
welcomes the decrease. However, the homicide rate remains one of the highest in the
region and the world, and it particularly affects youth.

“The IACHR notes that the levels of violence recorded—and the particular impact on
defenders, indigenous peoples, women, children, adolescents and young people, LGBT
people, migrants, campesinos from the Bajo Aguán, journalists and media workers, and
justice operators—are the result of several factors, including the increased presence of
organized crime and drug traffickers, the recruitment of children and adolescents, and an
inadequate judicial response that fuels impunity, corruption, and high levels of poverty
and inequality. In addition, according to the information received, part of that insecurity
comes from the National Police, the Military Police, and the Army, through their
illegitimate use of force, in some cases in complicity with organized crime. It is of
particular concern to the IACHR that these rates of violence and insecurity are
exacerbated by the lack of public and other policies to address the inequality and social
exclusion that affect large segments of the population. Such is the situation of groups that
are vulnerable due to historical discrimination, examined in this report; they face
persistent obstacles to the full enjoyment of their rights and a lack of access to justice.

“During the visit in December 2014, the Commission observed the serious situation
faced by human rights defenders, who are targeted in attacks by individuals who have
been identified as the perpetrators of human rights violations or, alternatively, by sectors
and groups whose interests run contrary to their causes. In addition it noted that as a
result of the risk of death or injury they face, a large number of human rights defenders
in Honduras are covered by protective measures granted by the Commission, and that
those measures require effective implementation by the Honduran State.

“During the visit, civil society organizations presented the Commission with information
on what they describe as repression and political persecution against human rights
defenders throughout the country and, most particularly, among defenders of indigenous
communities working to protect land rights. The defenders of LGBT people also face a
pattern of violence, which is heightened by stereotyped and discriminatory attitudes
toward members of that group.

“The Commission also noted with concern that the situation of widespread violence in
the country over recent years has led to a significant increase in the numbers of refugees
and asylum seekers in other countries of the region, including unaccompanied children
and adolescents and young people who are unaccompanied by or have been separated
from their families.

“The IACHR was also able to observe the grave situation of insecurity related to freedom
of expression faced by journalists and other media workers, which makes them a
particularly vulnerable segment of the population.

“The high levels of violence that persist in the country have led to increased demands for
justice which, in that they have not received an effective response from the State, have led
to a situation of structural impunity. Official figures published in 2013 indicate that 80%
of murders committed in Honduras go unpunished due to a lack of capacity on the part of
the investigation agencies. During the visit, civil society organizations with which the
Commission spoke claimed that the prevailing levels of impunity in Honduras were even
higher.

“Due to its failure to respond effectively and to allegations of corruption and ties with
organized crime, the National Police has lost the public’s trust. The State has therefore
focused its efforts on legal and institutional reforms, whereby the armed forces have
gradually become involved in tasks that do not necessarily correspond to their functions,
in the area of regular citizen security, for example. Several stakeholders interviewed
during the visit spoke of a process of growing militarization to deal with insecurity and
consequently, of an increased military presence in the areas of greatest conflict and of an
‘open struggle against organized crime,’ without a clear process for strengthening the
National Police. In this context, a Military Police force was created as well as a group of
judges and prosecutors with jurisdiction over the entire nation, with a mandate to
accompany the Military Police to ensure that their duties are framed within the law.
These judges and prosecutors do not have sufficient guarantees of independence and
impartiality to analyze human rights violations perpetrated by the members of said
Police. Based on its analysis, the IACHR has identified a series of concerns among others
that military forces carry out activities not related to the country’s defense, but to law
enforcement, matters that should correspond to the police. …

“As regards people deprived of their liberty, the IACHR has examined some of what it
considers to be the most serious problems within the Honduran prison system such as
internal control of security and internal matters and the associated lack of effective
control by the authorities; overcrowding and deplorable detention conditions; and the
failure to classify detainees, including the failure to separate men from women at some
detention facilities and to separate convicted persons from those awaiting or standing
trial, as well as major problems in the area of juvenile justice.

“The Commission hopes that this report will assist the Honduran State in breaking the
prevailing cycle of impunity and in adjusting the mechanisms it has created in recent
years, in order to ensure the effective prevention and investigation of human rights
violations and the prosecution and punishment of those responsible. Accordingly, the
IACHR offers a series of recommendations to the State of Honduras.”

VIOLENCE AND CITIZEN INSECURITY (at p. 26)

“Violence and insecurity are serious problems that face Honduran society, with major
implications for the enjoyment and effective exercise of human rights in the country. The
homicide rate in Honduras is one of the highest in the region. According to a study by the
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), in Honduras the homicide rate
per 100,000 inhabitants increased from 50.9 in 2000 to 81.8 in 2010, 91.4 in 2011, and
90.4 in 2012. Regarding the number of homicides registered in 2012, the rector of the
National University of Honduras (UNAH), using a different methodology from that of
UNODC, stated that the rate was 85.6, and not 90.4 as UNODC had stated….

“According to UNODC and civil society organizations, these levels of violence that have
been recorded are the result of several factors among which are: the increase of
organized crime and drug trafficking following the coup, due to ineffective maintenance
of law and order; the phenomenon of gangs; a poor legal response leading to impunity;
corruption; and high levels of poverty and inequality. Also, according to civil society
organizations, the atmosphere of insecurity is partly caused by the police force, military
police, and armed forces themselves, through their illegitimate use of force and
sometimes in collusion with organized crime. In this regard, during the visit several
organizations made reference to a growing militarization of the country and therefore a
greater military presence in the areas experiencing the most conflict.
“In fact, during its visit the Commission noted that one of the central pillars of the State’s
response to the serious structural problems of violence, impunity, corruption, and
organized crime in the country is the intervention of the Armed Forces in many spheres
and functions. The Army actively participates in citizen security responsibilities through
specialized forces such as ‘military police,’ despite international standards indicating
that citizen security should be the exclusive jurisdiction of a civilian police force, one that
is respectful of human rights. The Honduran Army is also said to have an influence on
the investigation and punishment of crimes involving organized crime, through the
National Defense and Security Council. This has led to the creation, in point of fact, of a
proceeding with characteristics that resemble a special jurisdiction for members of the
military police. …

“In this context, according to the report on the mission to Honduras of the Working
Group on the use of mercenaries as a means of violating human rights and impeding the
exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination, private security companies
dominate and control the security sector in Honduras. The abovementioned report refers
to the existence of 60,000 private guards, many of which are illegal and unregistered,
compared with 14,000 police officers. On the basis of that report, structural and
institutional weaknesses, together with the climate of violence and insecurity in the
country and the fact that the State cannot guarantee security, have created an
environment in which these companies have acquired power and are working without
proper supervision and control, and hence with impunity.

“The high level of violence, and the lack of results of the State’s efforts to combat it, has
led in recent years to serious harm against people engaged in different sectors of society,
in particular those affected by poverty and social exclusion. As an example, the level of
violence against children would have increased in the country and therefore has put
children at a greater situation for vulnerability. Also, the situation of violence against the
legal profession in the country is quite serious. According to information published by the
media, as of December 2014 approximately 84 lawyers had been killed in the preceding
five years. In this context, in early 2015 Honduran lawyers reported receiving death
threats almost daily. In January 2015, 15 lawyers were murdered for practicing their
profession. …

“Human Rights Defenders (at p. 29) …Human rights defenders in Honduras are targets
of attacks by those who have been identified as responsible for rights violations, and by
sectors and groups with interests opposed to their causes. The risk of losing their lives or
suffering harm to their integrity has caused a great many human rights defenders in
Honduras to have precautionary measures granted by the Commission that require
implementation on the part of the Honduran government.

“The Commission noted with concern the figures submitted by the Committee of Relatives
of the Disappeared in Honduras (COFADEH), according to which there have been 3,064
prosecutions since 2010 as a result of misuse of the criminal law to intimidate human
rights defenders. According to COFADEH, in the last five years, 14 human rights
defenders were killed during the time they were beneficiaries of IACHR precautionary
measures, including the measure PM 196-14, which safeguarded thousands of people in
the context of the coup d’état in Honduras. In this regard, the Commission has publicly
condemned the killings of human rights defenders who had been beneficiaries of
precautionary measures, such as Orlando Orellana in 2014 and Héctor Orlando
Martínez in 2015. The State noted, in its response to the draft of this report, that in both
cases the Office of the Special Prosecutor for Crimes against Life has taken a number of
procedural steps, including instituting administrative proceedings and locating
individuals who might have knowledge about what occurred, so as to help clear up the
motive behind their killings. Also, regarding human rights defenders in general, there
have also been: 22 murders; 2 disappearances; 15 kidnappings; 88 cases of theft of
information; and 53 cases of sabotage of vehicles which were being used to transport
human rights defenders. …

“The Commission also received information about the use of the criminal law by private
and/or state actors to intimidate and threaten people with criminal proceedings for
criminal offenses such as ‘incitement to violence.’ Such problems are most acute in
places where there are conflicts over land ownership, such as Ceiba and Bajo Aguán
which were visited by the Commission. In this context, the IACHR has followed the
alleged judicial harassment against Ms. Berta Cáceres, general coordinator of the Civic
Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), a beneficiary
of precautionary measures by the IACHR, who leads a campaign in defense of the river
Gualcarque against the construction of a hydroelectric dam.

“Furthermore, the Commission received information on the situation of several union

leaders who have been prosecuted or subjected to surveillance and monitoring of both
themselves and their immediate families, in order to intimidate and inhibit their
performance and consequently achieve the dismantling of trade unions, within the context
of poorer worker conditions. The Commission received information from a union leader
whose 18 year old son ‘was gone,’ and was ‘bound and then shot.’ Another trade
unionist indicated that unknown persons entered his house, beat his wife and daughters
and left them tied-up. ‘This is an act of terror and fear that they are doing to all union
organizations to dismantle them,’ he said. In this context, the National Center for
Agricultural Workers (CNTC) has 78 of its members facing prosecution. …

“With regard to women defenders, figures from 2012 indicate that Honduras had the
second largest number of attacks against human rights defenders in the region that
encompasses Mexico and Central America, with 119 attacks. Of these attacks, 95 were
against defenders of land and natural resources. An advocate of women's rights in La
Ceiba told the CIDH, ‘we are few and we are so exposed. Everyone knows where to find
us.’ Another said, ‘I am president of the defense of land, is that why they send them to
threaten me?’ According to information received, 62% of the perpetrators have been
state actors, percentage followed by private companies. Information received also
indicates that between 2002 and 2012 more than 684 cases of prosecutions against
women defenders were reported in 23 courts in 15 departments of the country.
“Defenders of LGBT people also face a context of violence which is compounded by
stereotypical and discriminatory attitudes toward this group. In the Second Report on the
Situation of Human Rights Defenders in the Americas, the IACHR highlighted the wealth
of information received on the murder, threats and criminalization of the activities of
defenders of LGBTI people and on the absence of a differentiated approach to the
investigation of violations of their human rights in Honduras. Also, in the report titled
Honduras: Human Rights and the Coup d’Etat, the IACHR confirmed the worsening
discrimination against, and risk faced by, members of the LGBT community in Honduras.
The Commission received many complaints about violations in which defenders of the
rights of LGBT people were constantly subjected to attacks and harassment by groups
seeking to bring about structural discrimination against them through violence, and
moreover – according to the complaints – were repeatedly subjected to arbitrary arrests
by the national police, allegedly for violating ‘morals and good customs.’ A trans woman
advocate told the IACHR, ‘in Honduras the simple fact of being trans, being an advocate,
being part of this society, is criminalized.’ The IACHR notes with concern that the vast
majority of precautionary measures adopted by the Commission for the protection of
LGBT defenders seek to protect the life and personal integrity of LGBT defenders in
Honduras. …

“In a report published in 2012 by the RedLacTrans organization, it is reported that that
defenders of the human rights of trans persons are in a situation of extreme vulnerability
to suffering violence by state and non-state actors, as a reprisal for their human rights
activism and the carrying out of sex work. Trans women human rights defenders are also
subjected to arbitrary arrest, extortion and threats from police officers. …

“Impunity has serious and direct effects on the work of human rights defenders. In San
Pedro Sula, the Commission collected the testimony of a human rights defender who
indicated that, after making inquiries in search of justice over the killing of one of her
brothers, ‘they grabbed me, put a pistol to my temple, got me into the house, and told me,
‘Shut up, because if you keep meddling we’ll kill you.’ In the end, she said, they ended up
killing not her, but her other brother. She stressed that ‘nobody, absolutely nobody, is
paying for these deaths.’

“During the interviews it conducted, the Commission was concerned to receive

information indicating that some authorities delegitimize and fail to recognize the work
of human rights defenders. This, combined with the lack of a judicial response, has
fostered an adverse climate for them to carry out their activities. Moreover, society has
been polarized over the role of human rights organizations. For human rights defenders,
‘impunity is at the heart of all the violations that affect those of us who defend human
rights.’ Instead of acknowledging and protecting their activities, justice would be
manipulating against them. Figures provided to the IACHR indicate that from 2002 to
2012, there were more than 684 cases of human rights defenders being prosecuted in 23
courts in 15 of the country’s departments….

“Justice Operators (at p. 37): With regard to justice operators in Honduras, the
Commission has previously expressed concern about acts of violence against this group,
and during the visit received consistent information on the recurrent insecurity and lack
of adequate protection measures for justice officers and their families in light of the
threats and risks of the work they perform. According to justice officers, the absence of a
program to protect their life and personal integrity makes them a vulnerable group
because of threats, intimidation, and interference in the independent and impartial
performance of their functions. The Commission also received information on standards
and practices that would result in the impairment of their independence.

“According to publicly available information, in 2014 at least 20 judges received death

threats; from 2010 to October 2014, 86 lawyers were killed; and according to
information provided by the AJD, at least 3 judges were killed between 2013 and 2014.
In October 2014, two prosecutors were killed in San Pedro Sula.58 The Commission also
received information about the October 23, 2014 attack against former justice of the
peace and then-current public defender Iris Argueta, in the city of Catacamas, Olancho,
who was in her vehicle when individuals on motorcycle attacked her with firearms. Iris
Argueta died in the hospital after she underwent surgery for her bullet wounds.

“Regarding the murder of Efigenia Mireya Peña Mendoza, a trial court judge in El
Progreso, Yoro, and Pro-Secretary of the AJD, which occurred on July 24, 2013, the
Commission was informed that two years after her death, the authorities had only
arrested one suspect, without explaining the motive, generating a climate of impunity for
these acts.

“The Commission has also received troubling information concerning threats and acts of
harassment allegedly being faced by police officers for reporting alleged crimes or
improper activities of public interest to the relevant authorities. In these circumstances,
on July 27, 2015, the IACHR adopted precautionary measures for Rony Alejandro Fortín
Pineda and his family members, who were said to be at risk due to a series of acts of
violence and threats made against them because of the complaints Rony Alejandro Fortín
had reportedly made as Assistant Inspector of the Police. …

“The Commission reiterates that if States do not guarantee the safety of judges and
magistrates against all kinds of external pressures, including reprisals directly aimed at
their person and family, the exercise of the judicial function may be severely affected,
thus frustrating the free development of the judicial process and access to justice for
victims of human rights violations. Consequently, the Commission urges the State of
Honduras to investigate, prosecute and punish those who attack justice operators. It must
also ensure adequate protection schemes according to their needs.

“Indigenous Peoples and Afro-descendants (at p. 40): The Commission has previously
expressed concern about the challenges faced by indigenous peoples, mainly relating to:
(i) the high levels of insecurity and violence arising from the imposition of project and
investment plans and natural resource mining concessions on their ancestral territories;
(ii) forced evictions through the excessive use of force and (iii) the persecution and
criminalization of indigenous leaders for reasons related to the defense of their ancestral
territories. Violence against indigenous peoples to a large extent grows out of the
struggle for land and territory, which is exacerbated by the conditions of inequality and
discrimination faced by these groups and the attendant barriers to their access to justice.

“During its visit, the Commission received alarming information about murders, violence
and death threats against indigenous and Afro-descendants leaders, particularly those
who defend their territories and natural resources in the context of mega-projects carried
out without prior and informed consultation with the objective of obtaining consent.
Among these killings, the IACHR was informed of the murder of the Lenca indigenous
leader Tomas Garcia in July 2013, community leader and active member of the Civic
Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) who received
several bullet wounds allegedly from members of the Honduran Army, while
participating in a peaceful sit-in at Achotal, Río Blanco, Department of Intibucá.
Concerning threats, the IACHR received information on an alleged incident against
María Santos Domínguez, an indigenous defender and coordinator of the Indigenous
Council of Río Blanco and Northern Intibucá Sector and member of COPINH. On March
5, 2015, when returning home, María Santos Domínguez was surrounded by seven
individuals who attacked her with sticks, stones and a machete. Her husband and son
came to her rescue and were also attacked; her son lost an ear. A female defender of
indigenous rights in La Ceiba informed the Commission: ‘[as] they told me, they will kill
me. I'm not afraid. I am exposed, waiting for death’. …

“It is important to note that violence against indigenous peoples in Honduras has been
exacerbated by the presence of organized crime. Information from certain organizations
indicates that in the need to secure drug trafficking routes, violent incursions onto
indigenous lands have occurred. Some allegedly drug gangs have forcibly occupied
indigenous territories to construct clandestine airstrips. On July 17, 2014, members of
the Garifuna community in northeastern Honduras, including the human rights activist
Miriam Miranda, were kidnapped by armed men, because in a previous visit to the area
they had discovered an illegal landing strip used by drug traffickers. Although at first
they were told that they were going to be killed, they were subsequently released.
Members of the Tolupan Community of San Francisco de Locomapa in the Yoro
department have denounced the threats and systematic persecution perpetrated by armed
groups linked to organized crime and mining companies.

“The Commission considers particularly serious the information that police officers take
part directly in acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against indigenous
communities and their members. In this regard, it urges the Honduran government to put
an end to these acts and to ensure that any activities carried out by the security forces
where the defense of indigenous peoples and communities’ ancestral territories are
concerned, are consistent with the fundamental role of protecting individuals’ rights to
life, liberty and security.

“Children and Adolescents (at p. 48): The context of violence and insecurity in
Honduras puts children and adolescents in a particularly vulnerable position, especially
considering that children represent 48% of the country’s population. The Commission
received information from civil society that 1,031 children, adolescents, and young adults
(18-23 years old) have died violently in the country between January and December
2014, representing an increase of 18 cases from 2013. Of the 1,031 cases recorded, 864
were boys and 167 were girls. With regard to age, 283 victims were aged between 0 and
17, and 748 victims between 18 and 23 years old. The leading cause of death was from
bullet wounds (from firearms) at 78%.

“According to the information gathered between January and November 2014, in 81% of
cases the person responsible for the deaths remains unknown. In only 11% of cases is the
identity of the alleged perpetrator discovered. In the remaining 9% of cases, the deaths
are linked - according to information provided by witnesses and relatives at the
respective crime scenes - to confrontations with the Law Enforcement Military Police
(POMP), the National Police, members of the army, and to maras and/or gangs. The
departments of Cortés and Francisco Morazán account for 86% of violent deaths
nationwide. According to the report of the Observatory of the Rights of Children and
Young People in Honduras, there has been an increase in cases where bodies are found
with signs of torture before execution, in sacks, plastic bags, tied with ropes or wrapped
in sheets; some the victims had been strangled to death.

“Part of the general atmosphere of violence that pervades the country is attributed to the
presence of gangs or maras and their control over certain neighborhoods and areas,
especially in urban populations where the problem is more acute. This context places
children and adolescents in a particularly vulnerable situation; on the one hand, they are
harassed and threatened by maras, or are pressured to collaborate or join them. On the
other hand, the State security forces tend to regard as gang members those adolescents
living in areas under the influence of maras, or who match stereotypical characteristics
associated with a certain physical appearance and social status, and therefore receive
abusive and discriminatory treatment by State agents. …

“A report done in Honduras by the National Program for Prevention, Rehabilitation, and
Social Reintegration provides valuable information for understanding the complexity of
the mara phenomenon: As with all social phenomena, the rise of maras and gangs does
not have a single explanation. Various converging risk factors such as basic unmet
needs, little access to education both in quantity and quality, the rupture of the
community social fabric, limited or nonexistent opportunities for youth recreation or
organization, the lack of work opportunities, and an inadequate system for treating young
offenders have been and continue to be the breeding ground for the emergence of these
groups that would come to capture the attention of society in general.

‘The same report refers to opinions expressed directly by current and former members of
maras who were surveyed. The main findings are summarized as follows: Children and
adolescents feel attracted to maras because of factors that have to do with power, a sense
of identity, relationships between individuals connected by close ties of solidarity and
group feelings, social recognition, respect, admiration, and access to goods and money,
as well as because this is supposedly an easy, fast way to be able to support themselves
and to have the necessary means to do so.
“The State, in its response to the draft of this report, indicated that according to
information provided by CONADEH, ‘children and adolescents are often forced to
become part of a mara or gang because their lives and integrity have been threatened
and if they do not join, they will be killed, taking into consideration that the majority of
the children and adolescents most affected are those who live in communities and
settlements that are controlled by these criminal organizations.’ The State further
indicated that street children and adolescents are victims of maras and gangs and are
often used by them to commit crimes. ‘These gangs control whole neighborhoods and in
some cases their leaders are clearly identifiable.’

“The Commission received alarming information about sexual abuse against children in
general. According to Casa Alianza figures, cases of sexual abuse of children and
adolescents has increased by 200%, according to statistics kept by the authorities of the
Public Prosecutor for Children and organizations dedicated to providing assistance to
child victims of such crimes. On average, 35 children and adolescents become victims of
sexual violence every month and the most common crimes are sexual rape, ‘special rape’
and lewd and lascivious conduct. Most of these crimes occur in the home environment.
Similarly, while children and adolescents are particularly vulnerable to recruitment by
gangs or suffer various forms of physical violence, young and teenage girls are
additionally particularly vulnerable in this context to sexual and gender violence.

“The Commission has already stated its concern in addressing the situation of children
and adolescents linked to maras or violent gangs only from the perspective of public
security, security forces and the criminal justice system, with the consequence of
stigmatization and disregard for the structural causes underlying the current situation in
Honduras. In that sense it is necessary to emphasize the children and adolescents’ lack of
protection and vulnerability. This does not exclude the fact that, when children and
adolescents commit acts contrary to criminal law, measures can be taken, consistent with
international human rights standards, to hold them responsible for their actions, to the
extent appropriate and that these meet the objective of rehabilitation and social
reintegration. …

“Children and adolescents are one of the groups most severely affected by conditions of
insecurity, violence, and crime in Honduras. In contexts where criminal groups and
gangs are present, together with a limited official presence, children and adolescents are
often pressured, threatened, or deceived into collaborating with criminal organizations;
drug use and addiction, for example, is one of the strategies used by traffickers to recruit
new children and adolescents for small-scale dealing. Once inside those structures, they
are abused and deployed in a wide range of actions related to maintaining the groups’
interests and, since they are considered disposable and replaceable, they are generally
assigned activities that pose great risks to their physical integrity or the risk of being
arrested by the police. One of the consequences associated with these contexts of
insecurity is the pronounced increase in the number of unaccompanied migrant children
and of migrant families with children. The rise in those figures is a sign of the worrying
security situation that currently prevails: many of these children and their families leave
Honduras, driven by the situation of violence, by threats, and by their fear of gangs and
organized crime, in conjunction with other causes related to the lack of opportunities in
their country of origin or to the desire to reunite with their families in their destination
countries. …

“Women (at p. 53): During its visit, the Commission received troubling information
about the high levels of violence against women, including murder, domestic and family
violence and rape. In the words of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence
against Women after her visit to Honduras, "violence against women is widespread,
systematic and its impact is manifest in various forms on women and young girls".

“With respect to the murders of women, civil society organizations reported an increase
in Honduras of 263.4% in the last nine years, from 175 in 2005 to 636 in 2013. Between
2002 and October 2014, at least 4,283 women have died violently. According to figures
from the Observatory of Violence of the UNAH, between January and December 2014,
531 violent deaths of women were recorded, representing a rate of 12 per 100,000
inhabitants, and a reduction of 2.6 points compared to 2013. It was reported that one
woman dies violently on average every 17 hours. According to the Observatory, 70.4% of
the recorded deaths of women in 2014 were by firearms. The highest incidence of violent
deaths and murders of women because of their gender occurs between the ages of 20-24.
It also notes that violence against girls aged between 0-14 years represents 7.3% of all
deaths. San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa account for almost 50% of murders of women.

“The available statistics show that from January to September 2014, there were 7,020
prosecution requests for an official physical examination nationwide; 42.6% for injuries,
followed by 26.4% for abused women; and sexual offenses at 24.4%. Among the sexual
offenses, 91.5% of evaluations were performed on women and young girls between the
ages of 0 and 24. The Commission’s attention is drawn to the fact that among this group,
those most affected, at 70.8%, were girls aged between 10-19. Evaluations of women
victims beaten due to domestic violence constitute 26.4% for that period.

“In relation to the aggressors, 75.6% of cases presumably fall into the category of known
offenders. The Commission notes that unknown and uncategorized assailants represent
26.4% and in three cases two soldiers and a policeman were identified; in 113 cases, the
victims did not disclose the aggressor’s identity. Specifically with regard to violence
against women in the family, in 2012, figures of the Statistical Observatory of the Public
Ministry reported more than 16,000 complaints of violence against women, with
incidents of domestic and family violence being the most frequent (at 74.6%). During its
visit, a female magistrate of the Supreme Court of Justice indicated to the IACHR that
"violence against women is considered as something natural".

“Besides this, regarding reports of missing women and girls, in 2008, 91 women were
reported missing and 347 in 2013. The Commission has not received any information on
the figures for 2014. In addition, there have been 155 complaints of offenses involving
disappearances such as unjust imprisonment, kidnapping and human trafficking.
“Given this situation, the Commission has repeatedly stated that gender-based violence
is one of the most extreme and perverse forms of discrimination, and severely undermines
and nullifies the enjoyment of human rights of women. Specifically, the Commission has
stressed that discrimination against women is a major cause of both the violence in itself
and the lack of response to it. To cope with the discrimination that underlies violence
against women, its root causes in all its principal manifestations must be tackled.…

“Civil society organizations believe there are serious shortcomings in the administration
of justice with respect to cases involving violence against women, and they refer, for
example, to delays in cases. ‘When a woman files a complaint about violence, they give
her an appointment in three months. From now until March, either the victim reconciles
with her assailant or he ends up killing her,’ a woman who defends women’s rights in
Tegucigalpa told the IACHR. According to information the IACHR has received, there is
a 95% impunity rate for crimes against women. …

“The Commission observes that the serious situation of violence against women demands
a much stronger response by the State. On this point, the IACHR has maintained that the
Convention of Belém do Pará, ratified by the Honduran State, establishes that the due
diligence obligation has a special connotation in cases of violence against women.156
The Inter-American Court, for its part, has stated that in cases involving violence against
women, the obligation to investigate effectively has a wider scope.

“The Commission stresses that judicial ineffectiveness in cases involving violence against
women creates a climate conducive to violence and discrimination against women ‘since
society sees no evidence of willingness by the State, as the representative of the society,
to take effective action to sanction such acts.’ The impunity of the crimes committed
‘sends the message that violence against women is tolerated; this leads to their
perpetuation, together with social acceptance of the phenomenon, the feeling women
have that they are not safe, and their persistent mistrust in the system of administration of
justice.’ It is essential that the State take women’s needs more into account in designing
its citizen security policy, and that it pay special attention to the situation of women in
rural areas where there is scant presence of government institutions.

“The United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and
consequences noted in her report on her 2014 visit to Honduras that women, especially
indigenous and Afro-descendant women, are restricted in their access to justice by a
range of institutional and procedural factors. These include insufficient resources and
poor infrastructure; the lack of specialized units and staff trained on gender issues within
the different criminal justice institutions, including police, prosecutors, and judges; and
the length of trials and delays in the criminal justice process. The report also indicated
that the lack of proper investigation, evidence collection, and forensic facilities and
capacities further hinder women’s access to justice. In its response to the draft of this
report, the State indicated that the Special Prosecutor for Women has been asked to draft
and implement policies that will guarantee access to justice for indigenous women—
especially as regards the violence they suffer in the country—in a way that incorporates
their worldview and culture. To this end, it indicated that this office should generate
statistical data that reflect the specific situation of indigenous women, as these issues are
under the purview of that Special Prosecutor’s Office. …

“LGBT (at p. 60): Discrimination and violence against members of the lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community in recent years have been a matter of
concern and action by the Commission. In relation to violence, civil society organizations
denounced the high number of murders of lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgender
people in the country. Since 2009 up until December 1, 2014, there have been 174-
recorded violent deaths of LGBT people in the country (90 gays, 15 lesbians and 69 trans
gender people), mainly in the departments of Cortés and Francisco Morazán.

“For the organization CATTRACHAS, lesbian deaths are recorded in the media or in the
Murder Impact Unit of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and thus are not considered as a
number adjusted to reality.Of the 15 lesbians registered as murdered, 13 were killed by
firearms, one with a knife, and one featured in the category of other forms of murder.
Also, 7 were executed, 6 being riddled with bullets and one was beheaded. …

“Given the close relationship between violence and discrimination against LGBT
individuals, the IACHR urges the Honduran government to address the underlying causes
of violence related to sexual orientation and gender identity, or related to the expression
of gender identity by individuals who challenge society’s traditional norms regarding
gender. This includes the adoption of policies and public campaigns to promote
awareness and respect for the human rights of LGBT individuals in all sectors, including
in the field of education, health and in the family, in order to combat the prejudices
underpinning the violence relating to sexual orientation and gender identity or
expression. To this end, the Commission calls upon Honduras to collect and produce
data and official records on violence against LGBT individuals, with the purpose of
promoting public policies geared towards protecting their human rights.

“With regard to trans gender individuals, the IACHR urges the Honduran government to
adopt a gender identity law or similar measures to ensure the full recognition of the
identity of trans gender persons. The Commission has received information on how state
recognition of the identity of trans gender individuals contributes to the reduction of
violence and discrimination against them.

“Finally, the Commission considers that in the context of a country with high levels of
insecurity and organized crime, it is particularly important for Honduras to adopt a
differentiated approach to guarantee the rights to life and integrity of LGBT individuals
and their human rights defenders who, reportedly, are particularly vulnerable to violence
by armed groups and law enforcement. It is also vital to move forward in adopting
legislation and public policies, among others, that provide effective protection for
defenders of the rights of LGBT and Intersex persons. The Commission also urges the
State to fully implement the precautionary measures granted to LGBT defenders.…

“With regard to LGBT people, the IACHR has received information indicating that
killings of LGBT people or those perceived as such tend to go unpunished, and that such
cases are tainted from the start by discriminatory stereotypes based on victims’ sexual
orientation or gender identity or expression. In the words of one LGBT rights defender,
‘these killings are motivated by hatred and by prejudice toward sexual diversity.’

“According to information received by the Commission, of 141 violent deaths reported

between 2010 and 2014, only 30 cases had been prosecuted, that is, fewer than one
fourth of the violent deaths of LGBT people. Nine of these cases reportedly resulted in
convictions; 10 cases had defendants in custody, six of whom were awaiting an oral and
public trial; and four cases had resulted in acquittals, two of which were under appeal by
the prosecution. Civil society organizations indicated that there are few prosecutions or
convictions because the national investigation system lacks the necessary tools to recover
evidence, and the judicial system does not provide effective protection for witnesses in
cases involving violence against LGBT people….

INEQUALITY, SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND DISCRIMINATION (at p. 154)

“Women (at p. 155): ‘Violence against women occurs because other forms of
discrimination are allowed to flourish.’ Although women account for 52% of the
population of Honduras, for the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against
women, its causes and consequences, Rashida Manjoo, there is still considerable gender
inequality in the civil, political, economic and social spheres, which precludes the full
enjoyment of human rights by women and girls. According to the United Nations
Rapporteur: ‘Obstacles to the promotion, protection and fulfilment of women's human
rights and a life free from all forms of violence include deeply rooted patriarchal
attitudes and the pervasiveness of a machista culture that reinforces stereotypes about
the roles and responsibilities of women and men in the family, in the workplace and in
society.’

“According to the United Nations Special Rapporteur ‘power imbalances and structural
inequality between men and women are among the root causes of violence against
women’ and ‘this makes violence against women a matter of inter-gender inequality
between women and men.’ In addition, she indicated that various United Nations
resolutions have acknowledged that discrimination is understood as having multiple
forms that combine to heighten the vulnerability of some women and girls to violence.
This reflects an understanding that discrimination and violence against women is also a
matter of intra-gender inequality among women.

“For the Commission, this inequality and stereotypes prevailing in Honduran society and
perpetuated in the public sphere expose women to a higher risk of being victims of many
forms of violence. In this framework, the Commission is concerned about constraints on
women in the exercise of their sexual and reproductive rights. For example, the IACHR
received information of concern about sterilization without prior informed consent of
women living with HIV.

“The IACHR also received information about the impact that the prohibition of using
emergency contraceptives adopted in 2009 is having, including in cases of rape.
“The IACHR notes with alarm that under-age women account for 26% of all
pregnancies. The IACHR urges the State of Honduras to adopt measures to safeguard the
sexual and reproductive rights of women, as well as their right to the highest standard of
health.

“In that regard, the IACHR urges the State to revise its public policies so as to modify
stereotypes about women's role in society and the family and promote the elimination of
sociocultural patterns that restrict their options to entering the labor, political, and
economic realm of activities. Because of this, mechanisms must be established to
empower women throughout the country. Regarding health, the IACHR urges the State to
guarantee access to reproductive health services without any discrimination for the
purpose of safeguarding the enjoyment of sexual and reproductive rights.

“The IACHR was also informed on the risks that girls and adolescent girls confront in
their communities, in particular gender based violence. For example, girls and
adolescents must often deal with threats by gang members, at school or in the community,
for them to have sex or emotional bonds with them, and there have even been reports of
cases of girls and adolescents being killed because they refused to do so. These situations
have an impact on the right of girls to education, leading to absenteeism and dropping
out, in addition to restricting their personal liberty and their possibility of carrying out
daily activities in the community because of the pressure and threats against them, many
of them staying at home as a way to protect themselves.

“Indigenous peoples and Afro-descendant persons (at p. 160): In the case of

indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples, violence to a large extent grows out of the
struggle for land and territory, which is exacerbated by the conditions of inequality and
discrimination facing these groups and the attendant barriers to their access to justice. In
this section, the Commission shall address the situation of indigenous peoples and Afro-
descendants in Honduras, especially the situation of Miskito divers.

“The IACHR highlights with concern the information that indicates that indigenous and
Afro-descendant peoples suffer from higher levels of poverty than the rest of the country's
population. In that regard, the Concluding observations on the combined initial and
second to fifth periodic reports of Honduras of the UN Committee on the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination observed that the indigenous peoples and Afro-Honduran
communities were particularly badly affected by poverty and social exclusion (especially
the Garifunas and the Englishspeaking Afro-Hondurans).Malnutrition and the lack of
access to services was constantly presented by civil society organizations as a problem
for these groups that needed immediate attention because, as a result of it, the indigenous
peoples were being forced to leave their communities.…”

4. Amnesty International, Annual Report: Honduras 2015/2016, available at

https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/americas/honduras/report-honduras/...

GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS

“Amid a general climate of crime and violence, human rights defenders, Indigenous,
peasant and Afro-descendant leaders involved in land disputes, lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and intersex (LGBTI) activists, justice officials and journalists were targeted
with violence and intimidation by state and criminal actors in retaliation for their work.
A weak criminal justice system and corruption contributed to a climate of extensive
impunity for these abuses.

“The Honduran Supreme Court ruled in April to eliminate an article in the Constitution
that limits presidential terms to one in office. The change meant that President
Hernández would be able to seek re-election in 2017.

“Tens of thousands of protesters dubbed ‘the indignant ones’ (los indignados) protested
for months against corruption after a series of scandals involving the government and
political parties, in some of the biggest marches in recent Honduran history. The
government resisted the protesters’ demand for the formation of an international
commission with the power to investigate crimes and corruption by government officials.
Instead, it announced in September an initiative in conjunction with the OAS to reform
the justice system and strengthen the independence of the judicial branch. The protesters
rejected this proposal as insufficient and continued to push for an international
commission with investigative powers….

HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS

“Congress approved in April the Protection Law for Human Rights Defenders,
Journalists, Social Communicators and Justice Officials. The move was welcomed as an
important step to protect these groups, but in August a group of civil society
organizations wrote to the government to voice concerns about the vagueness and lack of
transparency of the draft implementation regulations, and asked to postpone its approval
by several months.

“Human rights defenders, particularly women, faced threats and violence – abuses which
were rarely investigated. The government failed to implement protection measures
ordered by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and to investigate
a series of abuses in recent years against Indigenous Tolupan leaders, including the
killings of two of their members by local hitmen during demonstrations in 2013.

“In addition to violence, human rights defenders faced judicial harassment in retaliation
for their work. Women's rights defender Gladys Lanza Ochoa was convicted of criminally
defaming the director of the Foundation for the Development of Urban and Rural Social
Housing (FUNDEVI) and sentenced to a year and a half in prison after her organization
supported a woman who had accused him of sexual harassment. She remained free as she
appealed against her sentence. Journalist Julio Ernesto Alvarado lost a series of appeals
against his conviction on charges of criminal defamation against the dean of the
economics school at the Autonomous National University of Honduras (UNAH). His
sentence included a 16-month ban on practising journalism.
“In August, Honduras said it would comply with 2014 recommendations by the IACHR
regarding human rights violations committed by the state against environmental activist
Carlos Escaleras Mejía, who was murdered in 1997, and members of his family. The
IACHR had established that Honduras was responsible for the violation both of
Escaleras’ right to life, freedom of association and political rights, and of his family’s
integrity. The recommendations include accepting international responsibility for the
state’s failure to carry out an effective investigation into the killing, fully investigating the
murder and disciplining the officials who failed in their duty.

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION/IMPUNITY

“Although government statistics showed a decrease in homicide rates, the country

continued to suffer from a high rate of violent crime which, together with a deficient
criminal justice system, resulted in pervasive impunity for human rights abuses. The
Alliance for Peace and Justice, a Honduran NGO, found in a 2014 report that fewer than
4% of murder cases resulted in a conviction.

“The ineffective criminal justice system and evidence of corruption and human rights
violations by police officers contributed to a lack of trust in law enforcement and justice
institutions.”

5. Human Rights Watch, World Report 2014: Honduras, available at

http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2014/country-chapters/honduras .... [●]

GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS

“Honduras suffers from rampant crime and impunity for human rights abuses. The
murder rate, which has risen consistently over the last decade, was the highest in the
world in 2013. Perpetrators of killings and other violent crimes are rarely brought to
justice. The institutions responsible for providing public security continue to prove
largely ineffective and remain marred by corruption and abuse, while efforts to reform
them have made little progress.

“Journalists, peasant activists, and LGBT individuals are particularly vulnerable to

attacks, yet the government routinely fails to prosecute those responsible and provide
protection for those at risk.

“After it arbitrarily dismissed four Supreme Court judges in December 2012, Congress
passed legislation empowering itself to remove justices and the attorney general, further
undermining judicial and prosecutorial independence.” (p. 1)

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION

“Impunity for serious police abuses is a chronic problem. Police killed 149 civilians from
January 2011 to November 2012, including 18 individuals under age 19, according to a
report by Honduras’s National Autonomous University. Then-Commissioner of the
Preventive Police Alex Villanueva affirmed the report’s findings and said there were
likely many more killings by police that were never reported. The government did not
respond to calls by the university’s rector to provide information on how many of those
killings had been subject to investigations or resulted in criminal convictions.

“Compelling evidence in a May 2013 investigation by the Associated Press suggested

police involvement in at least five extrajudicial executions or disappearances of
suspected gang members in Tegucigalpa. Authorities have provided conflicting reports of
progress in efforts to weed out police corruption. Such efforts have been protracted and
inefficient. In April 2013, the then-chief of Directorate for Investigation and Evaluation
of the Police Career told Congress that, of 230 police evaluated for corruption, 33 failed.
However, only seven of those who failed were suspended, and some were later
reinstated.” (p. 1)

“In December 2012, the Supreme Court’s Constitutional Chamber ruled that a law
governing police oversight, which had support from a majority in Congress and the
president, was unconstitutional. Shortly thereafter, Congress removed four of the
chamber’s five members for unsatisfactory “administrative conduct.” Replacements were
appointed in January 2013, and the Supreme Court rejected a legal challenge by the
dismissed judges in February. The Council of the Judiciary, an independent body
established by a 2001 constitutional reform to appoint and remove judges, could help
protect against political interference in judicial processes, but at time of writing, its
members had still not been named.
“In April 2013, Congress suspended Attorney General Luis Rubi and his chief deputy,
and appointed an intermediate commission to serve in their place, pending an
investigation into the office’s effectiveness and alleged corruption within it, a power
granted to Congress by a 2002 constitutional reform. Rubi and his deputy resigned in
June before the investigation was completed.

“Following the June 2009 military coup, the de facto government suspended key civil
liberties, including freedom of the press and assembly. In the ensuing days, security
forces responded to generally peaceful demonstrations with excessive force and shut
down opposition media outlets, which caused several deaths, scores of injuries, and
thousands of arbitrary detentions. A truth commission established by President Porfirio
Lobo published a report in July 2011 that documented 20 cases of excessive use of force
and killings by security forces. Honduras made very little progress prosecuting the
abuses in 2013.” (pp. 1-2)
“The United States allocated over $50 million in security aid to Honduras from 2010 to
2012, and continues to provide assistance through the Central America Regional Security
Initiative (CARSI). US legislation granting military and police aid to Honduras states
that 20 percent of the funds will only be available if the US State Department reports that
the Honduran government has met several human rights requirements.

“In its 2012 report on those requirements, the US State Department released the
conditioned funds, but stipulated that no aid be directed to the chief of Honduras’s
National Police, Juan Carlos Bonilla, or anyone under his direct supervision, due to an
investigation into previous abuses. However, press reports suggest that US assistance
continues to flow to police officers who report to Bonilla. In a November 2013 Associated
Press interview, Bonilla said that he receives ongoing logistical support from the US
Embassy for police operations. At time of writing, the US Congress was withholding
approximately $10 million of 2012 funding pending investigations of serious abuses.

“In January 2013, the United Nations special rapporteur on the independence of judges
and lawyers called the dismissal of four Supreme Court justices on administrative
grounds a violation of international norms and ‘a grave threat to democracy.’

“In February, the UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries stated the government
had failed to properly regulate private security firms and expressed concern regarding
their ‘alleged involvement … in widespread human rights violations including killings,
disappearances, forced evictions, and sexual violence.’” (p. 3)

VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS

“Bias-motivated attacks on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI)

people are a serious problem in Honduras. According to local rights groups, more than
90 LGBTI people were killed between 2009 and 2012, and many more subjected to
attacks and harassment. The alleged involvement of Honduran police in some of these
violent abuses is of particular concern. In 2011 and 2012, the government established
special prosecutors units to investigate these crimes, yet impunity remains the norm.” (p.
2)

6. United Nations Human Rights, Office of the High Commissioner, Statement by

Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and Girls, 7 July 2014, available
at
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14833
&LangID=E%20URL ………………. [●]

GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS

“At the end of a eight-day mission to Honduras, which took her to Tegucigalpa, San
Pedro Sula and La Ceiba, Ms. Rashida Manjoo, UN Special Rapporteur on violence
against women, its causes and consequences, delivered the following statement:
“Due to many factors, including the high homicide rate and alarming levels of other
expressions of violence, including injuries, robberies and extortion, Honduras is reported
to be among the most violent countries in the world today. Furthermore, the proliferation
of small and light weapons, the drug trade, and the actions of violent gangs, further
contribute to high levels of violence. The role and continuing influence of the military in
general, but particularly in policing and education activities, is of concern to many
interviewees, due to the experiences of people vis a vis the military, and the legacy of fear
and mistrust of this institution.
“Also, the reality of the lack of institution-building, the high turnover of staff in the civil
service, and the politicization of appointment processes, further serve to impact
negatively on the continuity and sustainability of Government policies and programmes.
These issues are of deep concern, and the negative implications of such practices in the
promotion and protection of human rights and the rule of law, need to be reflected upon
by the current government of Honduras.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS/DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

“In Honduras, violence against women is widespread and systematic and it impacts
women and girls in numerous ways. It precludes the exercise of civil, political, economic,
social, cultural, and development rights, and is thus a barrier to effective citizenship. The
climate of fear, in both the public and private spheres, and the lack of accountability for
violations of human rights of women, is the norm rather than the exception.

“During the course of the mission, I noted numerous concerns as regards the high levels
of domestic violence, femicide and sexual violence. In a context of contestation over
verifiable empirical data with regard to all manifestations of violence against women,
anecdotal evidence and also data from the State and non-state sector is highlighted here.
Generally, it was suggested that incidents of violence against women are increasing. For
example, it was noted that between 2005 and 2013, the number of violent deaths of
women rose by 263.4%. According to the National Health and Population Survey for the
period 2011-2012, 27% of women aged between 15- 49 years, and 37% of women aged
between 45-49 years, have been subjected to physical violence at some point in their
lives.

“Statistics from the Public Prosecutor’s Office reflect approximately 16,000 reported
allegations of numerous manifestations of violence against women for 2012, with 74.6%
related to domestic and intra-family violence, and 20% related to sexual offences. From
2009 to 2012, it has been reported that 82,547 of domestic violence complaints have been
filed, representing an average of 20,637 complaints per year, of which 92 per cent were
filed by women. I was informed that in 2013, approximately 2,851 sexual violence
complaints were filed, with the prevalence rate rising from 4.6 in 2008 to 8.6 in 2010.

“I have also heard from interlocutors about the link between gendered violence, whether
sexual, physical or other, and migration. The causes of migration of women and girls
include fleeing because of violence, poverty, lack of opportunity and also a generalized
sense of insecurity. The consequences of migration include violence, exploitation,
disappearances, and forced displacement from families and communities. I note with
concern the current context of reports of thousands of unaccompanied children, both
girls and boys, who are migrating to the United States of America from countries in the
region, including Honduras. These children, who are often unaccompanied, are fleeing
rising levels of extreme poverty, extortion, risks of forcible recruitment into gangs in their
local communities and schools, physical violence, domestic abuse and/or other types of
insecurity.
“Trafficking in persons for the purposes of sexual exploitation is another manifestation of
violence against women that is underreported in Honduras, due to the hidden nature of
the crime and also the prevalence of organized crime. It has been reported that the
Public Prosecutor’s Office has registered 27 complaints for the crime of trafficking of
women during 2013.”

“I am concerned about the situation as regards violence against indigenous and Afro-
descent women and girls, and the issue of eviction of peoples from their lands in favour
of corporate development projects, which places entire communities in situations of
extreme risk and vulnerability, of which women and children bear most of the cost.”

“During my mission, I visited the National Penitentiary for Women in Tegucigalpa, the
only exclusively female detention center in the country. According to official data from
the National Penitentiary Institute, there are currently 292 women in the prison, which
has a capacity for 200 women. The number of incarcerated women in Honduras is
growing, with the major cause of incarceration being associated with gangs, extortion,
and dealing in drug- related activities. A large number of women in detention have a
history of being subjected to poverty, violence, coercion, and duress prior to being
imprisoned.

“In my view, the structural and root causes of incarceration; the violence experienced
during incarceration; and the consequences of incarceration for women, are not being
sufficiently assessed in Honduras. My interviews with detainees revealed that there is a
lack of State support, including in terms of access to medical and social services;
transport to and from the court to attend scheduled hearings; inappropriate legal
representation; the length of pre-trial detention; the lack of effective investigation into
cases, which results in disproportionate sentencing for certain crimes; and
discrimination and bias within the criminal justice system.”

“The adoption of the Domestic violence Law in 1997, and its amendment through
Decrees No. 250/ 2005 and No.35 in 2013, has not led to an effective legislative response
to domestic violence, and it remains the leading cause of reported crimes against persons
at the national level. Significant challenges persist in the area of accountability for acts
of violence against women and girls. For example, it is argued that there is a 95%
impunity rate for sexual violence and femicide crimes. In cases of domestic violence, the
CEDAW Committee noted in 2006, that the resolution rate of domestic violence cases
was 2.55%.”

VIOLENCE BY GANGS
“I note with concern the current context of reports of thousands of unaccompanied
children, both girls and boys, who are migrating to the United States of America from
countries in the region, including Honduras. These children, who are often
unaccompanied, are fleeing rising levels of extreme poverty, extortion, risks of forcible
recruitment into gangs in their local communities and schools, physical violence,
domestic abuse and/or other types of insecurity.”
“During my mission, I visited the National Penitentiary for Women in Tegucigalpa, the
only exclusively female detention center in the country. According to official data from
the National Penitentiary Institute, there are currently 292 women in the prison, which
has a capacity for 200 women. The number of incarcerated women in Honduras is
growing, with the major cause of incarceration being associated with gangs, extortion,
and dealing in drug- related activities. A large number of women in detention have a
history of being subjected to poverty, violence, coercion, and duress prior to being
imprisoned.”

CHILD ABUSE

“I also visited the Casita 21 de Octubre, a facility designed for vulnerable troubled
adolescent boys who have never been in conflict with the law, but are considered as
‘troubled’ and at risk. In this facility I met with young adolescent girls from the Sagrado
Corazon de Maria detention center for adolescents in conflict with the law. These young
girls have recently been transferred to the premises of the Casita 21 as an emergency
measure, in response to various allegations that are yet to be investigated. I have noted
numerous concerns as regards this transfer, including the lack of attention to the best
interests of the boys who have been moved to a detention centre in close proximity to a
youth offenders centre; the aggression and disobedience expressed by the girls who were
moved at short notice and who have been physically and verbally assaulted by guards;
the disrespectful and punitive treatment of youth offenders who are detained for crimes
linked to gangs; and the imposition of a problematic solution on the staff of both
facilities, in efforts to deal with a problem that they are not prepared to nor have the
capacity to handle.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS

“I am also concerned at the violence perpetrated against members of the LGBTI
community.”

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION

“In my view, the structural and root causes of incarceration; the violence experienced
during incarceration; and the consequences of incarceration for women, are not being
sufficiently assessed in Honduras. My interviews with detainees revealed that there is a
lack of State support, including in terms of access to medical and social services;
transport to and from the court to attend scheduled hearings; inappropriate legal
representation; the length of pre-trial detention; the lack of effective investigation into
cases, which results in disproportionate sentencing for certain crimes; and
discrimination and bias within the criminal justice system.”

“The adoption of the Domestic violence Law in 1997, and its amendment through
Decrees No. 250/ 2005 and No.35 in 2013, has not led to an effective legislative response
to domestic violence, and it remains the leading cause of reported crimes against persons
at the national level. Significant challenges persist in the area of accountability for acts
of violence against women and girls. For example, it is argued that there is a 95%
impunity rate for sexual violence and femicide crimes. In cases of domestic violence, the
CEDAW Committee noted in 2006, that the resolution rate of domestic violence cases
was 2.55%.

“The main challenges identified to address violence against women include the lack of
effective implementation of legislation, obstacles such as gender discrimination in the
justice system, inconsistencies in the interpretation and implementation of legislation,
and the lack of access to services that promote safety and also address prevention of
future acts of violence. Moreover, corruption, the lack of political will, and the failure of
authorities to exercise due diligence in investigating, prosecuting and punishing
perpetrators of violence against women contributes to an environment of impunity,
resulting in little or no confidence in the justice system.

“The interviews also reveal high levels of cynicism as regards the functioning and ability
of institutions that are in place to promote and protect women’s human rights. This then
further fosters a culture of non-reporting of cases of violence by women and girls.
Furthermore, many interlocutors indicated that they do not consider the justice system as
a viable option to obtain remedies, due to numerous factors including inadequate police
responses, the lack of adequate investigation of cases, the low levels of prosecution,
lengthy periods for a case to be finalised, and the negligible conviction rates in cases
related to violence against women.

“As regards the provision of protective measures and also services, I am concerned at
the lack of sufficient facilities, such as shelters for battered women, and safe houses for
women who have to enter the witness protection program. I was shocked to hear of
situations in which State officials disregard the safety needs of battered women, due to
the practice of referring high risk cases involving battered women and also fearful
witnesses, to shelters for victims of domestic violence. This disregard then places both the
shelter institution, and also its staff and residents, in a state of extreme vulnerability and
hinders their ability to effectively provide assistance to victims and to guarantee their
safety. The State has a duty to provide differentiated and appropriate protection or
assistance to women, and cannot justify imposing onto third parties, its primary
responsibility to prevent acts of violence against women, and to protect victims.”

7. OAS, Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), Press

Statement on Preliminary Observations concerning the Human Rights Situation in
Honduras, 5 Dec. 2014, available at
http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/media_center/PReleases/2014/146A.asp …………[●]
GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS

“The IACHR verified that violence and insecurity are grave problems faced by Honduran
society. During this visit, the IACHR constantly received information severely criticizing
the actions of public security institutions, as well as the lack of results in efforts to
combat violence. This situation has led to high levels of violence in recent years, with
serious impacts on individuals in various activities, professions, and occupations, as well
as on specific groups.

“According to a study by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the
homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants rose in Honduras from 50.9 in 2000 to 81.8 in
2010, 91.4 in 2011, and 90.4 in 2012. In fact, in 2013 Honduras had the highest homicide
rate in the world.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

“In addition, the IACHR received troubling information concerning the high number of
killings and acts of violence against women in Honduras. Civil society organizations
reported that 2,592 women had been killed from 2010 through November 2014.
According to figures from the UNAH Violence Observatory, 453 violent deaths of women
occurred between January and November of this year. The Observatory reported that a
woman loses her life an average of every 17 hours. It said that 71 percent of the women
murdered in 2014 were killed with firearms. In that regard, organizations reported that
the State has not taken effective measures to prevent violence, such as through effective
gun control. It was also reported to the IACHR that women continue to be victims of
sexual violence on the part of State agents, including members of the military police.
With regard to defenders of women’s rights, one such defender in La Ceiba told the
IACHR, ‘There are only a few of us, so we’re exposed. Everyone knows where to find
us.’”

“The IACHR was informed that the impunity rate in cases involving sexual violence and
killings of women is 95 percent. With regard to the killings, civil society organizations
maintain that including the criminal charge of femicide in the legal system has not
produced effective results; for example, out of the total 453 violent deaths of women
recorded so far this year, prosecutors have issued 10 summonses. For its part, the State
affirmed that so far there have been 70 prosecutorial summonses and 20 convictions, and
that the rest of the cases are being investigated to determine whether they qualify as
femicides. …

“Civil society organizations report that there are serious flaws in the administration of
justice with respect to cases involving violence against women, including delays in cases.
‘When a woman files a complaint about violence, they give her an appointment in three
months. From now until March, either the victim reconciles with her assailant or he ends
up killing her,’ a woman who defends women’s rights in Tegucigalpa told the IACHR.”

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

“In terms of family violence against women, a female justice of the Supreme Court told
the IACHR that ‘violence against women is considered natural.’ She indicated that the
State has ‘worked hard to protect victims of domestic violence.’ For their part,
representatives of the State informed the IACHR about various measures it has adopted
to address the situation of violence against women. The State reported that it has
strengthened the Council of the Judiciary’s Gender Unit to address the situation of
violence against women. It noted that under the 2013 legislative amendment to the
Criminal Code, femicide was classified as a crime, carrying a sentence of 30 to 40
years.”

“The IACHR was informed that the impunity rate in cases involving sexual violence and
killings of women is 95 percent. With regard to the killings, civil society organizations
maintain that including the criminal charge of femicide in the legal system has not
produced effective results; for example, out of the total 453 violent deaths of women
recorded so far this year, prosecutors have issued 10 summonses. For its part, the State
affirmed that so far there have been 70 prosecutorial summonses and 20 convictions, and
that the rest of the cases are being investigated to determine whether they qualify as
femicides. The State also reported that there are domestic violence courts to investigate
cases of violence against women. On that point, civil society organizations note that
family courts exist only in Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula, and La Ceiba, and that the
existence of these courts does not provide sufficient guarantee that these cases will be
investigated, particularly in other parts of the country.

“Civil society organizations report that there are serious flaws in the administration of
justice with respect to cases involving violence against women, including delays in cases.
‘When a woman files a complaint about violence, they give her an appointment in three
months. From now until March, either the victim reconciles with her assailant or he ends
up killing her,’ a woman who defends women’s rights in Tegucigalpa told the IACHR.
Among the flaws in the justice system, according to civil society organizations, is that
prosecutors in the Office of the Prosecutor for Women are not specialized or trained to
investigate crimes from a gender perspective. ‘Women who go there leave worse than
when they arrived, because they are told they are responsible for the attacks on them
because of how they dress or because they don’t take proper care of their husbands or
partners,’ a defender of women’s rights in Tegucigalpa told the Commission.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN

“The widespread context of violence and citizen insecurity makes Honduran children and
adolescents especially vulnerable. The IACHR received information from civil society
indicating that 454 children and adolescents had died between January and June of this
year because of the violence in the country. The Commission observes that there is an
urgent need to set up a national system for the promotion and comprehensive protection
of children’s rights, with a strong preventive focus that guarantees children’s rights to a
family and community life free of all types of violence.”

“Another area where the fragility of the country’s institutional framework is manifest is
in the juvenile criminal justice system. The Commission expresses its deep concern
regarding the conditions it observed in the “Renaciendo” Rehabilitation Center for
Children and Adolescents…. The IACHR considers it unacceptable for adolescents to be
confined to units without any educational or recreational activities, and in general for
those in custody to lack medical care, medicine, basic grooming supplies, mattresses,
bedding, articles for recreation, and other basic items that should be provided by the
State…. Of particular concern is the underlying atmosphere of violence that continues to
exist in that prison, given the power in the hands of a group of young people who are
allegedly tied to the ‘Mara 18’; according to what a number of people told the
Commission, they have threatened to kill other youth linked to rival gangs, who are also
fewer in number.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS

“Civil society organizations reported a high number of cases in which lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and trans persons have been killed in Honduras. They reported that from 2009
to December 1, 2014, 174 violent deaths of LGBT persons were registered in the country
(90 gays, 15 lesbians, and 69 trans persons), primarily in the departments of Cortés and
Francisco Morazán. ‘There is no government proposal to prevent violent deaths,’ one
defender of the rights of LGBT persons told the IACHR in Tegucigalpa. For its part, the
State indicated that several of such cases involving violent deaths had been prosecuted.
However, while the State reported on the investigation into a number of cases, it did not
present information on measures to prevent violence against LGBT persons.

“Civil society organizations reported that in Honduras there is a social environment of

historical discrimination against LGBT persons that involves violence motivated by
prejudice. In this regard, the IACHR points to the link between discrimination against
LGBT persons and violence against them due to prejudice. ‘In Honduras, there are no
public policies that benefit LGBT persons. None,’ a trans woman who defends the rights
of LGBT persons stated to the IACHR in Tegucigalpa.

“The Commission also received multiple reports of violations carried out against
defenders of the rights of LGBT persons. These defenders are said to be subjected
constantly to attacks and harassment by groups seeking to impose a structural
discrimination against them through violence. In addition, it was reported, on a number
of occasions defenders of LGBT rights have been subject to arbitrary detentions by the
National Police, allegedly for posing a threat to ‘morals and good customs.’ One trans
woman and rights defender told the IACHR, ‘In Honduras, you’re criminalized for the
simple fact of being trans, for being a human rights defender, for being part of this
society.’”

“With regard to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans persons, civil society organizations
informed the IACHR that 141 violent deaths were reported between January 2010 and
October 2014. They claim that only 30 cases have been prosecuted, of which nine have
resulted in convictions and four in acquittals. According to civil society organizations,
there are few cases in which peoples are prosecuted or sentenced because the national
system for investigating crimes does not have the tools it needs to recover evidence, and
the judicial system does not provide effective protection for witnesses in cases involving
violence against LGBT persons. They also indicate that investigations into deaths of
LGBT persons are influenced by discriminatory stereotypes.”

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION
“The Commission observed with concern the figures presented by COFADEH
(Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared in Honduras), which reports
that since 2010 there have been 3,064 cases of criminalization, resulting from the
improper use of criminal law to intimidate human rights defenders; 22 killings; 2
disappearances; 15 kidnappings; 88 cases in which information has been stolen; and 53
cases involving sabotage of the vehicles in which they were traveling.”

“It was also reported to the IACHR that women continue to be victims of sexual violence
on the part of State agents, including members of the military police.”

“[I]t was reported, on a number of occasions defenders of LGBT rights have been
subject to arbitrary detentions by the National Police, allegedly for posing a threat to
‘morals and good customs.’”

“The Commission traveled to Bajo Aguán, in Tocoa, where, in the context of a land-
related conflict, there have been an alarming number of deaths, threats, and acts of
harassment and intimidation against peasants who are working in the defense of their
territories, and some people have disappeared. … The IACHR heard testimony of
ongoing killings, disappearances, kidnappings, and cases of torture during detentions;
the discovery of a clandestine cemetery; the practice of carrying out violent evictions that
allegedly do not comply with international human rights standards; and threats made
against human rights defenders in the area. These accounts point to a complete absence
of the most basic measures to address reports of grave human rights violations in the
region—especially to carry out a proper investigation and identify those presumed to be
implicated—despite patterns of violence that these peasant organizations have identified
regarding the possible participation of State authorities in the alleged incidents.

“Members of the community also presented information concerning a close collaboration

between public authorities and owners of private landed estates in the area. ‘Here the
police, the military, prosecutors, judges, all of them are ready to defend the owners of the
big farms, while we are the ones who are dying,’ an inhabitant of the Panamá community
told the IACHR. One leader of the campesino movement stated that during an eviction
carried out by the military, ‘they insulted us in a way that was hurtful, threw us to the
ground, and hit us. They told us they were going to put a bullet in each of us, while [the
military forces] put their weapons up to our ears.’ Another community resident said,
‘I’ve lost my mother and father, because hit men killed my family…. We have gone to
different places to lodge complaints about these events, and we have not obtained any
results.’”

“On August 22, 2013, the Congress of the Republic, by means of Decree 168-2013,
created the Military Public Order Police. This measure, according to the official
discourse, responds to the need to have a security force that can effectively take on the
citizen security challenges posed by the actions of organized crime and other threats to
the citizenry, while measures are being adopted to address the alleged disrepute and
inadequacies of the National Police. However, there are no facts in evidence to indicate
that concrete steps are being taken to strengthen the civilian National Police force. To
the contrary, it is a matter of concern that in practice there has been somewhat of a
duplication of functions between the military police and civilian National Police, without
a clear definition of the specific areas of action, even geographic and operational areas,
for each of these security forces. Also of concern are initiatives by the executive branch
to elevate this security force to constitutional status, as an integral part of the Armed
Forces.”
“During its visit, the Commission confirmed the high rate of impunity that continues to
exist in Honduras; according to civil society, impunity ranges between 95 and 98
percent. In Bajo Aguán, for example, even though more than 100 people have been killed
in the context of the agrarian conflict in the region, the impunity rate is alarming. In
another example of grave impunity, the Commission received information indicating that
three years after 362 people died in the fire that took place on February 14, 2012, at the
Comayagua National Penitentiary, there has not yet even been an initial hearing in the
case. This impunity frustrates expectations for justice for the direct victims of attacks,
and forces everyone in Honduran society to limit their circumstances and plans in line
with the context of violence in which the society is immersed.”

“The IACHR reiterates that it is essential for the State of Honduras to urgently conduct
investigations in order to shed light on the deaths of peasants, persons deprived of
liberty, human rights defenders, journalists and media workers, women, and LGBT
persons, and to prosecute and punish those responsible for these crimes. The State must
also adopt permanent protection mechanisms to guarantee the lives and safety of
members of these groups who may be at risk. Maintaining impunity not only constitutes a
denial of justice for the victims’ next of kin, but also sends a message to society that
violence against these persons is tolerated by the State.”

“During its visit, the Commission continued to receive information on the lack of security
for justice sector operators. According to publicly available information, in 2014 at least
20 judges have received death threats; from 2010 to date, 86 law professionals have been
killed; and, according to information provided by the Asociación Jueces por la
Democracia (Association of Judges for Democracy), at least three judges have been
violently killed in the last two years. This situation is extremely serious. In a country with
the highest levels of violence and impunity in the region, the State necessarily has a
special obligation to protect, so that its justice sector operators can carry out their work
to fight impunity without becoming victims in the very cases they are investigating or
deciding.”

“As one prosecutor in San Pedro Sula explained, ‘Sometimes having personal protection
tends to raise your profile and make you a much more sought-after target. Plus they say,
‘Let’s get one of his children’…. It doesn’t do any good to have security for me while my
family is at home, by themselves.’”

“During the visit, the Commission also heard concerns regarding threats made to frame
judges through sham disciplinary proceedings, for the purpose of frightening them and
manipulating their decisions.”
 8. Jesuit Conference of the United States (Laura Notess), Considerations for
Hondurans in the American Asylum Process: Relevant Law and Country of
Origin Information, 28 March 2014, available at
http://jesuits.org/Assets/Publications/File/Hondurans_asylum_report_FINAL.pdf
………… [●]

[Note: Original text is heavily footnoted, but footnotes not included in excerpts
below.]
GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS

“An overall climate of fear and instability abounds and a weak and divided civil society
has reported harassment and targeting by law enforcement officials. Attempts to purge
the police of criminal and corrupt elements have been slow and largely unsuccessful.
This is exacerbated by broad impunity, lack of an independent judiciary, and widespread
use of assassinations by both private and public actors. Gangs have effective control over
much of Honduras: one Honduran official noted that they are now operating in 40% of
the country.” (p. 3)

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS

“Indigenous girls, for example, are at an especially high risk for human trafficking. In
recent years their rates of sexual and organ trafficking among indigenous communities
have been increasing.” (p. 10)

“The rate of violence and homicides targeting Honduran women and girls has risen
sharply in Honduras in recent years and at a much faster rate than the still disturbing
increase in the male homicide rate: in 2012, despite a slight decrease in the overall
homicide rate, homicides with female victims rose by 30%. Of those homicides, less than
5% were a result of domestic violence. Instead, this violence appears to be related to a
number of factors, including the militarization of security forces and the police, impunity,
targeting of women activists, and the killing of women to send messages to family
members. Security forces have been accused of sexual violence after the coup as well as
in the Bajo Aguan region, and beatings and rapes of women by Honduran police forces
are reported to be routine. Gangs often target women who are unprotected by a male
family member in the home (if, for example, the father has migrated or travels for work),
and such women are especially vulnerable to sexual abuse or extortion.

“Those women and girls who are gang members, gang “girlfriends”, or recruited as a
gang member’s girlfriend are especially at risk. Women and girls in a relationship with a
gang member are not necessarily considered part of the gang—indeed, most gang
members look for girlfriends outside the gang who are usually between the ages of 13
and 15. If these girls then give birth to a gang member’s child, they may have their
infants taken away and placed with gang members.
“The killing of a gang member’s girlfriend (or mother) as an act of reprisal has become
increasingly common. Women likely constitute a larger share of gang membership than
has previously been thought— one estimate suggests 20% of Honduran gang members
are female. Female gang members have often been sexually abused or tortured as part of
gang initiation rituals or during the course of their membership in the gang.” (pp. 13-14)

“Sex trafficking of Honduran women and children, as well as an increasing number of

LGBT Hondurans, is an ongoing concern, both within Honduras as part of a sex tourism
industry and outside of Honduras. There are also high numbers of child prostitutes
within Honduras: a recent report suggests there are 3,000 in San Pedro Sula alone.”(p.
15)

VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS

“Sex trafficking of Honduran women and children, as well as an increasing number of

LGBT Hondurans, is an ongoing concern, both within Honduras as part of a sex tourism
industry and outside of Honduras. There are also high numbers of child prostitutes
within Honduras: a recent report suggests there are 3,000 in San Pedro Sula alone.”(p.
15)

“There have been a number of instances of violence or threats made against LGBT
activists or members of the LGBT community. These include a number of homicides of
transgender individuals, and the shooting of several activists. In total, civil society
estimates report the murders of 90 LGBT persons between 2008 and February 2013.146
In addition, police have threatened LGBT activists with arbitrary detention or prohibited
them from meeting in public places. The UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights
Defenders has suggested that violence and attacks against LGBT persons by police and
private security may constitute a pattern of hate crimes.” (p. 17)

VIOLENCE BY GANGS

“Gangs have effective control over much of Honduras: one Honduran official noted that
they are now operating in 40% of the country.” (p. 3)

“Furthermore, powerful economic actors are tied to gang activity

and often affiliated with the cartels. The “Los Cachiros” family, one of the primary drug
trafficking organizations in Honduras, runs key businesses involved with mining, eco-
tourism, and African palm oil.23 The Cachiros influence extends to the political sphere:
for example, the assassination of a Senator has been tied to his failure to support the
Cachiros’s pick for a particular ministerial appointment. The actions of the Cachiros are
just one example of the nexus between gang activity, politics, and economic
control that has been forged in Honduras.” (p. 5)

“Both street gangs and drug cartels exploit resource disputes and poverty for their own
gain. As cartels are pushed out of cities by anti-gang efforts, they use rural or isolated
land to build airplane strips and other infrastructure that support their activities.” (p. 10)
“[A]s of 2013, gangs were reported to control all of Honduras’ prisons, and in several
locations the prison officials could not even enter the prison without permission from the
inmates. Inmate ‘coordinators’ assault fellow prisoners, engage in violent altercations
with rival gangs, and maintain control over access to food, cells/ living spaces, and other
resources, both legal and illegal. Women are especially vulnerable: there is only one
female prison, and when that is full women are not segregated in the alternate prisons.”
(p. 11)

“Impoverished youth are especially vulnerable to gang recruitment and subsequent anti-
gang backlash. A Honduran study in 2012 reported that most surveyed gang members
had joined between age 11 and 20.93 Data from 2007 suggests that 77% of new gang
members are 15 years of age or younger. Schools are often subject to extortion or
recruitment efforts, with reported recruitments of youth as young as six. Children are
attractive to gangs because they frequently have immunity under Honduran law. This
targeting of youth has led to increased flows of unaccompanied minors attempting entry
to the United States in recent years. While there is some debate as to the extent to which
forcible recruitment is responsible for gang membership, it certainly exists, especially
among the poor or otherwise vulnerable. Leaving the gang is possible in some cases, but
is often accompanied by retaliatory attacks.” (p. 12)

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION

“Government ability to control gang activity is at best ineffective and at worst complicit.
‘Organized crime has made its way into some sectors of the police, politics and the
judicial branch, to the point that it appears to have grown beyond law enforcement’s
ability to deal with it.’ Police are frequently compromised or directly responsible for
violence: in June, the entire investigative police unit (1400 officers) was suspended over
allegations of corruption. Extortion rackets are conducted in coordination with
government officials or police. The situation is compounded by a weak justice system:
police corruption and inefficiency, as well as public distrust, mean that only 20% of
crimes are reported to the police, and of those, less than 4% are investigated.

“Lacking effective institutional remedies for gang violence, the primary governmental
response has been heavily militarized which has been criticized for contributing to
violence rather than increasing security. Regionally, a mano dura policy was adopted in
the early 2000s that was characterized by mass incarceration of suspected gang-
affiliated youth, use of military forces instead of police, and the enactment of strict anti-
gang laws. Despite initially strong popular support, the initiative has proved broadly
ineffective: gangs adapted around the new laws and evolved into more sophisticated
criminal networks, the charges of most arrestees are dismissed, and incarcerated youth
formerly unaffiliated with gangs are recruited in gang controlled prisons.” (p. 4)

“[P]rivate security militias hired by wealthy landowners function as small armies

throughout rural Honduras with little government oversight or regulation of their
activities. These private security groups sometimes work in tandem with government
forces, and may shoot to kill or use otherwise abusive tactics. Private security militias
have been accused of various human rights abuses, including carrying out functions
typically under the jurisdiction of government actors such as responding forcibly to
political protests or executing evictions. Government forces, rather than serving as a
check on this violence, become an additional actor in its perpetuation. Government
forces, rather than serving as a check on this violence, become an additional actor in its
perpetuation. In the Bajo Aguan region of Honduras, for example, Human Rights Watch
has reported the eviction and burning of campesino homes, torture of individuals, and
excessive use of force against protestors, all by government agents.” (p. 10)

“[T]here have been reports of vigilante groups committing extrajudicial

killings of young people presumed to be in gangs. Seeking legal redress is unlikely to be
effective, as 93% of crimes against youth in Honduras end in impunity.” (p. 13)

“A weak judicial system, combined with rampant violence and crime, means that a
climate of fear is the reality for many judges and lawyers in Honduras. A high number of
lawyers have been victims of homicides, threats, or other crimes: between 2010 and
2012, 53 lawyers were killed. Some of these were linked to particular activism or
criminal law work, but others practiced commercial or family law, suggesting that
lawyers are targets merely because of the nature of their profession. This being said,
those involved with criminal prosecutions face the highest risk. The Office of the Public
Prosecutor in particular has struggled to perform its duties because of political
interference, corruption in the police, resource shortages, and death threats made to
staff.

“The lack of an independent judiciary and a targeting of judges places them in a

similarly vulnerable position. The Honduran judiciary is heavily reliant on political
currents: in 2012, the National Congress removed four Supreme Court justices after
controversial rulings by the Constitutional Chamber that a ‘Police Purge Law’ and a
‘Charter Cities Law’ were unconstitutional. In addition to political pressure, many
justices receive death threats while they are hearing organized crime related cases. This
violence has resulted in instances of resignation or assassination of judges.” (pp. 15-16)

9. Peace Brigades International, Honduras, The defence of human rights: a high-

risk activity, December 2012, available at
http://www.mypbi.net/fileadmin/user_files/international/files/special_report/1212
10PBIreporthonduras.pdf ....

[Note: Report contains footnotes which are not included in excerpts below.]
GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS
“EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Since the coup d’état took place in Honduras on June 28,
2009, Peace Brigades International (PBI) has followed with growing concern the serious
deterioration of space for the defence of human rights faced by organisations,
communities and human rights defenders in the country. In response to a request for
international accompaniment from the National Human Rights Platform of Honduras
(Plataforma de Derechos Humanos de Honduras), PBI made a first visit to the country in
May 2011 to verify the human rights situation. Subsequently, after a period of intensive
analysis within the organisation, PBI decided to evaluate the feasibility of opening an
international accompaniment project in this country and, in the months of September and
October 2012, carried out a second visit with this objective. This report is the result of
research carried out during this exploration phase. During the in-country visit, PBI held
meetings with 30 human rights organisations (journalists, lawyers, the LGBTI
community, campesinos (small-scale farmers), indigenous people, women and trade
unionists), as well as with 10 international organisations, 14 national authorities and 15
representatives of the diplomatic corps. Moreover, PBI shared with a number of different
embassies in Honduras, Guatemala and Costa Rica, some of our concerns regarding
current risks for human rights defenders and their families and communities, including
impunity, the tendency to criminalize human rights activism, and the use of violence by
the public security forces.
“As a result of this visit, and in agreement with the statement by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights1, PBI found that in Honduras there is a situation of
‘chronic insecurity’ for human rights defenders which, as demonstrated in the cases
discussed in this report, particularly affects justice officials, journalists, LGBTI people
and those who demand access to land and territory. It is important to highlight the
particularly vulnerable situation for women human rights defenders within this
environment, due to the alarming rates of violence against women.
“This lack of security is characterized by various types of attacks against defenders,
aimed at hindering their work and endangering their physical and emotional integrity, as
well as that of their families. The crime of murder, the most abominable expression of
attacks against physical integrity, has become one of the most common forms of
aggression in Honduras. This crime is sometimes preceded by kidnapping, threats and
torture. Stigmatisation, defamation and criminalisation are also among the types of
aggression most frequently reported. In addition, PBI has received extremely worrying
information about the excessive use of force by the police and army during protests, in
violation of the right to peaceful demonstration. This excessive use of force has also been
reported as occurring during forced evictions.
“The vulnerability of human rights defenders is exacerbated by the improper
implementation of national and international protection mechanisms. Despite the
recognition of some progress with regards to this problem, human rights defenders
continue to denounce the lack of political will to ensure protection, promotion and
respect for their work. This is demonstrated by the continuing reports of serious assaults
and by the lack of compliance on the part of the Honduran state with a number of
recommendations made by international human rights organisations.
“In most of the meetings which PBI held with representatives of the Honduran social
movement, they highlighted the need to develop comprehensive security measures
including, among other mechanisms, the presence of international observers and the
transfer of the threatened person and their family to another region of the country or
abroad. A number of organisations made repeated requests during PBI’s visit in May
2011, for training workshops on human rights and international protection mechanisms
for human rights defenders. Several organisations consider necessary the permanent
presence of international organisations such as PBI in the country, dedicated to
recording and monitoring human rights violations.
“With the aim of contributing to an improvement in the conditions in which individuals,
groups and communities exercise their right to defend human rights in Honduras, PBI
has systematized some of the recommendations issued by international bodies in order to
highlight the importance of their fulfilment.
“Furthermore, based on the information gathered and experience gained over the last 30
years working in other countries in the region, we believe it is important to remind the
international community of the urgent need to strengthen international mechanisms for
the protection of human rights defenders in Honduras….
VIOLENCE AND IMPUNITY
“In recent years there has been a sharp increase in levels of violence, to the extent that
Honduras was considered by the UN to be one of the most dangerous places in the world
in 2012. The rate of homicides has risen from 37 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2005 to 86 in
2011. According to information submitted by the Center for Justice and International
Law (Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional - CEJIL) to the Universal
Periodic Review (UPR) of the UN Human Rights Council in November 2010, 98% of
these crimes remain unpunished. This impunity most strongly affects the most vulnerable
sectors of society such as rural and indigenous communities, women and LGBTI
people….
“The basic international principles concerning judicial independence state that the very
nature of justice is the resolution of cases with impartiality, without subjection to
pressure, threats or interference. The State has the obligation to promote, guarantee,
respect and obey justice. While these UN principles refer primarily to the role of the
judiciary, in this report we intend to give a broader dimension to the concept of ‘judicial
independence’ and take into account the rest of the justice system, that is, prosecutors
and lawyers. The impartiality with which they carry out their work, free from any
external influence and pressure, are the pillars on which the consolidation of rule of law
is based, in which citizens are guaranteed access to justice.
“Before the coup, and in particular, after it took place, different national and
international organisations have emphasized the institutional weakness of the judiciary
and the Public Prosecutor’s Office (PPO) in Honduras, which inevitably affects the
delivery of justice and leads to high levels of impunity. This weakness occurs mainly
because of the absence of firm guarantees for the independence and autonomy of justice
officials and weakness in the mechanisms which monitor this independence and
autonomy. Already in PBI’s first visit to Honduras, in May 2011, many social
organisations with whom PBI held meetings identified this as one of the main problems in
the state system. During our second visit, various organisations stated that this continues
to be the case.
“There are several contributing factors which contravene the independence and
autonomy of the judiciary. Different types of harassment and pressure against justice
officials have precisely this intention. In May 2010 the UN Special Rapporteur on the
independence of judges and lawyers warned about continuing harassment against justice
officials and lawyers in Honduras and framed these attacks within the general situation
of non-compliance on the part of the State with the principles ensuring the independence
of the judiciary. One example of this during PBI’s visit to the country was the killing of
prosecutor Manuel Eduardo Díaz Mazariegos, from the Regional Human Rights
Prosecutor’s Office in the Department of Choluteca. It is presumed that his murder was
linked to human rights cases he was working on. Díaz also took part in a hunger strike in
2008 to protest about the inaction of the Public Prosecutor in cases of corruption against
the political elite. His murder can therefore also be seen as a clear threat to those justice
officials who try to carry out their work with thoroughness and independence. According
to information received by the UN72, 74 lawyers have been killed in Honduras over the
past three years without an adequate response from the authorities. The latest case was
that of lawyer Antonio Trejo Cabrera, in September 2012. This clearly shows why there
are serious concerns about the insecurity of those who carry out legal actions to
investigate human rights violations.
“On the other hand, various organisations have denounced constant political
interference in the appointment, promotion and regulation of the legal profession, which
calls into question the legitimacy of the judiciary. The report of the Truth and
reconciliation Commission (TRC) in Honduras is adamant on this point, making it clear
that in order to strengthen and consolidate the Rule of Law, it is essential that a number
of reforms are made, including, for example, that the appointment of Supreme Court
judges and PPO prosecutors is made by an independent body, free from political
influence.73 The Supreme Court of Justice (SCJ), the highest judicial body, has been
questioned, in particular for its controversial role during the coup, when it endorsed both
the coup itself and a series of restrictive measures which were imposed. Even after these
events, the Supreme Court has continued to receive criticism for its alleged lack of
independence, which, according to the IACHR, is evident in some of the decisions it has
taken such as the stay of proceedings in cases of military personnel accused of
involvement in the coup, and the dismissal of judges who sought to halt the coup by
democratic means Another notable factor is the lack of independent investigators in the
Special Prosecutor for Human Rights’ Office, alerted by organisations such as Human
Rights Watch. This Office is supported by a team of police investigators, which leads to a
conflict of interest when, in many cases, police officers are under investigation for
alleged offences. Although this team of investigators is under the orders from the
prosecutors, it is part of the Ministry of Security and therefore the same institutional
culture of loyalty, which calls into question the thoroughness of investigations.”
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
“Similar to other countries in Central America, there is an alarming rate of violence
against women in Honduras. Data provided by the Special Prosecutor for Women
(Fiscalía Especial de la Mujer) indicates that during 2011, 464 women were murdered.
So far in 2012, the Visitación Padilla Women’s Movement (Movimiento de Mujeres
Visitación Padilla) and the National Commissioner for Human Rights (Comisionado
Nacional de los Derechos Humanos - CONADEH) have reported 278 murders. In the
past decade femicide has increased by 257% in the country. Although this data could be
explained by the general increase in violence in the country, figures show that the
number of women murdered has increased in recent years, far above that of men (160%
vs. 50%). It is important to highlight that most of these crimes remain unpunished.
VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS
“Various regional and international human rights protection systems have recognized
the importance of the struggle for the rights of LGBTI people and their fundamental role
in favour of equality and non-discrimination. They have also expressed their alarm at the
continuing violence unleashed against activists from these organisations and have
stressed the obligation of states to ensure effective protection. In late 2009 Margaret
Sekaggya, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, said that she
was ‘deeply concerned about the continuing denigration campaigns and the violent
threats against defenders of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights’. In its latest
report on human rights defenders, in 2011, the Inter American Commission on Human
Rights also highlighted the increase in violence towards this group of defenders.
“The LGBTI community in Honduras have for years been claiming their right to fully
enjoy their reproductive, sexual, economic, civil, cultural and social rights, within an
unfavourable social and political environment, as described above. The attention paid by
the Honduran authorities to these claims has been historically poor and this has led to
the restriction of the full recognition of these rights, and to permanent social
stigmatisation and violence. Even before the coup, the LGBTI community was demanding
the investigation of killings and other attacks on LGBTI people. In many cases it had
been reported that the attackers were police officers. The Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights, for example, granted precautionary measures to several LGBTI activists
working to demand a criminal investigation into police officers who had sexually
assaulted a member of the Cattrachas Lesbian Network (Red Lésbica Cattrachas).
Because of this quest for justice, these human rights defenders were targeted through
threats and other acts of intimidation.
“Activists for sexual diversity played a significant role in actively protesting together
with other groups in opposition to the coup d’état. Indeed, their visibility during the coup
resulted in serious violence against them during Micheletti’s de facto regime, when 22
people from the LGBTI community were murdered. This violence has continued in
subsequent years, causing concern in the international community. The Observatory on
Violence at the Autonomous University of Honduras (Universidad Autónoma de
Honduras - UNAH) recorded 101 crimes based on sexual orientation or gender identity
from January 2010 to May 2012.56 This violence and impunity have made LGBTI people
extremely vulnerable and highly exposed to attacks on their physical and emotional
integrity. Not for nothing are crimes against them known as ‘hate crimes’ because of the
brutality with which attacks occur. This violence has a clear impact on the work of
LGBTI activists. In several interviews during our visit LGBTI defenders reported that this
situation has forced them to reduce their actions in defending human rights and even, at
times, has led to the temporary closure of their offices.
“During the UPR of Honduras in 2010, several recommendations were made which
urged the Honduran State to adequately respond to this situation. In meetings between
PBI and sexual diversity organisations, we were informed that to date (October 2012),
not one of these recommendations has been fulfilled. Moreover, the Special Rapporteur
on human rights defenders, during her visit to the country in February 2012, expressed
her alarm at this reality and expressed concern about the actions of high ranking public
officials in Honduras who have stigmatized LGBTI defenders in public statements. The
United States also expressed their concern and urged the Honduran government to take
effective measures to investigate the guilty parties, punish them, and guarantee effective
protection measures for this collective.58 Speeches inciting or justifying violence,
stigmatisation and discrimination against the LGBTI community can also be found in
statements made by the media….
“Walter Orlando Tróchez was a human rights defender, member of the LGBTI
community and member of the Association for a Better Life for People Infected and
Affected by HIV / AIDS (Asociación para una Vida Mejor de Personas Infectadas y
Afectadas por el VIH/ SIDA - APUVIMEH). Even before the coup he actively
participated in a number of coordination groups between civil society and the State for
the protection of the rights of the LGBTI community. After the events of June 2009 he was
active in the National Popular Resistance Front (Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular
- FNRP).
“On December 13, 2009, Tróchez was killed by shots fired from a vehicle in the centre of
Tegucigalpa. Importantly, in the months prior to this fatal outcome he had been the
victim of a number of attacks, all extremely serious, foreshadowing the worst: On July 5,
2009, he identified a vehicle with tinted windows and no number plates watching his
home. The defender decided to move house after noticing this. On July 20 of the same
year, he was arrested by the authorities after participating in a peaceful sit-in at the
National Congress. During his detention he was severely beaten and humiliated because
of his sexual orientation.
“On December 4, 2009, he was forced to climb into a car with an unknown hooded and
armed man. Inside he was beaten and threatened with death. After struggling with his
captors he managed to jump to escape from the moving vehicle. The reaction of nationa l
human rights organisations and the internationa l community APUVIMEH continues to
demand, nearly three years after the killing of Tróchez, the end of impunity for his
murder and the murders of other victims from the LGBTI community.
“Both the Commission of Truth (CT) and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(TRC) have included in their reports a comprehensive analysis of this case, determining,
in the case of the TRC, that “there are reasonable grounds to believe that members of the
state security forces violated the right to life of Walter Orlando Tróchez. Agents from
these institutions participated to some degree in the extrajudicial killing of the victim”.
“The IACHR highlighted the murder of this LGBTI community human rights defender
and activist in its 2010 report, and made a special appeal to the Honduran State to solve
the case….
“Erick Alex Martínez Ávila was a student leader, journalist, human rights activist and
member of the LGBTI Kukulcán collective. He was also an active member of the
Roundtable for Sexual Diversity of the National Popular Resistance Front (FNRP) and a
candidate for local primary elections of the Freedom and Refoundation Party (Partido
Libertad y Refundación - Libre).
“Erick Alex Martínez Ávila was found dead on May 7, 2012 with signs of strangulation,
after having gone missing two days earlier64. He had participated in a demonstration on
May 1 where he had handed out copies of the magazine produced by the Grupo de los
Necios association, which had expressed a strong opposition to the coup d’état. On May
5, the same day of his disappearance, he had been elected as a deputy for the LIBRE
Party by the FNRP Assembly in recognition of his work as a defender of the rights of the
Honduran LGBT community….
“According to a Reporters without Borders press release, Erick Martínez was ‘a marked
man for the enemies of human rights and pluralism in Honduras’. This case shows
similarities to the murder of Walter Tróchez, and has inevitably caused members of the
LGBTI community and human rights organisations to assume that the crime will be
covered up as part of the reigning impunity in the country. In several of the interviews
conducted during PBI’s research visit, organisations reported that after the murder of
Martínez there was increased surveillance of their organisations and that they were
forced to lower the profile of their work and even close their offices for a time.
“According to the media, the alleged perpetrator of the crime, a teenage gang member,
was arrested on September 12, 2012 in Tegucigalpa. At the time of publication of this
report, there is no further information on progress in this case.
“The reaction of the internationa l community UNESCO and the IACHR immediately
condemned the crime. The IACHR made an urgent call to the Honduran State to clarify
the cause of this crime, identify, prosecute and punish those responsible, and take
measures to ensure compensation for the relatives of the victim….
CONCLUSIONS
“Three years after the coup and an apparent return to normality after the elections and
the readmission of Honduras to the OAS, the lack of protection and criminalisation of
individuals, organisations and communities who defend human rights in Honduras
continues to be alarming. Several international bodies such as the UN have stated that
this deterioration of the situation for human rights defenders was exacerbated by the
coup and continues today.
“It is important to emphasize the role of women human rights defenders who with their
work defy gender stereotypes imposed on them by society, according to which their
fundamental role is the care of the home and family, which excludes them from
participation in the public sphere. Moreover, in many cases, women are not recognized
as defenders by the State or society. The situation for women defenders has also
worsened after the coup which has led to weak and inoperative state institutions,
incapable of responding effectively to the social demands of vulnerable sectors.
“As already stated in our 2011 report, reigning impunity and the use of criminalisation
and stigmatization in order to hamper the defence of human rights, continue to be the
main sources of danger to defenders, their families and their communities. Added to these
problems is the abuse of public power which violates the right to peaceful demonstration,
which is all too clear during the implementation of forced evictions. Given this situation
of serious risks for organisations, communities and defenders, the State’s response
through its protection mechanisms, is inadequate and insufficient.
“The impunity in the country represents the most serious attack on defenders, because it
perpetuates the widespread view that there is no cost to attacking human rights
defenders, and instead, this can lead to many benefits. There is little or no progress in the
investigation of murder cases, for example, which is one of the most common types of
attack in Honduras. In this climate, public statements made by national authorities are of
serious concern, as they lead to stigmatisation and discredit the work of defending human
rights, by distancing the attacks suffered by defenders from the work they carry out.
“The creation of public policies which tend to give sweeping powers to the armed forces
in scenarios for civilian protection, as a government response to the high levels of
violence, has been strongly criticized by human rights organisations and international
institutions. Of particular concern is the abuse of military force which leads to human
rights violations and acts of repression, arrests and persecution aimed at silencing the
defence of human rights. Criminalisation strategies have been widely reported, mainly by
indigenous, tribal and campesino organisations, who lead processes for the defence of
their ancestral and territorial rights in the face of mega-projects which have been
proposed, adopted or implemented by state authorities without a participatory process of
prior consultation.
“The State’s response to the security situation of those who suffer threats for their work
defending human rights has been highly criticized. Despite the fact that human rights
organisations recognise that some progress has been made, they continue to report a
persistent lack of political willingness and resources on the part of the State. This is
exemplified by the continuing and increasingly serious attacks reported, as well as the
lack of compliance by the Honduran State of some of the recommendations made by
different international organisations.”
10. Freedom House, Honduras: Country at the Crossroads (2010), available at
https://freedomhouse.org/report/countries-
crossroads/2010/honduras#.VQOJpOHlwfB …… [●]
GENERAL: HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS
“During Honduras's transition from military rule to representative democracy
over the last 30 years, governance has been affected by pressures from business interests,
traditional political elites, the military, and deeply entrenched wealthy families seeking to
preserve their position by opposing reforms or ensuring their ineffectiveness. The
destabilizing power of transnational organized crime and widespread violence also now
envelop the country: killings, extortion, and kidnappings have become everyday
problems. Moreover, an ineffective and corrupt judicial system puts Honduras on a path
to further insecurity by creating high levels of impunity and destroying confidence in the
authorities.” …
“While the holding of democratic elections, improvements in respect for human rights,
and the development of civil society since the end of military rule represent substantial
advances, much work remains to be done. The autonomy and effectiveness of the
government has been compromised by the power of private interests, a weak
bureaucracy, drug traffickers, and a two-party system that is unwilling to renovate its
leadership. Moreover, corruption is pervasive, manifesting itself through bribes and the
intimidation of judges, as well as low accountability for abuses of authority by public
officials.” …
“Honduras also suffers from one of the highest homicide rates in the region, with
rampant crime attributed to criminal groups such as drug cartels and affiliated youth
gangs. In 2008, there were 57.9 murders per 100,000 inhabitants. While the government
has adopted an "iron fist" approach to homicides, it focuses mostly on youth gang
violence, making membership in a gang punishable by up to 30 years in prison and using
the military to conduct raids and help maintain order in major cities. Fewer efforts have
been made to curb the powerful influence of crime networks linked to Colombian,
Honduran, and Mexican drug traffickers that use the territory as a transshipment point,
partly due to lack of capacity and corruption within the security institutions. These
shortcomings have led to abuses by security personnel, especially the police, including
extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and illegal searches. Honduran youth in
particular have become victims of strict antigang campaigns reminiscent of the army's
violent street recruitment raids of the 1980s.”
CHILD ABUSE/VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN
“Organizations such as Casa Alianza, which works with street children, report that
harsh, unchecked policies targeting youth gang members have led to police profiling
based on appearance (such as tattoos), discrimination against youths, arbitrary arrests,
and even extrajudicial killings by state security forces. These practices have also been
recognized by the international community, and in 2006 the Inter-American Court of
Human Rights condemned Honduras for the extrajudicial killings of four youths and one
adult in 1995. Casa Alianza reports that 3,943 children and adults were killed from 1998
to 2007 by vigilante groups that may have included members of the military or police.”
…
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
“Violence against women is widespread in Honduras, and the Center of Women's Studies
(CEM-H) reports that an average of 14,000 domestic violence complaints were filed
annually between January 2003 and September 2008. Between 2002 and 2008, 1,114
women were murdered, the grand majority by their husbands or partners. This violence
occurs against a backdrop of marginalization in which women experience limited levels
of civic participation and high levels of poverty and discrimination. Few cases of
domestic violence are investigated or reach the courts, and laws prohibiting gender-
based discrimination are often not enforced. Women are traditionally concentrated in
low-skilled, low-wage jobs, such as in maquila export processing zones, and they are
often subject to exploitation by employers.”

VIOLENCE BY GANGS
“The country's crime problems are related to the presence of transnational gangs and
drug-trafficking networks, especially in major urban centers such as Tegucigalpa and
San Pedro Sula. As noted above, Honduras has one of the highest homicide rates in the
region, registering 57.9 murders per 100,000 inhabitants in 2008. According to a 2007
national survey conducted by Borge y Asociados, about three-quarters of Hondurans feel
unsafe using public transportation or traveling on highways, approximately 60 percent
feel unsafe walking on the street or visiting the market, half say they feel unsafe in their
own cars, and nearly a third report feeling unsafe at work. Incidents of kidnapping
increased in 2009, and have expanded to include assaults on school buses to kidnap
children leaving school.
“The UN Office on Drugs and Crime estimates that there are approximately 36,000 gang
members in Honduras, concentrated in the groups Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and 18th
Street. Honduras launched a zero-tolerance policy against violent youth gangs in 2003,
known as mano dura (iron fist), and the maximum prison sentence for gang membership
was increased from 13 to 30 years in 2004. The mano dura policy focused on punishing
gang members and neglected to sufficiently address rehabilitation or the root causes of
delinquency. Upon taking office in 2005, Zelaya launched his own crackdown on crime
and violence after kidnappings increased and Micheletti's nephew was killed. While these
policies were initially reported to have had a positive effect on crime rates, they were
considered unproductive overall. The homicide rate increased by 25 percent between
2007 and 2008, and kidnappings increased by 85.7 percent in 2008, jumping from 42
kidnappings in 2007 to 78 in 2008.” …
“Not to be confused with turf-based youth gangs, the drug-trafficking cartels that use
Honduras as a transit point for drugs headed to the United States are highly organized
business operations, though they increasingly integrate members of youth gangs and
local drug networks into their activities. In recent years, the transnational cartels have
joined forces with local criminal groups to take control of strategic regions of Honduras,
especially along the borders and coastline. Much of Honduras's border is remote and
sparsely populated, and lacks any effective state presence. Mexican drug cartels,
specifically the Sinaloa and Gulf cartels, have become particularly active in Honduras,
partly in response to the Mexican authorities' crackdown on traffickers within Mexico.
Honduran authorities believe that several top leaders of the Sinaloa cartel are hiding in
Honduras, and that they have been involved in executions and the training of death
squads in the country's northwest. In May 2008, cartel leader Jorge Mario Paredes
Córdova was captured in San Pedro Sula by the Honduran National Police. In addition,
the transnational groups' practice of paying local criminal networks in drugs has
exacerbated a growing domestic drug problem.”
POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION
“Due to mismanagement, corruption, and the strong influence of private interests, the
government has only a limited ability to execute public policy and offer services. Public
institutions have suffered from financial mismanagement under Zelaya's administration,
with organizations such as the National Registry of Persons and the National Electric
Energy Company shutting down or teetering close to bankruptcy. Honduras also
experiences frequent partisan purges of civil service officers and agency and institution
heads at every level, inhibiting continuity in programming, removing capable and
experienced officials, and damaging overall government efficacy. There is a general lack
of ethical behavior in government institutions, which are used for the personal benefit of
the ruling class to obtain concessions and strategic economic information, protect private
businesses, evade taxes, influence legislation and court decisions, and maintain an
environment of impunity for corrupt officials. According to the Inter-American
Development Bank, Honduras rates last in a survey of institutional capacity in 18 Latin
American countries.” …
“Honduras's high rates of crime and violence have created a climate of fear, and
combined with impunity for security personnel and an ineffective criminal justice system,
this has resulted in very serious violations of civil liberties.” …
“According to the Ministry of Security, in 2008 authorities prosecuted 268 police officers
for offenses such as abuse of authority, drug trafficking, rape, and homicide.”…
“In fact, Alfredo Landaverde, a former adviser to the Ministry of Security, told the
newspaper La Prensa in an August 2008 interview that drug cartels have infiltrated
Honduran police and military forces as well as the judicial system.”…
“According to the CNA, central weaknesses in the judicial system also include
widespread corruption and a lack of ethics and technical capacity among judges. The
strong role of partisan politics and private interests in the judiciary affect the courts'
ability to fight corruption in other parts of the government and society, reinforcing the
country's climate of impunity.”…
“Corruption is rampant in public institutions at all levels, from the executive branch to
local police precincts. In 2008, Transparency International ranked Honduras 126 out of
180 countries in its Corruption Perceptions Index. Corruption is repeatedly cited in
nationwide surveys as one of the top three problems facing Honduras, and 95 percent of
Hondurans surveyed find that levels of corruption are extremely high. The problem is
exacerbated by the politicization of the judicial system and the media, which collude with
corrupt elites to impede transparency and ensure an environment of impunity in which
few cases of corruption reach the courts. Low levels of civil society participation and
oversight also leave officials unaccountable for irregular practices, although some
organizations, such as C-Libre and the CNA, have emerged as leaders in the fight against
graft.”
NEWS ARTICLES AND OTHER REPORTS, DIVIDED BY TOPIC

VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN/CHILD ABUSE

[Note: The topic of “violence against children” is also covered in articles/reports

excerpted in several other sections below, including “Violence Against Women and
Girls/Domestic Violence,” “Violence by Gangs,” and “Police/Judicial Corruption.”]

#. Catholic World News, Skyrocketing Crime Rates Make Children, Teens

Unsafe in Honduras, 16 Dec 2016, available at
http://www.catholicculture.org/news/headlines/index.cfm?storyid=30225 …

“A soaring rate of violent crime in Honduras has made the country unsafe for young
people, prompting many to seek refuge in the United States.

“The Norvegian Refugee Council estimates that only one-third of the children in
Honduras are safe in school. Many families encourage their children to leave—
sometimes alone—to travel north in search of security. In the past year, US officials have
registered the cases of over 10,000 children arriving in the US without adult supervision.

“For children who remain in Honduras, criminal gangs are a daily threat. Among
teenagers, the murder rate is just over 1 in 1,000: several times higher than the rate in
the most violent cities of the US.”

#. Agencias Fides, America/Honduras – Going to school for two-thirds of

children is a danger to their safety, 16 Dec. 2016, available at
http://www.fides.org/en/news/61382-
AMERICA_HONDURAS_Going_to_school_for_two_thirds_of_children_is_a_d
anger_to_their_safety#.WFXKSuYrKUl …

“Tegucigalpa (Agenzia Fides) - In Honduras one third of today’s generation of school-

goers can access a secure educational space. The general violence that the country lives
obliges families to decide whether to hide their children at home or help them escape,
most of the time alone. The warning comes from the Norvegian Refugee Council (NRC).

“‘The world cannot stand still, watching children being killed on their way to school, or
keep silent when criminal gangs are controlling school territories using fear’ says the
director for NRC in Honduras.

“According to information gathered by Fides, currently at least 174,000 have been

forced to leave the Country. Parents send threatened children off alone in an attempt to
save their lives. Many minors try to make their way to the USA. The US government
recorded more than 10,000 cases of unaccompanied Honduran children between October
2015 and September of 2016.

“Honduras has one of the highest homicide rates in the world. During the first half of
2016, the rate of homicide victims aged between 10 and 14 years was 61 per 100,000 in-
habitants. The rate increases dramatically from 15 to 19 years of age, with 102.8
homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, according to reports from the NRC. (AP)”

#. Norwegian Refugee Council press release, To Hide or Flee? Education and the
Humanitarian Situation in Honduras, 15 Dec 2016, available at
http://reliefweb.int/report/honduras/hide-or-flee-education-and-humanitarian-
situation-honduras .....
“Widespread violence has created a protection crisis for children in Honduras. A new
report by the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) reveals that families are often left with
two choices: Either hide their children at home, or help them flee. In both scenarios,
children are prevented from attending school. ‘The world cannot stand still, watching
children being killed on their way to school, or keep silent when criminal gangs are
controlling school territories using fear,’ said Christian Visnes, Country Director for
NRC in Honduras.

“An average of one child per family is out of school in Honduras’ most violent areas,
according to the report. Just one third of today’s generation of school-goers can access a
secure educational space.

“‘A whole generation in Honduras is about to be lost. The effect of the violence is an
invisible epidemic affecting whole communities, and it’s happening below everyone’s
radar,’ warned Visnes.

“Criminal gangs control large areas of the country’s main cities, where poverty is
rampant. Forced displacement, threats, kidnapping, sexual violence and homicides are
commonplace. The situation is particularly hard on children.

“‘In addition to the violence, the State is unable to protect people from violence of
criminal gangs, which leads to the adoption of personal protection strategies. Left
without other options, the strategy often becomes to hide or flee,’ said Visnes.

“Violence has displaced at least 174,000 within Honduras. Families fleeing violence
often leave under the cover of night, not allowing them to take many personal belongings.
Parents send threatened children off alone in an attempt to save their lives. Many minors
try to make their way to the USA.

“The US government recorded more than 10,468 cases of unaccompanied Honduran

children between October 2015 and September of 2016 – nearly double the 2015 figure
and more than six times 2013 statistics. Approximately half fled violence and insecurity.
“‘School dropout is an indicator of a serious crisis, not only within the educational
sector but for the entire society. When children are prevented from going to school they
are also prevented from having a future,’ said Visnes.

“NRC, with the support from the European Union, is ensuring that thousands of
displaced children, or children at risk of being displaced, in Honduras can access
school.”

#. Norwegian Refugee Council Report, To Hide or Flee? Education and the

Humanitarian Situation in Honduras, 15 Dec 2016, available at
http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/NRC%20Hide%20or%20Fle
e%20report%20on%20Honduras.pdf …………..

[Note: This 24-page report contains footnotes, deleted from excerpts below.]

“Executive Summary: According to the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), an average

of one child per household is out of school in Honduras’s most violent areas. Just one
third of the current generation can access a secure educational space.

“Criminal gang activity has a devastating impact on children’s lives. The country has
one of the highest homicide rates in the world, and to exert territorial control, criminal
gangs restrict or prevent school attendance. They have managed to infiltrate the core of
educational establishments, infuencing the decisions of principals and teachers. Gang
members routinely promote the sale of drugs to minors, extort teachers and students, and
carry out recruitment, surveillance and intelligence activities.

“Direct threats from criminal gangs have led to the closure of schools or the cancellation
of classes. As a result of the violence, children are often obliged to request a school
transfer or abandon their education altogether.

“At least one of every three children drops out of school after concluding the sixth grade.
The high point of dropouts occurs in the seventh and eighth grades with students between
13 and 14 years of age. This statistic is worrisome as it corresponds to the age range
when the number of human rights violations increases.

“In today’s context, families do not fnd many alternatives: they can either hide their
children, or help them fee. There is a clear relationship between the violence, the absence
of institutional protection, and the adoption of personal protection strategies – internal
displacement and the search for international protection.

“Although it recognises the situation, the government has not managed to prevent
displacement or respond systematically to the immediate needs of individuals and
families forced to fee their homes. There are no legal frameworks or public policies that
specifcally promote the protection of and assistance to the displaced population.
…[Recommendations follow.] …
Text of Report, starting at p. 6:

“‘Last week my eldest daughter’s friend was killed. I only allow my four children to leave
the house to go to school, and that’s because I accompany them.’ -- Mother of threatened
children, Tegucigalpa

“In Honduras, widespread violence has created a protection crisis. Criminal gangs exert
heavy territorial control in urban areas, where poverty is rampant. Extortion, restrictions
on mobility, threats and intimidation, kidnapping, sexual violence and homicides are
common.

“Criminal gangs follow a hierarchical system of organisation, operation,

communications and fnance. The National Police of Honduras estimates that the two
largest criminal gangs – Mara Salvatrucha 13, also know as MS13, and mob Barrio 18,
or simply, 18 – boast approximately 25,000 members.

“This context has been likened to a confict situation. Its impact on the lives of civilians is
devastating. Honduras has one of the highest homicide rates in the world. Between
January and June of 2016, an average of 13 homicides occurred every day. Around 36
per cent – 932 cases – took place in the Central District and San Pedro Sula.

“This situation of generalised violence especially affects minors. Girls and boys alike are
recruited, threatened, killed, tortured, sexually abused and forcibly displaced. The UN
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reports that more than 4,700 children and youth have been
recruited to join criminal gangs in Honduras.

“According to evidence collected for this report, boys and girls participate in criminal
gang activities from the age of eight. They are coerced into surveillance activities,
collecting information, extortion, and traffcking narcotic drugs. There is a clear
correlation between ‘used minors and the number of arrests under charges of extortions.
In 2015, three out of 10 criminal gang mem- bers arrested for extortion were minors.

“During the frst half of 2016, the rate of homicide victims aged between 10 and 14 years
was 61 per 100,000 inhabitants. The rate increases dramatically for the 15 to 19 year old
age bracket: 102.8 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants.

“This violence affects boys and girls differently. For each violent death of a woman
between January and June of 2016, ten deaths of men were recorded. This proportion
follows the same pattern for minors. Girls, meanwhile, tend to suffer more from sexual
abuse and exploitation. In the last ten years, more than fifteen thousand cases of sexual
abuse against girls were reported and according to the Special Prosecutor for Children,
sexual abuse doubled in 2015.

“In 2016 the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) surveyed school dropouts in San Pedro
Sula and identifed that, in areas with criminal gang presence, one in fve households had
a minor who was already a parent. Of those surveyed, 82 per cent were girls who did not
have the support of the child’s father. The UN Population Fund (UNFPA) warns in a
2016 report that one in four women between 14 and 19 years old in Honduras had been
pregnant at least once.

“‘Every female classmate I had in the sixth grade fell pregnant, except three. We were
twenty-four. The male classmates continue to study.’ -- Adolescent in San Pedro Sula

“Minors with children and single underage mothers are particularly vulnerable
population groups. They face specifc risks of exploitation and abandonment in gang-
controlled areas. Generally, these children and youth have humanitarian needs
associated with shelter, food and education. According to NRC, their households, when
affected by violence, struggle to pay rent as their scarce economic resources gradually
deplete.

“Despite the gravity of the situation, families do not usually turn to institutional
protection mechanisms. NRC interviews corroborate the ‘climate of mistrust of the
society on public institutions, the police, the army, and a situation of corruption and
impunity’ suggested by the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally
Displaced Persons. The testimonies even suggest that going to institutional mechanisms
could pose risks associated with criminal gang retaliation.

“‘It’s not worth reporting. In June a neighbour was killed, a police offcer’s son. The
family left the neighbourhood. They didn’t investigate even though he was the son of a
police offcer. The only thing you get if you complain is that they know and go after the
rest of the family.’ -- Mother of a murdered young woman

“The national Ombudsman estimates that over 80 per cent of human rights violations in
Honduras remain in impunity. Unverifed estimates suggest that 97 per cent of murders go
unsolved, which indirectly encourages homicides by establishing a level of impunity.

“The failure to protect citizens from the consequences of such violence causes the
population to avoid denouncing human rights violations and interacting with security
bodies. This, in turn, directly affects the protection of minors and even, as argued later,
affects school enrolment.

Due to impunity and distrust in public institutions, the network of support and protection
for children is often limited to family ties. Occasionally, adults establish a direct dialogue
with the criminal gangs to try to protect them. But the lack of institutional mechanisms to
protect citizens increases their risk of death when doing so.

“In this context, families do not fnd many alternatives: they can either hide their
children, or help them flee. There is a clear relationship between the violence, the
absence of institutional protection and the adoption of personal protection strategies –
internal displacement and the search for international protection. As a protection
measure, children and youth on occasion hide in their homes, isolated, in conditions
similar to confnement. in a situation similar to that of confnement.
“Article six of the Convention on the Rights of the Child stipulates that: ‘State Parties
shall ensure to the extent possible the survival and development of the child.’ A boy
locked in his house who fears for his life, without access to school, is missing out on
opportunities to build his future.

“When possible, families – or just the threatened child – seek refuge with friends or
extended family. In some cases, they remain largely or completely confned for fear of
being identifed by their attackers. As a last resort, endangered children flee their homes.
The constant movement and self-imposed confnement of many displaced people disrupts
nearly all their normal daily activities. It even affects their school enrolment retention.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced People states
in his report on Honduras that ‘the impact of this phenomenon on the child population is
obvious and worrying.’

“‘We moved to another neighbourhood, but we found ourselves once again with those
who threatened my son. So now my children do not leave the house and we are trying to
leave the country.’ -- Parent, Tegucigalpa

“According to the study Characterization of Internal Displacement in Honduras, in the

last ten years there have been more than 78,000 displaced children under the age of
seventeen, or around 43 per cent of the total number of displaced people. Minors
considered to be dependent – under the age of fourteen – represent 36 per cent of the
displaced population.

“This data, and the interviews conducted for this report, indicate that a signifcant
number of displaced families have several children. This could support that a
relationship exists between the decision to fee and the existence of grave threats against
children.

“At present, the Honduran government has not been able to prevent displacement or
respond systematically to the immediate needs of displaced families. Despite some
efforts, no effective measures have been implemented to promote the protection of
civilians prior to displacement. There is acknowledgment of the situation, but there are
no legal frameworks or public policies that specifcally promote the protection of and
assistance to the displaced population.

“Consequently, minors fee quietly without anyone noticing. Keeping a low profle during
escape is hard on families. NRC reports that one in fve families forced to abandon their
homes leave behind all household items. As a result, they have basic needs such as
mattresses, blankets, hygiene kits and kitchen utensils.

“Additionally, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced

Persons has mentioned that ‘internal displacement is a precursor for migration, since
there are no viable options for internally displaced persons to provide security and
livelihoods in Honduras.’ According to the UN High Commissioner for the Refugees
(UNHCR), the reception of Honduran children in migration centres outside the country
increased 83 per cent between 2012 and 2013.23 In 2015, 5,401 minors attempted to
cross the US border without papers. The US government recorded more than 10,468
cases of unaccompanied Honduran children between October 2015 and September of
2016 – nearly double the 2015 fgure and more than six times 2013 statistics.
According to the UNHCR report, 59.5 per cent of minors from Central America fed
violence and insecurity in their country of origin.

“The majority of children trying to seek safety in the US are deported. According to the
offcial data, more than 5,000 Honduran minors were deported in 2015. Minors who
return have exhausted their fnancial resources and many are afraid to return to their
gang-controlled neighbourhoods. In a number of cases identifed by NRC in migrant
reception centres, deported minors or their families lack the funds needed to settle in
another part of Honduras. These conditions necessitate an active humanitarian response
of providing accommodation, food assistance and education. Such a response would
reduce risks and help stop the cycle of displacement and fear.

“‘Perhaps they asked our son where he came from and he told them. Perhaps they were
from an enemy different from the one that controls our neighbourhood and that’s why
they killed him.’ -- Father of a young man recently murdered

“Criminal gangs have clear and violent social control over the areas where they are
present, which adversely affects the physical, psychological and social development of
children.

“Using violence, criminal gangs aim to consolidate or increase control over

neighbourhoods. In Honduras, the geographical presence of criminal gangs is very
fragmented and consequently, some urban areas are transformed into real battlefelds as
they vie for control of territorial patches.

“Criminal gangs establish borders that delimit the areas controlled by armed groups.
Citizens identify houses, streets, recreation spaces and businesses to differentiate the
established borders. Neighbourhood centres are also identifed as risk areas – places or
houses devoted to torture and murder, training gang members, and housing for gang
members, be it through ownership or occupation. Interviewees asserted that they have
been stripped of their homes, through threats or murder, because the location was
strategic for territorial control.

“‘Every person has the right to move freely, leave, enter and stay in national territory.
No one can be compelled to move domicile or residence, except in special cases and with
the requirements that the law establishes.’ -- Article 81, Constitution of Honduras

“In practice, boundaries restrict access to neighbourhoods and limit mobility between
territories controlled by different criminal gangs. Access restrictions are accompanied by
a control of information on the number and identity of criminal gang members, drug
traffcking, strategic activities, places, and businesses. These measures also endeavour to
prevent violent action from rival criminal gangs. Mobility restrictions particularly affect
men, who are generally considered more suspicious because of their gender. They also
constrain or prevent minors from participating in sports competitions, cultural exchanges
or social celebrations. Sometimes, they cause situations akin to confnement, which
temporarily limits access to different public services such as healthcare and school.

“‘A school had formed a music band and another school of a neighboring colony invited
the band to participate in a celebration. After the celebration, when the whole band was
on the bus, the transport was detained at gunpoint by some Mareros [members of a
criminal gang]. Jumped in, identifed a boy band member as an inhabitant of a colony
[district] controlled by a rival gang, grab him down the vehicle and killed him in front of
all their classmates. The director of the band who was his teacher, attempted to mediate
and even offered to be killed instead of the boy, but nothing stopped them.’ -- Secretariat
of Education offcial.

“In the neighbourhoods, children and their families are subjected to night-time curfews
and schedules that prohibit free use of streets and public spaces. Inhabitants must comply
with rules and codes – for instance, those admitted to a gang-controlled area by vehicle
must allow them to search their transport. Through extortion, threats and killings,
criminal gangs also restrict public transportation routes, which has hurt the supply of
transport services in these areas. As a result, locals cite limited emergency transport to
health centres and issues commuting or bringing their children to school.

“‘Electricity at the bus stop has been stripped as a scare tactic.…The lighting that was
there had been provided by a former bus owner, who was murdered less than two months
ago. There are currently only three buses transporting passengers. The rest have left for
fear of losing their lives.’ -- International Information Organization.

Territorial control threatens and limits the use of public recreational spaces, which are
fundamental for children’s physical and social development. Recreational spaces are
frequently occupied or used by criminal gangs, increasing the fear of those who enjoy
these public spaces. Sometimes, massacres occur, evidencing the risk faced by children
and youth who make use of these spaces. This has happened in Colonia Felipe Zelaya
(San Pedro Sula) in 2010, in Comayagüela in 2014, and in Tegucigalpa in June 2016.

“‘One of the ringleaders approached the educational facility to talk to the director,
warning him that from now on, no student belonging to another neighbourhood could
continue studying at this school.’ --International Information Organization

“The fight for territorial control affects schools. It causes absenteeism and dropout, and
compromises the continuity of classes. Three thousand students in San Pedro Sula
request school transfers annually, citing problems with criminal gangs. According to the
Francisco Morazán local authorities, approximately 360 schools in the district are under
threat.

“Criminal gang activity infringes on the right to education. In the capital city
Tegucigalpa, 15 schools cancelled night sessions between April and September of 2016,
affecting more than 3,600 students and at least 48 teachers. On occasion, direct threats
cause schools to close, which happened in May 2016.

“‘As a result of the attacks and threats, 51 pupils requested to be transferred from a
school and changed educational centres. Some went to 20 de Julio, others to Renacer and
others to another programme.’ --Threatened teacher.

“Criminal gangs restrict or prevent the school attendance of students who live in
neighbourhoods where a rival gang is present. They threaten children who must cross
gang-imposed borders to reach school. Teachers who cross borders on their daily
commute face a similar situation. They are intimidated, threatened, and as a result, their
job performance suffers.

“‘I worked as a teacher in a school in the neighbourhood. I requested to be transferred

because I was constantly threatened. Now I am temporarily out of work. Even if they
allow me to return, I will not do it. I don’t know what will happen to me.’ -- Threatened
teacher

“Criminal gangs sometimes impose restrictions on personal clothing. Interviewees stated

that in some urban areas, children cannot wear certain brands of shoes because the
controlling criminal gang prohibits them. They have also succeeded in imposing a sign
language, which minors must incorporate into their body language. Students, especially
children, say that using the code is a measure of self-protection to be able go to and from
school safely.

“Displaced people are especially vulnerable in these situations, as they want to maintain
a low profle in their new environment. When a displaced child begins school in a new
place, he or she must quickly learn the restrictions and codes of the ruling criminal gang
to avoid raising suspicions of his or her new whereabouts.

“Interviewees suggested that minors who do not live in the same neighbourhood as their
schools must pay a fee to access the buildings. Young female students are often targeted
because they are not considered as a risk for the band and are seen as easy prey.

“School bus drivers, likewise, are affected by extortion and other controlling measures.
In the frst quarter of 2016, a school bus driver was killed while driving students home
from the school Cerro Dos in Tegucigalpa. A student was also injured.

“Criminal gangs have succeeded in infltrating the schools themselves, infuencing the
decisions of principals and teachers. Gang members routinely promote the sale of drugs
to minors, extort teachers and students, and carry out recruitment, surveillance and
intelligence activities. The Secretariat of Education’s Unit for the Prevention of Violence
recognises these practices and considers them a threat against access to enrolment and
retention.
“Threats, intimidation or coercion against teachers leads them to approve advancement
of students linked to criminal gangs, which allows gang members to continue criminal
activities within the schools. School faculties, too, must follow the requirements and
conditions laid down by the criminal gangs. The Unit for the Prevention of Violence has
reported that criminal gangs fnance teacher salaries and infuence the functioning of
schools, which depend on the funding to provide adequate services.

“‘In one of the centres I recently visited, the director admitted that the criminal gang
paid a teacher and in return, he left the school door unlocked so the gang could use it at
night for their business.’ -- An offcial of the Secretariat of Education

To respond to the situation, the government has taken steps to militarise educational
institutions affected by criminal gangs. Members of the Military Police and the National
Police, armed and in uniform, patrol the entrances and perimeters of these schools. They
routinely conduct searches and sporadically arrest students. This practice is publically
opposed by the educational community and human rights organisations.

“By not taking appropriate prevention and protection measures, and failing to uphold
strict compliance with legal human rights provisions, the public forces could
unnecessarily put students’ lives at risk. Using minors to obtain information on criminal
gangs could lead to the identifcation of students and increase their risk of death.

“‘A mother came asking me for 15 days of leave for her boy. An excellent child, 9 or 10
years old. I told her that 15 days was a lot. She begged. Finally, she explained that she
sent her son to the United States illegally. Don’t do it, I told her. She replied: teacher,
this neighbourhood is not for my children…. Today they are in Guatemala. The 15 days
are for in case they fail, so my boy can return to school without losing his spot.’ --
Teacher at an educational centre, Rivera Hernandez.

“As a result of the widespread violence in Honduras, displaced children, and children
who are at risk of displacement are forced to transfer schools. Transfer requests in gang-
controlled areas could be interpreted as a measure to mitigate risks of violence and
human rights violations, or as a consequence of forced displacement.

“School transfers are a measure established by the Secretariat of Education that saves
lives and promotes access to education for these vulnerable populations. Government
entities are supposed to identify the reason for the transfer; but frequently, parents and
guardians do not reveal the actual reasons for the request. Fear and distrust in public
institutions primarily motivate such decisions. Unfortunately, the lack of effective means
to promote confdence in the institutions and confdentiality in the handling of the
information, constrains an effective and timely response from the Secretariat of
Education. Ultimately, children and youth are denied safe spaces for learning.

“In accordance with the Secretariat of Education, school transfers must take place
quickly and effciently. There are efforts to uphold this stipulation; yet the testimonies
collected for this report contradict the procedure’s supposed effectiveness. One of main
barriers working against timely school transfers, according to interviewees, is
unwillingness from school directors. Administrative, academic and curricular matters as
well as lack of enrolment space, also hinder successful school transfers.

“Some minors who cannot transfer schools drop out. Interviewees reported that
widespread violence and barriers related to relocating schools indirectly motivate drop
outs.

“An analysis of a violence-affected school in San Pedro Sula revealed that dropout rates
tend to progressively increase in relation to grade level. In the third grade, 7.5 per cent
of boys and girls drop out; 8.5 per cent of fourth graders drop out; and in the seventh
grade, 17 per cent leave school.

Despite government efforts to ensure enrolment retention,37 offcial fgures also show a
worrying dropout rate. Almost one in three children in Honduras drops out of school
before completing secondary school. The high dropout rate in the seventh and eighth
grades, where students are 13 and 14 years old, coincides with the age range where
human rights violations against minors increase.

“‘I took [my son] out of school. His dad lives in the United States. He told me to not let
him to leave the house, that he would buy him a ticket.…He left in July. The following
month, [the gang members] called me. ‘We are going to come to your home, we’ll kill
your son, we’ll kill him.’ My 12 year-old, I took him out midOctober. He did not take the
fnal exams. In a phone call, they told me that they would kill him. This year he has not
gone to school. He’s at home, not studying. We don’t take walks. The father said for him
not leave. I don’t want him to realise, I don’t want him to be raised with a fearful
mentality.’ -- Mother of two threatened minors

“When boys and girls fnish the sixth grade, there is a third reduction in the availability of
high school places, which limits access and enrolment retention. As a result, they face
greater exposure to child labour, sexual violence and forced recruitment.

“‘We have 1,600 students and are overwhelmed... The director wanted to expand, but he
was reprimanded for opening classes without a budget. There are classes with 45, 50, up
to 60 students. In the end, we have to choose based on who exceeds a certain score. We
are accomplices.’ -- Teacher, Tegucigalpa

“Another obstacle limiting enrolment retention is the lack of proper school

infrastructure. In the Sosa, a neighbourhood located in the capital and dominated by
three criminal gangs, six schools have 1,426 boys and girls. This implies that only 25 per
cent of the school demand is met in this area.

“The displaced population is particularly susceptible to the negative effects of this lack in
school infrastructure. Despite efforts from the Secretariat of Education, the education
sector has not implemented any special measures to promote school access or enrolment
retention for displaced children or children at risk of displacement. It is necessary for the
Secretariat of Education to practise policies that adapt to the effects of the violence and
that address the consequences of the structural barriers in the country’s education
system.

“‘The older ones didn’t study. I wanted them to graduate, but it wasn’t possible. All my
children have fed.’ Parent, Tegucigalpa

A third of the current school-aged generation in Honduras is in want of a safe place to

learn. According to World Vision, 27 per cent of boys and girls between 12 and 17 years
old are not studying or working in Honduras,42 and UNFPA estimates that holds true for
640,000 girls in the country.

The situation in urban areas, where criminal gangs are present, is more alarming and
worrying than in the rest of the country. In 2016, NRC determined that an average of one
child per household is out of school in Honduras’s most violent areas.

“It is vital that the government makes an effort to quantify and calculate the resources
needed to provide free and quality education to displaced minors and those at risk of
displacement. No boy or girl should pay the cost of the widespread violence and lose out
on learning as a result of forced displacement.

“It is urgent that the government signifcantly increases the education budget for primary,
middle and secondary schools. Data on education funding are worrying. According to
Plan International, Honduras invests just 82 cents per day for a child, while Costa Rica
invests USD 4 per day per student. By contrast, member countries of the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) invested an average USD 23.22 per
day for a primary-level student and USD 27.34 for a student attending secondary school.
If the government cannot respond to education needs, minors who are displaced or at
risk of displacement will be forced to leave school.

“A displaced family’s economic situation tends to deteriorate quickly and generally,

households cannot afford the fees, uniforms and transport costs of a new school. Without
safe spaces to learn, displaced boys and girls out of school are easy prey for criminal
gangs. Displacement can also change the roles of those traditionally responsible for the
family economy. On occasion, as interviewees confrmed, children take up work to help
support their parents.

“Without adaptable measures, educational programmes and fexible pedagogic models,

the government will continue to indirectly promote dropouts among displaced minors
displaced.

“‘I supported my family, had two jobs, and my fve children studied. When my house was
burned, we fed and lost it all. Now I…have no work. Luckily, my small children can go to
the village school without uniforms. I don’t know how I’ll get them uniforms for next
year. My eldest son, who is 15 years old, has left school and is the only family member
with a permanent job. He supports us.’ -- Displaced parent in rural area
“It is now critical to rapidly identify and characterise school absences and dropouts. In
some cases, affected students decide to return to school after stopping for a short period
of time. But if a student’s family does request a return to school after an absence,
educational institutions must have a timely and effective process to protect the minor.
Interviewees indicated that currently, transfer requests could result in possible forced
displacement or a search for international protection.

“Schools must be transformed into safe, protective spaces. There is strong evidence that
education is a vital service in crises. The government must ensure that affected
populations are a priority. Special attention must be allocated to displaced boys and
girls. They should be at the centre of the education sector’s response.

“Principle 23 of the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement reiterates that

every human being has the right to education, and that authorities must assure internally
displaced people, especially young people, access to education.

“The government must provide free education to all displaced children and children at
risk of displacement, within reasonable distance to their homes. Schools should design
and implement contingency plans that work to prevent human rights violations, conficts
and forced displacement…. [Note: Full set of recommendations located at end of report.]

#. Leon Hernandez, Teen whose mother was murdered in Honduras hopes for a
future in the U.S., 10 Dec. 2016, available at
http://www.miamiherald.com/living/wish-book/article120131568.html ...

“A mother is usually the most sacred part of anyone’s childhood. To lose her at any point
is difficult. But when a murder suddenly takes a mother’s life, the pain turns into trauma
and fear touches the soul.
“That’s what happened to Eskarleth Yoleny Hernández, a 15-year-old Honduran who is
seeking asylum in the United States.
“She was 11 years old when her mother, María Santos Vásquez, was murdered for
refusing to sell her house in the town of La Entrada in western Honduras. Her older
sister, Kiara, witnessed the murder. Eskarleth saw the shattered body of the woman who
had read to her in bed.
“Her eyes reflect a premature wear and tear, an internal conflict that needs relief. What
do you feel when you think about what happened to your family, she’s asked. Anger?
Sadness? The girl shook her head. Then, with her hands showing that she had not found
the words and her eyes welling up with tears, she responded with three words: ‘I don’t
know.’
“Nothing will ever be the same for her, her five siblings or her father, José Humberto
Hernández. They first hid in Honduras, then fled to Mexico. They did not feel secure
there and moved on to the United States, where they surrendered to immigration
authorities in search of asylum.
“After four months in a detention center, they were issued temporary documents in
December of 2012. The father and five of the children slept in one room in Hialeah. A
son with Down syndrome stayed with relatives in Honduras.
“Her father, who suffers from heart problems, eventually found ways to provide his
family with the minimum required. Eskarleth went to live with an older cousin, Elizabeth
Hernández, who had been living in the United States for some time and became her
guardian.
“They live in a trailer home in Miami Shores and sleep in the same bedroom while
waiting for Eskarleth to receive her U.S. residence. Elizabeth supports the girl, although
she doesn’t earn much as a cleaning woman, and arranged for help from a pastor.
“Eskarleth’s tight relationship with her cousin, based on commitment and solidarity in a
time of difficulty, led the Center for Family & Child Enrichment Inc. and its social
worker, Caridad Nieblas, to propose her for the Miami Herald’s Wish Book.
“‘She gives a lot of herself to help Eskarleth, and that impressed us,’ said Nieblas, whose
organization is trying to help Eskarleth recover from the loss of her mother.
“The trauma has not kept the girl from thinking about her future. She studies hard and
wants to be a doctor.
“But she needs professional help to clarify her family’s immigration status. The
Hernández family has nothing negative in its background, but it has only limited
resources to push the asylum petition.
“In 2012, the year Eskarleth’s mother was murdered, Honduras recorded 7,172 murders
— a rate of 86.5 murders per 100,000 residents.”

1. Annie Hylton and Sarah Salvadore, “They Said We Would Pay with Our
Lives,” 31 Aug. 2016, available at
http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/gender_and_migration/2016/08/
as_central_american_gangs_target_younger_kids_more_minors_are_fleeing_to.ht
ml ...........................

“This story was produced through a partnership between Slate and the Global Migration
Project at Columbia University's Graduate School of Journalism.

“Julia was not yet a teenager when members of Mara Salvatrucha in her small hometown
in central El Salvador began to threaten her with sexual assault. Her neighborhood had
always felt quiet and safe, she said. But things started to change when she entered fourth
grade and her classmates began to join the gang, which is also known as MS-13. Soon,
gang members were attempting to recruit her cousin, who was the same age as Julia, and
her brother, who was a year older.

“Activities like going to school and playing in the nearby park became life-threatening.
On the way to school, she passed houses that were plastered with ‘MS’ tags and riddled
with bullet holes. At night, the once-peaceful home she shared with her grandmother,
brother, and cousin was her only refuge from the perpetual gunshots and the dozens of
gang members who had flooded the neighborhood.

“One morning in May 2013, Julia was walking to Centro Escolar, the school she
attended with her brother and cousin. She was 12. A light-brown car appeared in front of
them, and five gang members jumped out. They approached Julia, began to touch her,
and tried to take her clothes off, according to a sworn statement by Julia’s brother, Juan,
and an interview with Julia and her family. ‘They tried to rape my sister,’ said Juan.
(Editor’s note: Julia, Juan, and Jill are pseudonyms. The names have been changed to
protect them from gang retaliation.)

“Julia’s cousin and brother ran to defend her, when one of the gang members pulled a
knife on them. As a group of people approached, the gang took off. But before they left,
‘they said we would pay with our lives,’ Juan said.

“A few weeks later, the gang made good on that promise. They killed Julia’s 12-year-old
cousin. Someone called on the phone and asked him to go outside. When he walked
through the front door, he was shot to death.

“Then the phone calls started. They would come once a week. ‘They told us that
something worse than what happened to our cousin was going to happen to us,’ said
Juan. The threats continued, even after they dropped out of school and threw out the
chips in their phones to try to protect themselves. Julia’s parents had fled to the United
States a few years earlier—their father in 2006, followed by their mother in 2007—and
by February 2014, their parents had decided there was no choice but to pay a smuggler
to bring Julia and Juan to join them in the United States. They were 13 and 14 years old.

“Julia and Juan were part of a surge of unaccompanied minors from Central America
that began arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border in 2014. In response to this spike, the U.S.
government implemented a number of deterrence policies to prevent Central Americans
from arriving at Mexico’s northern border. One of those strategies was the U.S.
government’s support of Mexico’s Programa Frontera Sur, or Southern Border Plan.
After Mexico introduced the plan in 2014, the next year saw a dramatic decrease in the
number of unaccompanied children crossing the border. The United States paid Mexico
$130 million for border security, at least $65 million of which was allocated for southern
border efforts, to apprehend Hondurans, Guatemalans, and Salvadorans who were
looking to enter the United States. Mexico was then tasked with sending the would-be
border crossers back to their home countries before they reached Mexico’s northern
border.

“But this deterrence strategy has not prevented another wave of unaccompanied minors
from making the journey north this year. Smugglers have become even more creative,
and those who are fleeing have become more desperate. According to data released by
U.S. Customs and Border Protection, the numbers of unaccompanied minors are
catching up with the figures seen during the 2014 surge.
“When Mexican authorities boarded the bus transporting Julia and her brother, the two
teenagers were prepared. Smugglers had given them fake Mexican IDs to prevent them
from being returned to El Salvador. They memorized details of identities that weren’t
their own. This would eventually allow them to avoid the Mexican authorities and reach
the U.S. border. Others on the journey were not so lucky, they said.

“Cases like Julia and Juan’s have become all too familiar to immigrant rights advocates
who work with unaccompanied minors. ‘I am hearing unprecedented stories,’ said Ala
Amoachi, a lawyer in Long Island, New York, who has represented hundreds of
unaccompanied minors from Central America, including Julia and her brother.

“Gangs are now targeting younger boys and girls, and pushing them to flee, Amoachi
said: ‘Before, it was 12 or 13, but now, for the first time, I’ve been hearing multiple
stories about children as young as 6 or 7 being forced to join, or killed for not wanting to
join the gangs. We’ve had kids in here as young as 4 years old reporting sexual violence.’

“The gangs in Central America, the largest of which are MS-13 and 18th Street Gang, are
in a constant battle for territorial control. The gangs fear that boys might join their
rivals, so they recruit them forcefully while the boys are still very young. With a large
number of gang members dying in gang-related violence, the need to recruit members is
very strong.

“The boys are primarily used to sell and run drugs, and are part of the gang’s extortion
racket: Gangs target businesses and individuals, rich or poor, for one-off, weekly, or
monthly payments—if they don’t pay, they’re liable to be killed. Experts say racketeering
is one of the primary sources of income for gangs. The girls are recruited to run drugs
and are used as ‘gang girlfriends,’ forced to engage in sexual acts with one or, very
often, several gang members.

“Young women understand their role would be to have forced sex with the gangs,
Amoachi said. ‘Girls become a vehicle for gang members to take revenge’ against
families who refuse recruitment or cannot pay extortion fees.

“Immigrant rights advocates expect the number of minors fleeing to the U.S. to rise, and
so does the U.S. government. In written testimony to a House Appropriations
subcommittee hearing, Gil Kerlikowske, the Customs and Border Protection chief,
requested ‘resources’ to support 75,000 apprehensions of unaccompanied minors in the
coming months. The budget was approved by the House Appropriations Committee in
June, and $319 million has been allocated for ‘temporary care and transport’ of the
unaccompanied minors. The budget also requests an ‘additional contingency budget
authority’ in case the number of children apprehended at the border surges beyond the
75,000 mark.

“‘As long as the Central America homicide rates are increasingly targeting children, I
think this is the number we’re going to see of people arriving in Mexico and the United
States,’ said Adam Isacson, senior associate for regional security policy at the
Washington Office on Latin America, a human rights research and advocacy
organization focusing on the Americas.

“Violence in the Northern Triangle—the region of Honduras, El Salvador, and

Guatemala that comprises some of the most dangerous countries in the world outside of
active war zones—resulted in the latest surge of young border crossers. ‘The
phenomenon occurring in these countries can be described as a ‘war on children,’’ said
Esther Kolni, an attorney at Legal Aid of Northwest Texas. ‘The violence is aimed
primarily at children.’

“Advocates point out that many minors, particularly girls, are also fleeing sexual abuse,
domestic violence, and molestation, but in the vast majority of cases, they have had some
contact with gang violence.

“El Salvador has become known as one of the most dangerous countries in the world for
women. According to a 2015 study by the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and
Development, a diplomatic initiative between states and civil society to address armed
violence, El Salvador has by far the highest rate of gender-motivated homicide in the
world, followed by Honduras. According to the study, El Salvador and Honduras also
rank highest in terms of overall homicide rates.

“The people fleeing that violence are becoming younger and younger.

“‘We are seeing really young children this time around. In 2014, the average age of
[unaccompanied] children we came across was around 14. But this year, we’ve seen
children aged 2 and 3 years old. This is something we’ve not seen before,’ said Wendy
Young, president of Kids in Need of Defense, a pro bono movement of law firms,
nongovernmental organizations, corporations, universities, and volunteers, which
provides legal counsel to unaccompanied refugee and immigrant children in the U.S.

“Advocates also point out that families are often separated once U.S. officials detain
them. ‘We’ve seen very young children, 2, 3, and 4 years old, separated from their
mothers and fathers by Customs and Border Patrol. The children
are placed in ORR custody and the mothers sent to the adult detention centers,’ said
Elizabeth Frankel of the Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights in New York.
‘Officially CBP is supposed to prioritize keeping families together; however, in practice,
we regularly see children separated from parents,’ Frankel explained.

“Customs and Border Protection maintains that every effort is taken to keep the children
with their mothers. A spokesperson from CBP said, ‘My folks on the field told me that
they follow the guidelines set by [the] Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act
of 2008 and Flores v. Reno.’ In the Flores v. Reno settlement, a nationwide policy was
established for the detention, release, and treatment of minors in immigration detention.
It requires that children be released from Department of Homeland Security custody
without much delay and handed over to a parent, legal guardian, or another custody-
seeking adult whom the DHS deems appropriate.
“When Julia and her brother first set out for the United States, they were relieved to be
escaping the gang threats and violence. Having learned from experience how dangerous
the journey can be, their parents made a deal with some coyotes—who help people reach
the United States—to keep the minors together. But as soon as they left for Guatemala, a
coyote robbed them of their money. Then, once they reached Mexico, they were assigned
to different coyotes. Each wondered whether they would ever be reunited. Fortunately,
they found one another again just as they were about to cross the U.S. border in San
Ysidro, California, about 10 days later.

“Despite having been separated, neither experienced violence or assault en route. Others
were not so lucky.

“Sexual violence on the journey north is widespread, especially for girls. Some who are
aware of the risk of sexual assault take birth control pills to prevent unwanted
pregnancies from rape.

“Hundreds of pages of documents obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union—

including case files, supporting documentation, and communications between
government officials and unaccompanied minor service providers—highlight both the
risks of the journey for unaccompanied girls and the hurdles they face in accessing
women’s health care upon arrival.

“An alarming number of cases, according to files obtained by the ACLU through
Freedom of Information Act requests, report sexual assault of girls at the hands of family
members, friends, and acquaintances in Central America, but several also faced sexual
violence, forced prostitution, or trafficking while en route through Mexico to the U.S.
border.

“Jill was 17 and pregnant when she arrived in the United States from Honduras. She had
grown up with her aunt and uncle, after her parents died when she was 2. She was
physically abused by her aunt, and sexually assaulted by her uncle, grandfather, and
cousins. To finance her journey, she traveled to Mexico and worked as a prostitute for
three months before beginning her journey north. Then on her way to the States, she was
sexually assaulted by Mexican soldiers, resulting in a pregnancy, according to her
medical records.

“To add to what health care workers classified in many cases as post-traumatic stress
disorder, young women like Jill face systematic hurdles while trying to access
reproductive health care from service providers in the U.S. Examining the 27 cases
detailed in materials received through the Freedom of Information Act disclosure, ACLU
lawyers identified potential problem shelters in Arizona, California, Florida, Michigan,
New York, Texas, Virginia, and Washington.

“Analysis of the ACLU documents revealed that though several of the immigrant minors
opted to terminate their pregnancies, the U.S. federal government often delayed abortion
services. In many cases, the minors were unable to get an abortion until their
pregnancies were relatively advanced. In many states, abortions are not performed after
the woman is past 22 weeks of pregnancy.

“The documents examined by the ACLU also reveal that some religiously affiliated
shelters discouraged minors from terminating their pregnancies, even if the pregnancy
was the result of rape. Instead, girls were counseled to give birth and give up the child
for adoption. In other cases, religiously affiliated shelters either refused to accept minors
seeking abortion or insisted that they be transferred to other providers. This, despite the
fragile mental health of the minors, many of whom expressed suicidal tendencies and a
willingness to end the pregnancy by any means necessary.

“In June 2016, the ACLU sued the federal government for giving federal funds to
religiously affiliated shelters that restrict unaccompanied immigrant minors’ access to
reproductive health care services to which they are legally entitled.

“Julia was not pregnant, but she experienced a form of trauma upon her arrival, at the
age of 13. Once she and Juan had crossed the border, officials questioned them. One
official asked them why they had come. ‘We told him why and he said ‘No, everything is a
lie,’’ and that El Salvador is not a dangerous place, said Juan. They were placed in CBP
custody, and Julia was separated from her brother.

“Once Julia and her brother were reunited with their parents in Long Island, their
parents hired a lawyer to assist with the asylum applications.

“In June 2016, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services denied both asylum
applications. The decision said that they had not proved refugee status because they had
not established that they suffered past persecution or had a well-founded fear of future
persecution on account of one of the five enumerated grounds: race, religion, nationality,
membership in a particular social group, or political belief.

“‘This is the only case I’ve had denied of a child who had experienced sexual abuse or
an attempted sexual abuse,’ said Julia’s lawyer, Ala Amoachi.

“Amoachi believes that since the U.S. government began prioritizing the removal of
minors in 2014, high caseloads, stretched resources, and inexperienced asylum officers
have meant some cases are not properly determined. ‘I think it was the officer. Plainly.
Nothing more,’ she said.

“The USCIS Asylum Division headquarters is currently reviewing the decision.

“‘Things have changed very much, being in this country. When we came, my cousin had
been recently killed, and whenever we closed our eyes, we could see the box where he
was buried,’ said Juan.

“‘We live with that fear of having to go back to that country. Because the threats against
us were made good against our cousin. They told us that we were next.’”
 2. Sural Shah, The Crisis in our Own Backyard: United States Response to
Unaccompanied Minor Children from Central America, April 2016, available at
http://harvardpublichealthreview.org/the-crisis-in-our-own-backyard-united-
states-response-to-unaccompanied-minor-children-from-central-america/
……………
“Roughly 69,000 children, mostly from Guatemala (25%), El Salvador (24%) and
Honduras (27%), crossed into the U.S. through the Rio Grande Valley, Texas, in 2014
alone. These children represent the peak of the increase in unaccompanied minors (those
under the age of 17 traveling without a parent or guardian) arriving to the U.S. from
these three countries since October 2011. In 2011, only 4,059 apprehensions of children
from these countries were recorded, with numbers of apprehended unaccompanied
minors climbing to 24,000 in 2012 and 39,000 in 2013. Many of these trends were
mirrored in migration patterns for children traveling with adults, most of whom turned
themselves over to U.S. Customs and Border Patrol in the hopes of being granted asylum
and reunification with family in the States.

“Strikingly, a Pew Research Center analysis of data obtained through a Freedom of

Information Act request quantified the shifting demographics of this population.
From 2009 to 2014, children from Mexico on average represented the largest number of
unaccompanied minors apprehended at the border. However, their rates of apprehension
during this same time decreased 28%, a sharp contrast to the very large percent
increases in apprehensions during this same time period in El Salvador (707% increase),
Guatemala (930% increase) and Honduras (1272% increase).

“Perhaps more concerning, analysis of migration trends also highlighted many of the
unaccompanied minors’ very young ages. The Pew Research Center review of U.S.
Customs and Border Patrol data demonstrated a 117% increase in the number of child
migrants under the age of 12 between 2013 and 2014, though overwhelmingly, the
majority of migrants have been teenagers (84%). In particular, more than one in four
(27%) unaccompanied children from Honduras were under the age of 12, compared to
22% from El Salvador and 10 percent from Guatemala.

“The changing demographics of those unaccompanied minors apprehended at the U.S.

border represent a shift in the factors driving migration from Central America and
demand further evaluation and response. Given those seeking refuge—children who have
often experienced significant physical and psychological trauma and abuse—what is the
imperative to act?

“In 2013, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) undertook a
study to evaluate the reasons for displacement of children from Guatemala, El Salvador,
Honduras and Mexico. They interviewed a total of 404 unaccompanied children ages 12-
17 who were apprehended and held in federal custody after October 2011, approximately
100 from each of the aforementioned country. 66% of children from El Salvador and
44% from Honduras cited having been threatened with or having been the victims of
violence by organized armed criminal actors as a primary motivator for leaving their
home country. Twenty percent of children from Guatemala reported violence in society
as a primary driver. In Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, approximately 80% of
children mentioned reunification with family, better opportunities for work or study, or
helping their families as primary drivers. While the number for this driver is relatively
high, it was reported in isolation for only 18% of those from El Salvador, 17% of those
from Honduras and 30% of those from Guatemala.

“More importantly, 58% of the children surveyed reported that they had suffered, been
threatened or feared serious harm warranting concerns for international protection
needs. 72% of the children from El Salvador, 57% from Honduras, 38% from Guatemala
and 64% from Mexico met these criteria. These numbers contrast sharply with similar
interviews conducted by UNHCR in 2006 in which only 13% of unaccompanied minors
raised any concern for requiring international protection.

“U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) documents obtained by the Pew

Research Center supported these findings, citing local conditions such as economic
deprivation in rural parts of Guatemala and extremely high rates of violence in
Honduras and El Salvador. For example, the top municipality from which children are
migrating to the U.S. is San Pedro Sula in Honduras, also known as the murder capital of
the world, with a homicide rate of 187 per 100000 inhabitants in 2013 largely attributed
to gang violence. Similarly, the DHS identified economic drivers pushing children to
migrate, with poverty rates of 30%, 26% and 17% in Honduras, Guatemala and El
Salvador, respectively.8 Others have cited rumors of special protections for
unaccompanied minors or President Obama’s deferred action on deportation programs
as contributing factors drawing unaccompanied minors to the U.S….

“The decreasing rates of unaccompanied minors seems at first glance to be a testament

to coordinated efforts by the U.S. and Mexico to reduce unauthorized migration; however
these numbers are limited to the impact on the U.S. Ultimately, violence and economic
deprivation in the children’s home countries has not decreased enough to reduce the
push factors for migration. Children are left seeking asylum elsewhere, and it is notable
that only 18 children were granted asylum in Mexico in 2014 and face a system with even
more delays and poor housing conditions. For the children, if there is nowhere else to go,
there is the possibility that we will see another surge. Most recently, this outcome is
seeming more likely, with Border Patrol apprehending 17,300 unaccompanied minors
between October and December 2015, more than double the number apprehended during
that time frame in 2014. The Department of Health and Human Services has been moving
to expand beds in preparation for a potential surge….”
3. Colleen Mastony, Honduran teen, who entered U.S. as unaccompanied child,
awaits word on fate, 15 March 2016, available at
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-unaccompanied-minors-honduras-
update-met-20151113-story.html .....
“A dark-eyed ninth-grader with long black hair, Maryori is one of 68,000
unaccompanied children who flooded across the southwest border of the United States,
causing a humanitarian crisis in 2014. She had risked everything when she left Honduras
and traveled alone across more than 1,500 miles, in a desperate attempt to escape the
violence of her homeland and reunite with her mother….
“Her mother, Tania, had left to search for work when Maryori was 8 months old.
Growing up, Maryori and her older brother knew their mother only through photos and
phone calls.
“They lived with their father, a groundskeeper, in a crowded slum of Tegucigalpa, the
country's capital. Maryori went to school, played on a volleyball team and spent time
with three older cousins.
“But she was never allowed outside alone.
“Gang and drug violence had exploded in the mid-2000s, causing the country's homicide
rate to more than double between 2005 and 2010, according to the United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime.
“By 2011, Honduras was one of the most dangerous countries in the world.
“Maryori's family moved her to the home of an aunt, in a neighborhood they believed
was safer.
“Not long after, though, 12-year-old Maryori was robbed at gunpoint on her way to
school, the family said.
“About a month later, she was riding the bus when she saw three young men confront an
older man on the sidewalk. The older man refused to give up his cellphone, and Maryori
watched in horror as the assailants shot him in the head.
“Maryori saw news stories about children from Honduras reaching the U.S. She had
always wanted to attempt the journey. She and a friend, who also had family in the U.S.,
talked about leaving together.
“The friend backed out, but Maryori was determined.
“One day in February 2014, when she was 13, instead of going to school, Maryori
headed to a cafe where she had heard a group headed to the U.S. was planning to meet.
She didn't know the details or whether it was even true.
“In her school bag, she carried a few changes of clothes and a string of red rosary
beads. She had 500 Honduran lempiras, the equivalent of about $20, that she had saved
from her allowance.
“She left without telling anyone or even leaving a note.
“She didn't want anyone to stop her.
“That evening, when Maryori didn't return from school, her aunt became frantic. She
called the police and Maryori's mother in Waukegan.
“‘We were so desperate,’ recalled her mother. ‘Then we began to think, 'She always said
she wanted to come to the United States.'’
“By then, Maryori was on a bus traveling north.
“At the cafe she had connected with a group of 20 people, about half of them children
and teens. A woman in the group had told her: ‘Stay with me, and you will be safe.’
“They traveled by bus, car and on foot. They crossed over mountains and rivers,
traveling through Guatemala and into Mexico.
“When soldiers boarded their bus, Maryori shook with fear. A bribe was paid, and the
bus traveled onward.
“They slept where they could, once bedding down in an empty market with dirt floors.
They subsisted on crackers, juice and water. After four weeks, they reached the U.S.
border.
“Maryori crossed the Rio Grande in an inflatable raft and climbed a steep embankment.
“When she reached the top, she saw a border patrol agent and was taken into custody.
“‘Is my daughter alive?’ her mother asked desperately, when she got the call from an
immigration official.
“A month later, after a flurry of paperwork and a series of emotional phone calls from
the Texas detention center where she was held, Maryori walked off an airplane and into a
terminal at O'Hare International Airport.
“Mother and daughter hadn't seen one another in 12 years….
“Over the next two years, Maryori will be allowed to remain in the country. She will be
able to apply for documents that will allow her to work, something she is eager to do to
help her family.
“Her chances of winning her case are unclear, but the fact that she has an attorney —
which is not guaranteed for defendants in immigration court — will weigh in her favor. A
2014 Syracuse University study of 10 years of government data found that
unaccompanied children represented by an attorney were allowed to stay in nearly 50
percent of cases, compared to just 10 percent of those without representation.
“Along the southwest border of the U.S., fewer unaccompanied children are being taken
into custody. In fiscal year 2015, which ended in September, nearly 40,000 children were
apprehended, down from 68,000 the year before, according to U.S. Customs and Border
Protection…”
4. AFP, Clash in Honduras juvenile centre kills two teens,
19 Feb. 2016, available at http://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-
stories/clash-in-honduras-juvenile-centre-kills-two-teens-116021900113_1.html
.........
“At least two teens were killed and 15 other people were wounded in a clash between
stick-wielding gangs in a juvenile detention centre near Honduras' capital, officials said.
“Both of the dead were 17-year-old inmates, according to the authorities in charge of the
Renaciendo facility 25 kilometres north of Tegucigalpa.

“Police and soldiers were called in to put down the unrest. Initial information from
officials said a police officer and a soldier were among the wounded.
“Violence incidents at the centre are common.

“Around 300 juvenile inmates are held at the centre, many of whom belong to one of two
rival street gangs known for waging turf wars for narcotic sales and extortion.”
5. K.J. Marino, US Humanitarian Group Urges Honduran Authorities to Stop
Youth ‘Slaughter’ Amid Increasing Violence Records, 17 Feb. 2016, available at
http://www.latinpost.com/articles/115372/20160217/us-humanitarian-group-
urges-honduran-authorities-stop-youth-slaughter-increasing-violence-records.htm
.......
“Honduras has been shaken up with increasing number of crimes and violence involving
children and adolescents. That's why U.S. humanitarian group Casa Alianza has urged
the government on Sunday to stop the killings among the youth, who are the common
victims of crime in the Central American nation.
“Almost 33 percent of the Honduran territory is under the control of international drug
traffickers and organizes crime groups such as Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs.
And this 2016, at least 22 people have died during massacres in Honduras, the Violence
Observatory at the National Autonomous University noted.
“‘These killings sent a message to the State to desist from making presence in the
territories which for years have been dominated by criminals,’ Observatory coordinator
Migdonia Ayestas said.
“Due to the appalling numbers of violent crimes recorded, Casa Alianza denounced the
existence of ‘death squads’ in Honduras. According to Latin Correspondent, almost a
hundred children and adolescents are killed per month.
“As a matter of fact, a group of heavily armed gang members recently shot three girls
and two boys, aged 13 and 16, at close range at the Hato de Enmedio neighborhood, east
of Tegucigalpa, Honduras' capital city.
“The incident took place on Friday, Feb 12, and the victims were all members of one
family. The youngsters were in the neighborhood to collect trash for recycling, which was
their source of living, La Prensa reported.
“‘This new massacre occurred in a hostile environment for children and young people,
records of violence show that at least 81 children and young people are killed every
month in the country and more than 98 percent of crimes remain in total impunity.’ Casa
Alianza stated.
“Aside from the latest crime, the same neighborhood also saw the deaths of at least three
more youths, who were reportedly killed on Jan. 15 during a shootout. The bodies of the
victims were abandoned at the back of an alley.
“Casa Alianza also called for an in-depth investigation regarding the nation's
‘extermination squads that systematically carry out a strategy of social cleansing in
order to create fear among the population.’
“In addition, the organization also slammed Honduras President Juan Orlando
Hernandez and his government for failing to meet its proposed policy to eradicate the
rising violence in the country. They even claimed that the government has been falsifying
statistics to give a deceptive scenario about the violent events in Honduras.
“‘It is clear that the security strategy put in place by the current government has failed to
protect the population and it is expensive, inefficient and ineffective because it costs the
lives of thousands of Hondurans,’ the organization said. ‘The current government makes
up the numbers in relation to the violent events in an effort to give a misleading picture of
what actually happens.’
“Honduras recently had the world's highest homicide rate for four consecutive years.
Based on a USA Today report, 92 homicides per 100,000 people were recorded in 2011.
And while the nation's murder rate had dropped to 61 homicides per 100,000 in 2015, the
threat of gang violence is still lingering in Honduras.”
6. Steven James Grattan, Honduras: Reports of ‘death squads’ as attacks against
marginalized communities rise, 16 Feb. 2016, available at
http://latincorrespondent.com/2016/02/honduras-reports-of-death-squads-as-
attacks-against-marginalized-communities-rise/ …………………..
“U.S. humanitarian organization Casa Alianza reported their concerns Sunday over
increased of extermination squads set to cause fear among the population. The
organization urged the government to stop the ‘slaughter’ of children and adolescents,
victims of crime in Honduras.
“Casa Alianza reacted after suspected heavily armed gang members arrived at the Hato
de Enmedio neighborhood, east of the capital city Tegucigalpa, and shot two victims at
close range on Friday February 12.
“The victims were three girls and two boys aged 13 and 16. The deceased were all
members of one family and were in the neighbourhood collecting trash for recycling in
order to survive, Honduras’ La Prensa reports.
“On Monday, January 15, at around 7 p.m., at least three more young people
were reported killed during a shoot out in the same neighborhood.
“According to a police report, the young people were at the grocery store when heavily
armed men arrived. To escape the killers, the victims fled, but were caught up and hit by
gunfire. The bodies of the three deceased were abandoned in the back of an alley.
“‘This new massacre occurred in a hostile environment for children and young people,
records of violence show that at least 81 children and young people are killed every
month in the country and more than 98 percent of crimes remain in total impunity.’ Casa
Alianza said in a press release.
“The organization urged the government to stop the killing of children and young people
and investigate ‘in depth extermination squads that systematically carry out a strategy of
social cleansing in order to create fear among the population.’
“The NGO said President Juan Orlando Hernandez’s government has failed to meet
with its proposed policy eradicate violence in the country, where nearly a 100 young
people are killed each month.
For the organization ‘it is clear that the security strategy put in place by the current
government has failed to protect the population and it is expensive, inefficient and
ineffective because it costs the lives of thousands of Hondurans.’
“For Casa Alianza, ‘the current government makes up the numbers in relation to the
violent events in an effort to give a misleading picture of what actually happens.’
“According to figures from the Ministry of Security, homicide rates dropped in 2015 to
56.7 per 100,000, down from 75.1 in 2013 and 67.5 in 2014. The global average remains
at 6.3.
“Founded in 1981, Casa Alianza is a non-profit organization dedicated to rehabilitating
and defending poor young people in Mexico, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras. It is
the Latin American branch of NGO Covenant House, whose headquarters are based in
New York.
“At least 22 people have died during massacres so far this year in Honduras, according
to the Violence Observatory at the National Autonomous University.
“The coordinator of the Observatory, Migdonia Ayestas, said ‘these killings sent a
message to the State to desist from making presence in the territories which for years
have been dominated by criminals.’
“It is estimated that 33 percent of Honduras’ 112,492 square kilometer territory is under
the control of the Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs, controlled by international
drug traffickers and organized crime.”
7. Alan Gomez, Voices: In Honduras, violence is never far away, 15 Feb. 2016,
available at http://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/voices/2016/02/15/voices-
gomez-honduras-violence-central-america-unaccompanied-minors-
immigration/80212272/ ……………………..
“TEGUCIGALPA, HONDURAS — As I approached a youth outreach center on the
outskirts of this capital city, I didn’t notice the man behind us.
“Officials from the U.S. Agency for International Development were escorting me to this
center in San Martin, one of the city’s most dangerous hotbeds of gang violence, to show
the progress that’s been made there. USAID has helped convert an old building into a
safe zone for children to do their homework, learn job skills and unwind in an indoor,
fenced-in soccer field. Police presence is on the rise and violent crime is down.
“As we neared the area, surrounded by a half-dozen local police officers, an official
from the Alliance for Honduran Youth stopped short.
“‘We should switch to English,’ said Salvador Stadthagen, as his eyes quickly
darted over his shoulder. ‘The walls have ears.’
“Confused, I looked behind him and realized a man was leaning against a railing about
50 feet away. He wasn’t hiding, he wasn’t trying to be sneaky. He was just there,
following us, staring straight at us. The officials weren’t sure which gang he belonged to,
but his message was clear: You’re being watched.
“As the U.S. braces for another surge in children from Honduras, Guatemala and El
Salvador, the debate is on over why they’re coming and how to stop them. That’s why I’m
visiting Central America: to better understand the raging violence that’s gripping the
region and to learn about the programs that will receive some of the $750 million
Congress has approved for those three countries in 2016….
“[A]fter landing here last week, it didn’t take long for me to realize that the threat of
violence is very real and never far away.
“As our friend stood outside, I entered the community center in San Martin and sat down
with the director and nine teenagers from the neighborhood. They were all nice and
cheerful as they introduced themselves, teasing each other and giggling over the adults
who had come to visit them.
“And then, one by one, they explained the horrors they had seen and asked to remain
anonymous to protect their safety.
“When asked how many of them had a relative killed by gang members, six raised their
hands. One said he had lost an uncle and two cousins. Another said he’d lost six uncles.
“When asked how many of them had seen a dead body, seven raised their hands. Their
teacher asked what kinds of guns were used, and the kids started calling out bullet sizes
like they were seasoned gun aficionados: .22-caliber, 9-millimeter, .257-caliber.
“They talked about the usual places where they take cover in their homes whenever
gunshots ring out nearby. ‘Under the bed.’ ‘Under the crib.’
“Despite all that they’ve endured, some of the teens said the security situation had
started to improve since U.S. and Honduran officials teamed up two years ago to target
crime in their neighborhood. The shootouts are a little less frequent, the dead bodies a
little less numerous.
“That, according to James Watson, is the slow, gradual process that needs to start
happening throughout this crime-ridden country.
“When Watson became USAID’s Honduras director four years ago, he said the security
situation was so bad that he had to ride in Red Cross vehicles and wear a Red Cross
jacket just to visit La Ceiba, a port city on the country’s Caribbean coast. The Red Cross
had helped there in the past after natural disasters, so they were welcome while U.S.
officials – and many Honduran ones – were not.
“Ever since, he’s been focusing on some of the most dangerous parts of the country.
That’s the only way he believes they can figure out what programs and practices can
truly help the Hondurans get themselves on a sustainable road to building a more secure
country.
“‘The atmosphere has improved,’ he says. ‘It's not that the work is done. It's not that
we're declaring success and moving on. But what we're trying to do is show what can
work.’
“The numbers are starting to show it. Honduras recently had the world’s highest
homicide rate for four straight years, peaking at 92 homicides per 100,000 people in
2011, according to data from the United Nations. (El Salvador now has that dubious
honor.) By 2015, Honduras' murder rate had dropped to 61 homicides per 100,000.
“That shows significant progress, but that’s still far above the world average and still 15
times higher than the U.S. homicide rate. In other words, the threat of gang violence here
is still just lingering right over your shoulder.”
8. AFP, In new Honduras massacre, three children among six dead
29 Nov. 2015, available at http://www.ticotimes.net/2015/11/29/honduras-
massacre-three-children-among-six-dead ..................................
“TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — Attackers armed with guns and machetes killed at least
six people — three of them children — on Saturday in Honduras in the third massacre in
a week, police said.
“The assailants burst into a home in the village of Nueva Frontera in the northwest of the
country, police spokesman Leonel Sauceda said, with two others left wounded in the
brutal attack.
“Honduras, plagued by feuding street gangs and drug trafficking that helps feed the U.S.
market, is rated one of the world’s most violent countries.
“In the first massacre this week, suspected gang members in the northern city of
Choloma killed eight bus drivers Tuesday for refusing to pay extortion money that gangs
charge businesses and refer to as a ‘war tax.’
“In the second mass killing, suspected gangsters killed seven people in a poor area of the
capital Tegucigalpa. Police said the motive was to terrorize people in a district where the
gang sells drugs.”
9. teleSur, 1000s of Honduran Children Continue to Flee to the US,
6 Sept. 2015, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/1000s-of-
Honduran-Children-Continue-to-Flee-to-the-US-20150906-0010.html ............
“Unaccompanied children from Honduras continue to flee the country by the thousands,
most of whom are aiming to reach the safety and stability of the United States, according
to reports by migration organizations Saturday.
“‘Children continue to emerge without adult company, or sometimes accompanied,
because the causes of migration remain,’ Lidia Mara Silva, a nun and member of the
non-government organization Pastoral Care of Migrants, told AFP…
“According to numbers released by the Pastoral, at least 35,438 Hondurans have been
deported back to the country from the United States and Mexico in 2015 alone. Over
5,000 of the deportees were under the age of 18.
“Children have long been fleeing violence and poverty from the Central American
countries of Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala trying to enter the United States.
However, these numbers hit a peak last year with the U.S. border patrol estimating that
nearly 70,000 minors were detained at the U.S.-Mexico border in 2014 alone….
“Since then, the numbers have dwindled slightly, however both children and adults
continue to flee Honduras with their sights set on the United States, fleeing the country’s
unresolved problems with violence, poverty and lack of opportunities….
“During the peak of the migration crisis last year, what the United States dubbed its own
border crisis, the United Nations warned that the minors arriving at the U.S. border
should be treated as refugees, and not deported, as most of them are fleeing violence and
poverty. Honduras, for example, was rated the most violent country in the world in 2012,
with 90 murders for every 100,000 people.”
10. teleSur, Nearly 9,000 Child Migrants Have Fled Honduras in 2015,
25 July 2015, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Nearly-9000-
Child-Migrants-Have-Fled-Honduras-in-2015-20150725-0002.html ...
“Honduras has failed to reduce soaring levels of child migration as the underlying
causes, including violence and poverty, remain unaddressed.
“Nearly 9,000 child migrants have left Honduras unaccompanied so far this year to face
the perilous journey north toward the United States in the ongoing crisis of child
migration from Central America.
“According to data announced by the United Nations children's foundation UNICEF on
Friday, Honduras has not succeeded in reducing the number of child migrants fleeing the
country. At least 8,700 children have left Honduras in the first half of 2015 alone.
“Adriana Beltran, Senior Associate for Citizen Security of the Washington Office on
Latin America (WOLA), said earlier this month that the spike in migrant apprehensions
in Mexico ‘illustrates that the humanitarian crisis is far from over and underscores the
urgent need to address the sources of violence and lack of opportunities driving many
children and families to flee their homes.’
“According to UNICEF, more than 2,500 child and adolescent migrants returned to
Honduran soil after being deported, mostly from Mexico, in the first four months of 2015
alone.
“But even once deported child migrants are returned to their home country, serious
concerns for their well-being and human rights remain, given the root causes underlying
child migration, including violence and poverty.
“UNICEF stressed the need to ensure a smooth return to Honduras for deported
children, but WOLA warns that appropriate protection measures are not in place for
children who may face uncertain violence.
“The U.N. refugee agency UNHCR has called for asylum to be granted to Central
American refugees given the soaring levels of violence in the region.
“Tens of thousands of child migrants, mostly from Central America and many
unaccompanied, arrived at U.S. borders 2013 and 2014. The Obama administration has
come under fire for its handling of the major influx of undocumented children by
immediately detaining many in deplorable conditions, despite the government's
longstanding promises of immigration reform.
“Obama's pending US$1 billion dollar Alliance for Prosperity plan focused on
Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, also known as the Northern Triangle, is touted
as a strategy to tackle skyrocketing levels of child migration Central America by tripling
U.S. funding in the region.
“But rights defenders have said that the plan will not address the underlying structural
causes of migration and will promote a development model that increases insecurity for
the most vulnerable populations. The plan is also expected to pave the way for increased
militarization in the name of ‘stabilization’ in the region and exacerbate the problems
underlying social and economic inequality, which often force migration.”
11. Whitney Eulich, Time to leave Honduras? For many youths, the answer is
easy, 24 July 2015, available at
http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Americas/2015/0724/Time-to-leave-Honduras-
For-many-youths-the-answer-is-easy .....................................
“Comayagüela, Honduras — Juan Ángel Pineda was almost 16 years old when his father
finally agreed: It was time for him to leave Honduras.

“‘The gangs hadn’t come looking for me. Originally, I went looking for them,’ says the
now 17-year-old with spiked hair and a small scar between his eyebrows. He dropped out
of school after 6th grade, couldn’t find work, and was having trouble at home. ‘I thought
[the gang] would make me feel protected.’
“Juan was one of the thousands of unaccompanied Central American minors who set out
to migrate to the United States last summer. His reasons for leaving – violence in the
streets and within his family – echo those of roughly two-thirds of deported Honduran
youths interviewed for a recent regional report. …
“Child advocates say youth migration continues because Honduras isn’t targeting the
root causes. In addition to headline-grabbing gang violence, some two-thirds of the
country lives in poverty, violence in the family is high and underreported, and close to
800,000 minors don’t have jobs and aren’t in school. An estimated 6,000 adolescents live
on the streets in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula alone. Compounding these challenges,
Honduras closed its child protection agency last summer over allegations of poor
management.
“But domestic and international organizations are making small but significant steps in
trying to help youths who have experienced violence or neglect find their footing – from
reuniting them with families after deportations to providing housing for kids on the
street. Those efforts, some say, could provide a model for better government efforts, even
as they emphasize that a fundamental shift in attitudes toward children is needed if the
country is to make real progress….
“Juan says despite his experience trying to migrate north last summer – he witnessed
beatings, saw someone fall off a speeding train, and was held at gunpoint and robbed by
men claiming to be part of the Zetas cartel – he still has ‘an American dream.’ But for
now, he’s glad to be staying at the faith-based shelter Casa Alianza, one of only a
handful of children’s homes in the country that works with kids over the age of 12.
“He meets regularly with a psychologist and does group therapy with other recovering
drug and alcohol addicts. He’s also attending school in the morning and doing a
carpentry apprenticeship at night.
“‘It’s good that I’m here. I’m not dead,’ he says. And if there’s any question about
whether a 17-year-old who has been through so much is still a kid, he adds, ‘I really miss
my mom.’
Last June, when the Honduran Institute for Children and the Family closed, all state-run
institutions for children followed suit, from correctional centers to shelters. The agency
was accused of spending more on salaries than the protection of children. And the
government soon launched a new agency with one-third of the budget, with the strategy
to outsource all adolescent services and care to NGOs and faith-based organizations.
“Critics say there are plenty of well-intentioned organizations willing to take in children
in need here, but the lack of systematic oversight and certification is worrisome.
“Even for those who don’t need to go to a shelter after being deported, the environment
can be just as challenging – or worse – than before they left home.
“The state hasn’t found a way to support returning migrant youths, ‘both in terms of
emotional support and security,’ says José Guadalupe Ruelas, executive director of Casa
Alianza, which has been working with street children for more than two decades, and
about 12 years ago began taking in return migrant youths. They also operate the nation’s
only intake center for deported minors, based in San Pedro Sula.
“Mr. Ruelas has newspaper clippings, e-mails, and notes from phone calls documenting
the overwhelming lack of follow-up for deported youths. There’s the 14-year-old who was
deported and sent back to his community – where he was killed two weeks later. Or
there’s the story of the young girl who was shunned and excluded by teachers and
neighbors because of the assumption that she was sexually promiscuous along the
migratory route, Ruelas says.
“‘We need to train community leaders and teachers, and educate families on what these
kids have been through, because they need someone to talk to and someone who can
help,’ he says.”
12. Jade Hernandez, 9-year-old girl from Honduras seeks US asylum,
12 June 2015, available at http://abc7news.com/news/9-year-old-girl-from-
honduras-seeks-us-asylum/780301/ ……………………………………
“WAUKEGAN, Ill. -- After one year of being in the United States, a 9-year-old girl faces
deportation.
“Dina Matute is seeking asylum. Her mother and stepfather live in north suburban
Waukegan, where Dina attends Clearview Elementary.
“She was only a baby when her mother fled to the U.S. to escape crime in Honduras.
Growing up, Dina said she saw dead bodies in the street and her aunt's friend attacked at
knifepoint, before her mother arranged for her to cross the border.

“In an interview at Chicago's U.S. Asylum Office on Thursday, the 9-year-old girl made
a personal plea to stay in America. Dina also said she doesn't want to leave her 3-year-
old American brother behind.

“‘The law is not with us. There is a directive from the White House to expedite these
children out of the country,’ said Julie Contreras, of the League of United Latin
American Citizens of Lake County.

“‘Statistically, when you look at the cases nationwide, her odds are not good. But my
hourglass is half full,’ said Christopher Helt, Dina's attorney.

“Thursday's interview is not Dina's last chance. But how well she fares in it could
determine which way an immigration judge will rule. The final hearing has not been
scheduled.”
 13. Noe Leiva, Honduran Army Races Gangs to Reach Child Trash-Pickers, 3
March 2015, available at http://news.yahoo.com/honduran-army-races-gangs-
reach-child-trash-pickers-111222890.html ........................ [●]
“Tegucigalpa (AFP) - Fourteen-year-old Cristian competes with stray dogs, scavenging
birds and hundreds of other trash-pickers for food at a Honduran dump, but when the
army offers him a square meal, he warily declines.
“Colonel Elvin Corea, whose uniform stands out against the rotting piles of garbage at
the Tegucigalpa dump, says the teenager is probably scared of being targeted by one of
Honduras's notoriously violent gangs if he takes part in "Guardians of the Nation," a
controversial army program to steer at-risk youth away from drugs and crime.
“‘Signing them up is getting difficult. The youngsters don't want to participate because
the gangsters threaten them,’ said Corea, who heads the program in the capital.
“‘The gangs feel threatened because the program cuts into their recruitment.’
“When the program first launched at the dump, where the gangs have a tight grip, police
had to provide protection for families that enrolled their children, Corea said.
“Cristian -- who is wearing a dirty Barcelona jersey, torn pants and the shreds of some
old sneakers -- goes back to eating a piece of bread, apparently undisturbed by his fetid
surroundings.
“Like him, other young trash-pickers shyly decline the colonel's offer to join the
program, or nervously avoid the soldiers fanning out across the dump.
“Corea manages to find one recruit -- a smiling, skinny 14-year-old who calls himself ‘El
Pocho.’
“He piles into one of the army trucks in Corea's convoy and is driven off with 86 other
10- to 18-year-olds picked up in poor neighborhoods around the capital.”
14. Center for Gender & Refugee Studies, Childhood and Migration in Central
and North America: Causes, Policies, Practices and Challenges, February 2015,
available at
http://cgrs.uchastings.edu/sites/default/files/Childhood_Migration_HumanRights_
English_1.pdf .................................
“II. General findings: Children and adolescents affected by migration in Central and
North America represent an urgent human rights, human development, refugee, and
humanitarian challenge. The crux of the problem lies in the sending countries of
Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico where childhood has become
synonymous with witnessing or suffering violence; experiencing human rights violations
and discrimination on various grounds; suffering from social exclusion; and being
deprived of education, employment opportunities, medical services, and even food. These
conditions force children and/or their parents to migrate. The challenges continue during
transit, especially in Mexico—with governmental actors and criminal syndicates preying
on children and families by raping, kidnapping, extorting, or beating them, and with the
governmental institutions enforcing migration control policies that are designed to
punish and deter migration rather than to protect children and respect their human
rights.
“The problem endures in the destination countries of Mexico and the United States,
where policies focused on migration enforcement take priority over children’s best
interests and rights, resulting all too often in children and adolescents being repatriated
to the very conditions they fled. It also persists in Mexico and the United States for
migrant children and children in mixed status families who live in the shadows and on
the margins of society, fearing their own or their family members’ deportation. Rather
than being able to pursue their right to develop, learn, and grow, these children lack
access to education, health care and other vital services, and they often land in
exploitative labor conditions. Children’s rights to family and development are violated
when undocumented parents cannot obtain residency status based on having children in
regular migration status; are not entitled to work or to other basic rights; and can be
deported without consideration of a child’s best interests. Finally, the violation of rights
comes full circle in children’s countries of origin following their return, because the key
root causes that forced them to migrate from Central America and Mexico—violence,
social exclusion, poverty, and separation from family—remain unchanged.
“This complex and multi-faceted human dilemma requires urgent attention and a
fundamental paradigm shift. It will only be solved when conditions in children’s
countries of origin do not force them or their parents to migrate, when increased options
exist for children and families to migrate through regular channels, and when policies at
the regional, national, and local levels adhere to rights-based principles with the best
interests of the child as a core standard and guaranteed access to international
protection. Truly resolving this human dilemma may take years, but efforts must begin
now.
“III. Findings by country: The order of the findings follows the migration route that the
majority of children and adolescents take in the Central America–Mexico–United States
corridor, traveling from south to north, although some children migrate from south to
south (e.g. Northern Triangle countries to Nicaragua, Costa Rica, or Panama). Findings
regarding countries of origin focus on the root causes of migration—including rights
violations experienced by children left behind by parents who migrate; the role of States
in protecting children’s welfare and rights before and during migration(through consular
officials); and the existence or lack of state-sponsored programs enabling Childhood,
Migration, and Human Rights repatriated children to remain safely in their countries.
Multiple intertwined factors drive the migration of children and families from Central
America to Mexico. We focus here on the chief factors. Findings concerning Mexico and
the United States examine the policies and procedures that affect the rights of children
and adolescents in the context of migration—including migrant children and adolescents,
as well as children born in those countries.
“A. Honduras: 1. Root causes: Violence and the threat of violence, deprivation of
fundamental human rights—in particular the right to develop—and the right to reunite
with family members are the three main factors that propel Honduran children and
adolescents to travel north. Sixty five percent of the 200 Honduran children and
adolescents interviewed for this study indicated that violence was the main reason they
decided to migrate. Honduran children and adolescents suffer multiple forms of violence
perpetrated by numerous different actors in society. They frequently witness violence and
murder. Honduras had the world’s highest murder rate for a non-war zone in 2013 with
79 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. In 2013, murder claimed the lives of 187 out of
every 100,000 residents in San Pedro Sula, the murder capital of the world. Children and
adolescents primarily flee two types of violence: violence perpetrated by organized
criminal syndicates and violence experienced in the home. Gangs and other organized
criminal syndicates threaten, stalk, beat, rape, dismember, and murder Honduran
children and adolescents with impunity and threaten to harm their families. Rampant
intrafamilial violence, including child abuse and incest, as well as widespread gender-
based violence, drive many Honduran children and adolescents to run for their lives, and
help explain the increase in the number of girls migrating alone. Between 2005 and 2012
there was a massive (246%) increase in the number of femicides or feminicides (both
terms are used to define gender-motivated killings of women) of Honduran women and
girls, many of whose bodies showed signs of sexual abuse or mutilation. In addition,
9,881 Hondurans under the age of 23 have been murdered since 1998; 767 of them were
killed between January 28 and October 31, 2014 alone. This violence occurs in a context
in which extrajudicial killings of children and adolescents have become commonplace
and children’s lives have little value.
“Honduran children and adolescents regularly endure deprivation of the very right to
survival and of other internationally recognized human rights, in particular the right to
develop. Six thousand Honduran children and adolescents live on the streets without any
access to services; many of them have taken to the streets to escape violence in the home.
Whether homeless or not, lack of access to education, food, health care, job
opportunities, and protection from discrimination, compels many Honduran children and
adolescents to migrate in order to survive. Thousands of Honduran children and
adolescents have also been left behind by parents who have departed for Mexico or the
United States. Typically, extended family members provide informal care for children in
this situation, but no one has legal responsibility for them. Without parents to protect and
support them, and in the context of either failed or inefficient public social policies, these
especially vulnerable children and adolescents are targeted by gangs. Caregivers
themselves may also abuse or neglect them. Despite the dangers involved, children and
adolescents will often choose to migrate rather than remain in circumstances of such
great vulnerability.
“2. Role of the State: Although Honduras has enacted progressive laws regarding
children’s rights and protection from harm, in practice the State fails to enforce these
laws and to protect its children and adolescents from violence. The Honduran Institute
for Children and Family (Instituto Hondureño de la Niñez y la Familia or IHNFA), the
national child welfare agency, has a weak infrastructure (exacerbated by the fact that it
is underfunded) and enforcement powers, and fails to adequately respond when children
and adolescents have been subjected to violence and deprivation of fundamental rights.
“Moreover, in the majority of cases, the criminal justice system does not prosecute cases
of intrafamilial and gender-based violence. The absence or failure of social policies
aimed at guaranteeing social rights, such as employment opportunities, deepen root
causes of migration of both children and families, as well as parents who migrate and
leave their children behind. At the same time Honduran military officials—with training
and support from the United States—have begun stopping children and adolescents from
attempting to emigrate, regardless of their reason(s) for leaving. Their actions have
trapped children in dangerous and harmful situations without any hope of meaningful
State intervention. As of October 31, 2014, Honduran military officials had stopped 135
Honduran children and adolescents from leaving the country.
“Honduran consular officials also fail to secure the rights of Honduran children and
adolescents in transit and destination countries, contrary to the mandates in the Vienna
Convention and the Migrant Workers Convention—which require consular officials to
defend the rights of their nationals and to ensure special protections for unaccompanied
migrant children and children born to migrant parents. The consulate typically sticks to
the traditional, unsubstantial role of preparing travel and identity documents for
unaccompanied children and adolescents, but does not tend to analyze whether
repatriation would be safe or in their best interests. As neither Mexico nor the United
States implements a best interests standard in making repatriation decisions, Honduran
migrant children and adolescents are detained and repatriated from those countries in
violation of their human rights.
“3. Lack of support for repatriated children and adolescents: Honduras does not ensure
safe repatriation, and currently has no programs in place to enable returned children
and adolescents to remain safely in Honduras. Although IHNFA officials interview all
children and adolescents repatriated from Mexico and the United States, they do so in
settings that lack privacy and therefore do not elicit reliable information. IHNFA officials
return repatriated children and adolescents to families without conducting a home study
or using any official process to verify that return is safe and in a child’s best interests.
“At bus stations, immediately following their deportation from Mexico, smugglers
approach children and adolescents to offer their services, while sometimes traffickers
attempt to coerce them into exploitative circumstances. IHNFA claims it cannot protect
children and adolescents in thissituation. Once children and adolescents have been
reunified with family members, IHNFA does not check on them or follow up with services
to the child or family. There are no job or skills training programs or targeted education
programs for these children. IHNFA returns children and adolescents repatriated once
or twice to their families, but has a policy of placing children and adolescents repatriated
a third time in state-run at-risk child shelters.
“However, no such shelters exist for 12-17 year old boys, the age group which makes up
the greatest percent of Honduran migrant children. If these boys leave abusive families,
they have nowhere to turn for help.
“While root causes remain unaddressed, children are pushed back to the same unsafe
environment that they fled. This leads many children and adolescents to migrate again,
even though they may face even greater risks than they previously did….”
[See 500+ page report for greater detail on above findings, at pp. 39-75, and also a
separate chapter on Honduras specifically, written by Casa Alianza staff, on pp. 75-121.]
15. The UN Refugee Agency, Deported children face deadly new dangers on
return to Honduras, 29 January 2015, available at
http://www.unhcr.org/54ca32d89.html …………[●]

“SAN PEDRO SULA, Honduras, January 29 (UNHCR) – The gunman was waiting as
Marco Antonio Cortés boarded a bus in the north-west Honduran city of San Pedro Sula.
One pull of the trigger and the 18-year-old was dead, adding to the alarming toll of
young Honduran males who are attacked, killed or simply disappear after being deported
from the United States or Mexico.

“‘It's not just one, two or three that are killed after their deportation,’ says Sister Valdete
Wilemann, who runs a state-owned centre that puts up some of the deportees who return
to Honduras. …

“The victims are typically aged between 13 and 17, sent back home after being detained
by immigration authorities for entering the country without authorization. But a report
released last year by UNHCR, entitled ‘Children on the Run,’ found that a significant
number of minors from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras entering the US
irregularly might be in need of international protection.

“‘We believe that if their cases were further analyzed many would be recognized as
refugees with a well-founded fear of persecution and lack of protection in their
countries,’ said Marta Juarez, director of UNHCR's Americas Bureau, who also cited the
findings of a fact-finding mission last year to Honduras as further evidence. UNHCR
advises the authorities on the protection of displaced people and their families.

“In San Pedro Sula's El Edén centre, where deported unaccompanied minors and
families are initially accommodated, 36-year-old Adalberto Guzmán told members of the
assessment team that he was worried for the safety of himself, his wife and their three
children, aged between three and 12 years. They had just arrived from Mexico.

“‘From January to July [last year], 93 minors died violently compared to six accidental
deaths. By mid-September, we had already 200,’ said forensic pathologist Hector
Hernández at the city morgue, pointing out a dramatic rise in the number of young
people suffering unnatural deaths.”…

“In September, a group of eight people, some of them aged 16 or 17, were forced to lie
down in a San Pedro Sula street and then shot. It seems likely that this was a gang-
related execution, which are usually linked to forced recruitment, unpaid debt (including
for smuggling someone out of the country); extortion; or turf wars. The powerful maras,
mainly teenage-led urban gangs, have considerable influence, striking fear into all –
especially other young people.
“Adolescents who try to avoid the influence of the maras, live an honest life and resist
recruitment as drug dealers, can be at risk without realizing it. Marco Antonio Cortés,
the boy shot dead at the bus station, was one such victim.

“He lived in Brisas del Rosario, a small mara-controlled settlement on the outskirts of
San Pedro Sula. It's widely regarded as one of the more dangerous districts, like Sector
Rivera Hernandez, where people risk being shot if they walk from one street to another.

“And when people like Cortés do get out, they cannot return safely to gang-controlled
areas. In 2013, a 27-year old man returned San Pedro Sula after seven years, believing
all his persecutors were dead. He was murdered four days later.

“Other reasons for flight include the killing of relatives and being witness to a gang
crime. But deciding to flee overseas is no easy decision because of the cost and the risks
involved. Abuse and violence are frequent companions of both migrants and people
seeking protection, and scams by officials at borders. Those caught face deportation.

“Karla López, a psychologist at the El Edén centre, tells of a group of irregular migrants
who were abducted for two weeks in Tampico, Mexico, to press for ransom from their
relatives in the US and Honduras. ‘Finally, Mexican police found them locked into
several private houses and freed them,’ said López, adding that they were all deported.
According to official figures from Mexico and Guatemala, more than 30,000 people were
brought back by bus, including some 6,200 unaccompanied minors, in the first eight
months of 2014.

“Thousands of others were flown back from the United States. Children and families land
in Palmerola, where UNHCR is seeking access to them from the authorities. Adults are
flown to San Pedro Sula. According to media reports, more than 38,000 deportees were
flown to the two airports between January and mid-September last year, compared to
32,000 Hondurans for the whole of 2013. For many, their return home is just the start of
another, often more dangerous, journey.”

16. John Leland, Fleeing Violence in Honduras, A Teenage Boy Seeks Asylum in
Brooklyn, 7 December 2014, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/07/nyregion/fleeing-violence-in-honduras-a-
teenage-boy-seeks-asylum-in-brooklyn.html ……………[●]

“In one month this spring, gangs in [Alejandro’s] hometown in Honduras tortured and
killed seven or eight children his age or younger, then threatened to kill him and his
brother if they did not join the gang. The boys had no adults to protect them.

“Now Alejandro, whose given name is Isaid, is in a deportation proceeding, one round
face in the surge of unaccompanied minors who poured across the border from Central
America this spring and summer.”…
“Alejandro and his younger brother Jeffrey, 13, were… picked up along the border in
July, then placed on a plane by the federal Office of Refugee Resettlement. They were two
boys who had grown into teenagers in one of the world’s most dangerous environments,
going to meet a father [Mr. Rodriguez] who had not seen them since they were little.”…

“Alejandro and Jeffrey were born in San Pedro Sula in northwestern Honduras, the
country’s second-largest city. Their mother was gone from their lives when they were
quite young, and Mr. Rodriguez left for the United States when Alejandro was 5 or 6,
planning to return after a few years. Even then, violence was a problem in San Pedro
Sula, Mr. Rodriguez said.

“It exploded after a 2009 military coup, as drug cartels and gangs waged open warfare
in the streets. From 2011 to 2013, the city had the highest murder rate in the world,
according to a Mexican research group, the Citizen Council for Public Safety and
Criminal Justice (the group’s study did not include the Middle East). Of the children
detained by United States immigration agents, more come from San Pedro Sula than from
any municipality in the world, according to the Pew Research Center — 2,200 from
January to May alone.

“In Honduras, Alejandro, living with his grandmother and missing his father, was left to
watch over his younger brother.” …

“Guns were everywhere, and gangs pressed teenage boys into service; girls were raped
or sold. ‘Men would stop us when we were on our way to school and go through our
things,’ Alejandro said. Twice, gang members forced both boys from the bus, and several
times they threatened Alejandro with guns, vowing to kill him if he did not join their
gang, he said.” …

“Then on Mother’s Day in 2011, armed men arrived on motorcycles at Alejandro’s

grandmother’s house.

“‘Suddenly they stopped and opened fire without saying anything,’ Mr. Rodriguez said.
‘Alejandro and his brother ducked under a car in order to escape the bullets, but their
uncle was killed.’ The gunmen told Alejandro and Jeffrey that if they went to the police,
‘they would have to face the consequences,’ Mr. Rodriguez said.”…

“Rebecca Press, a lawyer at Central American Legal Assistance who is representing

Jeffrey (who declined to speak for this article) and Alejandro, said the boys’ experience
was typical among her clients. ‘The young people we come in contact with have been
exposed to high levels of violence and been threatened themselves,’ she said. ‘There’s a
level of trauma that nobody seems to be dealing with.’

“Even in a town as violent as San Pedro Sula, the killing of children this spring was
shocking. The children had been kidnapped, tortured and executed, probably for not
cooperating with gangs. After that, the gangs stepped up their threats against Alejandro
and his brother, Ms. Press said.
“Two weeks later they left home, carrying a change of clothes, water and some food…
[T]hey did not tell anyone they were leaving.”

17. ACLU, American Exile: Rapid Deportations that Bypass the Courtroom, 2
Dec. 2014, available at https://www.aclu.org/files/assets/120214-
expeditedremoval_0.pdf ................................................................

“Executive Summary: Hilda, a 35-year-old woman from Honduras, arrived in Texas in

2013, fleeing gang threats and domestic violence that had just resulted in the miscarriage
of her twin babies. She was still bleeding when she was arrested by a Border Patrol
officer with her two young surviving children. ‘I was caught crossing the river,’ recalls
Hilda: It was 8 p.m. at night. They took me and my kids to a cell … They started to ask us
to sign a lot of papers. The problem was I didn’t understand anything he was asking me.
Since he saw that I didn’t understand, [the officer] would just write and write and just
tell me, ‘Sign.’ … He would just put [the form] in front of me and say, ‘Sign, next one,
sign.’ . . . I was afraid [to ask for help]. Everyone there was afraid. [The officers] don’t
let you even talk to them. . . . The fear they instill in you doesn’t let you ask for help.1
Hilda and her two-year-old and 12-year-old sons were issued deportation orders by an
immigration enforcement agent. Hilda never saw the deportation order; she did not know
what language it was in.

“In 2013, the United States conducted 438,421 deportations.2 In more than 363, 2793 of
those deportations—approximately 83 percent—the individuals did not have a hearing,
never saw an immigration judge, and were deported through cursory administrative
processes where the same presiding immigration officer acted as the prosecutor, judge,
and jailor…. Some of those deported were fleeing violence, persecution, or torture and
were turned back to danger…

“Of the 89 individuals interviewed by the ACLU who received a summary removal order
(expedited removal or reinstatement or, in the case of unaccompanied children, voluntary
return) within the broad U.S. border zone, 55 percent said they were never asked about
their fear of persecution or that they were not asked anything in a language they
understood. Only 28 percent said they were asked about their fear of returning to their
country of origin by a border officer or agent; 40 percent of those asked about fear said
they told the agent they were afraid of returning to their country but were nevertheless
not referred to an asylum officer before being summarily deported.

“The failure to follow these limited but essential safeguards has had catastrophic
consequences. Braulia A. and Hermalinda L. were gang-raped and shot after being
deported to Guatemala; Braulia’s son, who joined her in Guatemala after her
deportation, was murdered by the same gang that raped and shot her. Nydia R., a
transgender woman who actually had asylum status when she was (twice) deported
without a hearing, was attacked by men who raped her and tried to cut out her breast
implants; she was then kidnapped and sex-trafficked in Mexico. Laura S. told border
officials that she was afraid of her abusive ex-partner; her pleas ignored, she was
deported and was murdered by him within days of her removal to Mexico….

“For unaccompanied children arriving in the United States, the experience of being
arrested, detained, and processed by a U.S. immigration agent can be particularly
harrowing. Through the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA),
Congress attempted to ensure that children were given the opportunity to be heard by a
judge. Under the TVPRA, Mexican unaccompanied children are to be screened for
asylum or trafficking claims and cannot be turned back without seeing a judge unless
they have the capacity to ‘choose’ voluntary return. As applied by U.S. Customs and
Border Protection (CBP), however, this has not offered protection to Mexican children.
An estimated 95 percent of Mexican unaccompanied children are turned back to Mexico
without seeing a judge. Only one of the 11 Mexican children traveling alone who were
interviewed by the ACLU said he was asked about his fear of returning to Mexico. Most
did not recall being asked anything and said they were yelled at and ordered to sign
‘some form.’ All were returned without a hearing. …

“Statutory changes suggested by Obama administration officials and some lawmakers

would place Central American children in the same reflexive removal system that is
applied to unaccompanied Mexican children; as a result, more children are likely to be
removed to countries where they are in danger and left vulnerable to trafficking and
other exploitation, in violation of U.S. obligations under international and domestic
law…

(p. 69) “‘We are talking about large numbers of children, without their parents, who
have arrived at our border—hungry, thirsty, exhausted, scared and vulnerable. How we
treat the children, in particular, is a reflection of our laws and our values.’ —Secretary
Jeh C. Johnson, U.S. Department of Homeland Security

“Being arrested, detained, interrogated, and deported by an immigration officer can be a

harrowing experience. For children who come to the United States alone after a
dangerous journey during which many are victimized, the need for additional protections
when they arrive is acute. In recent years, the disastrous human rights situation in
Central America—in Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, in particular—has been
reflected in the escalating number of children arriving in the United States. As recently
documented by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the majority of
these children are escaping violence, lawlessness, threats, and extortion, and may have
strong claims to protection under human rights law. In the past few years, the number of
children arriving in the United States to seek protection (and, in some cases, to be taken
care of by family) has risen dramatically, with an estimated 90,000 arriving in the United
States in FY 2014. Recognizing the swelling numbers of children arriving alone and the
violence they are fleeing, President Barack Obama declared the unfolding crisis to be a
humanitarian situation; but at the same time, the response from the Obama
administration and many in Congress has been to seek to dismantle, rather than
reinforce, protections for non-citizen children seeking help in the United States.
“Arrival at the U.S. border is not the end of the story. While Central American children
are supposed to be brought before a judge, in some circumstances they are instead
removed without a hearing, in violation of federal law, and seemingly without
consideration for the humanitarian catastrophe into which they are being returned. For
Mexican children, this is the status quo: unless (and even if) they meet additional
screening criteria, the majority of Mexican children are quickly returned to Mexico
without the opportunity to see a judge. As such, these children are often treated not as
kids in need of protection, but as a problem to be removed….

“These humanitarian protections for children are necessary in and of themselves, given
children’s inherent vulnerability and susceptibility to abuse and coercion. But these
protections have also proved instrumental in safeguarding children’s legal rights in
court. Detention has a strong coercive effect, so removing children from detention as
soon as possible is important, not just to avoid unnecessary harm and trauma, but also to
protect their rights to seek relief.

“The experiences of Kevin G. and his brother Javier illustrate the negative impact of
detention on a young non-citizen’s ability to pursue asylum, even when they have a bona
fide claim. Kevin G. fled gang violence in Honduras, leaving home for the United States
at age 16 and traveling by himself for most of the journey. ‘I would not want my brothers
to travel like that; I don’t want them to go through what I did,’ he told the ACLU. He was
arrested crossing into the United States and, as a minor from Central America, placed in
removal proceedings and housed in a shelter in Los Angeles.

“His brother Javier, who had been attacked with a machete by a gang—the same gang
that threatened Kevin—when he refused to join them and participate in murders,
followed Kevin in 2012; Javier was 23. As an adult, Javier was placed in a detention
center where he spent several months waiting for an interview with an asylum officer.
Finally, Kevin says, his brother decided to accept deportation rather than wait in
detention; Kevin says that soon after Javier returned to Honduras, he was murdered by
the gang he had originally fled.

“The safeguards that the Flores settlement, Perez-Funez, and the Homeland Security Act
initiated for unaccompanied children—diversion from detention and the right to a
hearing—are essential to ensure that children like Kevin are able to present their cases
and defend their rights. But these protections are triggered only when (1) a child is
correctly identified as an unaccompanied minor and (2) the border officers who
apprehend and question the child follow the law and ensure he or she is referred to the
alternate ORR system and placed in formal removal proceedings. Unfortunately, this is
not always the case. …”

18. Dennis Stinchcomb and Eric Hershberg, Unaccompanied Migrant Children

from Central America: Context, Causes and Responses (CLALS Working Paper
No. 7), November 2014, available at
http://poseidon01.ssrn.com/delivery.php?ID=63610511009709506400101611211
907510800504500605803600310011502707012706702409810308906103004004
 400810911802610800310902907307102005903501308012507611703006900509
209603905000802512211707512307910207910101800511611909007610107210
0098013008070069126123&EXT=pdf&TYPE=2 ……………………….

[Note: This text of this report contains footnotes, deleted from excerpts below.]

“During fiscal year (FY) 2014, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) reported the
apprehension of 68,541 unaccompanied minors—a striking 77 percent increase from the
previous fiscal year and a 429 percent increase from just 15,949 UAC apprehensions in
FY2011. Family unit apprehensions along the southwest border also skyrocketed
461percent, from 14,855 in FY2013 to 68,445 in FY2014. The sheer volume of UAC and
family unit border crossings is just one part of the story; the other is the nationality of the
migrants. Of the more than 68,000 UACs apprehended in FY2014, 51,705 (75 percent)
were from the “Northern Triangle” countries of Central America: El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras. The number of unaccompanied children from these countries
has increased over 15-fold in the past five years alone. While the FY2014 surge was
startling, UAC migration from Central America is clearly not a new phenomenon.
Indeed, CBP has recorded double and triple-digit percent yearly increases in UAC
apprehensions from Northern Triangle countries since FY2011. …

“With the number of unaccompanied Mexican minors on the decline, unaccompanied

children from Central America now make up a far larger share of the UAC population. In
2011, unaccompanied minors from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras were one-
fourth of all UAC apprehensions at the border; they now make up over three-fourths…

“Under current U.S. immigration policy, the most common forms of relief from removal
require applicants to demonstrate that they would endure unusual and severe harm if
returned to their country of origin. This means that abuses suffered by Central American
minors and families as they traverse Mexico are unlikely to have much bearing on their
prospects for remaining in the U.S., though given the transnational nature of many
organized crime groups operating in the region, cases in which forms of persecution
extend across national borders are conceivable….

“Near-identical trends in UAC and family migration from El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Honduras—and the drop in numbers of unaccompanied Mexican youth (as seen in Part
1)—have led regional experts to focus on specific factors in Northern Triangle countries
as the principal cause of the recent surge in arrivals. As immigration proceedings get
underway for tens of thousands of unaccompanied children, reliable data on country-of-
origin contexts is crucial for the task of validating claims and proving the legal grounds
for humanitarian relief. In an effort to contribute to the above mentioned body of
resources, Part 2 of this report provides an overview of where children are coming from,
followed by a detailed account of the push factors motivating children and families to
abandon their homes and seek refuge elsewhere, whether in the U.S., neighboring
countries, or within their own borders.
“DHS data on UACs arriving between January 1 and May 14, 2014 show that their
locations of origin are highly dispersed throughout the Northern Triangle countries, with
a significant concentration in urban areas. But while major cities such as San Pedro
Sula, Honduras; San Salvador, El Salvador; and Guatemala City, Guatemala are
sending proportionately higher numbers of unaccompanied children to the United States,
nearly half of the top-20 sending locations are rural towns, such as Juticalpa, Honduras,
and Huehuetenango, Guatemala, sending approximately 800 and 400 UACs respectively
in the months preceding the peak of the surge at the U.S. border. …

“The following section addresses six factors that motivate migration: social exclusion,
societal violence, household violence, drug trafficking, corruption, and institutional
incapacity. It shows which factors disproportionately affect certain geographic areas or
subpopulations as well as how factors tend to overlap, resulting in an accumulation of
adverse conditions that, taken as a whole, outweigh the risks posed by migration.

“Social Exclusion: Economic stagnation has plagued El Salvador, Guatemala, and

Honduras since the Great Recession. Excessive dependence on remittances from
diasporas in the United States and on sporadic infusions of foreign investment has only
exacerbated the effects of the global financial crisis. Even during the prior decade of
relative economic stability, the Northern Triangle countries had some of the highest rates
of inequality and poverty in the Western Hemisphere—legacies of centuries-old
oligarchic rule, decades of civil war in the case of El Salvador and Guatemala, and the
devastation wreaked by repeated natural disasters. The inherent problems posed by
fragile economies and limited resources are further compounded by the fact that business
elites maintain disproportionate control over these countries’ wealth. In Guatemala and
Honduras, nearly half of national income is distributed among the richest 10 percent of
the population, while the bottom 20 percent garners less than 3 percent of income.

“This income disparity leaves large sectors of the population without the minimum
resources needed to sustain households. These extreme levels of economic deprivation
stand out as particularly severe in comparison to other Latin American countries.

But poverty and inequality rates fail to capture the full extent of the socio-economic crisis
in Central America. While the correlation between poverty, inequality, and crime is well
documented, ongoing research suggests that the combination of scarce jobs and the
absence of state institutions that might supply minimal resources or services is critical to
understanding the link between economic deprivation, violence, and migration.

“Northern Triangle countries exemplify this combination. The result, as documented by

researchers at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO-Costa Rica), is a
condition that can be characterized as social exclusion, a combination of estrangement
from both labor markets and state services which is far more destructive than poverty or
inequality per se….

“This confluence of bleak socioeconomic outcomes has been driving migration from the
region for decades, particularly from the most impoverished rural areas such as the
predominantly indigenous communities of Guatemala’s Western Highlands. The current
surge in unaccompanied youth migration appears to be following a similar pattern, with
children from rural areas more likely to cite the quest for economic betterment as their
primary reason for leaving home. Years of inadequate state responses have created an
atmosphere of desperation among parents who see their children as part of a generation
with no options. …

“Social exclusion spawns what is widely considered the leading driver of the dramatic
spike in youth and family migration—a climate of generalized violence. Per capita
homicide rates vividly depict chronic insecurity in terms of lethal violence. In 2012, all
three Northern Triangle countries had the ignoble distinction of being in the top-five of
the most murderous countries in the world. Honduras led the list with a staggering 90.4
homicides per 100,000 people; El Salvador was fourth and Guatemala fifth.

“Since then, conditions have only deteriorated. The 2009 military coup in Honduras
triggered a downward spiral from which the country has yet to recover. San Pedro Sula,
Honduras’s second largest city, is the deadliest in the world. With 187 homicides for
every 100,000 residents, the city’s murder rate eclipses that of war zones such as
Afghanistan and Iraq. It is little surprise, then, that children from San Pedro Sula
accounted for five percent of all UAC apprehensions during the first four-and-a-half
months of 2014 (Figure 7). Honduran children often fall victim to this lethal violence; the
local advocacy organization Covenant House (Casa Alianza) estimates that 88 children
are murdered in Honduras each month….

“The majority of these crimes are attributed to street gangs—some now transnational in
nature—which have usurped control of vast stretches of territory in all three Northern
Triangle countries, overpowering outnumbered and ill-equipped police forces. The two
largest gangs, Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and 18th Street, trace their origins back to the
U.S. cities of Los Angeles and Chicago, where Central American youth fleeing civil wars
in their home countries formed gangs of their own. Beginning in the mid-1990s, an
increase in the deportation of ex-convicts from the U.S., many of them gang members,
replicated the gang phenomenon in Central America. Having just emerged from decades
of internal conflict, nascent democracies in El Salvador and Guatemala proved unable to
offer youth a viable alternative, and gang ranks swelled.

“Many Northern Triangle children are unable to find refuge from violence even at home.
The domestic sphere, typically considered a protective space amidst rampant insecurity
in these communities, has also become a stage for violence resulting from the processes
of social exclusion mentioned earlier—lack of employment opportunities and basic state
services. In many cases, male heads of household, frustrated by the inability to generate
income sufficient to satisfy even the most minimal necessities for household survival,
become aggressors not only in the public sphere but in the private one as well. Wives and
children become victims of this complex chain of violence. Though most cases of abuse
go unreported, several indicators, along with anecdotal evidence, suggest that household
violence is widespread. In interviews conducted by UNHCR with 302 unaccompanied
children from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, nearly one-fifth (23 percent) of
children reported some form of abuse in the home….

“The disintegration of nuclear families as a result of migration is also a contributing

factor. While children may benefit economically from remittances sent by a parent in the
U.S., parental loss—especially separation from a mother—increases a child’s
vulnerability to different forms of abuse in the home. Children whose parents have
emigrated to the U.S. and left them in the care of extended family members or friends are
also more vulnerable to forced recruitment by gangs.

“Abandonment is also on the rise. In the Honduran city of San Pedro Sula, for instance,
some 3,000 girls between the ages of 12 and 17 work as child prostitutes; another 5,000
under the age of 18 sleep on the streets, according to a report by the Honduran Institute
of Childhood and Family….

“Central America’s misfortune is to be located on an isthmus connecting the world’s

largest drug producing countries in South America with the world’s largest consumer of
illicit drugs, the United States. U.S.-supported counter-narcotics efforts in Colombia and
Mexico have redrawn drug trafficking routes throughout Central America, igniting turf
wars between major drug cartels, international drug trafficking organizations (DTOs),
and local transportistas, all vying for control of land and maritime routes and enlisting,
to varying degrees, the support of less sophisticated street gangs for storage and local
distribution. The transit of drugs through the region generates an environment in which
already weak and unaccountable state institutions are easily penetrated or outright taken
over by transnational criminal networks. This has had grave consequences for the
effectiveness of security forces and the overall functionality of these countries’ justice
systems. Public confidence in local law enforcement has eroded, and many citizens
choose not to report crimes to the police either because they know the crime will go
uninvestigated or—as is becoming increasingly common in Honduras—for fear of
victimization at the hands of security force….

“In its annual report on human trafficking, the U.S. State Department noted that neither
El Salvador, Guatemala, nor Honduras comply with the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking, and that government efforts in El Salvador and Honduras to
assist victims of sex trafficking remain inadequate.

“High levels of impunity have allowed criminal groups to take root and prosper in all
three Northern Triangle countries. And despite substantial progress made in Guatemala
during the tenure of Attorney General Paz y Paz, experts have interpreted her removal
from office in the summer of 2014 as heralding yet another era of impunity guaranteed by
murky networks of allied elites, corrupt politicians, and organized crime groups. In April
2014, InSight Crime reported that of the 48,947 homicides in the Northern Triangle
during the previous three years, only 2,295 (five percent) resulted in convictions.
“Impunity isalso the norm in crimes against children. …During roughly the same period,
the Public Ministry of Guatemala reported 2,639 complaints of sexual assault or rape
against minors, with only 11 convictions….

“Resource-deprived police forces and courts are simply unable—and often unwilling by
nature of their complicity with organized crime groups—to provide protection to children
and families. These are, of course, crucial considerations when asylum officers,
immigration officials, and immigration judges make decisions regarding deportation
relief….

“Though there is growing awareness among Northern Triangle governments of the need
to support repatriates and budget allocations to meet this need are slowly increasing,
only a fraction of repatriates benefit. For example, out of the 88,153 Guatemalans
repatriated between June 2011 and July 2013, only 4,457 received temporary shelter,
3,265 received employment services, 397 were referred for jobs, and only 55 were
actually hired.

“These figures cast serious doubt on the capability of Northern Triangle countries to
reintegrate, much less protect, the over 50,000 citizens apprehended at the U.S. border
during this past fiscal year. Even more troublesome, however, is the wholesale lack of
services tailored to meet the specific needs of unaccompanied children….

“In general, though Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Hondurans have filed a

disproportionate number of asylum applications, they have typically struggled to
articulate their claims within the narrow framework of the legally protected grounds
(discussed below) established by the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA).This reality
is reflected in well below average grant rates; in FY2012, Northern Triangle citizens
accounted for less than four percent of total persons granted asylum in the U.S. through
both affirmative and defensive processes. …

“Past evidence suggests, however, that unaccompanied minors who apply affirmatively
have a much greater chance of receiving asylum than their compatriots who, either
because they were accompanied across the border or are over the age of 17, must apply
defensively. A report generated by the United States Citizenship and Immigration
Services (USCIS) Refugees, Asylum, and Parole System records an 85.1 percent approval
rate for affirmative applications during the first nine months of FY2014. The rate is even
higher for minors, at 94.7 percent. However, data on the outcomes of asylum cases filed
by more recent arrivals may be long in coming. Though USCIS has already seen claims
from applicants under the age of 18 double over the past year, applications from minors
are submitted an average of 300 days after apprehension, meaning that the bulk of claims
may not be filed until spring of 2015.

“Nonetheless, the higher affirmative grant rate portends a more receptive climate for
gang-based asylum applications from children. It also reflects USCIS asylum officers’
greater interpretive flexibility regarding the refugee definition as opposed to immigration
judges as detailed below.
“The obstacles faced by Central Americans applying for asylum stem from the nature of
the violence detailed in Part 2 of this report. To be eligible, applicants must establish that
they have been persecuted or fear future persecution on account of one or more of the
five protected categories: race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social
group, or political opinion. Generalized violence exacerbated by dismal economic
realities and the relative absence of the state fails to fit easily into one of the protected
categories, no matter how lethal the combination may prove for the region’s most
vulnerable citizens.

“Immigration judges have typically interpreted gang violence as economi cally

motivated, and thus outside of the traditional protected categories. This has led the
majority of Central Americans fleeing gang-related violence to argue that persecution
has been on account of their membership in a particular social group (PSG). As
described below, this strategy has produced mixed results. Asylum law in the U.S. has not
evolved to recognize forms of persecution carried out by powerful non-state actors—
gangs or organized crime groups—that operate with impunity and that target large,
diffuse segments of society.

“Even if an applicant is successful in linking past or future persecution to one of the five
protected grounds, he or she must also prove that the government is unable or unwilling
to provide adequate protection and that relocation within the country of origin is
unreasonable, hence the critical importance of data on country and community
conditions and the institutional capacity of Central American governments…”

19. Declaration of Dr. Ubaldo Herrera Coello, Expert on Children’s Rights in

Honduras, 29 September 2014 ….............................. [●]

[Note: The excerpts below came from a CGRS web link that is no longer
operative; CGRS will provide a copy of this declaration upon request, but only for
use in a specific CLSEPA asylum case; the requesting process is outlined on
CGRS’s website, at: http://cgrs.uchastings.edu/assistance; also see CGRS
document saved to DPX file, outlining request procedures.]

“I am a trained medical doctor and have been working to advance the health and human
rights of children in Honduras for more than 25 years. In addition to my medical
treatment of children, I have extensive experience coordinating programs to provide
shelter and psycho-social and legal services to homeless, abused, and abandoned
children, as well as advocating for children’s rights at the national and international
levels. In my current role as Director of Programs at Casa Alianza, an international
nongovernmental organization that provides comprehensive services to children, I have
played a prominent role in formulating and reforming legislation in Honduras impacting
children’s rights, including the Children and Adolescents Code (Código de la Niñez y la
Adolescencia) (“Children’s Code”) and laws relating to the trafficking of children and
gang violence. I am regularly asked to participate in national, regional, and
international efforts to combat violence and exploitation of children in Honduras and
Central America. Through these experiences, I have become one of Honduras’ foremost
experts on the status of children in Honduran society, forms of violence against children,
and systems of protection for children.” (para. 1)

“It is my opinion that in Honduras, children are not treated as people with rights but as
the property of their parents, and, by extension, the broader community of adults in
general. Children are vulnerable to a host of abuses and exploitations, including child
abuse, abandonment, sexual violence and rape, trafficking, and other harms by all of
society including family members, community members, gangs and criminal
organizations, and governmental authorities. Because of children’s low status in society,
many of these harms are invisible or ignored by society. The situation for children has
worsened in recent years due to an overall deterioration in human rights conditions in
the country following a coup d’état, which led to the introduction of military police on the
streets who have been directly responsible for further abuses against children. In fact,
human rights conditions have been deteriorating not only for children, but also for those
who defend their rights, such as my colleagues at Casa Alianza. The governmental
institutions tasked under the law with protecting children are utterly incapable of
guaranteeing their safety. Moreover, prevailing cultural norms tolerate violence against
children with impunity and contribute to the invisibility of their plight. Despite the
enactment of laws intended to improve the status of children, governmental institutions in
Honduras continue to provide insufficient protection to children and fail to bring
perpetrators of violence to justice in the majority of cases.” (para. 2)

“Due to their inferior status within families, children face a range of harms at home
including physical, sexual and psychological abuse, forced labor, negligent treatment,
and abandonment. Physical violence may include things such as hitting, kicking, beating
with objects, and burning a child with hotplates, the burners on a stove. Sexual violence
can range from inappropriate touching and molestation to rape and prostitution
(commercial sexual exploitation) of one’s child. Psychological and emotional abuse is
also common, especially humiliations, insults, isolation of children, and threats. Finally,
abuse by parents can also occur in economic and other forms, including the denial of
food or clothing, or the denial of education, recreation and play because of forced
labor.” (para. 12)

“In addition to physical and psychological mistreatment, sexual abuse and incest within
the family is a common yet significantly underreported problem in Honduras. In family
situations where the mother is physically or sexually abused by her partner, the pattern
of violence is often extended to the children, placing them at greater risk of abuse. These
patterns of violence often pass from generation to generation because the cultural
acceptance of violence and sexual abuse against children remains largely unchanged.
Incest tends to be acknowledged the least because it is usually a hidden crime and there
are no publicly available statistics on it, although we know that it is usually committed by
an older male relative, such as a father, stepfather, grandfather, or uncle. Even when it is
reported, it is not categorized as incest but as some other type of sexual crime.
Nonetheless, in my work at Casa Alianza I have repeatedly seen cases of incest involving
both girls and boys.” (para. 13)
“In addition to violence, children are exploited and abused by their parents by being
forced to perform labor. The law prohibits the employment of children when the child is
under the age of 14; however, children between the ages of 14 and 18 are permitted to
engage in work for a limited number of hours per day as long as it does not interfere with
their education. The law reflects a long tradition and sociocultural acceptance of child
labor in the country. Many children assist the family in covering basic living expenses
and necessities by working –for some of these children, this is not necessarily at the
expense of an education or their physical and emotional integrity.” (para. 14)

“In other cases, however, children are forced to work in exploitative conditions and may
be physically abused by their families or employers if they fail to work….The most
common job industries involving child labor are agriculture, hunting and fishing, hotels
and restaurants, personal assistance, and manufacturing. The majority of children
engaged in child labor tend to be boys, although girls are often forced to work too
because they are considered to be better off developing their skills in the home rather
than investing in an education. Additionally, children of any sex who are engaged in
domestic work are often vulnerable to physical, emotional, and sexual abuse by their
employers.” (para. 15)

“[C]hildren are at risk of violence and forced labor not just by parents but by other
relatives as well. Because of the low status children have within families, these crimes
are rarely denounced, and a child’s immediate or extended family may become a source
of danger for the child rather than a source of protection.” (para. 16)
“Trafficking of children for sex or labor has become a major problem in Honduras,
particularly in commercial zones and areas with large tourist industries such as in cities
like La Ceiba, Tela, Copán, Roatán, San Pedro Sula, and San Lorenzo, as well as in
regions under the control of gangs or organized crime. Children are typically taken to
these zones and placed on the streets, in massage houses, or in bars for prostitution.
Children in poor families are the typical targets of traffickers, who approach children
offering them a better future; in other cases, however, traffickers use deception, threats,
force, kidnapping, and abuse of power to bring children under their control. The
trafficker is often someone close to the child, including a family member or someone
within his or her own community. In fact, in some situations the child’s own parents are
responsible for offering their child for prostitution in exchange for money. In cases of
sexual-commercial exploitation and human trafficking, there is a greater prevalence of
female victims, reflecting culturally-embedded power relationships that habitually
oppress women at the hands of men. Even so, both boys and girls are vulnerable to labor
exploitation.” (para. 18)

“There are large numbers of children living without the protection of their parents,
usually because their parents migrated to other countries or because they have been
abandoned or abused by their parents. Children in these situations are not only extremely
vulnerable to abuse by immediate and extended family, but they face an increased risk of
numerous forms of harm by society in general. Children living without any family
members at all face an even greater likelihood of experiencing abuse, exploitation and
other forms of harm.” (para. 21)
“Street children are easy to identify, as they tend to live under bridges, hang out in
markets, and search through the trash for food. Street children, like children living in
impoverished communities, are frequently viewed as potential criminals and as creating
a nuisance to public order. This results in the police ignoring their needs and failing to
step in to protect them from harm. In fact, street children are one of the most common
victims of extrajudicial killings by authorities or groups that act with the acquiescence or
complicity of authorities. All of these children –street children, children living in
economically marginalized communities, and children who lack the protection of family
members –face an increased risk of physical and sexual violence, trafficking, and gang-
related violence (discussed below).They also face additional barriers in trying to seek
help from authorities, as they do not have a parental figure who can speak on their behalf
and defend their interests, assuming their families are not the source of their problems in
the first place.” (para. 22)

“Violence against girls (and adult women) is widespread within the home in the form of
physical and sexual abuse. Both girls and women in domestic relationships are frequent
victims of domestic violence whether it is committed by a male spouse, ex-spouse, live-in
partner, or boyfriend. Additionally, it is not uncommon for young girls to become
involved in romantic relationships with men at a young age through pressure and
sometimes force by their parents and their future partners. Sadly, some mothers who
experience domestic violence repeat this pattern of violence with both their male and
female children, as they have been conditioned to accept violence toward those
considered inferior as the norm.” (para. 24)

“The number of cases of femicides (gender-motivated killings) have been growing in

recent years. Between 2008 and 2009 alone there was a 45% increase in the numbers of
reported femicides. Femicides are well known for their viciousness, as many victims show
signs of sexual abuse prior to being killed and their bodies are often mutilated in other
ways that show extreme hatred towards women and girls because of their gender, such as
having their breasts removed. In the majority of cases of gender-based violence, society
tends to blame the female victim for what has happened to her.” (para. 25)

“Girls also face unique harms due to their gender by gang members, in particular sexual
violence. The gangs replicate and reflect the same machista and patriarchal attitudes as
the broader Honduran society, but do so in a heightened way due to the extreme power
dynamics that form the gang’s culture. When a gang member wants a girl to be his
girlfriend but she denies his request, it is considered an affront because he believes it is
his right to force her to become his partner or sexual slave despite her protests. As a
result, women and girls who refuse such associations with gang members face severe
violence and death, which is likely another contributing factor to the high rates of
femicide in the country.” (para. 26)

“Like young girls, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) children face double
discrimination and are especially vulnerable to abuse both because they are children and
because they do not conform to traditional gender norms. LGBT individuals routinely
experience discrimination and violence despite a law prohibiting discrimination and hate
crimes, which are defined in the law as criminal acts motivated by sexual orientation and
gender identity. LGBT children are also frequently stigmatized by their families,
communities, and their teachers at school and denied fundamental rights as a result.
Teachers, for example, believe that LGBT children will “contaminate” or “seduce” other
children, causing LGBT individuals to leave or get pushed out of school. Many LGBT
children end up living on the streets due to rejection by their peers and family. Children
who have been rejected by their families and peers face a high risk of sexual violence and
rape, as well as forms of commercial and sexual exploitation, such as prostitution and
participation in pornography. These attacks and abuses are inflicted not only by
individuals on the street but by police and security personnel.” (para. 27)

“Although Honduran law guarantees equal rights to indigenous children, there is a

marked difference in the level of violence indigenous children face due to historical
cultural norms. The main indigenous groups in Honduras are the Lenca, Pech, Tawahka,
Xicaque, Maya Chortis, Misquito and Garífuna. They live all over the country –primarily
in the north, west, and south –and speak a combination of native dialects and Spanish.
Honduras’ indigenous communities tend to be highly machista, even more so than the
country’s non-indigenous communities, which puts indigenous children at even graver
risk of gender-based and other forms of harm. Indigenous children also tend to suffer
from higher levels of poverty, social exclusion, and lack of access to education.” (para.
28)

“Honduran children face alarming rates of violence at the hands of organized gangs.
Since the 1990s, gangs in Honduras have become increasingly violent and visible in
communities. They are better armed than they were in the past in part due to a large
influx of weapons left over from decades of civil wars in neighboring Central American
countries that have not been regulated by the authorities. Violence is not only a part of
initiation rituals of new gang members, but it has become the primary method of
interaction with rival gang members and those who challenge the gangs’ authority. “
(para. 29)

“The most prevalent and powerful gangs in Honduras are the Mara Salvatrucha, also
known as MS-13, and the Pandilla 18, also known as 18th Street. Both groups have
origins in street gangs based in the United States and now operate transnationally in
Guatemala and El Salvador as well. The MS-13 and 18th Street gangs in Honduras have
complex, hierarchical structures with strict codes of honor and strong identities. MS-13
and 18th Street each utilize a number of symbolic activities to denote membership in a
gang, including baggy clothing, the use of particular slang, graffiti, gang-related tattoos,
and the use of gang tags (or hand gestures) by its members. Although they operate all
over the country, the cities most afflicted by gangs are Tegucigalpa, Comayagüela, San
Pedro Sula, La Ceiba, Chamelecon, Choloma, Villanueva, Tela, and Tocoa. The gangs
are highly territorial and exercise power over entire neighborhoods, including over the
entry and exit of the neighborhood, and the payment of a “tax” in order to move around
and live in the controlled territory.” (para. 30)
“MS-13 and 18th Street gangs mostly target for recruitment children and young adults
between the ages of 12 and 25 who live in poor and marginalized communities,
especially, but not solely, in urban areas. Yet gangs are also known to target children as
young as 8 to 10 years old to carry out certain tasks, it is believed, because children
under the age of 12 cannot be subject to criminal prosecution under Honduran law.
Gangs attempt to lure children who live in high-risk areas into the gang with promises of
protection, women, money, and drugs. Gangs have also targeted children from the middle
and higher classes, including students. Students are recruited into gangs in any number
of ways, and once they are in the gang they are expected to demonstrate their loyalty to
their new “family.” It is believed gangs target and support these children so that they go
on to study professions that can benefit the gang later, such as by becoming a defense
attorney when gang members get into trouble. While girls are also targeted by the gangs,
they are more frequently targeted to be the “girlfriend” of a gang member, and in some
cases may be forced to become the sexual slave of one or more gang members.” (para.
32)

“When a child refuses to cooperate with a gang, he or she will be subjected to forced
recruitment by means of threats, intimidation, violence, and other forms of harm.
Children who resist recruitment are considered an adversary of the gang and its
objectives of gaining power, capital, and territory, or in some cases, as a supporter or
sympathizer of a rival gang. Street children and other children without families or
parental protection are especially vulnerable to being targeted for recruitment because
they have no one to protect them and joining the gang gives them a means to survive. At
the same time, gangs target children who still live with their families and may use their
family members as leverage. Gangs frequently communicate their expectation that a child
ill join their gang to the child’s family members or other relatives, and they may threaten
to punish those family members if the child does not comply. As a result, the family
members of children actively being recruited by gangs are frequently subjected to similar
arms and threats of harm as the child, including death or rape.” (para. 33)

Children (as well as adults) who end up becoming members, whether voluntarily or by
force, and choose to leave the gang suffer a similar fate as those who refuse to join in the
first place. Leaving a gang is considered a grave breach of the code of honor and is often
paid with one’s life. Former gang members are considered traitors and run a high risk of
being murdered, kidnapped, or tortured until death. The government does not offer any
special protection to former gang members who wish to leave the gang and reintegrate
into society, and many continue to be viewed as gang members by authorities even when
they try to leave. As a result, many former gang members have no choice but to migrate
to other countries to find safety, and they continue to be in danger –by the members of
their former gang as well as by the authorities –if and when they return to Honduras.”
(para. 34)

“Some believe that having military police on the streets will make them safer, but the
exact opposite has occurred. The military police are inclined towards repression and
corruption and have been responsible for beatings of children, illegal detention, and
sexual violence against women and girls. In this environment, children are vulnerable to
harm from all sides –by gang members themselves and by the authorities purportedly
there to protect them.” (para. 36)

“In recent years there has been an alarming increase in the killings of children presumed
as gang members (whether actual gang members or not) by extermination groups as a
form of ‘social cleansing.’ Casa Alianza documented at least 2,223 killings of children 17
years old and under between 1998 and 2012.The vast majority of killings are carried out
with firearms, followed by knives and sharp objects, and the remainder result from
beatings, decapitation, asphyxiation, and drowning. Some of the bodies show signs of
torture, including decapitation, mutilation, brutal beatings, tied hands and feet,
disfigured faces, signs of rape, and head injuries. Most of these children, which includes
some street children, are merely presumed to be gang members or connected to drug
trafficking and organized crime.” (para. 38)

“A large number of the killings are committed by paramilitary or social cleansing groups
acting with total impunity, and sometimes with police permission and knowledge. It is
difficult to know who makes up these groups because they tend to be well-armed men
wearing ski masks. Nonetheless, in a number of cases, it has been proven that police
officers are directly linked to these crimes.” (para. 39)

“Another result of Honduras’ widespread cultural tolerance and acceptance of violence

against children is the government’s failure to provide meaningful protection, services,
and justice to vulnerable and abused children.” (para. 40)

“All forms of violence against children –especially when committed by family members –
are rarely reported or documented. Children frequently do not report abuse on their own,
especially when the abuse is by a parent because of a fear of retribution, a lack of
confidence to report the abuse on one’s own, or a belief that nothing will come out of it.
The parents of children who have been abused by a family member or a third party are
also frequently reluctant to report an incident involving their child out of self-interest,
such as the desire to avoid retribution by the abuser, because of shame, or for economic
reasons –for instance, a mother may be reluctant to report her husband who is abusive
toward their child because the mother depends on her husband for financial support.
Moreover, there is a great reluctance in Honduran society to intervene in matters that
occur within the family because such matters are considered ‘private.’ Although
neighbors or community members may be aware of violence being inflicted on a child,
they usually refuse to involve themselves in such situations.” (para. 45)

“Many people also believe the police are more dangerous than the criminals,
particularly since the 2009 coup d’état which involved countless incidents involving
abuse of authority and excessive use of force. There has been a purging of many
policemen in the wake of scandals in recent years due to police involvement in bribery,
theft, and killings, in large part due to their association with gangs and criminal groups
involved in narco-trafficking. Despite these apparent attempts to clean up the police
force, there still exists widespread corruption, bribery, and involvement in illegal
activities which allows perpetrators and gang members to commit crimes while the police
turn a blind eye.” (para. 46)

“The police have also been personally responsible for physical and sexual abuse against
LGBT children, for example, by asking for “sexual favors” from the children who come
to them for protection. LGBT children are also discriminated against by prosecutors and
other figures in the criminal justice system who hold the same cultural biases and beliefs
against people who transgress gender norms. In the end such pervasive discrimination
leads to low levels of complaints by LGBT children because of an overall lack of trust in
the criminal justice system.” (para. 49)

“[T]he courts also contribute to a culture of impunity by exhibiting a number of biases in

how they adjudicate cases. Many judges, including the judges specialized in children’s
issues, tend to have a negative view of poor and marginalized children, believing them to
be criminals who should be sent to government-run shelters, rather than examining and
addressing the root causes of violence within the family and community. Judges also
frequently exhibit discriminatory attitudes towards young women and girls and LGBT
youth, for example, by telling a rape victim she invited the attack because she wore a
short skirt, or by teasing a homosexual boy because he wears an earring.” (para. 57)

“Indigenous children face all of the same barriers as other Honduran children in
accessing protection and receiving justice, but to an even greater degree. Although the
government officially recognizes the need to protect the country’s different ethnic groups,
there is still widespread discrimination against indigenous communities, which are often
poor and uneducated and therefore treated with less respect by other members of society
and by governmental authorities. Indigenous communities in Honduras also tend to be
more closed societies that live in remote locations, far from IHNFA centers where they
can seek protection from IHNFA and the courts. Therefore, the same problems with
underreporting, lack of investigations, poor quality investigations, insufficient
prosecutions and few convictions are exacerbated. Finally, the protection and justice
systems in Honduras do not have adequate numbers of interpreters to help indigenous
persons in their native dialects, yet another barrier indigenous individuals experience in
accessing comprehensive protection and justice from the government.” (para. 59)

“Even when a child does make the decision to flee an abusive situation, there are few
places for him or her to go. First, as mentioned, IHNFA has insufficient shelters to house
all abused and abandoned children in need. There are only five shelters in the country,
several of which only provide daytime services and cannot house children overnight let
alone on any sort of long term basis. Once DINAF officially replaces IHNFA, these
services will fall on nongovernmental organizations, churches, and others to provide–and
all of the existing organizations are already stretched past capacity. Second, there are
various reasons why children are disadvantaged when it comes to finding alternative safe
places to live, including the lack of financial resources and the lack of family ties in
other areas of the country. Additionally, children are still underdeveloped
psychologically and emotionally, making it difficult for them to understand their options
and access help. Children who suffer from violence within the family often have no one to
turn to, and even if they do, parents can easily track them down by asserting their
parental rights or threatening other family members to return the child back home.
Children seeking to escape violence and threats by gangs and organized criminals also
face significant challenges because such groups have networks in all areas of the
country, and Honduras is very small. For example, in one case a gang was targeting a
child, and the only option that Casa Alianza thought would provide even a modicum of
safety was for the child to leave the country. In that case, Casa Alianza was involved and
providing resources to help the child think through his options and that was still the only
solution. Children without such support –which are the majority of children in Honduras
–are left to face such dangers on their own.” (para. 67)

20. Cindy Carcamo, In Honduras, U.S. Deportees Seek to Journey North Again,
16 August 2014, available at http://www.latimes.com/world/mexico-americas/la-
fg-honduras-deported-youths-20140816-
story.html?utm_content=buffer7c073&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.
com&utm_campaign=buffer …………….[●]

“By the time Isaias Sosa turned 14, he'd already seen 15 bullet-riddled bodies laid out in
his neighborhood of Cabañas, one of the most violent in this tropical metropolis. He
rarely ventured outside his grandmother's home, fortified with a wrought iron gate and
concertina wire.

“But what pushed him to act was the death of his pregnant cousin, who was gunned down
in 2012 by street gang members at the neighborhood gym. Sosa loaded a backpack,
pocketed $500 from his mother's purse, memorized his aunt's phone number in
Washington state and headed for southern Mexico, where he joined others riding north
on top of one of the freight trains known as La Bestia, or the Beast.

“After a second unsuccessful attempt to enter the U.S. last fall, he now spends most of his
days cooped up at home, dreaming of returning yet again.

“‘Everywhere here is dangerous,’ he said. ‘There is no security. They kill people all the
time. It's a sin to be young in Honduras.’

“Like thousands of other undocumented Honduran children deported after having

journeyed unaccompanied to the U.S., Sosa faces perilous conditions in the violent
neighborhood from which he sought to escape.

“‘There are many youngsters who only three days after they've been deported are killed,
shot by a firearm,’ said Hector Hernandez, who runs the morgue in San Pedro Sula.
‘They return just to die.’" …

“Immigrant aid groups and human rights organizers say the Honduran government is ill-
equipped to assist children at high risk after they have been returned.
“Unaccompanied children from Honduras ‘come from extremely violent regions where
they probably perceive the risk of traveling alone to the U.S. preferable to staying at
home,’ the report said.

“In one case, a teenage boy was shot to death hours after arriving in San Pedro Sula on
a deportation flight, according to the boy's cousin, who refused to identify himself or the
boy to The Times for fear of reprisal from neighborhood gangs.

“To do so, he said, ‘I would be killing my entire family.’

“The San Pedro Sula morgue reports 594 homicides in the surrounding northwestern
region as of mid-July. A total of 778 people were slain last year.

“Valdete Wileman, a nun who runs the Center for Returned Migrants in San Pedro Sula,
said about 80% of the children who had been returned from the U.S. had been seeking to
escape the gang violence.

“Wileman said she was particularly concerned about children who once served as gang
lookouts.

“‘Some of these children are threatened with their lives,’ she said. ‘And now they are
being forced to return to the same place.’

“Other children head for the U.S. after the rest of their families have been killed.
Although some of these deportees move to other neighborhoods here, many don't have the
money to relocate. And the gangs, with ties throughout the country, could track them
down anyway.

“Wileman said she has neither the resources nor the means to help, because the
government barely funds the center.

“‘This is the responsibility of the government. This is the responsibility of the

entrepreneurs who run this country … those who are in power,’ she said. ‘All I can do is
pray.’

“Just a few days after Sosa, now 19, was deported from the U.S., he was shot at by gang
members while walking to the corner store for a soda. He said he didn't have allegiances
with any gang and didn't know why he was targeted.

“His second unsuccessful emigration attempt came after a friend was fatally shot and left
to die in a neighborhood alley.

“While saving money for a third attempt, he rarely steps outside the front door, declining
birthday party invitations and shunning soccer games in the neighborhood.

“‘If you leave your home, you don't know if you'll return.’
“He knows the trip north will be perilous but says he doesn't see any choice.

“‘What am I going to do?’ he said. ‘It's more dangerous to stay here.’

“So when it's time to again depart, he'll do what he did before: He'll get out his
backpack, but he won't tell a soul, fearing word may get out to gang members who'll
prevent him from leaving.”

21. Susan Terrio, ‘Life Ended There’: Rare interviews with the children of
America’s border disaster, 14 July 2014, available at
http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/07/children-border-detention-
108788#.VTgS9JPlwfA …………………….
“I met Mirabel in 2011, four years after she had left her home in San Pedro Sula,
Honduras, a city reputed to be the murder capital of the world. She, her sisters and
mother were terrorized by an alcoholic father who abused them and stole the earnings
from her mother’s struggling grocery store to spend on liquor and women. The tipping
point came when Mirabel, then 16, confronted her father after a drunken rampage, and
he nearly killed her with a machete. When an uncle offered to pay for a smuggler to take
Mirabel to the United States, her mother begged her not to go. ‘We all know the stories of
women who get raped or die in the desert,’ Mirabel told me. ‘But I couldn’t stay. I had no
life there.’ She told her mother she loved her, boarded a bus with her teenage cousin and
headed north, hoping for a better education and a better life in ‘El Norte.’ …
For my research on unaccompanied children in U.S. immigration custody, the Office of
Refugee Resettlement—the Department of Health and Human Services agency that
operates the custodial system—granted me rare access to 20 federal facilities and six
foster-care facilities between 2009 and 2012. (As a condition for this access, I agreed not
to reveal the names of the particular facilities I visited.) During that time, I also
conducted in-depth interviews with 40 formerly detained young migrants. The story I
heard from Mirabel (whose name, like those of the other interviewees in this article, has
been changed for her protection) was typical of the experiences I encountered: children
who had fled violence and poverty and, once in the United States, waged uphill and
prolonged battles to stay here legally….
“During the journey, migrants often witness or experience violence from ruthless
smugglers, corrupt border guards and criminal gangs, not to mention hunger, illness and
exposure to the elements. NGOs in the United States, Central America and Mexico have
reported that many young migrants are kidnapped by cartels that extort money from their
families or traffic them for sex and labor. Of the 40 young people I interviewed, nine—
seven boys and two girls—told me they were captured by the Zetas cartel in Mexico on
their way to the United States. Rape is so common that many migrant girls get birth-
control injections before they leave home….
“But these young migrants see their journeys as necessary—a chance to reunite with
undocumented parents ‘on the other side,’ or as a hedge against domestic abuse,
predatory police, forced gang conscription and drug traffickers. They leave countries
where social inequality is high, livable wages are scarce and violence is a scourge in the
home and the community. A study published this year by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, based on 404 interviews with migrants ages 12 to 17 who
entered the United States in the fall of 2011 or later, concluded that 58 percent of them
had been forcibly displaced by threats in their home countries. There have been reports
that rumors about ‘permits’ children to stay in the United States are in part behind the
surge in child migrants, but none of the young people I interviewed told me they left home
because they expected to win protective status.
“Consider the case of Ernesto. He told me he fled horrific abuse in Honduras and
migrated with two friends, hitching rides and traveling by foot through Guatemala and
Mexico. They avoided cargo trains because people can fall off them and die. ‘I mean, you
just don’t care about the odds or you wouldn’t do it,’ Ernesto says of his journey. ‘How
did I decide? It was the American Dream.’ Ernesto worked his way north until he was
seized by members of the Zetas cartel outside a Mexican border town. He was starved
and beaten, while the Zetas extorted $4,000 from his family back home. He escaped, but
three companions were killed when they balked at the cartel’s demands.”
22. Sonia Nazario, Children of the Drug Wars: A Refugee Crisis, Not An
Immigration Crisis, 13 July 2014, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/13/opinion/sunday/a-refugee-crisis-not-an-
immigration-crisis.html?_r=0 ……………[●]

“Children still leave Honduras to reunite with a parent, or for better educational and
economic opportunities. But, as I learned when I returned to Nueva Suyapa last month, a
vast majority of child migrants are fleeing not poverty, but violence. As a result, what the
United States is seeing on its borders now is not an immigration crisis. It is a refugee
crisis.” …

“Enrique’s 33-year-old sister, Belky, who still lives in Nueva Suyapa, says children
began leaving en masse for the United States three years ago. That was around the time
that the narcos started putting serious pressure on kids to work for them. At Cristian’s
school, older students working with the cartels push drugs on the younger ones — some
as young as 6. If they agree, children are recruited to serve as lookouts, make deliveries
in backpacks, rob people and extort businesses. They are given food, shoes and money in
return. Later, they might work as traffickers or hit men.

“Teachers at Cristian’s school described a 12-year-old who demanded that the school
release three students one day to help him distribute crack cocaine; he brandished a
pistol and threatened to kill a teacher when she tried to question him.

“At Nueva Suyapa’s only public high school, narcos ‘recruit inside the school,’ says
Yadira Sauceda, a counselor there. Until he was killed a few weeks ago, a 23-year-old
‘student’ controlled the school. Each day, he was checked by security at the door, then
had someone sneak his gun to him over the school wall. Five students, mostly 12- and 13-
year-olds, tearfully told Ms. Sauceda that the man had ordered them to use and distribute
drugs or he would kill their parents. By March, one month into the new school year, 67 of
450 students had left the school.”…

“Carlos Baquedano Sánchez, a slender 14-year-old with hair sticking straight up,
explained how hard it was to stay away from the cartels. …

“[Carlos described] the relentless pressure to join narco gangs and the constant danger
they have brought to his life. When he was 9, he barely escaped from two narcos who
were trying to rape him, while terrified neighbors looked on. When he was 10, he was
pressured to try marijuana and crack. ‘You’ll feel better. Like you are in the clouds,’ a
teenager working with a gang told him. But he resisted.

“He has known eight people who were murdered and seen three killed right in front of
him. He saw a man shot three years ago and still remembers the plums the man was
holding rolling down the street, coated in blood. Recently he witnessed two teenage hit
men shooting a pair of brothers for refusing to hand over the keys and title to their
motorcycle. Carlos hit the dirt and prayed. The killers calmly walked down the street.
Carlos shrugs. ‘Now seeing someone dead is nothing.’” …

“Girls face particular dangers — one reason around 40 percent of children who arrived
in the United States this year were girls, compared with 27 percent in the past. Recently
three girls were raped and killed in Nueva Suyapa, one only 8 years old. Two 15-year-
olds were abducted and raped. The kidnappers told them that if they didn’t get in the car
they would kill their entire families. Some parents no longer let their girls go to school
for fear of their being kidnapped, says Luis López, an educator with Asociación
Compartir, a nonprofit in Nueva Suyapa.

“Milagro Noemi Martínez, a petite 19-year-old with clear green eyes, has been told
repeatedly by narcos that she would be theirs — or end up dead. Last summer, she made
her first attempt to reach the United States. ‘Here there is only evil,’ she says. ‘It’s better
to leave than have them kill me here.’ She headed north with her 21-year-old sister, a
friend who had also been threatened, and $170 among them. But she was stopped and
deported from Mexico. Now back in Nueva Suyapa, she stays locked inside her mother’s
house. ‘I hope God protects me. I am afraid to step outside.’ Last year, she says, six
minors, as young as 15, were killed in her neighborhood. Some were hacked apart. She
plans to try the journey again soon.”…

“These children are facing threats similar to the forceful conscription of child soldiers by
warlords in Sudan or during the civil war in Bosnia. Being forced to sell drugs by narcos
is no different from being forced into military service.”…

“By sending these children away, ‘you are handing them a death sentence,’ says José
Arnulfo Ochoa Ochoa, an expert in Honduras with World Vision International, a
Christian humanitarian aid group.”
 23. Frances Robles, Fleeing Gangs, Children Head to U.S. Border, 9 July 2014,
available at http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/10/world/americas/fleeing-gangs-
children-head-to-us-border.html?ref=topics ……………[●]

“SAN PEDRO SULA, Honduras — Anthony O. Castellanos disappeared from his gang-
ridden neighborhood on the eastern edge of Honduras’s most dangerous city, so his
younger brother, Kenneth, hopped on his green bicycle to search for him, starting his
hunt at a notorious gang hangout known as the ‘crazy house.’

“They were found within days of each other, both dead. Anthony, 13, and a friend had
been shot in the head; Kenneth, 7, had been tortured and beaten with sticks and rocks.
They were among seven children murdered in the La Pradera neighborhood of San
Pedro Sula in April alone, part of a surge in gang violence that is claiming younger and
younger victims.

“The killings are a major factor driving the recent wave of migration of Central
American children to the United States, which has sent an unprecedented number of
unaccompanied minors across the Texas border. Many children and parents say the rush
of new migrants stems from a belief that United States immigration policy offers
preferential treatment to minors, but in addition, studies of Border Patrol statistics show
a strong correlation between cities like San Pedro Sula with high homicide rates and
swarms of youngsters taking off for the United States.” …

“Honduran children are increasingly on the front lines of gang violence. In June, 32
children were murdered in Honduras, bringing the number of youths under 18 killed
since January of last year to 409, according to data compiled by Covenant House, a
youth shelter in Tegucigalpa, the capital.

“With two major youth gangs and more organized crime syndicates operating with
impunity in Central America, analysts say immigration authorities will have a difficult
time keeping children at home unless the root causes of violence are addressed.

“In 2012, the number of murder victims ages 10 to 14 had doubled to 81 from 40 in 2008,
according to the Violence Observatory at the National Autonomous University of
Honduras. Last year, 1,013 people under 23 were murdered in a nation of eight million.

“Although homicides dropped sharply in 2012 after a gang truce in neighboring El

Salvador, so far this year murders of children 17 and under are up 77 percent from the
same time period a year ago, the police said.

“Nowhere is the flow of departures more acute than in San Pedro Sula, a city in
northwestern Honduras that has the world’s highest homicide rate, according to United
Nations figures.
“Between January and May of this year, more than 2,200 children from the city arrived
in the United States, according to Department of Homeland Security statistics, far more
than from any other city in Central America.

“More than half of the top 50 Central American cities from which children are leaving
for the United States are in Honduras.”…

“‘Everyone has left,’ Alan Castellanos, 27, the uncle of Anthony and Kenneth, said in an
interview in late May. ‘How is it that an entire country is being brought to its knees?’

“He said the gangs operated with total impunity. ‘They killed all those kids and nobody
did anything about it,’ Mr. Castellanos said. ‘When prosecutors wanted to discuss the
case, they asked us to meet at their office, because they were afraid to come here. If they
were afraid, imagine us.’”…

“‘Basically, the places these people are coming from are the places with the highest
homicide rates,’ said Manuel Orozco, a senior fellow at the Inter-American Dialogue, a
Washington-based research group. ‘The parents see gang membership around the
corner. Once your child is forced to join, the chances of being killed or going to prison is
pretty high. Why wait until that happens?’”…

“Children are killed for refusing to join gangs, over vendettas against their parents, or
because they are caught up in gang disputes. Many activists here suggest they are also
murdered by police officers willing to clean up the streets by any means possible.

“In the case of the Castellanos family, the police said the older boy was a lookout for the
gang and had decided to quit. The order to kill him, the police said, came from
prison.”…

“During a recent late-night visit to the San Pedro Sula morgue, more than 60 bodies, all
victims of violence, were seen piled in a heap, each wrapped in a brown plastic bag.
While picking bullets out of a 15-year-old boy shot 15 times, technicians discussed how
they regularly received corpses of children under 10, and sometimes as young as 2.

“Last week, in nearby Santa Barbara, an 11-year-old had his throat slit by other
children, because he did not pay a 50-cent extortion fee.

“‘At first we saw a lot of kids who were being killed because when the gang came for
their parents, they happened to be in the car or at the location with them,’ said Dr.
Darwin Armas Cruz, a medical examiner who works the overnight shift. ‘Now we see kids
killing kids. They kill with guns, knives and even grenades.’”

24. Ana Gonzalez-Barrerra, Jens Manuel Krogstad and Mark Hugo Lopez, DHS:
Violence, poverty is driving children to flee Central America to US, 1 July 2014,
available at http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/07/01/dhs-violence-
poverty-is-driving-children-to-flee-central-america-to-u-s/ ……………………
“Of the thousands of unaccompanied children apprehended at the U.S. border in recent
months, many can be attributed to poverty and regional violence in three Central
American countries, a new U.S. Department of Homeland Security document finds. The
document says the reasons driving the migration are different for each country,
attributing it to local conditions.

“‘For example, many Guatemalan children come from rural areas, indicating they are
probably seeking economic opportunities in the U.S. Salvadoran and Honduran children,
on the other hand, come from extremely violent regions where they probably perceive the
risk of traveling alone to the U.S. preferable to remaining at home.’

“The Homeland Security document, obtained by the Pew Research Center, details the
specific hometowns and cities of unaccompanied children apprehended at the U.S.
border. According to the agency, the number of children caught at the border has nearly
doubled in less than a year, a situation that President Obama has called ‘an urgent
humanitarian situation.’

“The three top municipalities sending children to the U.S. are all in Honduras. San
Pedro Sula leads the list, with more than 2,200 unaccompanied minors apprehended
between January and May of this year, making up at least 5% of all apprehended
children since October 1st. Following San Pedro Sula are Tegucigalpa and Juticalpa,
both with more than 800 apprehended children during the same period.

“The Honduran and Salvadoran child migrants are from some of the most violent regions
in those countries. San Pedro Sula in Honduras is the world’s murder capital, with a
homicide rate of 187 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2013 driven by a surge in
gang and drug trafficking violence. For the entire country Honduras’s murder rate was
90 per 100,000 in 2012, the highest in the world. In 2011, El Salvador was not far
behind, at 70, ranking second in terms of homicides in Latin America then. Even with a
significant drop in the murder rate from 70 in 2011 to 41 in 2012, El Salvador is only
surpassed by Honduras, Venezuela and Belize in the entire world.

“Homeland Security also points to poor economies as another factor pushing children
north to the U.S. Overall, Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador are among the poorest
nations in Latin America with 30%, 26%, and 17% of their people living on less than $2
a day, according to the World Bank.

“Unaccompanied minor children are not just from Central America. According to the
Department of Homeland Security, more than 11,000 children from Mexico were
apprehended between October 1, 2013 and May 31 of this year. However, the recent
surge in apprehensions of children has been driven by increases in the number coming
from Central America.

“Yesterday, President Obama announced that he would be taking more executive action
on immigration as Congress has failed to pass an immigration bill. During his
announcement, the president said the current crisis at the border underscores the need to
drop politics and pass immigration reform. As DHS put it, the ‘violence, combined with
poor economies and other secondary factors will make stemming the flow of
[unaccompanied children] to the US a very complex issue to address.’”

25. UNICEF, Worrying Trend of Violence Against Children Emerging in

Honduras, Warns UNICEF, 15 May 2014, available at
http://www.unicef.org/media/media_73515.html ........................... [●]

“UNICEF is alarmed by the increasing generalized violence against children in

Honduras. In a series of incidents, including domestic and gang-related violence, some
24 children are reported to have been murdered across the country in the past month.

“‘The frequency of the incidents, where children have been reportedly murdered and in
some cases tortured, is of great concern,’ said Héctor Espinal, UNICEF's
Communication Specialist in Honduras. ‘This kind of cruelty, which specifically targets
children, cannot become the social norm.’”

26. NDT.TV, Honduras Street Gangs Torture Children to Death if Refuse to Join,
9 May 2014, available at http://www.ntd.tv/en/news/world/south-
america/20140509/140357-honduras-street-gangs-torture-children-to-death-if-
refuse-to-join-.html ........................................ [●]

“TEGUCIGALPA - The cry of the grandmother was gut-wrenching as she watched the
burial of her grandson, the second killed in just days in a horrific wave of violence
against children in Honduras.

“Kids, even very young kids, are often killed if they refuse to join powerful street gangs, a
scourge plaguing the poor Central American nation reputed to be the world's most
violent place.

“The wave of murders is one of the most pressing problems facing the new government of
President Juan Orlando Hernandez.” …

“This second grandson was only seven years old. He was shot and tortured, his body
found wrapped in a sheet and dumped in a vacant lot in San Pedro Sula, north of the
capital, Tegucigalpa.

“The grandmother and the mother of the child were already in shock after the death
three days earlier of another of their children, aged 13, in similarly grisly circumstances.

“In the space of a month, six more school-age children were murdered in San Pedro
Sula, and authorities say the reason was the same -- they had refused to join a street
gang.” …
“Last week in San Pedro Sula, members of gang called the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13)
burst into a youth detention center, overpowered guards and detonated a grenade, killing
five members of the rival Mara 18 (M-18).

“That same day, farther north in the town of Limon, a man stabbed a 13-year-old girl to
death, and also killed her siblings aged 10, seven and two.”

27. UNHRC, The UN Refugee Agency, Children on the Run: Unaccompanied

Children Leaving Central America and Mexico and the Need for International
Protection, A Study Conducted by the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees Regional Office for the United States and the Caribbean Washington,
D.C. (2014), available at
http://www.unhcrwashington.org/sites/default/files/1_UAC_Children%20on%20t
he%20Run_Full%20Report.pdf …………………………………………….[●]

[Note: This report contains extensive footnotes, which are not included in the
excerpts below.]

“With a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, UNHCR
Washington undertook an extensive study to examine the reasons why children are
displaced from the four countries [Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador].
While recognizing a significant contextual difference between the situation in Mexico and
in the Northern Triangle of Central America, the common denominator is that all four
countries are producing high numbers of unaccompanied and separated children seeking
protection at the southern border of the United States. UNHCR’s research was to
ascertain the connection between the children’s stated reasons, the findings of recent
studies on the increasing violence and insecurity in the region, and international
protection needs.

“UNHCR Washington conducted individual interviews with 404 unaccompanied or

separated children – approximately 100 from each country – who arrived to the U.S.
during or after October 2011 and, in the context of the current regional and national
environments and the tremendous number of displaced children arriving to the U.S. from
these four countries, analyzed the children’s responses in order to answer two questions:
Why are these children leaving their countries of origin? Are any of these children in
need of international protection?

“UNHCR found that the majority of children interviewed from all four of these countries
provided information that clearly indicates they may well be in need of international
protection. The responses of these children were complex and multifaceted and in many
cases included both protection-related and non-protection-related concerns.
Significantly, protection-related reasons were very prominent, and this report focuses on
those reasons. Our data reveals that no less than 58% of the 404 children interviewed
were forcibly displaced because they suffered or faced harms that indicated a potential
or actual need for international protection.” (pp. 5-6)
“[T]he many compelling narratives gathered in this study – only some of which are
relayed in this report – demonstrate unequivocally that many of these displaced children
faced grave danger and hardship in their countries of origin. Fourth, there are
significant gaps in the existing protection mechanisms currently in place for these
displaced children.” (p. 11)

“International standards as well as the policies and practices of many States, among
them the United States, recognize that any assessment of the protection needs of children
– in particular international protection – must take into account age, development,
vulnerability, psychological state and other factors relating to a child’s ability to identify
and articulate what are often complex and intertwined aspects of their young lives.
Children cannot be expected to provide adult-like accounts of situations they have faced
and may have difficulty articulating their fears. They may be too young or immature to be
able to evaluate what information is important or to interpret and convey what they have
witnessed or experienced in a manner that is easily understandable to an adult. These
factors can affect children of all ages – even those 12 years or older. Older children may
also provide superficial or even artificial answers about experiences or events that were
harmful or traumatizing. They may wish to avoid talking about difficult subjects, or they
may not directly connect hardships or other experiences or fears with the questions they
are being asked. Children’s responses to questions, such as why they left home, are often
layered, with easier responses shared first. When questioned by officials of a foreign
country about situations or experiences that may be difficult or traumatic to discuss,
children may provide answers that are simple, “safe” and more easily repeated.
Sometimes children provide information based on what they have heard from someone
else. They may feel ambivalent about their decision to leave their homes or despondent
about being apprehended by immigration officials, both of which may impact how they
relate their situations, experiences, fears and concerns.” (pp. 20-21)

“One hundred ninety-two (48%) of the children interviewed shared that they had
experienced or been threatened with serious harm by organized armed criminal actors
(groups that are largely transnational and may work collaboratively within countries and
across the region), state actors or other actors within the community or that they had
suffered such harm due to a lack of sufficient protection by the State. Over a quarter of
the children, 31%, or a total of 125, discussed violence or threats of violence by gangs or
cartels. Of these 125 children, 108 spoke specifically about gangs: 64 were Salvadoran,
33 were Honduran, 10 were Guatemalan and one was Mexican. … Because gang-related
violence is the most prevalent form of criminal conduct, this issue is discussed here in
greater detail than are the other types of criminal-related violence. The gang-related
issues include a range of threats and harms to the children. The majority of the 108
children who discussed gang violence – 75 children, or 69% – talked about at least one
specific incident, such as having been beaten, robbed or threatened by gangs. More than
half of the children who discussed gang violence issues – 64 children, or 59% – talked
about the rampant threat of harm by armed criminal groups in their communities,
including inter-gang conflict and the extent of the control gangs exercise in different
neighborhoods, such as determining who may enter and exit these neighborhoods – even
among residents and relatives of residents in the community. Some children described the
potentially life-threatening dangers of being misidentified as a member of one gang while
in rival territory of another gang. Children shared the dangers they faced through their
efforts to avoid gang recruitment, harassment by gangs while commuting to school, and
the extortion exacted by gangs on children and their families.” (p. 26)

“Although the harms and threats by gangs were shared by both boys and girls, there was
a gender difference in the frequency of certain types of harm. For example, 29 of the 31
children who discussed violent forced conscription into gangs were boys. On the other
hand, seven of the eight children who reported rape, other sexual violence or threats of
such violence were girls.” (p. 27)

“Eighty-five children, slightly more than a fifth of the total number interviewed, revealed
some form of abuse in the home, including physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual
abuse, sibling violence, intimate partner violence and abandonment. The children
identified a range of abusers, including parents, siblings, grandparents, other caregivers
and domestic partners. Across all nationalities except Guatemalans, children discussed
abuse in the home much more frequently as a form of suffering or harm than as an
explicit reason for leaving. Although less than half of the children who reported some
form of maltreatment or abuse were female, the 36 girls who reported maltreatment or
abuse represent 40% of all the girls interviewed, whereas the 49 boys who reported some
form of abuse in the home represent only 16% of all the boys interviewed.”(p. 28)

“Of the 98 Honduran children interviewed, 56 (57%) raised potential international

protection concerns. Forty-three (44%) of these children experienced or were threatened
with some form of violence in society. Twenty-four (24%) of the children mentioned
issues of abuse in the home. Eleven (11%) of the children reported that they had been
subjected to more than one of these serious harms. Twenty-one (21%) of the children
discussed situations of deprivation. Seventy-eight of the children (80%) shared their
hopes for reuniting with relatives, finding better opportunities to work or study, or
helping their families. Forty-three percent of these children did not mention any serious
harm as a reason for leaving.

“When asked why they left their country, 33 (34%) of the Honduran children stated they
fled because they had experienced or feared violence at the hands of organized criminal
actors. Sixteen (16%) spoke about generalized violence, and three (3%) expressed
concerns about the failure or inability of the State to protect them from these kinds of
harms. Some of these children detailed escalating events in their lives that left them with
no choice but to flee. One 16-year-old boy spoke about the increased violence against
him and his family as a gang took control of his neighborhood. Over the course of two
years, he and his two brothers suffered gunshot wounds. His sister felt constantly
threatened until the gang’s control was complete, and everyone, including he and his
family, was forced out.

“Other children spoke with a sense of inevitability about becoming targeted. According
to one 16-year-old boy, ‘You feel afraid when you live in a place where there is nothing
but violence. It’s very dangerous there. The gangs are everywhere. You become
accustomed to hearing gunshots. You wonder if something will happen to you if you go
out to the store, whether someone will shoot you or tell you that you have to join the
gangs.’”

“My grandmother wanted me to leave. She told me: ‘If you don’t join, the gang will shoot
you. If you do join, the rival gang will shoot you—or the cops will shoot you. But if you
leave, no one will shoot you.’-- Kevin, Honduras, age 16”

“The girls also spoke about the effects of gang violence, raising in particular forced
sexual relationships and other forms of sexual violence. One 17-year-old girl spoke of
being devastated after being raped at gunpoint on her way home from work. A 13-year-
old boy talked about how he and his 12-year-old sister became targets of the gang after
he defended her from gang members who ‘liked’ her. A girl who was only 12 years old
spoke of gang members targeting girls her age in her community: ‘In the village where I
lived there were a ton of gang members. All they did was bad things, kidnapping people.
My mother and grandmother were afraid that something would happen to me. That’s why
my mother sent me here. They rape girls and get them pregnant. The gang got five girls
pregnant, and there were other girls who disappeared and their families never heard
from them again.

“Twenty-four (24%) Honduran children talked about abuse at the hands of family
members or other caregivers. One 16-year-old girl spoke of abuse by her stepfather when
she was young. He threatened to kill her when her mother decided to leave him. For
years afterward, the girl continued to feel afraid and spoke of this when she described
her reasons for leaving Honduras. Another girl fled when she was 17, after her abusive
father was released from prison: ‘My father beat me my whole life. He abused me and my
sister. He was an alcoholic. He raped my sister and got her pregnant. He was in jail for
five years, even though it was supposed to be nine years. He got out of jail in March
2012. I didn’t want to be around him because I was afraid he would beat me and mistreat
me again, so I decided to leave.’

“Another girl spoke of abuse at the hands of her boyfriend: ‘When I was 16, I went to live
with my boyfriend. He was fine until I got pregnant. Then he changed. After I got
pregnant, when I didn’t want to have relations with him he would beat me. He would
throw me against the wall or against the bed.’” (pp. 36-37)

“‘My father would get mad at me and beat me all the time. Sometimes he would beat me
with a belt every day. My mother couldn’t really defend me because he would beat her,
too’. --Angelo, Honduras, age 17” (p. 28)

“These children [from all four countries] spoke of a range of criminal-related violence
among them: forced recruitment; physical violence, including rape and severe beatings;
threats of violence; and extortion. An understanding of the transnational nature of these
various criminal entities and actors, the political power they wield and their influence
and control in the societies of the four countries the children interviewed for this study
are from is essential to recognize the international protection needs that stem from these
forms of violence. There are important distinctions between the various organized armed
criminal actors, such as, for example, the drug cartels and the gangs, yet at the same
time, they often work collaboratively, and their activities overlap. Significantly, because
of the pervasive presence and interconnectedness of these various criminal elements,
many people – adults and children – are not always clear which entity the criminal
actors represent. Perhaps most importantly, it must be understood that given the strong,
powerful hold these criminal entities have in the various countries in the region, the
States are often not able to provide meaningful protection from the entities’ activities.”(p.
44)

28. U.S. Dept of Labor, Honduras: 2013 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child
Labor, available at http://www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-labor/honduras.htm
............................................ [●]

[Note: This report contains extensive footnotes, which are not included in
excerpts below.]

“In 2013, Honduras made a moderate advancement in efforts to eliminate the worst
forms of child labor. The Government of Honduras passed a Legislative Decree
harmonizing legal protections for children and trained labor inspectors on child labor
issues. It strengthened the role of the seven regional sub-committees against child labor,
and provided training to staff and community members on topics such as prevention,
withdrawal, and social protection for child workers. The Government also continued to
implement the Voucher 10,000 program, which provides cash transfers to families, and
added child labor as a target issue under the program. However, children continue to
engage in child labor in agriculture and in the worst forms of child labor in commercial
sexual exploitation. The inspections process does not sufficiently deter employers from
using child labor.”

“Children in Honduras are engaged in child labor in agriculture and in the worst forms
of child labor in commercial sexual exploitation.”

“Recent data indicate that 60 percent of working children work in agriculture. Children
are sometimes trafficked from rural areas into commercial sexual exploitation in urban
and tourist destinations such as the Bay Islands, La Ceiba, San Pedro Sula, and
Tegucigalpa. In addition, reports indicate that Honduran children are trafficked to
Central and North America for commercial sexual exploitation. Limited evidence
suggests that girls from neighboring countries, including Guatemala and Mexico, are
subjected to sexual servitude in Honduras. Additionally, reports indicate that children
are used by organized crime to commit illicit activities.”

29. Women’s Refugee Commission, Forced from Home: The Lost Boys and Girls
of Central America, October 2012, available at
http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&cad=rj
a&uact=8&sqi=2&ved=0CCQQFjAB&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwomensrefugeeco
mmission.org%2Fcomponent%2Fdocman%2Fdoc_download%2F844-forced-
 from-home-the-lost-boys-and-girls-of-central-
america&ei=RGXyVNCPJsaqogTCooHgDg&usg=AFQjCNHF265mAMu9t6-
PMEAhjXQ7Psg6IA&sig2=RrZWrsgHs5oGjU7MXQkkog&bvm=bv.87269000,
d.cGU............. [●]

[Note: This report contains numerous footnotes, which are not included in the
excerpts below.]

“In June 2012, the Women’s Refugee Commission (WRC) conducted field and desk
research to look into possible reasons for the influx in the number of children migrating
alone, and the government’s response, including conditions and policies affecting
unaccompanied children. The WRC interviewed 151 detained children and met with
government agencies tasked with responding to this influx, including the Department of
Homeland Security’s (DHS) Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and
Customs Enforcement (ICE), ORR and the Department of Justice’s Executive Office of
Immigration Review (DOJ/EOIR), as well as country experts, local service providers and
facility staff. Our recommendations include both legislative and administrative solutions
for the protection of UACs.” …

“Children from Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador cited the growing influence of
youth gangs and drug cartels as their primary reason for leaving. Not only are they
subject to violent attacks by the gangs, they explained, they are also targeted by police,
who assume out of hand that all children are gang-affiliated. Girls also face gender-
based violence, as rape becomes increasingly a tool of control.” (p. 1) …

“Mario [not his real name], age 16, told us the following story: He was a student in San
Pedro Sula, Honduras, one of the most violent cities in the world. He said he had no
choice but to stay home from school after he was targeted for recruitment by one of the
gangs that dominate many state-run schools in Honduras. When he told the gang
members, ‘No, I’m good,’ they left him alone for a little while. Then one girl started
saying he had to join and incited other gang members who threatened physical violence.
Because it was no longer safe enough to go to school in his home town and he could not
afford private school in Honduras, he came to the U.S., where he hoped he would have
the opportunity to work and study. [From: Individual interview at Baptist Child and
Family Services Lackland Air Force Base surge center.]” (p. 5)

“Children from Honduras and El Salvador described how the worsening conditions of
crime and gang violence in their home countries have escalated to such a degree that
they make life virtually unbearable for children in those countries. Previously, youth
gangs used a variety of tactics to put pressure on children to join; now, the gangs operate
under a ruthless ‘join ordie’ policy. The children also expressed the view that, while the
police in Honduras and El Salvador have always been corrupt, they are now effectively
controlled by the gangs in varying degrees. Furthermore, the militarization of security
forces under the popular mano dura (‘iron fist’) policies has left children in Honduras
and El Salvador as vulnerable to violent attacks from government officials as they are to
attacks by gangs. Corruption and failure of governance in Honduras and El Salvador are
long-term problems. Without an adequate state response, violent crime will only worsen
as the influence of the Mexican drug cartels continues to grow in both countries. This
suggests that the record numbers of unaccompanied children migrating north from these
countries is unlikely to drop anytime soon.” (pp. 7-8) …

“While the unaccompanied girls the WRC interviewed gave many of the same reasons as
boys for fleeing their home countries (to escape gang violence and poverty), they also
cited the fear of rape and gender-based violence as major motivating factors. They
described how gangs and drug traffickers in Central America are increasingly recruiting
girls to smuggle and sell drugs in their home countries, using gang rape as a means of
forcing them into compliance. Gangs also use the threat of rape as a tactic to gain money
through extortion and kidnapping. If a girl is impregnated, interviewees explained, the
gang member responsible will leave her to raise her baby alone, then come back when
the child is old enough to be recruited into the gang. Just as gangs are targeting younger
boys for recruitment and violent attacks, they are targeting younger girls, some as young
as nine years old, for rape and sexual assault.” (p. 8) …

“Over the past few years, Honduras has become one of the most dangerous countries in
the world. In 2011, Honduras earned the dubious distinction of having the highest
murder rate in the world, with 86 people killed for every 100,000, up from 82 in 2010.
For young people, the danger is even greater. When a coup in 2009 cut off foreign
assistance and focused the attention and resources of the country’s security forces on the
capital, Mexican drug cartels took advantage of the security vacuum by stepping up their
illegal operations in the rest of the country, including their recruitment of Honduran
children in gangs, or maras, to carry out kidnappings, extortion and murder.
Collaboration between the drug cartels and the maras has led to a significant increase in
both inter-gang and generalized violence, with children and teens being the primary
targets. According to statistics from the University of Democracy, Peace and Security,
920 Honduran children were murdered between January and March of 2012.
Widespread police corruption and high levels of impunity have impaired any effective
state response to this violence. The paralyzing politicization of the judiciary during the
coup, together with the increasing militarization of civilian security forces, has only
compounded the problem. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration has established
military-style operating bases in the country and conducted commando-style anti-
trafficking raids alongside Honduran troops under a policy known as ‘Operation Anvil’;
one such raid recently claimed the lives of several local civilians in a remote rural area
believed to be the haunt of drug traffickers. These military operations may have also
contributed to this increased displacement in communities. In 2010, a law was passed to
enable joint military/police action to combat organized crime, a move that Honduran
Defense Minister Marlon Pascua has called ‘positive and significant.’ However, instead
of curbing corruption, which remains rampant at all levels of the police force, the
intervention of the military under this so-called mano dura (‘iron fist’) policy has done
little apart from ramping up the state’s use of force against children suspected of gang
involvement.” (p. 10)
“A 17-year-old boy from Honduras said that in eastern Honduras each gang has control
over different neighborhoods so people can’t leave their own neighborhood because they
risk being killed by another neighborhood’s rival gang. In his town alone, he reported,
there were 20 to 30 deaths a day as a result of gang and drug violence. [From:
Individual interview at BCFS, Lackland Air Force Base.] (p. 10)…

“It is clear from both our desk research and interviews of Central American children
fleeing violence and persecution in their home countries that being a young person makes
you a visible and targeted social group. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR), in its March 2010 Guidance Note on Refugee Claims relating to victims of
Organized Gangs,54 stated that young people, in particular those who live in
communities with a pervasive and powerful gang presence but who seek to resist gangs,
may constitute a particular social group for the purposes of the 1951 Refugee
Convention. The guidelines reinforce that powerful gangs, like the maras in Central
America, directly control society and de facto exercise power in the areas where they
operate. Due to the amount of influence gangs have over agents of the State, like police,
opposition to criminal acts may be analogous with opposition to State authorities,
making refusal to join a gang an imputed political opinion. The Special Representative of
the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict has also drawn attention to the
complexity of contemporary conflicts, which include criminal gangs, and the particular
vulnerabilities of children displaced by such actors.” (p. 12)

30. Humanium, Children of Honduras: Realizing Children’s Rights in Honduras,

18 September 2012, available at http://www.humanium.org/en/honduras/ ……[●]

“In 2010, 16% of children were employed, mostly in the agriculture industry for
vegetable harvesting, but the phenomenon is observed also in mining, deep sea fishing,
among the female labour force in large factories, etc. Children often work in conditions
that are hazardous to health. Children in rural areas and indigenous peoples are
particularly affected.

“Child domestic workers often work in difficult conditions (long journeys and long hours,
low wages, etc.). Deprived of social security and other work benefits provided under
Honduran labour laws, these children, especially girls, are also exposed to violence,
including sexual abuse, from their employers.”

“Despite the ratification by Honduras of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the
Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, no
governmental body is entrusted with the task of implementing the required measures and
little effort has been made to raise awareness of this problem.

“All forms of sexual exploitation of children for financial gain remain widespread in
Honduras. Girls and migrant children are particularly vulnerable.

“Child marriages are also a problem: in 2010, 11% of children were married at the age
of 15 years and 39% at the age of 18.
“Street children are mostly found in the two largest Honduran cities: Tegucigalpa and
San Pedro Sula. The majority are boys who leave the house at around 12 years.

“Street children face violence, disease and hunger on a daily basis, and run the risk of
prostitution … To survive, they are forced to steal, scavenge from garbage bins or polish
shoes.

“The poorest and most marginalised children choose violence as a means of survival.
They are perceived as vermin and are often accused of all possible crimes, the most
common of which is that they scare away investors and tourists.

“Some children join the ‘mara’ gangs that spread terror and which act as a substitute
family for young people. Some are killed, others become killers and if they decide to
leave the group, they run the risk of complete social exclusion, mistrust, insults and
beatings, and even death.

“The promotion of non-violent techniques of discipline and education in Honduras is

urgently required. The family tradition permits corporal punishment, and violence and
sexual abuse are common within families, in schools and in institutions. Prosecutions are
rare and few investigations lead to convictions.

“Usually seen as criminals rather than victims, there is little psychological counselling
or rehabilitation assistance for child victims of violence.”

“Many children are beaten up during or after arrest. Some are tortured before being
killed. The police are often involved but again, few investigations are undertaken to
identify or punish those responsible. It is generally believed that rival gangs of children
are responsible for these killings. Some organizations, however, deny this. They believe
that these killings are committed with the collusion of the government in order to ‘clean
up the streets.’”

31. Insight Crime, Honduran Maras Recruit Children in Kindergarten, 10

September 2012, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/honduran-
maras-recruit-children-in-kindergarten-report ...................... [●]

“Street gangs such as the MS-13 and Barrio 18 in the Honduran city of San Pedro Sula
are recruiting kindergartners and forcing transfer requests from teachers fearing for
their lives.

“Gangs active in San Pedro Sula are reportedly taking school children as young as
six into their fold without regard for gender, reported La Prensa. Children and
adolescents who refuse to join face the threat of death.

“Gilberto Anibal Benitez, the head of education for the province of Cortes, where San
Pedro is located, pointed to the murder of 16-year-old Belinda Guevara as evidence of
this. Guevara was last seen being dragged away from school by two other students and
an older man. Her body was found days later.” …

“Children provide low-cost labor for these gangs. Those who join tend to have weak
family ties, meaning gangs can prey on the youth's desire for a support network.

“Child recruitment is pronounced in many places in Honduras. Ninety-one percent of

teachers surveyed by United Nations officials in five Tegucigalpa secondary schools
reported gang violence and harassment as a major problem. And according to figures
from the National Directorate of Criminal Investigation (DNIC), up to one in ten
Honduran students could be gang members; up to 40 percent may "sympathize" with the
gangs.”

32. Rory Carroll, Honduras: “We Are Burying Kids All the Time,” 12 Nov. 2010,
available at http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/nov/13/honduras-maras-
gangs-deaths-kids .............. [●]

“What are the words for what is happening in Honduras? Slaughter, tragedy, waste? On
average three young people are murdered daily – more than 1,000 a year. The annual
death toll is almost 6,000, an extraordinarily high number, which makes this central
American backwater of 7 million far more murderous than Mexico. ‘We are burying kids
all the time,’ says José Manuel Capellín, the head of Casa Alianza, a charity for street
children. ‘It's horrific, the figures are going up and up and up.’

Part of the explanation for the death toll is political. A rightwing coup that ousted
president Manuel Zelaya last year is still being played out via assassinations of activists
and journalists. But most are purely criminal and linked to the phenomenon known as
‘maras’ – youth gangs that form a chain of drugs, extortion and violence stretching from
Los Angeles to El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras.”…

“Maras revel in a reputation for feral bloodshed and self-destruction. Nihilism permeates
their rap songs and copious tattoos, including one with three points, symbolising
hospital, prison, morgue. With those the destinations on offer, outsiders can wonder why
anybody signs up.”…

“Initiation rituals involve a group beating if the recruit is male, or having sex with
everyone if she is female.”…

“Casa Alianza estimates that in Honduras inter-gang clashes account for 40% of
killings. Imagine Lord Of The Flies with cocaine and Glocks. Private security guards are
estimated to account for 25%. These are poorly paid men – in some cases moonlighting
police – who guard buses, liquor stores, supermarkets and other gang targets. In the
crime-weary capital, shooting a suspect is more likely to earn applause than prosecution,
so guards tend towards the trigger-happy.
“Contract assassins – ‘sicarios’ – account for 15%. For just a few hundred dollars,
sometimes less, they will pump bullets into your problem. Some are gang members, some
are police. Targets range from wealthy businessmen who have crossed a colleague to
drug-sniffing kids bothering a neighbourhood. The fundamental problem, Capellín says,
is the state's inability to deter and investigate crime. ‘There is total impunity.’ Of the
thousands of youth murders in the past decade, fewer than 50 had been solved.”

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS/DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

[Note: The topic “violence against women and girls and domestic violence” is also
covered in articles/reports excerpted under several other sections, including “Violence
Against Children/Child Abuse” (above), and in sections called “Violence by Gangs,” and
“Police/Judicial Corruption” (below).]

#. Global Communities, Report: Combating Human Trafficking in Honduras, 8

Dec. 2016, available at http://reliefweb.int/report/honduras/combating-human-
trafficking-honduras .................

“Much like its neighbors in the ‘Northern Triangle’, Honduras is beset by a host of
challenges: high rates of crime and violence, weak or under-supported government
institutions, and a lack of economic opportunity for a vast number of its citizens.
Unfortunately, these factors contribute to another issue affecting countless victims across
the country: human trafficking.
“Migration is nothing new in Central America, but the rise of trafficking in people over
the past decade represents a new threat. In marginalized communities, the individual
promising a secure job in the city, or even passage north to the United States, often seems
preferential to a life with minimal opportunities. The reality, of course, is that these
individuals are taken advantage of; forced to work in order to pay off debts they have no
hope of ever repaying, a form of debt slavery. These victims are often bought and sold
like merchandise, and for many criminal elements, are more profitable than illicit drugs.
Victims are also often subjected to sexual abuse or forced into sex work. The human cost
of such inhumane treatment is tremendous.

“Prior to 2010, while human trafficking was no doubt a problem, public awareness was
minimal at best. Most people just assumed friends or relatives who left successfully
reached their final destination, whether it was a Honduran city or the United States. For
law enforcement, there was no special statute against human trafficking; instead any
cases would be tried as kidnapping, sexual exploitation, etc., hurting the ability of the
government to actually assess the frequency of human trafficking.

“Global Communities, with support from the U.S. State Department, partnered with the
Honduran Office of Migration and Foreigners of the Ministry of Governance on a
program to help tackle this problem. In the first phase, the program had two key
components: promoting awareness among Honduran citizens, and helping increase
capacity of local government and NGOs in assisting victims. The awareness campaigns
utilized a variety of media to both warn about the risks of human trafficking as well as
promote places where victims could receive vital support services.

“Global Communities Honduras extensive experience in capacity building was used to

strengthen the capacity of local civil society organizations to address the human
trafficking victim’s needs. CSOs learned how to assist victims, they provided them with
temporary shelter, connection to social services, and even job training and microcredit
loans to help people begin new lives. They also assisted the victims through the
intimidating legal process, and assisted in the prosecution of traffickers.

“The second phase of the program, from 2012 to 2015, saw Global Communities shift to
a more behind the scenes role, acting as facilitators for the creation and ongoing mission
of CICESCT (Comisión Interinstitucional Contra La Explotación Sexual Comercial Y
Trata de Personas de Honduras). This commission had existed in the past, but primarily
functioned to combat sexual exploitation. After a change in the law in 2012, its mission
was expanded to include human trafficking. Its work is often daunting, especially with
scarce resources. Today the CICESCT is successfully lobbying the government of
Honduras for support and action, coordinate long-term campaigns, and help overcome
institutional barriers.

“Global Communities’ work on human trafficking in Honduras has been handed over to
local organizations such as the CICESCT a collaborative relationship Global
Communities and the impact of that work done continues to be felt today. Partner
organizations working on the front line with victims are better equipped, not only to help
address their client’s needs, but also to lobby local and national officials to ensure their
continued commitment to fight trafficking. CICESCT continues its work, assisting victims,
prosecuting traffickers, and raising awareness to help prevent at-risk populations from
becoming victims. Human trafficking remains a persistent threat, with many of the causes
driving people to take drastic measures to move somewhere else still prevalent. But
thanks to 5 years of programming, and the brave work of Hondurans from all walks of
life, the groundwork has been laid to help ensure that no person in Honduras becomes a
victim of trafficking again.”

1. Telesur, Honduras Fights Growing Femicide as 1 Woman Killed Every 16

Hours: Honduras has some of the highest femicide rates in the world, and rampant
impunity fuels the crisis by perpetuating gender violence as acceptable, 17 Feb.
2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Honduras-Fights-
Growing-Femicide-as-One-Killed-Every-16-Hours-20160217-0041.html ....

“As Honduras continues to suffer a crisis of gender violence with one woman killed every
16 hours, international organizations launched a campaign against violence against
women in the Central American country Wednesday to combat the rampant problem.

“Under the banner, ‘I am a woman and living without violence is my right,’ the new
campaign launched by the International Organization for Migration and the U.N.
Population Fund with support of the Honduran government aims to reduce shocking
rates of violence against women by raising awareness.

“In Honduras, the rate of violent killings of women increased by over 260 percent
between 2005 and 2013. In 2014 alone, at least 513 women were victims of femicide in
Honduras, according to Cepal statistics. Honduras’ Center for Women’s Rights reports
that one woman was killed every 16 hours in Honduras in 2015.

“Along with being home to soaring rates of femicide, Honduras is also considered among
the top 10 countries in the world with the highest rates of impunity. According to the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, impunity has a particularly heavy impact
on women and ‘perpetuates the social acceptance of the phenomenon of violence against
women.’ …

“Many Honduran feminists have called attention to structural causes of violence against
women that demand deeper reforms to get to the root of the gender crisis.

“In the same period that femicide in Honduras has skyrocketed, the country also lived
through a military coup that ousted former President Manuel Zelaya in 2009 and
aggressively recharged neoliberal politics in the country. The coup ushered in a wave of
grave human rights abuses, increased militarization, criminalization, and impunity.

“Feminist artist Melissa Cardoza recently told teleSUR that Honduran women are
disproportionately impacted by the country’s neoliberal policies of ‘exploitation and
misery,’ while feminist activist Maria Luisa Regalado told teleSUR that the security
strategy of increased militarization only serves to worsen the crisis of violence.

“Last month, Honduras launched a special investigative unit to investigate femicides in

response to social movement pressure to act on the crisis. But many have criticized the
government for only allocating US$1.5 million to the new initiative and argue that more
needs to be done.

“While the new government-backed women’s rights campaign can play a key role in
raising social awareness about the country’s widespread problem of violence against
women, it seems certain that grassroots Honduran women’s organizations and feminists
will continue fighting for structural responses to the crisis.”

2. Maria Luisa Regalado and Heather Gies, Interview: Patriarchy, Capitalism, and
Impunity Fuel Femicide in Honduras, 16 Nov. 2016, available at
http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Interview-Patriarchy-Capitalism-and-
Impunity-Fuel-Femicide-20151126-0018.html .....................

“In Honduras, the rate of violent killings of women increased by over 260 percent
between 2005 and 2013. In 2014 alone, at least 513 women were victims of femicide in
Honduras, according to Cepal statistics. In 2015, Honduras’ Center for Women’s Rights
reports one woman is killed every 16 hours in Honduras.
“TeleSUR English heard from Maria Luisa Regalado of the Honduran women’s
collective CODEMUH and the Tribunal of Women Against Femicide to learn more about
the gender violence situation in Honduras and how women resist.

“teleSUR English: What are the underlying causes of violence against women and
femicide in Honduras?

“Maria Luisa Regalado: These are some of the fundamental causes. In the first place, we
live under the systems of patriarchy and capitalism, which sustain themselves off each
other, see women as things, and promote a chain of violence against women - domestic
violence, sexual violence, labor violence, symbolic violence - until promoting the death of
women for their gender. There’s also impunity associated with these crimes, lacking the
principle of nondiscrimination and respect for life, inalienable rights from a human
rights perspective.

“It’s the lack of application of public policies, access to justice for women, and impunity
that causes the increase in femicide in Honduras.

“teleSUR English: Aside from the physical harm that women suffer, what are the
generalized impacts that women experience in a country that has a gender rights crisis
such as Honduras?

“Regalado: The chain of violence against women occurs and alarmingly increases with
the decision of people and government institutions, and the lack of response from the
state is what causes women in many cases to be silenced by fear, anger, and helplessness
in the face of a system that provides no security for women victims of violence.

“This reflects institutionalized violence, which is to say that state powers are the main
violates of women’s human rights. In addition, for every woman who is murdered in a
hate crime there are orphaned children and families affected by pain … because they
have to take responsibility for caring for the orphans. This is besides it being a problem
of terror and criminalization of women relegating them to confinement.

“teleSUR English: What are Honduran women (and men) and their movements doing to
resist and tackle gender violence and femicide in Honduras?

“Regalado: Women’s organizations and feminists are pursuing various diverse actions
against patriarchy, capitalism, and related to different forms and types of violence
against women. The Tribunal of Women Against Femicide, or TMCF, for example,
developed the national campaign against femicide, which is a framework for 16 days of
activism on violence against women with activities in the south, west, north, and center of
the country. In San Pedro Sula on (the International Day for the Elimination of Violence
Against Women), TMCF and other organizations from the northern region executed a sit-
in in front of the Attorney General’s office to demand that the public prosecutor and
judicial powers act now!
“In the face of crimes due to the violence that women live, especially femicide,
organizations also presented a Penal Code proposal on crimes related to the rights of
women, but the TMCF proposals face a government code that criminalizes women. On
Nov. 27, the Tribunal will give an award for communication for equality and against
violence against women with the goal of incentivizing social communicators to make an
effort to approach the news with a gender perspective without criminalizing women.

“These are just a few examples.

“teleSUR English: What else should people know about gender violence and the political
situation in Honduras?

“Regalado: It is important to note that the only response of the Honduran government in
the face of violence is militarization of society and even though it remains clear that
militarization increases violence, in the 2016 budget for education there was an 8 percent
increase but in ‘security’ it was 58 percent. It makes us think that their logic is to have
more illiteracy among people and more control for the political and economic powers.

“Criminalization of social movements, especially women, worries the organizations that

fight for human rights.”

3. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Report, Women on the Run:
First-Hand Accounts of Refugees Fleeing El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and
Mexico, 28 October 2015, available at
http://www.unhcrwashington.org/sites/default/files/Women%20on%20the%20Ru
n%20Report.pdf ……………………………………………………….

[Note: This report contains numerous footnotes, not included in excerpts below.]

[From Forward, p. 1]“Tens of thousands of women – travelling alone or together with

their children or other family members – are fleeing a surging tide of violence in El
Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, and parts of Mexico. This report brings their often
terrifying stories to life and explains why these women have been forced to flee their
homelands.

“The more than 160 women interviewed for this report talked about being raped,
assaulted, extorted, and threatened by members of heavily-armed, transnational criminal
groups. They spoke about their families having to contend with gunfights,
disappearances, and death threats. They described seeing family members murdered or
abducted and watching their children being forcibly recruited by those groups. With
authorities often unable to curb the violence and provide redress, many vulnerable
women are left with no choice but to run for their lives.

“Fleeing is an ordeal in its own right, and for most women, the journey to safety is a
journey through hell. After paying exorbitant fees to unscrupulous ‘coyotes,’ many
women are beaten, raped, and too often killed along the way. This is the untold story of
many refugees from Central America.

“Since 2008, UNHCR has recorded a nearly fivefold increase in asylum-seekers arriving
to the United States from the Northern Triangle region of El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Honduras. Over the same period, we have seen a thirteenfold increase in the number of
requests for asylum from within Central America and Mexico –a staggering indicator of
the surging violence shaking the region.”

[From Executive Summary, p. 3-6:] “Today, we are confronted with a global refugee
crisis of unprecedented levels, a crisis that, as shown in this report, deeply affects the
Western Hemisphere. No one knows this better than those fleeing epidemic levels of
violence, including gender-based violence, in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.

“Research conducted over four months found that women face a startling degree of
violence that has a devastating impact on their daily lives. With no protection at home,
women flee to protect themselves and their children from murder, extortion, and rape.
They present a clear need for international protection.

“Based on US Department of Homeland Security data covering FY 2015, of the

thousands of women and girls from these countries who expressed a fear of being
returned to their home country and were subject to the credible fear screening process,
US authorities have found that a large percentage have a significant possibility of
establishing eligibility for asylum or protection under the Convention against Torture.

“A surging tide of violence sweeping across El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras

forces thousands of women, men, and children to leave their homes every month. This
region of Central America, known as the Northern Triangle (‘Northern Triangle of
Central America’ or ‘NTCA’), is one of the most dangerous places on earth.

“The region has come under increasing control by sophisticated, organized criminal
armed groups, often with transnational reach, driving up rates of murder, gender-based
violence, and other forms of serious harm. According to data from the UN Office on
Drugs and Crime, Honduras ranks first, El Salvador fifth, and Guatemala sixth for rates
of homicide globally. Furthermore, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras rank first,
third, and seventh, respectively, for rates of female homicides globally. In large parts of
the territory, the violence has surpassed governments’ abilities to protect victims and
provide redress. Certain parts of Mexico face similar challenges.

“Over the last few years, there has been a sharp escalation in the number of people
fleeing the NTCA. In 2014, tens of thousands sought asylum in the United States, and the
number of women crossing the US border was nearly three times higher than in 2013.
Others have fled to neighboring countries. Combined, Mexico, Belize, Costa Rica,
Nicaragua, and Panama have seen the number of asylum applications from citizens
fleeing the NTCA grow to nearly 13 times what it was in 2008.
“An alarming feature of this refugee crisis is the number of children fleeing home, with
their mothers or alone. Over 66,000 unaccompanied and separated children from the
NTCA reached the United States in 2014. The number of children traveling with their
mothers is comparable: recent US Government statistics show that over 66,000 families
arrived to the United States in fiscal year 2014.

“Since 2014, countries of asylum have exerted significant efforts to intensify border
control measures with a view to containing this phenomenon. However, at the end of
August 2015, the United States Government recorded more unaccompanied children
arriving to the United States than in the same month in 2014, and the number of family
arrivals at the close of financial year 2015 is the second largest on record….”

“Escalating Violence against Women: Women interviewed for this report indicated that
they and their children face extreme levels of violence on a near-daily basis. They
described being raped, assaulted, extorted, and threatened by members of criminal
armed groups, including gangs and drug cartels. Eighty-five per cent of the women
described living in neighborhoods under the control of maras (criminal armed groups
prevalent in the NTCA) or other transnational or local criminal groups.

“Sixty-four per cent of the women described being the targets of direct threats and
attacks by members of criminal armed groups as at least one of the primary reasons for
their flight. Women also described incidents in which gang members murdered or were
responsible for the forced disappearance of a loved one (e.g. a child, partner, or other
close relative). Many were asked to pay a cuota, or ‘tax,’ for living orcommuting to work
in a certain area, and threatened with physical harm if they could not pay.

“Women emphasized that the presence of criminal armed groups in their neighborhoods
had a deep impact on their daily lives. Women increasingly barricaded themselves and
their children inside their homes, unable to go to school or work fearing gunfights or
direct threats from armed groups. Sixty-two per cent of women reported that they were
confronted with dead bodies in their neighborhoods and a number of women mentioned
that they and their children saw dead bodies weekly.

“Living in an environment of escalating violence, women spoke of multiple instances of

threats, extortion, and physical or sexual assault over extended periods. In some
instances, the harm became so intolerable that they had no choice but to flee. In other
cases, a particular event prompted their immediate departure, sometimes within hours of
an attack occurring.

“For many of the women interviewed, the increasing violence from criminal armed
groups occurred alongside repeated physical and sexual violence at home. Women
described life-threatening and degrading forms of domestic violence, including repeated
rapes, sexual assaults, and violent physical abuse, such as beatings with baseball bats
and other weapons. Women repeatedly emphasized that the police could not protect them
from harm. In fact, many of the women’s abusive partners were members or associates of
the criminal armed groups, making it even harder to seek protection from the authorities.
“No Safety at Home: The women interviewed for this report were unable to find safety at
home. All three countries in the NTCA have passed legislation addressing violence
against women. Nonetheless, the women consistently stated that police and other state
law enforcement authorities were not able to provide sufficient protection from the
violence. More than two-thirds tried to find safety by fleeing elsewhere in their own
country, but said this did not ultimately help.

“Sixty per cent of the women interviewed reported attacks, sexual assaults, rapes, or
threats to the police or other authorities. All of those women said that they received
inadequate protection or no protection at all.

“Forty per cent of the women interviewed for this study did not report harm to the police;
they viewed the process of reporting to the authorities as futile. Some had seen the police
fail to provide sufficient responses to family or friends who had made reports. Others felt
that criminal armed groups maintained such tight control of their neighborhoods that the
police were unable to intervene effectively on their behalf….

“Ten per cent of the women interviewed stated that the police or other authorities were
the direct source of their harm in their home countries. In certain instances, women
described collusion between the police and criminal armed groups. Several women from
NTCA countries who worked for the police themselves or who had family members
working with the police said refusal to collaborate with maras resulted in gang members
threatening or attacking them or their families. Women emphasized that this atmosphere
made it very difficult to seek protection.

“Sixty nine per cent of the women interviewed for this report attempted to find safety by
going into hiding in other parts of their home countries. Women moved to other
neighborhoods, often moving in with family members or close friends. Many tried to
remain invisible by constantly barricading themselves and their children inside the home.
Yet women repeatedly stated that members of criminal armed groups were able to track
them when they moved….

“UNHCR interviewed 15 transgender women from Mexico, El Salvador, and Honduras

for this report. They described similar experiences of gender-based violence and lack of
police protection, yet their gender identity further exacerbated the level of violence they
experienced. They relayed recurrent discrimination, beatings, and attacks from family
members, romantic partners, clients or employers, and others….

[Report Methodology, pp. 12-13]: “UNHCR conducted this report between April and
September 2015 to provide detailed analysis of why women are fleeing El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico. This report follows up on two 2014 studies, which
examined why unaccompanied children fled NTCA countries and Mexico. In Children on
the Run, UNHCR research indicated that 58 per cent of the 404 children interviewed in
the United States presented protection concerns, and that if not allowed to lodge an
asylum claim, they could face harm if returned home. In Uprooted, UNHCR research
found that nearly 50 per cent of the children interviewed at Mexico’s southern border
identified specific incidents of beatings, intimidation, threats, and insecurity as a reason
for leaving the NTCA. Two overarching patterns of harm related to international
protection needs emerged in their first-hand accounts: violence by organized criminal
armed groups and violence in the home.

“For this report, UNHCR sought to interview women age 18 or older with El
Salvadoran, Guatemala, Honduran, or Mexican nationality. All the women interviewed
had most recently entered the United States on or after 1 October 2013. In order to
understand women’s reasons for flight, UNHCR chose to focus the interviews for this
report on women who had passed either a credible or reasonable fear screening with a
US asylum officer, or had been granted some form of protection in the United States
(such as asylum)….”

“This report is based on in-depth, individual interviews conducted by UNHCR in August

and September 2015 with 160 women. The women ranged in age from 18 to 57. 63
women were from El Salvador, 30 from Guatemala, 30 from Honduras, and 37 from
Mexico. Of the individuals interviewed, 15 are transgender women. Sixty-seven per cent
of the women interviewed are mothers. Of those mothers, 36 per cent traveled with at
least one of their children to the United States. Seven per cent of the women traveled with
a partner or spouse.

“Ninety-three per cent of the women had passed their credible or reasonable fear
interviews – the first step in accessing asylum procedures in the United States. The
remaining seven per cent of women had been granted asylum, withholding of removal, or
protection under the Convention against Torture in the United States. Every woman
indicated that she fled her country in the pursuit of protection that she could not receive
in her home country.Ninety-four per cent of the women interviewed were being held in
US detention facilities at the time of the interview; 25 per cent had been in detention for
less than one month, 27 per cent had been in detention for one to three months, and 41
per cent had been in detention for more than three months….

“[Reasons for Women Fleeing, pp. 15-30:] The women from El Salvador, Honduras, and
Guatemala interviewed for this report spoke of pervasive and systemic levels of violence,
connected to increasing territorial influence of criminal armed groups from which it was
nearly impossible to find reprieve. Women from certain parts of Mexico reported similar
issues. In fact, 136 of 160 women interviewed (from all four countries) stated that they
lived in neighborhoods controlled by criminal armed groups….

“[T]he testimonies of 160 women emphasize that these long-term [governmental] efforts
have not curbed root causes of displacement or addressed the urgent humanitarian need.
The women from the NTCA reported multiple reasons for flight. Many women spoke of
severe instances of violence due to maras or other criminal armed groups, including
assaults, extortion, and disappearances or murder of family members. Likewise, many
women described brutal domestic violence. Many emphasized that being women
compounded the difficulties they faced; this was especially true for transgender women.
Sixty-percent of those interviewed reported harm to relevant authorities, but received
inadequate protection; 40 percent believed a police report would be ineffective or make
matters worse and never sought protection from the authorities. Women from Mexico
reported similar patterns of concerns, although, as discussed below, with differing levels
of severity….

“Violence and Insecurity Due to Criminal Armed Groups: The violence that women are
fleeing from in the NTCA stems from increasing territorial control by organized criminal
armed groups. Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and 18th Street (M-18), the two most powerful
gangs in Central America, alongside other groups, engage in brutal killings, assaults,
robberies, and widespread extortion. Murder rates in the region are among the highest in
the world: according to data from the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, Honduras ranks
first, El Salvador fifth, and Guatemala sixth. Impunity for murder and violent crime is
widespread, reflecting inadequate government capacity to provide safety, especially for
women. In fact, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras rank first, third, and seventh,
respectively, for rates of female homicides globally.

“Women interviewed emphasized that increasing power of gangs and other criminal
groups posed particular dangers for women. Nelly, a young Honduran woman, said:
‘The gangs treat women much worse than men. They want us to join as members, but
then women are also threatened to be gang members’ ‘girlfriends,’ and it’s never just sex
with the one; it’s forced sex with all of them. Women are raped by them, tortured by
them, abused by them.’

“In the NTCA countries, the presence of criminal armed groups is pervasive and difficult
for the government to control. Recent estimates suggest that there are 20,000 gang
members in El Salvador, 12,000 in Honduras, and 22,000 in Guatemala. Central
American ‘mano dura’… policies involved large-scale government efforts to crack down
on gang violence, but recent data shows their effectiveness has been limited. El Salvador,
in particular, is facing the highest rates of murder since the end of the civil war in 1992.
Police and their family members are now specifically targeted.

“The women interviewed for this report emphasized that the presence of gangs and
cartels had a deep imprint on their daily lives. Approximately 62 per cent of the women
reported having directly witnessed violent crime in their communities. Roughly the same
percentage (62 per cent) of the women had seen dead bodies in their neighborhoods. A
number of women mentioned they came across dead bodies on at least a weekly basis.
Women described increasingly barricading themselves and their children inside their
homes, avoiding certain areas and not taking public transit, being unable to leave the
home to commute to work or school to hide from gunfights, and keeping children inside
after the children had witnessed acts of violence or death. One Guatemalan woman said,
‘In the local market, the people from the cartel put the dead body of a woman on public
display to strike fear into everyone.’ For a number of the women interviewed, residing in
this type of environment led directly to the targeted threats or violence that precipitated
their flight. Nearly every woman spoke of multiple traumas throughout her life. In some
cases, the harm worsened or compounded over time until they reached a ‘breaking point’
and realized they had to leave as soon as possible. In other cases, a particular event
forced women to flee immediately, sometimes within a few hours following a threat or
attack.

“Brutal Domestic Violence: The increased activity of criminal armed groups and
accompanying violence has occurred in societies already affected by high rates of
violence against women. Domestic violence in the three Central American countries is
commonplace and is rarely discussed openly.

“A common theme among women interviewed was that, due to their gender, they were
both targets of violence and unable to find adequate protection….All three NTCA
countries have made some effort to put in place laws to protect women from sexual and
gender-based violence. Yet the legal frameworks offer only limited protection to women
and have not been effectively implemented, according to US Department of State
reports….

“Direct Harm by Criminal Armed Groups: More than 60 per cent of women interviewed
for this report described direct threats and attacks by various criminal armed groups as
at least one of the primary reasons for their flight….

“Indigenous women faced particularly high rates of violence, including sexual violence,
from criminal armed groups: of the 15 indigenous women interviewed for this report, 12
reported that they had been physically abused and 11 sexually abused. One indigenous
woman from Honduras, for example, said: ‘The gang members were persecuting and
threatening me…. They used to tell me that they were going to kill me and my children…
they had already killed two of [my friend’s] brothers, because he was a gang member….
They were upset with the father of my children and wanted money.’

“Threats or Attacks after Failure to Pay Extortion Fees: Many women living in areas
with widespread presence of criminal armed groups fled in part because they were
constantly subject to extortion, with escalating physical threats if they were unable to
pay. Some women reported they were asked to pay a cuota for working, living, or
transiting an area. Others reported being asked to pay ransom for the return of a
kidnapped loved one. Sometimes after the payment of a hefty fee, the loved one was
released to the care of the family, but more often than not, the kidnapped family member
never returned home….Gloria, a Honduran woman, made and sold small amounts of
food from her house. ‘I had to stop selling tortillas and other foods from my home,
because when B18 [a Honduran gang] arrived, they wanted me to pay a certain amount
to them, and I could not.’ In other cases, criminal armed groups in the NTCA learned
that women had family or friends in the United States who were sending them money, and
demanded that they pay high fees. If women missed payments, they received death threats
or direct attacks by the criminal armed groups….

“Children Recruited and Killed by Criminal Armed Groups: Some women from NTCA
countries reported direct and devastating threats and attacks on their children, and five
women reported that their children had been killed. Many more women from this region
feared that criminal groups would forcibly recruit or otherwise abuse their children, and
this contributed to flight.

Gloria, from Honduras, told UNHCR that members of a criminal armed group abducted
her 13-year-old grandson, and ‘when we finally found his body, it was at the morgue.
They had cut his head off, tied his hands and feet, cut him all over.’ After her grandson’s
death, Gloria and her family fled to another part of the Honduran city where they lived.
But they received continuing threats from the same people they believed abducted the
boy, and eventually fled the country. Nelly, a young woman from Honduras, stated that a
criminal armed group murdered her nephew (who lived with her) because he refused to
be recruited and was suspected of having allegiances to another armed group. ‘[B18]
wanted [my nephew] to join them and said if he did not, that meant he was a member of
the other gang, their rival. He refused to join. They increased their threats. After a year…
they killed him.’ Nelly and her family found the body three days later at the morgue. ‘We
reported the murder to the police, but they never do anything,’ Nelly said. ‘The same
police are working at the gang’s side.... They passed our report on to the gang, and the
gang knew we’d reported them.’ Nelly and her family fled almost immediately. ‘We
decided to move the next day…We knew the gang realized we’d made the report, so we
decided to go, because we knew we’d be next.’

“Many women reported that they faced direct threats themselves after trying to protect
their children from recruitment or abduction….

“Targeted for Suspected or Actual Involvement in Rival Criminal Groups: Women from
the NTCA interviewed for this report explained that refusal to join an armed group in
their countries might be taken as a sign of allegiance to a rival group. Other inadvertent
activities, like being new to a neighborhood or accidentally crossing boundaries between
armed groups, could also lead to suspicion of rival gang membership. In some cases,
including in Mexico, women whose family members were involved in criminal armed
groups reported also being victims of gangs’ threats….

“Threats to Police or Government Authorities and Their Family Members: Several

women from NTCA countries said they either worked directly for the police or had a
family member who worked with the police or other authorities. According to these
women, police officers or government authorities who refused to collaborate with the
gangs were threatened, attacked, or killed. Their family members often faced risks of
persecution by association. Women explained that threats and attacks on police and
other authorities made it very difficult to seek protection and contributed to a generalized
feeling of impunity and insecurity….

“Inadequate Protection in Home Countries: The women interviewed drew a stark

picture of their societies where they saw the State as corrupt or inept, working in
conjunction with illegal armed actors, or as the direct perpetrators of the harm the
women suffered. While examples given by women fleeing the NTCA are particularly
severe, women from Mexico also described problems seeking protection. In the search for
protection, 69 per cent of women interviewed moved within their own country, unable to
find protection in their home areas. Some moved multiple times, attempting to hide, but
none found safety. In many cases, the perpetrators of abuse tracked them or threatened to
harm family members if they did not return….

“Women interviewed had lost trust in the ability of their governments to protect them
from the threats they had experienced and the harm they feared. They simply felt they
could not find safety at home…

“Some women, after trying to make official reports, described being threatened by
authorities. …

“Many women spoke of the collusion of the police with the armed criminal actors….

“Severe and Prolonged Domestic Violence: Women interviewed for this report described
prolonged instances of physical, sexual, and psychological domestic violence, for which
authorities provided no meaningful help. Unable to secure state protection, many women
cited domestic violence as a reason for flight, fearing severe harm or death if they stayed.

“Many of the women’s abusive partners were members or associates of criminal armed
groups. These women stated that because these groups were often the highest powers in
their neighborhoods, they did not believe the government could protect them. ‘My
husband was connected with the maras. When he abused me, I knew there was nowhere I
could go,’ said Claudia from El Salvador. ‘There is no way to escape them.’…

“The forms of [domestic] abuse described were varied and often life-threatening. Women
described repeated rapes and sexual assaults. In addition, the women detailed instances
of violent physical abuse, including: beatings with hands, a baseball bat, and other
weapons; kicking; threats to do bodily harm with knives; and repeatedly being thrown
against walls and the ground. The abuse occurred both inside the home and in public.
Many women described being in constant fear. One woman described her partner’s
calculated decisions about how to beat her: ‘He was smart. He did not hit me in a way
that left bruises, so there was not evidence for others to see.’…

“The physical and sexual abuse was often accompanied by psychological abuse,
including isolation, stalking, and threats to harm family members. Nearly every woman
who survived domestic abuse recalled being called a ‘slut,’ ‘whore,’ or ‘prostitute’ by
her partner….

“Lack of State Protection: Survivors of domestic violence stated that authorities in NTCA
countries were unable or unwilling to help them….

“In the rare cases where police arrested the perpetrators of abuse, the perpetrators were
generally released within a few days….

“Most of the women interviewed reported that they had suffered intimate partner
violence for a prolonged period, often years. They either experienced one specific
instance that caused them to flee on the spot, or someone offered to help them and they
took advantage and left as soon as they could….

“Targeted Violence Faced by Transgender Women: For this report, UNHCR interviewed
15 transgender women from El Salvador, Honduras, and Mexico. They experienced many
of the issues faced by all the women interviewed. In addition, the transgender women
UNHCR interviewed faced numerous additional concerns that added to their persecution.
They reported routine discrimination, harassment, beatings, and attacks on them or their
friends, as well as forced sex work. Transgender women repeatedly emphasized that the
police provided no protection and in some instances perpetrated further harm….

“One commonality amongst the women interviewed by UNHCR for this report,
regardless of background or country of origin, was that each had been repeatedly abused
and assaulted, often both sexually and physically. Many of the women survived sexual
abuse and rape by numerous people throughout their lives – including family members,
clients or employers, romantic partners, and the authorities….

“Lack of State Protection: Transgender women interviewed described the impossibility of

finding safety at home, being unable to get protection from authorities, and being unable
to relocate within their country. A number of transgender women noted that the same
types of problems – discrimination, harassment, and serious physical and sexual violence
– existed wherever they tried to flee inside their countries and they could not find any
protection or refuge at home….

“Transgender women told UNHCR they had no way of reporting abuse or finding
protection. Sara said, ‘I saw many times that the police would beat my trans friends...in
the center and downtown Tijuana. I never reported it because if I report it and they find
out, the one who suffers would be me. It’s amazing that many of us survive,’ she said.
‘There are murders of transgenders [sic] and we cannot complain.’…

[Women As Refugees Under International Law, pp. 33 – 41:]

“Domestic violence against women may be one of the most prevalent forms of violence
against women and has been one of the most common contexts for claims to refugee
protection based on a genderdefined ‘particular social group.’ Domestic violence is
generally defined as a pattern of abusive behavior in any relationship that is used by one
partner to gain or maintain power and control over another intimate partner. Domestic
violence can be physical, sexual, emotional, economic, or psychological actions or
threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behaviors that
intimidate, manipulate, humiliate, isolate, frighten, terrorize, coerce, threaten, blame,
hurt, injure, or wound someone….

“UNHCR takes the position that women who suffer serious harm in domestic
relationships can qualify for refugee protection. The US Gender Guidelines specify that
domestic violence can be the basis of a claim to refugee protection where there is State
unwillingness or inability to protect….
“Family relationships are central to many of the stories presented by women profiled in
this report. Women may be daughters, mothers, or sisters of persons targeted for
persecution. Women may seek to protect their children from harm or forced recruitment.
And women themselves may be targeted as a result of their associations. Political
opinions may be imputed to them because of a family relationship. UNHCR considers
family as a ‘classic example’ of a particular social group, stating that ‘[m]embers of a
family, whether through blood ties or through marriage and attendant kinship ties, meet
the requirements of the definition by sharing a common characteristic which is innate
and unchangeable, as well as fundamental and protected.” Similarly, US administrative
authorities and US courts have often described family as a ‘prototypical example’ of a
particular social group that is a basis for refugee protection. When family members are
persecuted as a result of their relationship to a particular individual, that individual need
not also be targeted on account of another Convention ground….

“Paramilitary, rebel groups, and so-called ‘gangs’ in particular may target LGBTI
individuals. Where non-State entities inflict harm on an LGBTI person (either in
collaboration with the State or police, or where State protection is unavailable), the
person qualifies for refugee protection. Families and communities may threaten serious
harm on LGBTI individuals, and this can constitute persecution where (as is often the
case) there is no meaningful State protection. Non-State actors, including family
members, neighbors, or the broader community, may be either directly or indirectly
involved in persecutory acts against LGBTI individuals, including intimidation,
harassment, domestic violence, or other forms of physical, psychological, or sexual
violence….

“Both UNHCR and the United States have asserted that the term ‘political opinion,’ a
Convention ground, includes opinions on gender roles. This includes non-conformist
behavior (such as women refusing to submit to violence) that leads a persecutor to
impute a political opinion to that person. It is not necessarily relevant whether the
individual claiming protection has articulated the opinion concerned. Sexual violence in
retaliation for actual and imputed political opinion has been recognized as a form of
persecution….

“Feminism is a political opinion and may be expressed by refusing to comply with

societal norms that subject women to severely restrictive conditions….

“Individuals — including women — who fear, or who have suffered, the kinds of violence
perpetrated by criminal armed groups in Central America may be eligible for refugee
protection based on their political opinion, including a political opinion imputed to them.
As detailed above, women may be threatened, attacked for refusal to comply with threats,
forced into sexual relationships with gang members, and forcibly recruited. Criminal
armed groups may view those who oppose them, either expressly or implicitly, as having
oppositional political opinions. Political opinion (both expressed and implied) may
manifest in various expressions of anti-gang beliefs and values: refusing forced
affiliation or taxes-via-extortion; testifying or informing against the gangs; participating
in community-based gang prevention and intervention activities; maintaining neutrality
(especially in “hazardous” conditions); or associating with persons or social or religious
groups that promote anti-gang values….”

4. John Carlos Frey, PBS Newshour, Behind the fight to stem violence and protect
women in Honduras, 15 Oct. 2015, available at
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/behind-fight-stem-violence-protect-women-
honduras/ ……………..

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: In 2009, a coup brought down the elected president of
Honduras. For the past six years, instability, poverty, and gang-and drug-related crime
have plagued this Central American nation of eight million people.

“In 2012, Honduras had the most murders per capita of any country in the world – 90
homicides for every 100 thousand people.

“Stopping the violence is the top priority of 46-year-old president Juan Orlando
Hernandez, who was elected in 2013 and took office last year.

“I sat down with him at his office in the nation’s capital, Tegucigalpa.

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: We unfortunately

come from being the most violent country on the face of the earth as consequence of drug
trafficking that is produced in South America and is consumed in North America.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: Formerly head of the Honduran legislature, President

Hernandez has deployed the military police nationwide to combat and arrest drug gangs
as a first step in stemming the violence.

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: So we began there,

extraditing drug traffickers, prosecuting gangs, local and external traffickers.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: President Hernandez says those actions have tamped down the
violence — the murder rate here has modestly declined in the past two years.

“Still, last summer, gang-related violence was part of the reason tens of thousands of
Hondurans, many of them women and children, tried to flee to the United States.

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: The number of

children migrating has decreased dramatically in comparison with the rest of the
northern triangle of Central America. Honduras has been most effective in that. But we
have begun to work because we accept that it’s not just the responsibility of the
government but also all Hondurans.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: President Hernandez is also trying to address a growing

problem in Honduras — domestic violence against women. Thirty percent of Honduran
women say they’ve been abused, and the murder rate among women more than doubled
from 2005 through 2013.

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: We are committed

particularly in the case of women who are often the victims of these conflicts between the
gangs, and those gangs in turn have connections to drug trafficking. We’re also working
on aspects of prevention, in the schools and churches, with art and culture. It’s a
complete program, and it will take time.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: As an example, President Hernandez points to a policing

project with greater community outreach near the nation’s second largest city, San Pedro
Sula, partially funded by the United States.

“A Vanderbilt University study last year found the program has reduced crime and
increased public trust in the police.

“Still, the president has faced weekly protests over government corruption – considered
endemic here — and concerns that money meant to aid the Honduran people is getting
siphoned off by corrupt officials.

“I asked the president about those corruption allegations, particularly that money meant
to help battered women isn’t reaching victims….

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: Our administration

decided to launch a campaign even before taking office, not just to patch up laws passed
by previous congresses, but also to implement programs that will provide transparency
and put up a full frontal assault against corruption.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: But the president’s critics say despite those efforts, little is
being done to address the epidemic of domestic violence.

Anna Cruz manages a privately-financed shelter for abused Honduran women, providing
services, she says, the government does not, including helping victims file criminal
complaints.

“ANNA CRUZ, SHELTER DIRECTOR: Honduras doesn’t care about women’s issues.
So like in our case, we do not receive any assistance from the government.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: Cruz houses a dozen women at a time, but she says at least
200 women in the capital need a safe place to hide from their abusers.

“ANNA CRUZ, SHELTER DIRECTOR: The government should inject money for
programs against violence instead of just military men on the street everywhere. All that
money spent on the military should be spent on violence prevention programs.
“JOHN CARLOS FREY: For more than 30 years, Gladys Lanza has run an
organization dedicated to ending violence against women in Honduras. She says
domestic violence is as much a cultural problem as a policy issue.

“GLADYS LANZA, WOMEN’S MOVEMENT FOR PEACE AND VISITATION

PADILLA: It’s a macho, patriarchal mindset that puts women into a kind of second
class. You go to the authorities and they say, but more men are murdered than women.
And then you have to wait for an investigation.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: Lanza says she is hopeful for change, but the continuing
violence is still motivating women to leave Honduras with their children.

“GLADYS LANZA, WOMEN’S MOVEMENT FOR PEACE AND VISITATION

PADILLA: The majority of the women left precisely because they were fleeing violence
— the violence in their homes with their partners; the violence in the community with
authorities, with gangs in their neighborhoods, and even contract killings. There are so
many areas of violence in which we women live.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: Maria Mercedes Bustillos is the country’s special prosecutor
for the protection of women. Appointed by President Hernandez, she’s critical of the
government’s approach to stopping gender-based violence.

“MARIA MERCEDES BUSTILLOS, CHIEF SPECIAL PROSECUTOR FOR THE

PROTECTION OF WOMEN: What happens to a victim who is suffering extreme
poverty on top of the beatings, the injuries, the confinement, the isolation, the
manipulation? What happens? You have a person unable to change her life and
overcome on her own, unable to provide food for her children. There has to be a system
to empower her, to make the decision to get away from the violence.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: I asked President Hernandez why the country has so few
places for women to seek refuge.

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: We have a couple of

pilot programs at the national or central government level. We’re working with
municipal governments in the case of women, children and adolescents. I believe we’ve
found the formula, and how to produce that on a larger scale is coming next.

“JOHN CARLOS FREY: Is it the government’s responsibility, the Honduran

government’s responsibility, to stem the violence and to protect women?

“PRESIDENT JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ, HONDURAS: Yes, of course. It is

the responsibility of the government and society as a whole. It’s an issue that concerns us
all. That’s the awareness we’re trying to create in the Honduran people.”

5. Lucy Waterlow, The most dangerous place to be a woman: The hell of

Honduras where men hack off wives' limbs and sickening rape and murder go
 unpunished revealed in eye-opening documentary, 14 Oct. 2015, available at
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-3272079/The-dangerous-place-woman-
hell-Honduras.html#ixzz4L2RAbXk5 …..

[Note: This article contains many graphic photos, and a video.]

“A Honduran woman, whose feet were brutally hacked off by her husband because she
wanted to leave him, has given a terrifying glimpse into her country's macho culture -
where just being female puts you at risk.

“Mother-of-two Heydi Hernandez, from San Pedro Sula, Honduras's most violent city,
opened up to presenter Stacey Dooley for a BBC3 documentary about life in the most
dangerous place to be a woman.

“Heydi revealed how she was subjected to an agonising ordeal in which she lost both her
feet, yet is actually one of the lucky ones - as few women attacked in the crime-riddled
country live to tell the tale.

“The number of women murdered in the central American nation, which borders
Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua, has trebled in the last decade.

“Murder is the leading cause of death for young females and violent crime against
women has become so common it has its own name: femicide.

“Recalling her ordeal at the hands of her husband, which was witnessed by her two
daughters, Heydi said: 'I had gone to visit my dad and when I got home my husband said
he was tired of being with me. I told him, "if you're are tired of being with me, then let me
leave".

“'That's when I saw him pull a machete from under the bed. He said, "I am not going to
let you leave me". He grabbed me by the arm and that's when he hacked me. He kept
going as I cried no.'

“Following life-saving surgery, Heydi is healing but she will never walk unaided again.
She has lost one foot at the ankle and the other leg at mid calf.

“She is desperate for her husband to be punished for his crimes and if found guilty, he
would serve 40 years in jail. However, as she cannot afford a lawyer, justice is unlikely.
Stacey learnt his charge could be reduced to GBH, which if convicted, would mean only
two years behind bars.

“But Heydi's horrifying story is not unusual in a country where violence is a way of life
and it is considered normal to see dead bodies on the side of the street.

“And her testimony reveals the sheer difficulty women - and murdered women's families -
have in getting justice for atrocious crimes.
“In fact, Plutarco Antonio Ruiz, 32, who has been detained for the shocking murders of
Miss Honduras beauty queen Maria Jose Alvarado and her sister Sofia in 2014, may
walk away a free man.

“The BBC presenter met the girls' mother, Theresa Munoz, who wept as she recalled how
her daughters were gunned down at a party near Santa Barbara.

“Maria, 19, was just days away from travelling to London to compete in the Miss World
finals. Theresa said she doesn't know why Plutarco, Sofia's boyfriend at the time, shot
them both. Ruiz has denied killing both women.
“'That's what I want him to tell me, why he killed them, he never wanted to talk,' she
said. Detective Rayas who has been investigating the case explained that Sofia had been
dancing with another man and her boyfriend shot her several times in a jealous rage.

“Maria threw herself on her sister and he is alleged to have shot her too.

“He said: 'After reloading his gun he shot Maria 12 times... in Honduras this is common.'
He added that while there were 30 witnesses at the party, few have been willing to give
evidence for fear of the repercussions. Plutarco is a leading drug dealer with powerful
connections in the area and as a result, he could yet walk free.
“The fact that a case is being brought against Plutarco is largely down to Maria's fame
and the publicity her death caused around the globe, coming so close to the Miss World
final.

“Stacey discovered during her time in the country to investigate the documentary, airing
on Monday 26 October, that many similar crimes against women go unpunished or even
unreported.

“Many poor areas are ruled by gangs and drug-related crime is high. San Pedro Sula, in
the north-east of the Central American country, is Honduras' second largest metropolis
but it has been ripped apart by the drugs trade and inhabitants' desires to settle scores
with guns. Daily homicide rates are the highest outside of officially recognised conflict
zones….

“While the city's exports have shrunk, gang crime has increased with organised crime a
huge problem.

“On top of this, there is a prevalent 'macho culture' in the country whereby many men
have no respect for women. They see females as second class citizens who become their
husband's property when they marry. Rape is acceptable if an attractive woman refuses
their advances and murder is justified if a wife has been unfaithful or 'disobedient'.

“According to the US Center for Gender and Refugee Studies, UN figures from July 2014
note that violent deaths of women in Honduras increased 263.4 percent between 2005
and 2013.
“The UN reported: 'In Honduras, violence against women is widespread and systematic
and it impacts women and girls in numerous ways. 'The climate of fear, in both the public
and private spheres, and the lack of accountability for violations of human rights of
women, is the norm rather than the exception.'

“This was borne out by Stacey Dooley, who also met the men who had been jailed for
their brutality and was shocked when to hear them blame their victims for their vile
deeds.

“One prisoner, Homer, who is doing time for the murder of his wife, summed this attitude
up as he told Stacey how his wife brought her death on herself.

“He explained: 'She was cheating on me. I told her to quit her job but she never wanted
to obey me.

'In that moment I felt wounded and that's when I grabbed the machete to finish her off. If
she behaved better, she wouldn't have provoked me to do this.'

“Other prisoners at San Pedro Sula Prison told Stacey they also believed murder was
justified if a woman was not behaving in a way they deemed appropriate.
“One male prisoner said: 'Men don't like it when their chicks cheat on them. I can have
three or four women but I have one main girl, the one I respect the most and I expect her
to respect me back. When a woman shows up dead it is because she had done something.'

“He added they are often crimes of passion because, 'when we love, we love with our
whole heart and this is what makes us aggressive.'

“Another man told Stacey that being an attractive woman can be dangerous. 'Many men
mistake a sexy girl for being easy,' he said. 'I have seen men offer girls money and if they
refused, they'd take them by force.'

“In Honduras the Catholic government's ban on abortion and the contraceptive pill mean
that rape victims, often as young as 11, are forced to give birth whilst only children
themselves.

“Stacey met some women who are trying to campaign for justice but the government is
currently slow to reform and the district attorney evaded an interview with the BBC
during their visit.

“Many women believe fleeing the country by seeking asylum is their only hope, while
others try to better their prospects through modelling.

“One model told Stacey: 'We are trying to move forward in any way we can. The truth is
a lot of girls I have worked here aren't here any more, they are dead.'
“Honduras is a tiny country with the highest murder rate in the world, registering 90.4
murders per 100,000 population in 2012, explained Glasgow University politics lecturer,
Mo Hume on The Conversation.

“The murder rate is more than twice that of neighbouring El Salvador and Guatemala.
Crimes are rarely investigated and it is normal for the perpetrators to get away with it.

“The causes of the violence are complex. In the 1990s and 2000s, policy was focused on
tackling youth gangs and less attention was given to the high levels of violence against
women and LGBT groups.

“In the 2000s, the government pursued repressive policies known as 'mano dura' or 'iron
fist', which targeted poor urban youth.

“Like other parts of Central America, Honduras is the direct transport route for
narcotics moving northwards and large areas of the country are under the control of the
drug dealers. An estimated 50 per cent of the police force are also in the pay of the drug
gangs.

“A 2009 coup in which president Manuel Zelaya was deposed, saw another wave of
violence unleashed. Meanwhile, criminals can act with relative impunity, creating a
world were certain groups exist above the law.

“Mo Hume writes: 'Impunity and repression undermine the rule of law at every level and
thus the cycle perpetuates itself. The murders of the Alvarado sisters are part of a far
bigger problem that is showing no signs of coming under control.'”

6. teleSur, Femicides in Honduras Reach Epidemic Levels, 25 June 2015,

available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Femicide-in-Honduras-Reach-
Epidemic-Levels-20150625-0040.html ...............

“Femicides in Honduras have far surpassed epidemic levels, with 12 of every 100,000
residents dying from gender-based violence, said the local women’s rights center after a
new study.

“According to the World Health Organization, 8.8 deaths per 100,000 residents is
enough to be categorized as an epidemic.

“Reports of such crimes have skyrocketed in recent years, with a 263 percent rise
between 2005 and 2013. In 2013, one woman was murdered every 14 hours – 636 in total
this particular year, added the rights group.

“However, 94 percent of the crimes remain unpunished, Claudia Herrmannsdorfer,

spokesperson for the organization, told AFP.
“The announcement coincided with Orange Day — a United Nations initiative, taking
place every 25th of the month, to raise awareness of violence against women. This year
marks also the 20th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration, a progressive international
road map to gender equality.

“In June, the U.N.’s UNiTE to End Violence against Women campaign asked the
quesiton, ‘Where’s the money for initiatives to prevent and end violence against women
and girls?’

“Many Central American countries are battling gender violence. U.N. Women reports
that 14 of the 25 countries with the worst femicide rates are in Latin America, and
especially the Central American countries of Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and
Nicaragua. Femicide also accounts for seven deaths in any 24-hour period in Mexico,
with just 10 people sentenced for the crime from 2012-2013.

“United Nations' figures show that around 66,000 women are killed every year
worldwide, accounting for 17 percent of all homicides.”

7. Sorcha Pollak, ‘Anyone can murder a woman in Honduras and nothing will
happen’: Women and girls in the barrios live in constant fear of sexual attack and
a violent death, 11 May 2015, available at
http://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/anyone-can-murder-a-woman-in-
honduras-and-nothing-will-happen-1.2207043 .......................

“The windowless room in downtown San Pedro Sula, Honduras’s second city, bustles
with activity as more than a dozen women take their seats at a long oak table. Water
bottles are distributed and the electric fan switched to full blast to alleviate the
oppressive summer heat creeping through the half-open door.

“As the chatter dies out, Dicsa Bulnes clears her throat, introduces herself and begins to
speak.

“‘As a woman I feel trapped. I am a prisoner in my own home, there’s nowhere for me to
go. I have no freedom.’

“Bulnes, who is from the marginalised Afro-Caribbean Garífuna community, pauses for
a moment to take a sip of water before she continues.

“‘My partner nearly killed me. He still sends me threatening messages on my mobile
attacking me. I’ve tried reporting him but the authorities won’t do anything. It feels like
they are forcing women to buy their own coffins, to return to the attacker and suffer
through the violence.’

“Bulnes is a member of the Foro de Mujeres por la Vida (Women’s Forum for Life), an
organisation which campaigns for women’s rights in a country that increasingly turns a
blind eye to the violence and persecution that plagues the lives of countless women.
“The forum has called a meeting in its small San Pedro Sula office so a female journalist
from a safe western country can hear about the daily battles endured by the women of
this small central American nation.

“Aside from having one of the highest murder rates in the world – a national homicide
rate of 79 per 100,000 – Honduras is rapidly becoming one of the most dangerous places
on Earth for women.

“Over the past decade, this nation of just over eight million people has witnessed a sharp
increase in domestic and sexual violence and gender-based murder, a phenomenon
known as femicide.

“According to the University Institute for Democracy, Peace and Security in Honduras,
531 women were murdered in 2014, the majority of these aged between 15 and 24.
Although this number was slightly lower than that of the previous year – there were 636
recorded murders of women in 2013 – the lack of accountability for this violation of a
woman’s most basic human right has normalised the concept of femicide.

“Between 2005 and 2013 the number of violent deaths of women increased by 263.4 per
cent.

“Carolina Sierra, spokeswoman for Foro de Mujeres por la Vida, says any attempts
made to improve women’s rights before the 2009 military coup, which ousted reformist
president Manuel Zelaya, were erased by the current administration.

“‘The increased militarisation of the country means all measures now focus on weapons
and the military, while any measures that were taken to protect women’s rights have been
completely abandoned,’ says Sierra.

“‘It’s almost like there’s a carte blanche for the assassination of women. Anyone can
murder a woman in Honduras and nothing will happen.

:‘With this lack of accountability, women’s bodies are being used to send a message of
fear and hate to the rest of the population.’

“In 2014, the United Nations reported that 95 per cent of cases of sexual violence and
femicide in Honduras were never investigated, while only 2.5 per cent of cases of
domestic violence were settled.

“Maria Teresa Meza, who lives in a small shack in the Bordo Gavión riverside slum of
San Pedro Sula with her children, says sexual violence is the daily lot for most young
women in the community. ‘Rape is a real danger for young women living in the bordos. If
you let your daughter step outside her home she will either be raped or forced into selling
drugs.’
“Teenage girls living near the bustling food markets in the capital, Tegucigalpa, face the
same level of violent abuse. Sarai (19) says many of her friends became pregnant when
they were only 12 or 13 after meeting gang members in the marketplace. She says gangs
‘own the barrios’ of Tegucigalpa, controlling how women walk, talk and dress.

“‘They walk around the area monitoring everyone who comes in and out. They know
exactly what’s going on and every single detail of our lives.’

“Wendy (14) says women and girls are the first to suffer under this brutal culture of
drugs, extortion and violence. Freedom of speech doesn’t exist in a world where the
maras youth gangs rule the streets.

“‘All I can see around me is violence; there never seems to be any light. Women don’t
have the freedom to walk down the street without worrying about being attacked. The
men rule and the women must follow.

“‘Some young women are raped by their own families,’ she adds quietly. ‘They’re raped
by their uncles and fathers.’

“Supaya Martínez, co-director of the Centre for Women’s Studies Honduras, says gangs
govern every aspect of a woman’s life, down to the colour she uses to dye her hair. ‘If a
woman dyes her hair the wrong colour, the local gang will kill her.’

“Martínez says people have learned to justify femicide by arguing that female victims are
involved in gangs or connected with drug traffickers.

“Last November the bodies of the Miss Honduras beauty queen, María José Alvarado,
and her sister were found in the region of Santa Barbara in western Honduras. The
sister’s boyfriend was found guilty of murdering the women in a jealous rage. However,
Martínez says the government claims the young women were connected to drug-
traffickers. …

“Last year UN special rapporteur on violence against women Rashida Manjoo called for
the Honduran government to address the ‘climate of widespread and systematic crime,
corruption and impunity’.

“However, as part of its process of restructuring in 2014, the government actually

downgraded the status of the National Institute for Women, cut funding to women’s rights
groups and abolished the police emergency telephone line for female victims of violence.

“‘We’re living in a country where women don’t feel safe enough to report acts of
violence to the authorities,’ says Sierra, adding that many women who speak up about
injustice must pay for it with their lives.

“‘Men are killing women with rage, fury and cruelty. We’re scared to speak out but this
is the daily lot we’re living.
“‘We’re forced to live in a culture of violent machismo which has become a natural,
accepted part of Honduran society.’”

8. Catalina Ruiz-Navarro, Honduran women refuse to be silenced in face of yet

another setback, 18 Mar. 2015, available at http://www.theguardian.com/global-
development/2015/mar/18/honduras-women-gladys-lanza-feminism-human-rights
..................

“Gladys Lanza, a Honduran feminist activist, was recently convicted of defamation for
defending a woman who accused a Honduran government official of sexual harassment.
The verdict is aimed at sending a powerful message to all defenders of women’s rights in
the country: ‘If you don’t want to be prosecuted, stay silent.’

“In Honduras, violent deaths among women increased by 263.4% from 2005 to 2013. In
2009, the year of the coup d’état, femicide rose by 62%, while in 2013, a woman was
murdered somewhere in the country every 15 hours. Between 2012 and 2013, 525 cases
of harassment against women’s rights activists were documented. From 2009 to 2012,
victims filed 82,547 accusations of domestic violence, 92% of which came from women.
In 2013 alone, 2,851 charges of sexual violence were filed. More than 90% of cases end
up with no conviction. The work of women’s rights activists is more important than ever.

“Lanza has been fighting injustice in Honduras for more than 30 years and is one of the
most widely known and respected feminists. She is the legal representative of the
Visitación Padilla movement, one of the most highly regarded women’s organisations in
Honduras, members of which are commonly known as the ‘Chonas’ (women of feminist
ideals).

“Lanza has served time in prison on bogus charges, her name has appeared on lists of
political dissidents sought by a paramilitary squadron, and in 1991, a bomb destroyed
her house. In 2010, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ordered the government
to guarantee the protection of Lanza, which she says has not happened.

“In 2009, the Chonas took on the case of Lesbia Pacheco, human resources director of
the Foundation for Development of Social, Urban and Rural Housing, who said she had
been dismissed from her post and had faced harassment at work for rejecting the sexual
advances of her supervisor, Juan Carlos Reyes, a public official.

“Reyes was charged with sexual harassment and workplace harassment. He was cleared
of workplace harassment and the investigation into the sexual charges was stopped and
filed, and effectively lost in the system.

“In 2011, the Chonas organised a sit-in demonstration during which they publicly
denounced Reyes. Lanza, who took part in the protest, was charged with defamation and
found guilty. Her sentence will be announced this month.
“Reyes now alleges that he is being discriminated against for being a man, an accusation
that could add two more years to Lanza’s sentence.

“Yet it is evident that the entire case is about silencing the Honduran feminist movement,
currently facing intense repression and harassment.

“The Honduran government is using its institutions to silence people who speak out and
to perpetuate violence against women. The judicial system is one of the greatest obstacles
to applying international instruments that would protect women, such as the Belém do
Pará Convention (Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and
Eradication of Violence against Women) and the convention on the elimination of all
forms of discrimination against women, which Honduras has not ratified.

“This year, Honduras will appear before the Universal Periodic Review of Human
Rights, an obligation for all UN member countries. The Honduran government is
determined to show some progress, since a favourable judgment will bring international
aid aimed at alleviating the country’s precarious economic situation.

“Yet the guilty verdict handed down to one of Honduras’s most respected human rights
defenders sends a clear message about the repression and censorship faced by the entire
human rights movement and the lack of freedom of speech. The government cannot hope
to show progress in matters of human rights when it uses the power of its institutions to
persecute defenders of women’s rights, who are undertaking the work that authorities
refuse to do.”

9. Elizabeth Malkin, Honduran Beauty Queen and Her Sister Are Found Dead, 20
November 2014, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/20/world/americas/honduras-beauty-queen-
maria-jose-alvarado-dead.html?ref=topics ……………[●]

“Violence against women has risen sharply in Honduras over the past few years: The
number of women killed rose 263 percent from 2005 to 2012, according to estimates from
the Violence Observatory at the National Autonomous University of Honduras.”…

“Widespread poverty, economic inequality and the spread of drug trafficking and gang
violence have contributed to an increasingly savage environment in Honduras. Efforts by
President Juan Orlando Hernández to fight mounting crime by creating a militarized
police force have also contributed to an aggressive climate that further threatens
women’s rights, according to a report by a coalition of Honduran women’s groups
prepared for the United Nations.

“‘The climate of fear, in both the public and private spheres, and the lack of
accountability for violations of human rights of women, is the norm rather than the
exception,’ said Rashida Manjoo, the United Nations special rapporteur on violence
against women, after a July visit to Honduras.
 10. Elise Foley, Honduran Mom Fleeing ‘Horrific Acts of Harm’ Wins U.S.
Asylum with Daughters, 25 September 2014, available at
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/09/25/domestic-violence-
asylum_n_5885266.html ............ [●]

“ARLINGTON, Va. -- An immigration judge granted asylum on Thursday to a Honduran

woman and her children after the woman testified that she was beaten, threatened and
raped at gunpoint by her husband before fleeing to the United States.

“The woman, whose attorney asked be identified by her initials, D.M.L., to protect her
identity from her abusive husband, watched the decision in Arlington via webcam from a
room 1,800 miles away in Artesia, New Mexico, where she and her two daughters are
being held at a makeshift family detention facility.

“Holding her 8-month-old daughter, D.M.L. was present at the hearing -- the second in
her family's case -- as an image on a television set up to the side of the small courtroom.
D.M.L. and her 17-year-old daughter already testified at a previous hearing, so the
mother sat silently with her infant daughter as an expert witness from Honduras talked
about the lack of protections for women there. When Judge Quynh Vu Bain read her
decision, D.M.L. began to cry.” …

“D.M.L. and her daughters left Honduras for the U.S. earlier this summer, and were
apprehended July 7 after crossing the border on a raft. They ended up with other families
in the Artesia facility.”…

“Attorneys with the American Immigration Lawyers Association traveled to Artesia to

meet with the women there and help. Two of those who visited were attorney Lisa Laurel
Weinberg and paralegal Karen Bobadilla of the Cambridge, Massachusetts, group
Community Legal Services and Counseling Center. They spent eight days in Artesia
earlier this month and took the case of D.M.L. and her daughters.

“Weinberg and Bobadilla came to Arlington on Thursday for the final hearing, while the
expert witness, Honduran lawyer Claudia Herrmannsdorfer, spoke by phone. There were
technical difficulties -- the long-distance calling cards used to speak to Herrmannsdorfer
ran out of money twice, and eventually the judge disconnected because it became too
difficult to hear. But Herrmannsdorfer nevertheless delivered convincing testimony about
the dangers faced by women in Honduras, where she works with victims and advocates
for legal changes to protect sufferers of domestic violence.

“Herrmannsdorfer said that while there are some resources available for women
suffering domestic violence, the offices face strained budgets and are difficult to access
for some victims, particularly those in rural areas. Many women report that the police
are unsympathetic when they ask for help.

“‘The general response of police is not to protect women,’ Herrmannsdorfer told the
judge. ‘It's not a priority for them.’
“‘There is no security for life in our country,’ she said later.

“D.M.L. testified earlier this month about severe abuse at the hands of her husband. The
33-year-old met him at the age of 15 and married him at 16. They had three children --
the two daughters who came to the U.S., and a son who remained with D.M.L.'s brother
in Honduras. Although D.M.L. said her husband always had a violent personality, the
abuse became worse in the past two years. He had an affair, and when she confronted
him, he called her stupid, a bitch, and threatened to kill her, according to her testimony.
He bought a gun and sometimes put it to her head and forced her to have sex with him,
she said. She testified that she has scars from his beatings.

“Although D.M.L. tried to leave once, her husband found her and their children. She
decided that to get away from him, she would have to flee the country. She said she heard
from family members that he is still looking for her.

“D.M.L. said she never went to the police because she thought they wouldn't help, and
she was unaware of other resources. Whether she had access to aid from the government
was important to her bid for asylum. The attorney needed to prove that D.M.L. was part
of a specific social group facing persecution -- in this case, married women unable to
leave their husbands -- and that the government was either unable or unwilling to help
her.

“Judge Bain said that D.M.L. had testified to ‘numerous horrific acts of harm’ that
amounted to persecution, and ruled that she and her daughters should receive asylum.”

11. Cindy Carcamo, Domestic Violence Ruling May Help Thousands of

Immigrants Get Asylum, 5 September 2014, available at
http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-ff-immig-domestic-20140906-story.html
.......... [●]

“Heidy fled her native Honduras for the United States on the advice of police. There was
nothing they could do, they told her, to protect her from her abusive husband, a drug
trafficker who spat on her, raped her — the first time when she was 17 — and threatened
her at gunpoint.

“‘He was going to kill me at any moment,’ she told a U.S. immigration judge this week.
Heidy, whose surname is being withheld because she is a rape victim, is the first test case
since the highest immigration court in the United States issued a ruling last week
recognizing domestic violence as a basis for granting asylum.” …

“Heidy's hearing on Thursday showed the challenges officials face in handling a flood of
cases this year. The 23-year-old and her attorney were in a makeshift courtroom set up at
an immigration facility in Artesia. They were linked via teleconference to an immigration
judge and interpreter 1,800 miles away in Arlington, Va.
Heidy testified about her life in Honduras, trying to compose herself as she told Judge
Roxanne C. Hladylowycz about the abuse she endured for six years.

“‘He would push me. He would grab me from my neck. From my jaw,’ she said,
gesturing with her hands over her neck to demonstrate.

“Her face flushed and she bit her lips, trying to hold back tears. "He told me I was an
Indian that was worth nothing," she said. "I told him I was a woman who was worth a
lot." Sometimes the microphone would cut out unexpectedly, forcing her to repeat
uncomfortable testimony again and again.

“She was walking to high school when her future husband first spotted her. She resisted
his advances, Heidy testified, because she had heard he was part of a powerful drug-
trafficking family. But he was relentless. After six months of stalking her, he forced into a
car one afternoon and raped her.

“When he told her that he would take her far away from her family, Heidy proposed they
get married so she could stay in town. She soon gave birth to her son — the product of
that first rape, she said. Physical and mental abuse started soon after they wed and
moved to a house near his family, she said.” …

“Even when he landed in prison for his role in a murder, his friends and family kept a
close eye on her, and he constantly called on a cellphone smuggled to him.

“‘He and his entire family are very dangerous people, and the whole world is scared of
them in my town. Even police are scared of him,’ Heidy said.

“Afraid of what would happen to her if she didn't comply with his demands, she visited
him in prison. The guards were paid off to allow him his own room where he would rape
her, she said.

“Once, she tried filing for divorce, but no government officials would take the case.
Eventually, she managed to move to her parents' home, but her husband, who had been
released from prison, wouldn't leave her alone. He pointed a gun at her, threatening to
take away their 5-year-old son and 1-year-old daughter if she went with another man.

“The last straw came when he arrived at her parents' home firing a gun in the air. On
June 2, Heidy's brother took her and her two children to a city three hours away. There,
she asked authorities for help. They said her best option was to leave Honduras.

“Under cross-examination, a government attorney asked Heidy what would happen if she
were deported.

“‘It would be sure death for me,’ she replied.

“Hladylowycz had already reviewed Heidy's asylum packet, which included multiple
testimony — including an affidavit by her brother, who helped her escape, and an
assessment of conditions for women in Honduras.

“Heidy's situation, the judge said, was a ‘textbook case’ for asylum relief for her and her
children.”

12. Centro de Derechos de Mujeres, Status of Violence Against Women in

Honduras, 15 July 2014, available at http://www.cipamericas.org/archives/12582
............................................ [●]

[Note: This report contains numerous footnotes, not included in the excerpts
below.]

“Different forms of violence are systematically affecting women, especially young

women, in both public and private spaces. Rates are increasingly higher, as is impunity.
In Honduras, 27% of all women report that they have suffered physical violence at one
time or another in their lives. And although this figure alone is alarming, violence
against women has many other manifestations. The Public Prosecutor’s Office
recognizes 25 crimes against women, including injury, domestic violence, sexual
violence, and homicide. In 2012, the Statistical Observatory of the Public Prosecutor’s
Office reported more than 16 thousand accusations involving violence against women.
The highest number of complaints, 74.6%, pertained to Domestic Violence and Intra-
family Violence, followed by sex crimes, which accounted for almost 20% of the total.

“From 2005 to 2013, the number of violent deaths of women rose by 263.4%, which
implied 636 women murdered in 2013, or one every 13.8 hours. This is reflected in the
dramatic rise in the rate of violent deaths of Honduran women from 2.7 in 2005 to 14.6
in 2013, which is even greater than the total homicide rates in countries now officially
engaged in a war or armed conflict.

The cases of women killed in Honduras are characterized by the following aspects:

 Most of the women live in urban areas. In 2012, 3 out of 5 violent deaths of women
occurred in urban areas, and in 2013, 40% of all murders of women were
concentrated in two cities: San Pedro Sula and the Central District.
 Young women make up 43 to 49 percent of all women killed annually, with the 20-24
year age range being the most highly affected.
 Firearms are utilized in more than 70% of all homicides of women.
 Men are the main suspects: In 70% of the cases one or more men have been identified
as suspects, and in 1.6%, women; the sex of the remaining suspects is unknown.
 Disappearances are common. In 40.4% of the homicides of women that occurred in
2012, the place of the commission of the crime is unknown, which implied that the
victims –– women, girls and adolescents–– were abducted from wherever they
happened to be, retained against their will, probably subjected to sexual abuse and
torture, and then killed and abandoned in public places.
 Impunity reigns. The average rate of impunity in the last 6 years is 93.5%, which has
left at least 2,500 women without any justice whatsoever during this time period.

“Even though the crime of Femicide was approved for inclusion in the Honduran Penal
Code in 2013, it has not been utilized, and this has impeded progress in the prevention,
investigation and sanction of such crimes. According to Ingrid Rivera ––the Prosecutor
responsible for the Femicide Unit in the Division of Crimes against Life of the Public
Prosecutor’s Office–– as of March 2013, judicial requirements had been established in
only 5 cases presented for the crime of Femicide. This is mainly due to the fact that the
investigation of femicides is complex, and the majority of the cases are stalled in the
investigative stage. According to some estimates, one out of two violent deaths of women
is a femicide in that it exhibits one or more of the circumstances established in the Penal
Code.

“In only 6 years, complaints lodged for the disappearance of women has jumped from 91
in 2008 to 347 in 2013, which indicates a 281% hike in the cases of women, girls and
adolescents reported as disappeared at the national level. To this figure, it is necessary to
add 155 more complaints filed for crimes that imply disappearances, such as the unjust
deprivation of liberty, kidnapping and human trafficking.

“In addition to this escalation, and in some cases related to it, clandestine cemeteries are
constantly being discovered in the country with multiple victims who have possibly been
reported as disappeared, and many others who have not even been reported at all to the
authorities.

“During 2013, a total of 2,851 accusations of sexual violence were presented, which
implied that a sexual violence complaint was filed every 3 hours in Honduras. These
figures, although consistent with those reported since 2010, represent only a fraction of
the problem, since estimates reveal that the prevalence of sexual violence rose from 4.6
in 2008 to 8.6 in 2010. The right of women survivors of sexual violence to access to
justice is practically non-existent, given the fact that in 94.5% of all cases, impunity
persists.

“Other underreported manifestations of violence against women include those associated

with the trafficking in persons. Although the Public Prosecutor’s Office has registered 27
complaints for this crime that were filed by women during 2013, the transnational scope
of this form of organized crime indicates a higher number of victims. Research shows
that the profile of the victims of human trafficking in Central America is mainly one of
underage girls and women of different ages; in more than half the cases, trafficking has
to do with sexual exploitation.”…

“According to the Center of Assistance for Returning Migrants (CAMR), more than 2400
Honduran women have been deported so far this year, the large majority for reasons
having to do with violence and organized crime. The cycle of forced displacement of
victims at risk is marked by a lack of effective protective mechanisms both nationally and
internationally; consequently, these victims don’t directly request international
protection as refugees for fear of being identified by organized crime or related sectors.”
…

“Militarization and the arms race in Honduras have a direct impact on the lives of
women, and firearms continue to be the main instrument used to end women’s lives.
From January to December of 2013, this instrument was used in 334 violent deaths of
women (75.1%). In the Central American region, 77% of all homicides are committed by
firearms, a figure that is highest in the case of Guatemala (84), followed by Honduras
(82), slightly lower in El Salvador (73) and lowest of all in Nicaragua (51).35 This is the
main mechanism for committing femicides in the region.

“The problem of access to justice for women does not lie in the regulations themselves,
but in their inadequate application by justice operators. Nevertheless, federal criminal
codes do not yet contemplate a number of the types of violence that women experience:
patrimonial violence, institutional violence, sexual violence within marriage, marriage to
underage girls, sexual abuse, sexual harassment and persecution. Furthermore, there is a
failure to acknowledge international legislation, a lack of gender perspective, and an
absence of diligent investigation in these cases by public officials of criminal justice
institutions.”

13. Kay Valle, Authorities Fight Murders of Women, 8 May 2014, available at
http://latinalista.com/columns/globalviews/honduras-authorities-fight-murders-
women ........ [●]

“Ninety-eight percent of femicides remain unsolved due to the lack of resources,

according to Honduras’ Special Public Prosecutor for Women.

“TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras – One female was killed every 13 hours in the Central
American nation last year, as 630 femicides were recorded by the Observatory of
Violence at the National University of Honduras.

“The majority of femicides took the lives of women between the ages of 15 and 49 and
occurred in the northern department of Cortés (208) and in the central department of
Francisco Morazán (122), according to the Human Rights Commission’s (CONADEH)
General Situation of Human Rights Annual Report. Six hundred-six femicides were
recorded in 2012.

“Ninety-eight percent of femicides remain unsolved due to the lack of investigators and
financial resources assigned to cases, according to Grissel Amaya, the special
prosecutor for women.

“‘Due to lack of funds, the Public Prosecutor’s Office has only four investigators to solve
cases,’ she added. ‘[We have taken to court] 99 cases out of 2,214 cases.’
The lack of staff means legal proceedings for femicide and domestic violence are slow,
according to Dalila Flores, the coordinator for the Violence Support Program at the
Women for Peace Movement, an NGO.

“‘Women who report domestic violence lose heart when they see how many processes
there are and the distance between offices dealing with the cases,’ she said. ‘This is why
they decide to drop the legal process.’

In Honduras, 500,000 women of working age are unemployed, according to the

Permanent Household Survey from the National Institute for Statistics. Financial
instability and social pressure also contribute to victims’ failing to file complaints and
falling into a trap of repeated victimization, according to Flores.

“‘Revictimization is the circle of violence women fall into due to their lack of financial
independence, social pressure or low self-esteem, or [because they assume] they are to
blame for the violence,’ she added. ‘In the end, this leads to deaths.’ Impunity is one of
the main problems authorities need to face, according to Martínez.

“‘Impunity leads to more crimes since the failure by authorities to impose a punishment
means women continue to be murdered,’ she said.

Nonetheless, progress has been made, according to Ingrid Figueroa, a public prosecutor
at the Women’s Murder Unit at the Special Public Prosecutor’s Office for Offenses
Against Life, which was established by the government this past September to investigate
these crimes.

“‘Since the unit was set up, summonses have gone out across the country for more than
200 cases,’ Figueroa said.

“A summons is solicited after a complaint is received and represents the step prior to the
issuing of an arrest warrant.

“One case that made a big public impact in Honduras was the murder of Josselin Palma,
18, who was hacked to death with a machete by three men in December 2012.

“Thanks to the cooperation of an anonymous witness, police identified Santo Mateo

Migueles, 33, Alejandro Flores Maradiaga, 21, and a 17-year-old whose identity was not
released.

“Migueles was sentenced to 20 years in prison in March, while Maradiaga and the minor
are in jail awaiting sentencing.”

14. Declaration of Claudia Herrmannsdorfer, Expert on Women’s Rights in

Honduras, 15 November 2012….............................. [●]
 [Note: The excerpts below came from a CGRS web link that is no longer
operative; CGRS will provide a copy of this declaration upon request, but only for
use in a specific CLSEPA asylum case; the requesting process is outlined on
CGRS’s website, at: http://cgrs.uchastings.edu/assistance; also see CGRS
document saved to DPX file, outlining request procedures.]

“I am an attorney practicing in Honduras in the area of women’s rights, with a specific

emphasis on violence against women. Over the last 20 years, I have addressed the
problem of Honduras’s culture of violence against women in varying capacities. I have
extensive experience in legal representation and counseling of victims of gender violence
against women. I have played prominent roles both in formulating legislation regarding
women’s rights and advocating for women’s rights in several major national laws. I also
regularly participate in regional, intergovernmental, and academic efforts to address the
problem of violence against women. I have written numerous reports on the problem of
violence against women in Honduras and have given seminars to diverse audiences on
the scope and nature of this problem. Through these experiences, I have become one of
Honduras’s foremost experts on the status of women, violence against women, and
Honduran laws and cultural mores regarding gender. Of late, my work has increasingly
focused on the most extreme manifestation of violence against women –femicides, or the
violent killing of women for gender-related reasons.” (para. 1)

“It is my opinion that in Honduras, women are constantly exposed to the threat of
violence. Honduran women are not adequately protected under existing laws, by law
enforcement officials, prosecutors or the judiciary. Moreover, the prevailing cultural
norms permit violence against women without community sanction. The root of this
inability to provide basic security to women stems from a culture of machismo. This
sexist attitude holds that women must be subservient to men, that women obtain their
identity from and belong to their partners, husbands and fathers, and that intimate
relationships should be controlled by the man without any outside intervention. This
discriminatory attitude persists throughout all levels of Honduran society. Despite some
recent efforts to address the problem of violence against women and the increasingly
prevalent phenomenon of femicides, neither Honduras’slegal system nor its culture
protect women from violence. Women in Honduras cannot escape violence –either by
seeking protection from the authorities or by physical relocation.” (para. 3)

“I personally appeared inUnited States Immigration Court as an expert witness in 2004

and have submitted expert affidavits in numerous U.S. asylum proceedings. I have been
recognized internationally and domestically as an expert on gender-based violence,
cultural norms, and applicable laws in Honduras. I am continually sought out by
international policymakers as well as American attorneys for my expertise.” (para. 19)

“According to Honduran cultural norms, when a woman moves in with a man, the man
takes over the ‘ownership’ of the woman from her father. This is true in common law
relationships, legal marriages, and other intimate relationships. Because the husband
feels like he owns the woman, he also feels like he can treat her as personal property.
Honduran men believe that they can abuse and rape their wives with impunity because
these women ‘belong’ to them and, like pieces of property, the men can do what they wish
with a woman. Domestic violence is accepted and common throughout Honduras because
of these beliefs. The problem is compounded because domestic violence is so widely
accepted that neighbors, family members, teachers, and doctors do not report violence to
the authorities. Neighbors who may hear or see violence do not intervene, reasoning that
domestic violence is best resolved in the home, and not by the authorities or outsiders.
But this logic is flawed because family members rarely intervene to prevent even
repetitive battering. Because neither the battered woman, nor her family, nor her
neighbors, nor community members act to stop this violence –and because the authorities
also fail to respond –women are not safe in Honduras. Far too often, the direct result of
this societal acceptance of violence against women is murder.” (para. 21)

“Similarly, police believe that women are second-class citizens who must conform to
their partners’ or parents’ commands. Women who seek help from the police are often
told that the issue is a matter for her husband to decide, and that she should go home, be
intimate with him, and he will forgive her. Other times, police simply tell the women to
stop disobeying their husbands. As a result of the attitudes that women are second-class
citizens and that domestic violence issues should be resolved in the home, police often
view crimes of intrafamilial violence as a purely private matter, with no space for public
authorities to intervene. Indeed, Honduran police ignore threats made against women,
treating them as nothing more than the product of over-excited emotions. Additionally,
the authorities consider violence against women to be unimportant, and they prefer to
investigate crimes that they believe Honduran society considers more ‘serious’ (such as
drug trafficking or gang violence). The belief that murders of women are less serious
than these other crimes is indicative of the widespread societal disregard for the safety
and well-being of women.” (para. 22)

“Not only do the police fail to protect women who are the victims of domestic abuse, but
there have also been instances where the police themselves have committed violent and
degrading acts against women. Women and girls who are detained are likely to be
subjected to sexual abuse while in police custody.” (para. 23)

“Femicides present the most extreme example of the inferior status of women. The Center
for Women’s Rights defines femicide as the violent death of a woman for gender-related
reasons. Honduras has an extremely high murder rate, especially for a largely rural,
agricultural country. Even more disturbing, the number of femicides has been rising at
an unusually fast pace, and it spiked in 2009. In 2002, the Center’s sources reported 133
femicides in a single year. By 2008, that number had grown to 186 femicides. But in
2009, at least 407 women were brutally murdered. The number of femicides has since
increased at an alarming rate, and recently the United States Department of State
reported that ‘[v]iolence against women and impunity against perpetrators continued to
be serious problems.’ In 2011, at least 473 women were killed, and during the first half of
2012, at least 150 women in Honduras were killed. Yet, despite this international
recognition of the problem, over 96% of femicides go unpunished.” (para. 25)
“The problem of under-reporting of crimes of violence against women compounds the
problem of police unwillingness to investigate crimes of violence against women and
prevents the true extent of violence from being ascertained accurately. It also perpetuates
the attitude that violence against women is not a serious societal problem. These factors
create a dual challenge for women seeking protection from violence. First, the system is
non-responsive to women’s claims of violence. Police often state that domestic violence
should be resolved in the home by the couple. Because police are largely seen as non-
responsive to women in cases involving domestic violence, women often do not report the
crimes at all because they believe reporting will result in no governmental intervention
and will only serve to anger their abuser. Second, because the true extent of the violence
is not reported, advocates for stronger laws to protect women cannot rely on official
statistics to demonstrate the necessity of reform. Without this documentary support,
necessary protections are often rejected by the legislature and the judiciary.” (para. 27)

“As suggested previously, the leading cause of femicides in Honduras is the widespread
prevalence of domestic or intrafamilial violence….” (para. 28)

“Not only are Honduran women killed in the context of familial or domestic violence,
women are also murdered for their mere connection to someone in organized crime or
gangs. Gangs and organized crime are a major problem in Honduras. Because women
are perceived to be the property of men, wives, girlfriends, and daughters of rival gang
members are often targeted. By killing these women, it is thought that the men who ‘own’
the women will be hurt, because their property has been destroyed. In addition to these
intentional murders, women also are killed in the cross-fire of rival gang wars.” (para.
29)

“In situations where organized crime is involved, authorities often reason that female
victims deserved to die for becoming involved with the criminal elements of society…
[T]hese authorities ignore the fact that women are often targeted as retribution for acts
of family members or loved ones, even when the woman had nothing to do with drugs or
crime. In these situations, the women suffer the dual indignity of being targeted for
criminal activity they have nothing to do with, and of having their violent death ignored
because they were ‘involved’ with the underlying criminal activity.” (para. 30)

“The aforementioned cultural and institutional biases exist in all areas of the country,
even in the largest cities. Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula are home to most of the law
enforcement authorities and would presumably have better outcomes for protecting
women from violence. Yet, despite the close proximity of these governmental actors,
urban Honduran women still do not receive the effective protection of the law and their
murders are consistently not prosecuted. It is even worse outside the two major cities.
Indeed, in almost 98% of the country there is, for all practical purposes, no access to the
already limited protections promised under the law. This inaccessibility ranges from
limited institutional resources (stemming in no small part from the attitude that
protection of women is not a priority) to personnel that is not sensitized or properly
trained, nonexistence of social support networks, scarce personnel, and the lack of
knowledge of female citizens about their rights. As a result, violence against women in
rural areas is even more widely permitted and justified, despite the legal framework that
exists. So while women in the two major cities face significant entrenched societal
discrimination, women in rural Honduras face even greater obstacles to receiving
adequate protection under the law.” (para. 31)

“[I]n Honduras, it is not possible for a woman to secure protection by trying to relocate
within the country. It is very hard for women to leave their home community, as family
support networks so vital to women are anchored in their hometowns and rarely extend
to different places in the country. In poverty-stricken Honduras, family networks are
extremely important for women; without these networks, it is very difficult for women to
survive with adequate housing, food, employment, child-care, and social connections,
making relocation unfeasible. But even if a woman did move, Honduras is a very small
country and usually the abuser knows the woman’s family or can easily find her through
other means. One of the cases that we worked on at the Center involved a professional
woman, with economic resources, who was subjected to acts of violence that affected not
only her, but her entire family. These acts of harassment and violence created such a
high level of danger, that, considering the inadequate institutional response to protect
her life and the inability to flee within Honduras, it was advised that she leave the
country with her children. Presently, the woman and her children live in Canada. This
story illustrates that all women in Honduras, even those educated and working in
professional environments, cannot escape the culture of violence against women.” (para.
33)

“For women of lesser financial means, who are the overwhelming majority of Honduran
women, the situation is even more difficult. Abusive men often threaten women who seek
to escape by saying that they will seek a judicial declaration that the woman legally
abandoned her family and that she will lose any right to their children’s custody or any
of the family’s property. This threat is used as a mechanism of control made possible by
Honduras’s machismo cultural beliefs. Even though there are many legal requirements in
order for a court to make a declaration of abandonment, including two full years of total
absence by a parent, the threat of abandonment as having real consequences is firmly
entrenched in Honduran culture. As a result, many women, particularly the poor and
uneducated, feel like they cannot leave their abuser, even for one day, without risking
losing their family and possessions.” (para. 34)

“There are a number of other factors that create difficulties for women who seek to
escape violence. First, there is a strong societal stigma attached to women living alone.
These women are thought to be sexually immoral, and are more likely to be targeted for
future sexual violence. Second, the lack of job opportunities for Honduran women (partly
due to societal discrimination and partly due to the impoverished state of the nation)
makes it even harder for women to relocate to an unknown area without any kinship
connections. Finally, female victims of gang violence face the likely prospect of
encountering feared gang members almost anywhere throughout Honduras, particularly
in the large cities.” (para. 35)
“The Honduran legal system purports to afford some protection to women, but the laws
do not adequately deter violence directed at women. Moreover, at every level of
enforcement of the laws –from community policing, to investigation following a crime, to
prosecution, and judgment –Honduran women are not protected from gender-based
violence.” (para. 38)

“Even now, the authorities blatantly ignore the issuance of protective measures, and even
deliberately conceal the truth to outsiders about how long it takes to issue them.
According to the law, women who seek protective measures are entitled to immediate
protection and a court hearing within 24 hours. However, after the coup d’état, women
have been waiting approximately two to three months to obtain protective measures and
a court hearing. An example of a deliberate attempt to conceal the truth regarding
protective orders occurred when I attended a meeting with the Attorney General, the
Head of the Secretary of Security and Jody Williams, a former Noble Peace Prize winner.
The Attorney General told Jody Williams that protective measures were issued
immediately, but this was certainly not the case. In fact, a week after the meeting, when I
went to seek protective measures on behalf of a client, none were issued. The office of the
Women’s Special Prosecutor recently created a specific Unit for the Imposition of
Protective Orders (Unidad de Imposición de Medidas de Seguridad). Finally, after legal
action taken by the Center, the Special Court for Domestic Violence in Tegucigalpa
recently began issuing protective measures in a timely manner for women seeking them.
This change only took place after years of denouncing the situation, and is limited to
Tegucigalpa. And even though the protective orders are issued within the time frame
required, women still must wait approximately two months for a hearing despite the law
requiring a hearing within 24 hours….” (para. 43)

“Additionally, the 2006 amendments to the Law against Domestic Violence required 31
of the 299 municipalities in Honduras, in coordination with INAM, to install shelters for
women seeking to escape domestic violence. Despite this mandate, only five shelters exist
in the entire country. There are shelters in Tegucigalpa, Santa Rosa de Copán, Juticalpa,
La Ceiba, and Coluteca. However, there is no shelter in San Pedro Sula, the most violent
city in the country. The NGO-operated shelter in Tegucigalpa receives no public funding
and cannot accommodate more than 20 women. The shelter in Juticalpa, which is
sustained by the municipality and receives some international funding, has limited
capacity, and will only house women for a maximum of seven days. In La Ceiba, the
shelter is half funded by the municipality and half by international NGOs, but can only
accommodate 25 women or girls. Operation of the shelter in Choluteca has been
transferred to the municipality, but due to lack of resources, it can only accommodate a
maximum of three women. Because women in Honduras typically live their whole lives in
the same community, it is very difficult if they need to physically leave to escape their
abuser. In many situations, women do not have family or friends that they know outside
their home community where they can seek refuge. Thus, these shelters are indispensable
for women seeking to escape domestic violence. However, due to limited resources,
capacity, and location, the shelters only serve a small number of women in need of
assistance.” (para. 45)
“But even though femicide is ostensibly covered under the laws criminalizing murder,
many times women’s murders are not prosecuted whatsoever, or authorities only impose
the most lenient criminal penalty. This is because authorities dismiss the killings as
crimes of passion” instigated by a ‘disobedient’ woman….” (para. 50)

“After the coup d’état, there was a weakening, and virtual collapse of public institutions
in Honduras, and the institutions of justice have not responded adequately to numerous
cases of domestic violence, rape and femicides. The weakening of these institutions,
combined with gender bias and corruption continue to contribute to impunity for
perpetrators of violent crimes against women. I have personal knowledge of a number of
cases that occurred after the coup d’état, discussed in paragraphs 59 to 63, which
demonstrate the failure of the justice system, and resulting inequities and impunity.”
(para. 58)

“Thus, as can be seen in the foregoing discussion, impunity for violence against women
occurs during all stages of law enforcement. From the initial drafting of laws, through
preventative police work, to investigation, prosecution, and adjudication, societal
attitudes accept violence against women as the norm and prevent women from being
protected from such violence. Even against the background of Honduras’s high impunity
rate, the murderers of women disproportionately escape criminal sanction.” (para. 68)

15. Women’s Refugee Commission, Forced from Home: The Lost Boys and Girls
of Central America, October 2012, available at
http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&cad=rj
a&uact=8&sqi=2&ved=0CCQQFjAB&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwomensrefugeeco
mmission.org%2Fcomponent%2Fdocman%2Fdoc_download%2F844-forced-
from-home-the-lost-boys-and-girls-of-central-
america&ei=RGXyVNCPJsaqogTCooHgDg&usg=AFQjCNHF265mAMu9t6-
PMEAhjXQ7Psg6IA&sig2=RrZWrsgHs5oGjU7MXQkkog&bvm=bv.87269000,
d.cGU......... [●]

“In addition to the gang violence, women and girls face specific vulnerabilities to
violence and lack meaningful access to justice. Violence against women and gender-
based murders (‘femicides’) are on the rise in Honduras, with over 2,000 women
murdered between 2006 and 2011. Gender-based violence is now the second highest
cause of death for women of reproductive age in the country. However, there is
overwhelming impunity for crimes against women: according to reports by women’s
rights organizations, 96 percent of all reported femicide cases between 2005 and 2010
went uninvestigated and unprosecuted.” (p. 10)…

16. Nobel Women’s Initiative, From Survivors to Defenders: Women Confronting

Violence in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala, 2012, available at
http://nobelwomensinitiative.org/wp-
content/uploads/2012/06/Report_AmericasDelgation-20121.pdf ...................... [●]

“From January 21 to January 31, 2012, a women’s rights fact-finding mission traveled
to Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala. The delegation was organized by the Nobel
Women’s Initiative, JASS (Just Associates) and prominent national organizations that
formed host committees in each country, and led by Nobel Laureates Jody Williams
and Rigoberta Menchú Tum.”…

“Over the course of ten days of our delegation to the region, we listened to the testimony
of over 200 women directly affected by the crisis. Many of these are at the frontlines
protecting women’s and indigenous rights, defending their land and environment, and
reporting on the daily struggles of those most vulnerable and voiceless. They told us
countless stories of women murdered, rape and other sexual violence, disappearances
and arbitrary detention.

“The stories of the women were consistent in all three countries. So was the sad reality
that the governments in all three countries are consistently failing the women. The vast
majority of crimes against women are never investigated, much less prosecuted. Women
are left to fend for themselves facing discrimination, stigmatization, threats and attacks
as they resist militarization, megaprojects, and organized crime—or, just carry out their
daily lives.

“One woman we met in Honduras, her eyes swollen, had just been beaten up by police
officers. Her crime? Selling food in the market. Remarkably, despite the known threat to
her life, she worked up the courage to speak to the press about what just happened. As we
left Honduras the next day, we were informed that one of her fellow vendors had been
taken into custody again and brutally beaten. The message was clear: ‘This is what you
get for speaking up!’”…

“The war on drugs in Mexico, Honduras and Guatemala has become a war on women.
Efforts to improve ‘security’ have only led to greater militarization, rampant corruption
and abuse within police forces and an erosion of rule of law. Ultimately, it has resulted in
a crisis of insecurity where no one is safe. Homicide rates are among the highest in the
world, with Honduras’ capital now being described as the ‘murder capital of the world.’

“Women are increasingly the victims of violence that rejects the discrimination they
suffer in society, viewing them as objects for manipulation and subjecting them to
gender-specific forms of violence that are particularly cruel and demeaning. Both
governments and non-state actors are systematically committing crimes against women—
and the perpetrators are rarely brought to justice. We found that the three governments
sustain policies and practices that work against human rights in general, and deny the
rights of women. Their security forces and institutions frequently act to support political
interests and the economic interests of private sector companies rather than the public
good, eroding public safety and blocking access to justice.

“The lack of a gender perspective deepens discrimination on all levels of government.

This creates even greater barriers to justice for women and leads to attacks on them
when they defend their rights and seek justice. We found that the three governments are
directly responsible for the failure to protect women and women human rights defenders
and for the commission of crimes against women. Their failure is due to an underlying
lack of political will at all levels of government.

“Widespread violence against women is a top priority not only for humanitarian reasons
but because it represents a serious violation of human rights since it demonstrates
governments’ non-compliance with two fundamental obligations: to guarantee the safety
of their citizens and to eliminate discrimination.

“The delegation met with many high-level government officials and heads of
international organizations. We greatly appreciated the opportunity to engage in
dialogue on violence against women with President Porrio Lobo of Honduras, President
Otto Pérez Molina of Guatemala, Mexico’s Attorney General Marisela Morales, and
many other cabinet members and officials who shared their time and expertise. Although
government officials all agreed on the urgency of the issues and described the variety of
structures, programs and laws designed to address violence against women in their
countries, the delegation was greatly concerned by the overall lack of effective action to
halt these disturbing trends and the direct participation of local and state officials in
attacks on women defenders and cover-ups of the criminals responsible. We found that
Honduras, in particular, lacked important legislation and institutional support for
addressing the problem, while Mexico and Guatemala had tools but lacked effective
implementation.

“Government officials we spoke to attributed the climate of violence against women to

organized crime while minimizing government responsibility. The delegation often
encountered a huge gap between the governments’ reading of the situation and women’s
description of their lived reality. Many officials presented legal and institutional reforms
as proof of progress, despite evidence of the government’s role in the rising violence.”…

“In Honduras, 460 women were murdered in 2011. During the coup regime, beginning in
June 2009 and the post-coup regime led by Porrio Lobo, there has been a spike in
femicides, often with the complicity or involvement of government officials and state
security forces. Femicides rose 257% between 2002 and 2010. The UN reports that
Honduras now has the highest per capita homicide rate in the world. On average, one
woman is murdered every day.”…

“In discussions with the women’s organizations, we identified the following underlying
factors in the surge of violence against women and sexual violence in these countries
a. Expanded military and police presence, in the context of the drug war and increasing
displacement for natural resources exploitation and megaprojects, leading to abuses,
attacks and violation of women’s human rights;
b. Corrupt, discriminating and inept justice systems; and
c. Targeted attacks on women human rights defenders and the misuse of the legal system
to persecute them and their organizations.

“Most disturbingly we found clear evidence that these factors are not accidental, but
correspond to the tactical use of violence and in particular violence against women and
women defenders by governments and de facto powers including organized crime to exert
control through fear, intimidation and in all-too-common extreme cases, assassination.

“The Honduran Center for Women’s Studies reports that as military expenditures rise, so
do femicides—at an even higher rate than the skyrocketing homicide rate. Between 2006
and 2011 the military budget rose from $63 million USD to $175 million. Militarism
spreads a culture of violence and creates more access to arms, driving up domestic
violence against women as well. The Center reports that 81% of murders of women are
committed with guns now, compared to just 55% in 2003 committed with guns now,
compared to just 55% in 2003. Men and women of the pro-democracy movement in
Honduras have been targeted for their political activity, with 61 murdered in 2010 and
59 in 2011. Women human rights defenders are prominent among the 3,000-6,000 illegal
detentions that have taken place in Honduras since the coup.”…

“Women human rights defenders in this region of the world are in a double bind. They
face threats and violence against them and yet cannot turn to the state for protection,
since it is often state agents who are threatening them. Many women reported that
precautionary measures are ineffective or counter-productive. Fear constrains their
work. We received many reports of women rights defenders, especially in the border
region of Mexico and in Honduras, who have had to leave their countries and their work
to ensure their safety and that of their families.”

17. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Femicide and Spousal and Sexual
Abuse, and Services Provided to Victims (2009-11), 1 February 2012, available
at www.refworld.org/docid/4f4353d32.html ................................ [●]

“A report published in 2011 by the Women's Forum Against Femicide (Tribuna de

Mujeres contra los Femicidios), a network of feminist organizations (La Tribuna 11 Mar.
2010), states that, in 2009, there was [translation] "a clear increase in the number of
femicides in the country" (Tribuna de Mujeres 2011, 19). The number of femicides
committed in 2009 rose to 407, or a monthly average of 34 (ibid.). The data in the report
shows that, of these 407 femicides, 156 were committed in San Pedro Sula, 145 in
Tegucigalpa and 106 in the rest of the country, which demonstrates that the femicides
occurred principally in urban areas (ibid.). In comparison, according to the National
Women's Institute (Instituto Nacional de la Mujer) data in an article published by the
Inter Press Service (IPS), an international association of journalists based in Italy (IPS
n.d.), 377 woman were murdered in 2009 (IPS 2010). Quoted in an article published in
La Prensa, a newspaper based in San Pedro Sula, a representative of the National
Commissioner for Human Rights in Honduras (Comisionado Nacional de los Derechos
Humanos en Honduras, CNDH) stated that there were 343 [translation] "violent deaths
of women" in 2010 and at least 62 in January and February 2011 (La Prensa 8 Mar.
2011). According to this article, the data was confirmed by the Special Prosecutor for
Women in the Public Ministry (Fiscalía [Especial] de la Mujer del Ministerio Público)
(ibid.). According to data from the prosecutor's office, published on 2 August 2011 in an
article in the newspaper El Heraldo, based in Tegucigalpa, 207 women had been
murdered since the beginning of 2011. In an article published by Noticias Univisión, an
American Spanish-language information site, that same prosecutor stated that
[translation] "more than 1,500 women were murdered in Honduras between 2008 and
2011" (25 Nov. 2011).

“According to a study conducted by some organizations for the protection of women, the
data from which was published in an article in La Tribuna, a newspaper based in
Tegucigalpa, 96 percent of femicides committed in the country between 2005 and 2010
were [translation] "awaiting resolution or would simply go unpunished" (La Tribuna 31
Oct. 2011). According to the data from this study, this impunity is the result of
[translation] "deficiencies in the investigative process" (ibid.). In the same vein, in an
article in La Prensa, the representative of the National Commissioner of Human Rights
in Honduras was quoted as saying that [translation] "more than 80 percent of crimes
committed against women [since 2005] went unpunished" because of bungled
investigations (8 Mar. 2011). However, an article published by El Heraldo states that the
Crimes Against Life Unit (Unidad de Delitos contra la Vida) in the Office of the Special
Prosecutor for Women succeeded in bringing to court 221 charges against people
suspected in the violent deaths of women (El Heraldo 2 Aug. 2011). The article also
states that, in 2010, 56 people were convicted of such crimes (ibid.). The Research
Directorate could find no other information on this subject. According to the article in La
Tribuna, in 2010, Honduras ranked third among Central American countries for
[translation] "the highest number of violent deaths of women" (31 Oct. 2011).

“According to the data for 2009 in a report presented to the UN by the Violence
Observatory (Observatorio de la Violencia) of the National Autonomous University of
Honduras (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras), 363 women were murdered
in 2009 and 87 of these women died as a result of family violence (UN 8 Apr. 2010).
Furthermore, out of 4,100 women [victims of abuse], 61.1 percent were examined by the
Forensic Pathology [Branch] ([Dirección de] Medicina Forense) because of injuries
inflicted, in the majority of the cases, by a family member, a friend, an acquaintance, a
spouse or a former spouse (ibid.). This report states that 1,937 women were victims of
sexual assault and that the National Directorate of Criminal Investigations (Dirección
Nacional de Investigación Criminal) received 11,871 complaints of [translation]
"offences against women" in 2009 (ibid.).

“According to the Special Prosecutor for Women, the Public Ministry receives over
20,000 complaints of spousal abuse annually, and over 11,000 complaints of sexual
abuse were filed between 2008 and 2011 (Noticias Univisión 25 Nov. 2011). According
to Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2010, published by the United States
Department of State, the police received 7,742 complaints of spousal abuse in 2010 (US 8
Apr. 2011, 31).

“According to an article published in La Prensa, [translation] "[spousal] abuse is not

only experienced by married women but also by women who are engaged to be married"
(La Prensa 5 Sept. 2011). According to data from the Special Tribunal Against Domestic
Abuse (Juzgado Especial contra la Violencia Doméstica) published in that same article,
women are victims of abuse from the age of 16 (ibid.). According to the coordinator of
the special tribunal, [translation] ‘alcohol […], [male] dominance, the financial
situation and infidelity’ were the main reasons ‘pushing a man to abuse his spouse’
(ibid.). The coordinator also explained that San Pedro Sula, Villanueva and Choloma are
among the cities having a greater number of women who are victims of spousal abuse
(ibid.). The national coordinator of the Office of the Special Prosecutor for Women stated
that, in San Pedro Sula, an average of 10 complaints a day involving abuse are filed with
the authorities (ibid.). She explained that [translation] ‘physical and verbal assaults
against women were the primary reasons for the complaints’ received by the police and
the prosecutor's office (ibid.). She added that, on weekends, the number of complaints
rises from 10 to 15 a day and that, in the north of the country, 5,000 complaints of
spousal abuse are filed each year (ibid.).

“According to Country Reports 2010, rape is ‘a serious and pervasive social problem’
(US 8 Apr. 2011, 30). In September 2010, the police reportedly received 2,048 cases of
rape, with 1,697 of these incidents against minors (ibid.).

“According to data taken from a survey conducted in four countries in Central America
(Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and El Salvador) by the United Nations Population
Fund, 68 percent of women victims of sexual abuse in Honduras did not seek help
following such an assault (Agencia EFE 22 Sept. 2011). Data from this survey also shows
that 19 percent of women victims of physical or sexual abuse by their spouse did not seek
help because they [translation] ‘fear their attacker’ (ibid.).”

18. Annie Kelly, Honduran Police Turn a Blind Eye to Soaring Numbers of
‘Femicides’, 28 May 2011, available at
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/may/29/honduras-blind-eye-femicides
.... [●]

“Women are being murdered at the rate of one a day, yet a report by Oxfam accuses the
police of 'systematic indifference'.”

“According to those who loved her, Grace González was a hard-working, happy woman
who liked to laugh too loudly and dress too brightly. Her enchiladas, she declared, were
the best in the barrio. Last month, neighbours watched in silence as her bloodstained
body was wheeled out of the front door of the small house she shared with her two
daughters on the outskirts of the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa.

“Hours earlier, a man had come into her house and tried to rape her 15-year-old
daughter, Rosa. When Grace tried to protect her child, he held her down and slit her
throat. Almost a month after she buried her mother, Rosa says she doesn't expect justice.
What she does expect is for her mother's murderer to come back and kill her too.

“‘I told the police that I knew the man and saw him kill my mother, but since then they
have done nothing. There is no investigation. They tell me that he has left Honduras but I
don't believe them,’ she says.
“‘Now this man knows I went to the police so he will come back and kill me too. There is
nobody who will stop him. Women die here all the time and nobody does anything.’

“Women are being killed in Honduras at a rate of one a day in a wave of gender-based
murders – or "femicide". Gender-based violence is now the second highest cause of death
for women of reproductive age in this tiny Central American country. Human rights
campaigners say that more than 2,000 women like Grace have been killed in the past five
years.

“A report launched by Oxfam Honduras and a Honduran NGO, the Tribunal of Women
Against Femicide, says that women are dying because of a deadly mixture of gun crime,
political instability and the ‘systematic indifference’ of the police. Convictions for these
crimes are rare – between 2008 and 2010, there were 1,110 reported cases of femicide,
yet only 211 made it to court. Only 4.2% of these cases resulted in a conviction.

“The report says the number of women being killed in Honduras has dramatically spiked
since a rightwing military coup deposed President Manuel Zelaya in July 2009.”…

“[I]n the month after the coup, there was a 60% rise in the number of femicides, with the
bodies of more than 50 women found in the two largest cities, Tegucigalpa and San
Pedro Sula.

“The report also accuses the new government of Porfirio ‘Pepe’ Lobo, voted in three
months after the coup, of inaction and complicity in the growing wave of murders.

“‘Since the coup in July 2009, we've seen a sharp rise in gender-based killings, with
many of these crimes simply going unreported,’ says Maritza Gallardo of Oxfam
Honduras. ‘We don't even really know just how many women are being killed because
families of victims are afraid to report violence and murders because they realise the
legal system gives impunity to those responsible for the killings.’

“A surge in violent crime is also claiming the lives of hundreds of Honduran women as
Central America's notorious Mara gangs extend their power.

“‘In many cases the women who die are not directly involved in gangs, drug-dealing or
commercial sex work. In most cases they are the victims of vengeance attacks, carried out
to send a message to male family members,’ says Gallardo. ‘In other cases, family
members have identified members of the police as the executors of these murders, killing
women as retaliation for gang attacks on police officers. The lives of these women are
simply seen as collateral damage as gang violence gets worse.’

“For many women the only chance of survival is to flee the country.”

VIOLENCE BY GANGS
[Note: The topic of “violence by gangs” is also covered in articles/reports excerpted
under several other sections, including “Violence Against Children/Child Abuse” and
“Violence Against Women and Girls/Domestic Violence” (above), and in the section
called “Police/Judicial Corruption” (below).]
#. The Jerusulam Post, Exclusive: US Objections Could Kill 209 Million
Honduras Deal, 18 Dec 2016, available at http://www.jpost.com/Israel-
News/Politics-And-Diplomacy/Exclusive-US-objections-could-kill-209-million-
Honduras-deal-475426 ..................
“A massive security agreement Israel recently signed with Honduras could run into
major hurdles in Washington, The Jerusalem Post has learned.

“Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez came to Israel last week – for the second
time in 13 months – to finalize the deal for more than $200 million in military contracts.
“Though few details were made public, Hernandez said at a press conference in
Honduras in November it would allow for the upgrading of his country’s naval and air
forces ‘like never before.’
“Hernandez was accompanied on his one-day visit here by his Defense Minister Samuel
Armando Reyes Rendon, who signed a declaration on security cooperation with Defense
Minister Avigdor Liberman.

“The Honduran Air Force is a key component in the government’s battle against drug
traffickers in the country. Gangs, organized crime and drugs have long plagued the
Central American nation, and for many years it held the dubious title of ‘murder capital
of the world.’

“Hernandez has said the deal with Israel will give the Honduran government capabilities
it has never had before to ‘protect its territory, sovereignty and people.’

“According to IHS Jane’s Defense Weekly, the contracts with Israel – valued at $209
million – include the refurbishment of the Honduran Air Force’s entire helicopter fleet,
as well as many of its fixedwing aircraft. These include US-made F-5 and A-37 jets and
Bell UH-1 Hughes 500 helicopters.
“And that is what may become an issue for Washington, and what – according to one
diplomatic source – ‘throws a wrench into what otherwise sounds like a simple deal.’

“The US stopped most of its assistance to the Honduran Air Force in 2014, after one of
Hernandez’s first acts as president was to get the ‘Law of Aerial Exclusion’ passed.

“This law authorizes the air force to shoot down suspected drug planes flying through
Honduran airspace, something the US considers a violation of the Chicago Convention
on International Civil Aviation.

“This protocol places strict restrictions on damaging aircraft in flight, and was signed by
Honduras in 1953.

“The US is concerned that providing maintenance and repair for the Honduran Air
Force would violate that protocol.

“According to diplomatic sources, because Honduras has been unable to upgrade or

repair much of its fleet in the US, it looked elsewhere.

“A State Department official confirmed that US approval must be sought for a third-
party transfer to maintain or upgrade US technology on any aircraft of US origin.

“The official would not say, however, whether Israel either sought or received US
permission to upgrade the planes, adding that as a matter of policy he could not comment
on proposed defense transfers.

“The US opposition to shooting down planes involved in drug trafficking stems from an
incident in Peru in 2001 when a US missionary and her infant were killed on a plane shot
down by the Peruvian Air force.

“US objections have scuttled Israeli arms deals in the past, most notably in 2000 when
Israel backed out of a multi-billion dollar deal to sell Phalcon airborne early- warning
and control systems (AWACS) to China. The US was concerned that selling this
technology to China would undermine US security interests.
“The Foreign Ministry referred queries about the Honduras deal to the Defense Ministry
which, after two days, had still not responded as to whether Israel sought US permission
to upgrade and maintain the airplanes, or whether the US has registered any objections
to the deal.”
#. Mimi Yagoub, Honduras Cracks Down on Little-Known Drug-Trafficking
Clan, 6 Dec. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-cracks-down-on-little-known-drug-trafficking-clan ...............
“A security force operation in Honduras is cracking down on a little-known drug
trafficking organization known as Los Pinto, a clan that may be benefiting from
debilitating blows to other criminal groups.
“Last week, Honduran authorities seized 42 assets worth a total of 70 million Honduran
lempiras ($3 million) allegedly belonging to the drug trafficking organization. As part of
‘Operation Sultan’ -- which took place across the country -- officials seized 600 heads of
cattle, 7 okra processing plants, 14 houses, 3 gas stations, 1 hotel, 50 cars and numerous
other properties. In all, over the last two years, the Attorney General's Office has seized
over a hundred assets allegedly belonging to Los Pinto in a series of operations.
“According to official investigations cited by El Heraldo, Los Pinto have their roots in
Copán department and are associates of the Valle Valle -- a family-run drug trafficking
organization whose principal leaders were extradited to the United States in 2014.
“Sources close to the investigation told El Heraldo that while the Valle Valle brothers
and what is known as the AA Cartel (allegedly a reference to the cartel head, Alexander
Ardón) controlled the western region of the country, Los Pinto operated in the south, on
the border with Nicaragua.
“In the past, Los Pinto allegedly had to report their illicit proceeds to the Valle Valle
brothers. But since Valle Valle brothers' extradition, Los Pinto have become the ‘owners’
of the trafficking route, according to El Heraldo. The group's center of operations
continues to be the southern region of Honduras.
“Los Pinto apparently own properties on both sides of the Honduran-Nicaraguan border
in order to facilitate smuggling activities between the two countries -- a similar strategy
to that used by the Valle Valle on the Guatemalan border.
“Los Pinto launder their drug money through the cultivation and processing of okra,
the Public Ministry has found, and the group has reportedly been involved in trafficking
narcotics since at least 2003.
“While not much is known about Los Pinto compared to other groups that have long run
smuggling activities across Honduras, this organization seems to have become more
powerful as other transport groups have lost power. Luis Alonso and Miguel Arnulfo
Valle Valle, for instance, are currently facing drug trafficking charges in the United
States.
“However, the Valle Valle are far from finished. The third brother wanted for
extradition -- José Reynerio -- is on the run, and Luis Alonso's son has allegedly become
the organization's second in command.
In the meantime, operations against Los Pinto have targeted properties belonging to
numerous family members, including Hugo Pinto Aguilar -- a congressman for the ruling
National Party in the Copán department. His relatives José Daniel Pinto Aguilar and
Orlando Pinto Espino have been accused of being "frontmen" for the Valle Valle
brothers. Reportedly a businessman and cattle rancher, Daniel Pinto Aguilar was
arrested briefly in May 2015, only to be released hours later because there was no valid
arrest warrant against him.”
#. Thelma Mejia, Journalism in Honduras Trapped in Violence, 28 Nov. 2016,
available at http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/11/journalism-in-honduras-trapped-in-
violence/ ……………..

“TEGUCIGALPA, Nov 28 2016 (IPS) - It was in the wee hours of the morning on
October 19 when journalist Ricardo Matute, from Corporación Televicentro’s morning
newscast, was out on the beat in San Pedro Sula, one of the most violent cities in
Honduras.

“He heard about a vehicle that had rolled and was the first on the scene of the accident.
When he saw four men in the car, he called the emergency number, for help. Little did he
know that they were members of a powerful ‘mara’ or gang.
“Furious that he was making the phone call, they shot and wounded him, and forced him
to get back into the TV station’s van, along with the cameraman and driver, and drove off
with them.
“But other journalists who also patrol the city streets each night saw the kidnapping and
chased the van until the gang members crashed it and fled. If they hadn’t been ‘rescued’
this way, the three men would very likely have been killed, because the criminals had
already identified Matute and they generally do not leave loose ends, the journalists
involved in the incident told IPS.
“Matute, who is part of TV5´s so-called Night Patrol, was wounded in the neck with an
Ak-47. The reporters lamented that in spite of the fact that the accident occurred near
military installations and that they asked for help, the military failed to respond.
“‘The state does not protect us, but rather attacks us,’ one journalist told IPS on
condition of anonymity.
“Now Matute, a young reporter who was working for Televicentro, the biggest
broadcasting corporation in Honduras, is safeguarded by a government protection
programme, under a new law for the protection of human rights activists, journalists,
social communicators and justice system employees.
“Some 10 journalists, according to official figures, have benefited from the so-called
Protection Law, in force for less than a year.
“Matute sought protection under the programme after the authorities released, a day
after the accident, a video showing the gang members who attacked him, captured by a
local security camera. They were members of Mara 18 and carried AK-47 and AR-15
rifles.
“Mara 18 and MS-13 are the largest gangs in Honduras. Mara 18 is the most violent of
the two. Through turf wars they have basically divvied up large towns and cities for their
contract killing operations, drug dealing, kidnappings, money laundering and extortions,
among other criminal activity.
“The authorities recommended that Matute take refuge under the protection programme
and leave his job, since after the video was broadcast, the gang members felt exposed
and could act against him in retaliation.
“The young reporter Mai Ling Coto, who patrolled with Matute in search of night-time
news scoops, told IPS that reporting in Honduras is no longer a ‘normal’ job but is now
a dangerous occupation.
“This is especially true in a belt that includes at least eight of the country’s 18
departments or provinces, according to the Violence Observatory of the Public National
Autonomous University of Honduras.
“‘Now the only thing that is left is to entrust ourselves to God. We used to report
normally without a problem, but now things have changed, especially for those of us who
work at night. We have to learn new codes to move around danger zones in the city and
the outskirts,’ she said.
“‘If we go to gang territory, we have to roll down our windows and flash our headlights;
we move around in groups so they see that we are not alone,’ said Coto from San Pedro
Sula, describing some of the security protocols they follow.
“San Pedro Sula, 250 kilometres from the capital, is the city with the most developed
economy in Honduras. It has a population of 742,000, and in 2015 had a homicide rate
of 110 per 100,000 people.
“This Central American nation of 8.8 million people is considered one of the most violent
countries in the world.
“The Commission for Free Expression (C-Libre), a coalition of journalists and
humanitarian organisations, reported that between 2001 and 2015, 63 journalists, rural
communicators and social communicators were murdered.
“In 2015 alone, C-libre identified 11 murders of people working in the media: the owner
of a media outlet, a director of a news programme, four camerapersons, a control
operator, three entertainment broadcasters, and one announcer of a religious
programme. Most of them occurred outside of Tegucigalpa.
“Ana Ortega, director of C-Libre, believes that journalism is not only a victim of
violence, but also of laws and impunity.
“She stated this in the group’s annual report on freedom of expression, observing that a
secrecy law obstructs the right of information, while new reforms to the criminal code
are planned with references to the press.
“‘Now it turns out that reporters not only have to avoid commenting or giving news that
affects the country’s power groups, but also common criminals, and meanwhile the
authorities don’t give us any real assurance of protection,’ Juan Carlos Sierra, director
of the news broadcast where Matute worked, told IPS in Tegucigalpa.
“Another journalist from San Pedro Sula who asked to remain anonymous added: ‘We
are helpless because we cannot trust the authorities, the police or the public prosecutors,
since when they see us, they attack us and sometimes send us as cannon fodder to certain
scenes, and they arrive afterwards.’
“‘We feel like neither the state nor the authorities respect us,’ he said.
“The state, Sierra added, ‘has not had any interest, now or before, in resolving murders
of journalists, let alone violations of freedom of expression.’
“For human rights defender and former judge Nery Velázquez, the vulnerability faced by
reporters, ‘far from dissipating, is growing, and we have come to accept tacitly that the
impunity surrounding these murders becomes the norm, while freedom of the press is
restricted.’
“Of the 63 documented murders, legal proceedings began in just four cases, and of these,
only two made it to the last stage – an oral public trial – and ended with the conviction of
the direct perpetrators, but not of the masterminds who ordered the murders.
“‘Investigation in Honduras is a failure, everything is left in prima facie evidence, and
not only the press is trapped here by violence, but also human rights activists and
lawyers,’ Velázquez told IPS.
“According to reports by human rights groups, corruption and organised crime are the
main threats to freedom of speech in Honduras, where being a journalist has become a
high-risk occupation over the last decade.”
1. Katy Watson, Honduran migrants: ‘We left because we had to’, 18 Nov. 2016,
available at http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37935357
.........................
“Mexico estimates that more than 400,000 undocumented migrants try to cross its
southern border every year. Many get stopped and deported, but who are they and why
are they leaving their homes?

:Josefa is a grandmother of four who first tried to flee Honduras and travel to the United
States with her family four years ago.

“‘We went because we had to go,’ she says, explaining that her daughter was kidnapped
and raped in their native Honduras.

“The daughter survived but was determined to leave for the US following her ordeal.

“The family was detained in Mexico and sent back for not having a visa that allowed
them to stay. After two more unsuccessful attempts, Josefa gave up.

“Her daughter persisted and finally made it to the US only to be detained for being
undocumented. Josefa, who looks after her daughter's children, has not heard from her in
months.

“Josefa is one of the growing number of Central Americans trying to flee violence in
their home countries for the US by travelling north through Mexico. In order to halt this
tide of migrants, Mexico introduced the Southern Border Programme in 2014. It
increased security and checks along Mexico's southern border, which has led to a greater
number of migrants being stopped.

“The number of undocumented migrants caught after crossing the border more than
doubled between 2013 and 2015 - from almost 87,000 in 2013 to 200,000 - according to
the Washington Office on Latin America (Wola), a human rights group.

“Critics say harsher controls have led to unfair and sometimes violent treatment of
migrants.

“‘Mexico keeps prioritising deportations over protecting migrants who might be fleeing
danger,’ says Wola's Maureen Meyer.

“‘Hardline policies have proven ineffective at deterring migration, have violated human
rights, and have exposed migrants to abuses, corruption, and violence,’ she adds.
“It is a feeling shared by those who work with deported migrants.

“Every week, Mexican border control return several busloads of migrants, many of them
children, to Honduras' industrial capital, San Pedro Sula.

“Vivian Fajardo is a psychologist who works at Casa Alianza, one of the shelters in San
Pedro Sula to which the migrants are taken. She says there is little empathy for the
returned migrants.

“‘Few understand the truth, the sadness, the uncertainty of going, then being detained
and returned to Honduras and returning to nothing.’

“Carlos Flores Pinto, also of Casa Alianza, says the increased controls mean that
migrants are being apprehended earlier into their journey.

“‘People who have tried two, three, four, five times [to reach the US] say that whereas
before they used to get as far as four hours from the US border, now they don't even get
to Veracruz.’

“With the route to the US becoming ever more difficult, an increasing number of people
are applying for asylum in Mexico.

“According to the United Nations' refugee agency (UNHCR) applications have risen
almost tenfold in the past five years.

“‘Increasingly we're talking about a refugee problem in the region and not only a
migration issue,’ says UNHCR Mexico representative Mark Manly.

“Neither Mexico's interior ministry nor the National Institute of Immigration would grant
the BBC an interview.

“But in September, Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto acknowledged the problem in
a speech at the UN. ‘In Central America, the violence generated by organised crime (...)
is displacing entire communities, pushing thousands of people to abandon their
countries,’ he said.

“He also revealed a plan to improve matters, including strengthening Mexico's refugee
recognition procedures and ‘developing alternatives to immigration detention for asylum
seekers’.

“But for Sister Magdalena Silva Renteria, who runs the Cafemin migrant shelter in
Mexico City, these are empty promises.

“‘There's a big difference between talking the talk and walking the walk. We live the
reality with the migrants. [President] Pena Nieto doesn't have a clue,’ she says.

“Cafemin opened in 2012. Back then, it looked after 10-15 migrants at a time. Now it
houses as many as 70 people.
“Juan, 22, is one of them. He travelled from Honduras to Mexico City with his wife, their
five children and his wife's parents.

“He says he had no option but to leave Honduras. ‘If you work, the gangs wait for you on
your way home and assault you,’ he says. ‘It was either stay and die or leave the
country.’

“The first time he left Honduras bound for the US, he was caught in Mexico and
deported.

“This time he hopes to stay in Mexico City and apply for asylum with his family.

“There are many others like Juan and with violence in Central America showing little
sign of abating, his future and that of those like him remains uncertain.”

2. Luis Fernando Alonso, Honduras Illegal Firearm Seizures Rise Amid Ongoing
Insecurity, 15 Nov. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-illegal-firearm-seizures-rise-amid-ongoing-insecurity .....

“Honduran officials say seizures of illegal firearms at border checkpoints are increasing
rapidly, as the market for millions of illegal firearms continues to grow and fuel violence
in the Central American country.
“According to Honduras' National Anti-Evasion Force (Fuerza Nacional Antievasión -
FNA), customs officers in Honduras are seizing an average of 35 to 40 firearms and
ammunition shipments per month.
“Officers are interdicting shipments from Mexico, the United States and various
countries in Latin America, the news outlet La Tribuna reported. The seizures have
reportedly occurred at airports, seaports and overland border crossings around the
country.
“In a joint statement on November 10, the FNA and the Presidential Commission for Tax
Administration (Comisionada Presidencial para la Administración Tributaria - CPAT)
stated that weapons seizures in 2011 averaged 2.5 per month. Five years later, that
figure has multiplied nearly fifteenfold.
“Traffickers are increasingly utilizing creative ways to smuggle the firearms into the
country, according to authorities. Smugglers have taken to hiding firearms in bags of pet
food to confuse security dogs. Additionally, they have begun disassembling firearms and
placing them in foil packets or hiding them inside home appliances.
“According to FNA head Norman Gallardo, recent seizures have included rifles and
laser sights favored by criminal groups. Gallardo said that the estimated black market
prices for firearms are significantly lower than those in the legal market. For instance, a
black market handgun may cost between $130 to $215, whereas the same type of weapon
may cost anywhere from $1,000 to $1,300 if purchased legally.
 “Officials from the FNA and CPAT noted that there has been a large increase in
weapons coming from the United States and Mexico. Angela Madrid, head of CPAT,
announced that in the coming days she would ask for a meeting with US authorities to
address the flow of firearms.
“Two factors are likely fueling the growing illegal firearms trade in Honduras. The same
geography and weak state institutions that make Honduras a major transit nation for
drug trafficking also facilitate the trafficking of illegal firearms. Additionally, as the
state fails to provide security for many of its citizens, some may be driven to purchase
firearms illegally, believing that this will help them ensure their own personal safety.
“The illegal firearms market directly contributes to the high homicide rate in the country, as
criminal groups can easily obtain high-grade weapons and ammunition. In 2016, firearms
were reportedly used in more than 80 percent of all homicides in Honduras -- almost double
the global average.
“Although estimates of the number of illegal firearms in Honduras vary, they all paint a
similarly grave picture. A 2011 report released by the National Commissioner for Human
Rights in Honduras (Comisionado Nacional de los Derechos Humanos - CONADEH), found
that 592,000 out of 850,000 total firearms in the country had no registration. In 2014, it was
reported that roughly 1.2 million guns in Honduras were unregistered, or roughly two-
thirds of the total. This represented one illegal firearm for every four people in the
country.”

3. Kirk Semple, Fleeing Gangs, Central American Families Surge Towards U.S.,
12 Nov 2016, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/13/world/americas/fleeing-gangs-central-
american-families-surge-toward-us.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=0 ………….
“Gang violence in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala has conspired with economic
desperation to drive an unrelenting exodus of migrants, including entire families, seeking
safety in other countries, mainly the United States. …
“‘It’s really a refugee crisis,’ said Perrine Leclerc, the head of the field office for the
United Nations refugee agency in Tapachula.

“In the 2016 fiscal year, which ended in September, nearly 409,000 migrants were
caught trying to cross the southwestern border of the United States illegally, a 23 percent
increase over the previous fiscal year, according to statistics released by the Obama
administration. Officials said the increase reflected the growing number of people
heading north, not any sweeping changes in enforcement.

“The trend continued through October, according to figures released Thursday by

American immigration officials: More than 46,000 people were caught last month on the
southwestern border, up from about 39,500 in September.

“The recent flow has been particularly notable for the unusual number of Central
American migrants traveling in family groups. In the most recent fiscal year, about
77,700 migrants caught on the southwestern American border were traveling in families,
nearly twice as many as were detained in families the previous year. About 91 percent of
all those migrants were from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, a region known as
the Northern Triangle.

“But interviews with migrants and their advocates suggest that families are fleeing —
sometimes in groups of as many as 15 people — because they have no alternative. Gangs
in certain communities in the Northern Triangle have become so merciless, and their
control so widespread, that a family is often left with a stark choice: Comply, flee or die.

“‘Today the violence is widespread, and because it’s widespread, it’s affecting the whole
family,’ said Diego Lorente, the director of the Fray Matías de Córdova Human Rights
Center in Tapachula.

“Almost all of the migrants said they had once had no intention of ever leaving their
countries.

“Alberto said he had a thriving business breeding livestock and dogs. His wife ran a food
stand. Their youngest children were on track to attend college, he said. They were active
members of their church.

“The family first fled in 2013 to northern El Salvador, where Alberto rebuilt his business
and the children returned to school. But the gang members tracked them down, forcing
them to move two more times, he said. They finally fled the country in March. …

“United Nations officials and migrants’ advocates here believe that of the hundreds of
thousands of Central American migrants who crossed into Mexico last year, as many as
half may have qualified for refugee protection. Yet only about 3,400 people applied for
asylum in Mexico, according to government figures. By comparison, nearly 177,000
Central Americans were deported by Mexican immigration authorities last year. …

“The migrants tell of grisly murders, of how gangs have recruited boys as lookouts and
drug runners and forced girls into becoming their brides. They speak of ‘war taxes,’
sometimes amounting to half of their earnings. Noncompliance is met with death.

“‘It’s butchery,’ Ms. Leclerc said.

“Entire neighborhoods have fallen under the control of gangs, which are abetted by
corrupt officials on their payrolls. Several migrants said they had not reported crimes to
the police, fearing that the police would inform the gangs.

“Most said they had left their homes with no understanding, or even awareness, of
asylum protections in other countries, only a determination to find a safer place to live….

“[A]ccording to some migrants’ advocates, the goal for most Central American migrants
is to eventually make it ‘farther north,’ a phrase common among migrants. Even many of
those applying for asylum in Mexico view refugee status as a stopgap allowing them to
travel to the northern border without harassment by the Mexican authorities.
 “‘It’s the superbest country,’ Juan, a Honduran migrant, said of the United States. He
has applied for refugee status in Mexico, along with his wife and two small daughters,
but he hopes to reach America. He said they had fled Honduras after gang members
threatened to kill him if he did not join their operation.

“‘You don’t migrate now in search of the American dream,’ he said. ‘You go for your
life.’”

4. Mike LaSusa, Honduras Authorities Seize Assets of ‘Top MS13 Money

Launderer,’ 21 Oct 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-authorities-identify-top-ms13-money-launderer ..........
“Authorities in Honduras have identified an individual they say is the top money
launderer for the MS13 gang in that country, a development that illustrates the potential
of investigations that target the financial structures of criminal groups.
“An investigation by the Attorney General's Office has indentified Óscar Efraín Cortés
Cabrera as the man in charge of laundering illicit proceeds the gang earned
from extortion, drug trafficking and other criminal activities, El Heraldo reported.
“Reports reviewed by the news outlet allege that gang members would bring black bags
filled with cash to Cabrera's office at a car dealership he owned. From there, Cabrera
would launder the money through real estate purchases, business investments and even
donations to churches.
“Cabrera was targeted as part of phase two of "Operation Avalanche" ("Operación
Avalancha II"), a security operation begun earlier this year aimed at dismantling
important MS13 structures.
“Authorities seized 22 pieces of property from Cabrera, including several luxury homes
and his car dealership, where they also confiscated 232 vehicles and more than $2.2
million worth of cash.
“Despite the large scale of the operation against Cabrera, it remains unclear whether or
not he has been formally charged with any crimes….
“Operation Avalanche represents something of a new and different approach for Honduras
when it comes to combating the gangs operating in the country. As InSight Crime
previously noted, past anti-gang operations have largely focused on reclaiming physical
territory from these groups and arresting their members. Targeting the gang's financial
structures could ultimately prove to be a more effective long-term strategy for reducing the
gangs' extensive power and influence.
“In addition, Operation Avalanche has revealed the growing sophistication of the MS13 as
a criminal organization. Evidence obtained during the operation has lent weight to the
argument that the gang is becoming more deeply involved in the transnational drug trade.
And the extensive money laundering activities uncovered thus far show the group is
becoming savvier about hiding the illicit origins of their earnings. Press reports suggest
the MS13 may even be laundering money in the United States, where the ease of
establishing shell companies has proven an attraction for criminal groups across Latin
America.”
5. Enrique Pretel, for Reuters, Honduras President warns that a drug cartel
planned to assassinate him and the U.S. Ambassador, 14 Oct 2016, available at
http://www.businessinsider.com/r-honduran-president-warns-of-drug-cartel-plan-
to-assassinate-self-us-envoy-2016-10 ...

“Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez said on Thursday authorities were

investigating an alleged plan by a drug cartel to assassinate him and the U.S.
ambassador to the Central American country, James Nealon.

“A conservative lawyer who came to power in 2014, Hernandez has reined in homicides
with a tough policy against drug cartels that use Honduras as a base to move cocaine
into the United States, amid concerns expressed by rights groups.

‘They reported there was evidence of plans for an attack against Ambassador Nealon and
against (myself) by an Atlantic criminal group,’ Hernandez told a radio station, referring
to a cartel based in the eastern part of the country.

"So we told everyone that they had to do their job, investigate and bring proceedings in
the case."

“External sources had revealed the assassination plot, Hernandez added, but declined
further comment, citing the sensitivity of the case. It was not immediately clear what role
the cartel played in the plan.

“The revelation comes a day after Honduran army captain Santos Orellana, under
investigation by the United States for alleged corruption and narco-trafficking ties,
accused the Drug Enforcement Agency of pressuring him to testify against the president's
brother over a plot to kill the U.S. ambassador.

“In a letter to Congress on Thursday, the president's brother, Juan Antonio Hernandez,
denied any link to illegal activities, and said he was willing to cooperate with any
investigation.

“Human rights groups have warned against possible violations by security forces in
Honduras as they crack down on gangs.”

6. Rohan Smith, The real reason Australia has been forced to intervene in Central
America’s deadly Northern Triangle, 22 Sept 2016, available at
http://www.news.com.au/world/north-america/the-real-reason-australia-has-been-
forced-to-intervene-in-central-americas-deadly-northern-triangle/news-
story/468b3075c2f7cf4b5d7a95d5b291ce8d .............
“According to experts, the Barrio 18 gang to which he belongs rules large parts of
Central America’s Northern Triangle, a region made up of Guatemala, El Salvador and
Honduras.

They are known for their violent approach, one that involves the kidnapping, rape and
murder of children.

“They take girls as young as 11 as their ‘girlfriends’, a generous, misleading description

for what is essentially a sex slave. They control entire towns, extorting money from locals
in exchange for protection.

“They are easily recognised by their face tattoos but in recent years have adopted a more
subtle branding. The change was necessitated by a crackdown on organised crime that
saw the heavily-tattooed killed, locked up or forced into hiding.

“Psycho is doing time in prison but his friends still rule large swathes of land. Fearing
for their lives, Central Americans are fleeing in larger numbers than ever before.

“According to the UNHCR, the number of Central Americans entering Mexico has more
than quadrupled in the last four years.

“That huge movement of people will soon impact Australia. Prime Minister Malcolm
Turnbull committed earlier this week to taking refugees from the Northern Triangle for
the first time….

“This is what they’re running from. [Graphic photos at weblink.]

“They trade in drugs, firearms and fear. Human trafficking is a big part of their
operations. According to experts, the Northern Triangle is home to the highest homicide
rates worldwide.

“A spokeswoman for UNHCR in Mexico, a popular migration route for those leaving
their lives behind in Central America and pushing towards the US border, told
news.com.au there are a number of reasons people flee.

“‘Recent years have seen a sharp escalation in the number of people fleeing persecution
and insecurity in the Northern Triangle of Central America.

“‘This is largely the result of growing levels of violence caused by non-state actors, many
linked to criminal activity (mainly maras, pandillas and drug cartels), in addition to
economic hardship.’

“She said the threat of violence is consistent but often one action forces families to pack
up and make a run for the border.
“‘Children and youth are particularly affected as they escape forced recruitment and
situations of extreme insecurity. Women are also increasingly targeted and unable to find
adequate protection, often suffering multiple traumas, including sexual and gender-based
violence.’

“She said children are being recruited at schools at 11, 12 and 13 years old and girls are
basically forced to become sexual partners, or ‘girlfriends’.

“In 2011, 25 per cent of migrants were from Central America, now it’s up to 95 per cent.

“In 2014 and 2015, tens of thousands of women, men and children from the Northern
Triangle sought asylum in the United States, while thousands more have fled to Mexico,
Canada, Belize, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama.

“The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reports homicide rates in Central
America are ‘four to six times higher’ than those in North America.

“In the US, five people were murdered for every 100,000 in 2010. At the same time in
Central America, almost 30 people were murdered for every 100,000, more than
anywhere else in the world.

“El Salvador and Honduras reported the two highest homicide rates between 2009-2011
and, according to the Wilson Center — an independent research organisation—
Guatemala is ‘always above the broader, regional average’.

“In 2012, numbers skyrocketed in Honduras. For every 100,000 people there were 90.4
homicides, up from 46.6 in 2005. El Salvador (41.2) and Guatemala (39.9) were also in
the top four. Belize (44.7) was second.

“The UNHCR reported violence in the Northern Triangle affected ‘mostly the weakest’.
José Francisco Sieber, the head of UNHCR’s protection unit in Mexico, said in 2014 that
unaccompanied minors were most vulnerable.

“‘In the face of attempts by criminal actors to forcibly recruit them — different forms of
exploitation, kidnapping, murder or sexual violence, in particular against girls —
Central American children flee or are told to flee to escape and find safety abroad,’ he
said.

“The numbers are astonishing. The US State Department estimated in 2012 that gangs
operating inside the Northern Triangle boasted numbers above 85,000.

“They are financed, according to UNHCR, by the people they force to pay bribes.

“‘Everyone has to pay for the gangs,’ a spokeswoman told news.com.au.

“Thomas Adams from the United States Studies Centre told Fairfax the gangs control
entire communities.

“‘There are stories of taxi drivers having to hand over 80 per cent of their income or
they’ll just be killed,’ he said.

“‘You see everything from localised extortion to sophisticated protection rackets and up
to high-level government corruption.’

“The United States has joined the fight to help one of its closest neighbours and leaders
of Central American nations have established the ‘Elite Security Group’ to crack down
on crime.

“At a special meeting in New York this week, Mr Turnbull announced Australia’s
humanitarian refugee intake would be set permanently at 19,000 per year. That number
will now include refugees from the Northern Triangle.

“The plan includes resettling those temporarily housed at a centre being set up in Costa
Rica. Refugee advocates say the announcement is short on detail.

“Amnesty International Australia refugee campaigner Ming Yu Hah told AAP there were
a number of questions to be answered.

“‘The first question is what is the purpose of the program and will it provide protection
to more people who urgently need it or is it a way for the US to put to the sideline people
they could be helping themselves,’ she said.

“‘It’s great Australia is being part of a multilateral program but only if it’s beneficial in
terms of providing refugee protection.’”
7. Zach Dyer, Gang threat drives growing displacement in Honduras, 5 Sept.
2016, available at http://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/2016/9/57c8392e4/gang-
threat-drives-growing-displacement-inside-honduras.html ...........................

“Yessenia rounded the corner one afternoon in March when she saw a group of four
young men beating another. They saw her too. ‘It’s the teacher!’ she remembers one
yelling before they scattered.

“The boy they left behind was so badly beaten that at first Yessenia did not recognize him
as one of her students at the grade school where she taught in Tegucigalpa, the
Honduran capital.

‘If I hadn’t showed up they would have killed him,’ she says.

“But any consolation from knowing she might have saved the boy’s life would be short
lived. Two days later, she saw another group of young men she did not recognize near the
school where she worked. Unable to avoid them on the street, she said, ‘Good
morning,’ and kept her eyes down.

“Later that night she heard the suspected members of a street gang or ‘mara’ - who
commit crimes ranging from extortion to robbery and murder - had tried to kidnap a 21-
year-old man before police arrived to rescue their would-be victim.

“The gangs frequently murder witnesses to their crimes. Yessenia had witnessed two
crimes in as many days and knew she would be pegged as a police informer if charges
were ever filed.

Racked with fear and anxiety, she stopped eating and sleeping and developed high blood
pressure. She put in for a transfer and fled the school where she had taught for 12 years
without telling anyone the real reason.

“The 56-year-old is now one of tens of thousands of Hondurans who have become
displaced within the borders of their Central American homeland by raging gang
violence. A government report released last year estimated that 174,000 people were
displaced internally in the decade to 2014. A growing number have also sought asylum
abroad.

“While she was still at the school Yessenia received frantic phone calls from parents of
students desperate to get their children transferred to schools outside the crime-wracked
neighbourhood. She says 60 students left the school between March and May, nearly half
of those registered for classes. The school’s director also fled.

“Families in San Pedro Sula, the country’s second-largest city which in 2014 recorded
the highest homicide rate in the world, live with the same fears. Residents of the city’s
crime-blighted Rivera Hernández neighbourhood said many neighbours were
abandoning their homes for the United States and Mexico.

“Speaking with community members there, nearly everyone had a story about a family
whose home had been burned down, a son who was recruited by the gangs, a relative
who had been killed or fled.

“‘They were leaving in droves,’ says Dolores, the principal of a school there. These days,
she says they lose about ten students a year who have to give up school because of
threats or violence from the maras.

“One of those students is María. The 16-year-old loved going to school but says she had
to give up her dream of studying finance when a local gangster wanted her as his
girlfriend.

‘I knew that if I went with him and things went bad, it would be very bad for me,’ she
says.
“There are seven different gangs vying for control of Rivera Hernández. In a place where
gangs battle for territory block by block to extort businesses, association with a mara
could be a death sentence if she walked down the wrong street.

“María tried to rebuff the gang member’s advances, but he was persistent. He waited for
her outside the school. He followed her. Afraid she might end up forced into a
relationship with him or raped, María did the only thing she could to avoid him: she
stopped going to school.

“UNHCR’s representative in Honduras, Andrés Celis, says the kind of violence

displacing, or otherwise disrupting, the lives of people like Yessenia and María is a
challenge for the government to address. There are mechanisms for someone to seek
protection from the state but each case is handled on an ad hoc basis.

“For that reason, UN Special Rapporteur on Internally Displaced Persons Chaloka

Beyani recommended Honduras take steps to create a system that clearly outlines the
government’s response for someone fleeing violence, including a safe way to declare
themselves displaced, and providing shelter and relocation.

“But before such a system could be successful, the government must work to re-establish
trust between the police and communities. The same fear that drives people from their
homes keeps them from seeking help, believing that any visibility could threaten their life.
This is especially true when the displaced see the police and other government
authorities as complicit with the maras.

“So far, Honduras is the only country in Central America to give formal recognition of
the forced displacement of its citizens by gang violence. It has pledged to draft legislation
by the end of this year to formalize mechanisms to provide protection to those fleeing
violence. In the meantime, however, the state faces gaps in its ability to provide basic
protection and resources to those in need.

“The UN Refugee Agency is responding with steps including the provision of technical
assistance to Government and local authorities to develop and implement national legal
frameworks and public policies for the protection of people displaced by violence. Other
steps include monitoring high-risk areas of internal displacement, as well as working to
improve reception conditions.

“‘We can’t wait for the situation to continue intensifying,’ Celis says. “The government
of Honduras called UNHCR and acknowledged there is a problem with forced
displacement here. When they call, we have to answer.’”
8. Kristy Siegfriend, Gang Violence in Central America is a Humanitarian Crisis,
1 Sept. 2016, available at https://www.irinnews.org/analysis/2016/09/01/gang-
violence-central-america-humanitarian-crisis ....

“Central America’s Northern Triangle – encompassing El Salvador, Guatemala, and

Honduras – is one of the most violent regions in the world outside of a warzone.
Transnational gangs or maras have proliferated in the wake of decades of civil war and
are largely responsible for a per capita death rate that rivals that in Syria.

“The humanitarian impacts have become increasingly obvious over the last two years as
more and more people, many of them unaccompanied children, have fled the violence
and sought protection, mostly in the United States. An estimated 10 percent of the
Northern Triangle’s population of 30 million has already left. For those forced to
remain, weak and corrupt state institutions have failed to improve their access to health,
education, and justice in city neighbourhoods that have been carved up into ‘territories’
by rival gangs, and where schools have become places of recruitment and kidnapping.

Humanitarian agencies, more used to working in classic conflict settings or in the

aftermath of natural disasters, are starting to wake up to the need to respond to the
Northern Triangle’s epidemic of violence. Organisations like the International
Committee of the Red Cross and Médecins Sans Frontières are leading the way, but their
programmes are small-scale and, in terms of their reach, ‘very much the tip of the
iceberg’, according to Robert Muggah, director of the Igarapé Institute, a Brazil-based
think tank that focuses on security issues.

“‘There’s still a slow recognition of the scale and magnitude of the problem,’ he told
IRIN. ‘There are still considerable apprehensions in the humanitarian world about how
best to engage.’ …

“Gangs in the Northern Triangle are financed by a range of organised criminal

activities, from more localised extortion and smuggling rackets to the trans-regional
trade in narcotics, much of it bound for the United States.

“The Igarapé Institute’s projections suggest that homicide rates in the Northern Triangle
will continue to rise over the next 20 years, even as they fall in other parts of the world.

“‘This creates a conundrum for the humanitarian community,’ said Muggah, explaining
that, in terms of International Humanitarian Law, gang violence is not defined as an
armed conflict, even if the consequences for local populations can be just as devastating
and deadly.

“In practical terms, this means that humanitarian agencies responding to gang violence
cannot expect any special protection and may themselves become targets. Attempts to
negotiate access with gang members controlling a particular ‘territory’ where agencies
want to work can also be deemed a criminal offense.

“‘If you meet with a convicted killer and don’t report their whereabouts, you could be
charged with a crime of association. It does raise a big red flag for some agencies,
because they no longer have the immunity under IHL to engage in these kinds of
negotiations formally,’ said Muggah.
“Joaquim Guinart, MSF’s field coordinator in Tegucigalpa, the Honduran capital, said
his organisation does not attempt to engage with gangs in ‘red areas’ of the city where
levels of crime and violence are highest and the organisation is providing care to victims
of sexual and other types of violence.

“‘Always the gangs have people keeping watch in different parts of the neighbourhood.
When they approach us, we explain what we’re doing and they accept it,’ he told IRIN.
‘We monitor violent events through the media and schools. Now, mass killings of several
people at once are increasing and the gangs are often fighting for territory, which is
putting us on alert.’

“The ICRC, which runs programmes providing assistance to returning migrants and
communities affected by armed violence in all three countries, does not rule out talking to
the gangs….

“He added that ‘it is a completely different dynamic’ than talking to armed actors in the
context of a conflict, where ‘you’re dealing with some very clear principles’.

“The need to coordinate humanitarian efforts with local government departments also
raises what Muggah described as ‘existential questions for agencies that seek to remain
neutral and impartial’.

“‘In urban violence situations, if you don’t have some alignment with different sectors of
the government, then you’re just applying light band aids that are quickly ripped off,’ he
told IRIN. ‘It means lowering a flag, not necessarily waving your agency identity and
engaging in complex negotiations with governments to help them supplement gaps.’

“He added that governments in the Northern Triangle have been wary about accepting
help from humanitarian agencies because of the message it can send about the dire state
of security in their countries.

“The biggest dividend for small-scale humanitarian interventions in this region can be
the extent to which local governments attempt to replicate them.

“When MSF began providing care to sexual violence victims in Tegucigalpa four years
ago, for example, there was no national protocol for treating such patients.

“‘Now, the government is going to introduce a protocol for sexual violence, and that is
something we’ve been fighting for,’ said Guinart. ‘Our work has given us legitimacy to
talk about these things.’…

“‘We don’t pretend to change behaviours or the origins of the violence, but at least we
can raise awareness about the need to give more support to this population.’ …
“The only major donor currently funding humanitarian programmes in the region is the
EU’s humanitarian aid department, ECHO….

“ECHO is partnering with the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, to help displaced
populations in El Salvador, and with the Norwegian Red Cross and the Norwegian
Refugee Council in Honduras and El Salvador to make schools safer and children less
vulnerable to recruitment by gangs.

“But major gaps remain, particularly in the health and education sectors. ‘It’s about
psychosocial support, and also the needs of people who can’t get to a hospital because it
means crossing certain territory [that belongs to a rival gang]. It’s about kids being
threatened, recruited, and extorted in schools,’ said Raimundo. ‘I think that we all have
failed in acknowledging that we have a humanitarian problem.’”

9. Michael Lohmuller, Honduras extortionists targeting larger companies, 31 Aug.

2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/honduras-
extortionists-targeting-larger-companies-signals-shift-in-strategy ........
“Honduras' private sector is calling for police to step up action against extortion in
response to a series of aggressive attacks by criminals seeking payments from larger
companies, an apparent shift in target for extortionists in the country.
“On August 26, unidentified assailants in Comayagüela threw a Molotov cocktail at a
building belonging to Camiones y Motores S.A. (Camosa), a distributor for agricultural
machinery, such as John Deere tractors, reported El Heraldo.
“The attack followed another that took place on August 18, when assailants shot out
windows of a Camosa store and left a threatening note demanding extortion payments.
“According to La Tribuna, the two attacks form part of a series of incidents in recent
months whereby extortionists have targeted larger, well-known companies in Honduras
that produce items such as bread, milk, and coffee. On August 29 and 30, for instance,
two trucks belonging to a grocery distributor were burned in Tegucigalpa, with
extortionists leaving behind notes demanding payment of the so called "war tax,"
or extortion fee.
“In response, Armando Urtecho, director of the Honduran Private Enterprise Council
(Consejo Hondureño de la Empresa Privada – COHEP), has called on businesses to
abstain from paying extortion fees and to report any criminal activity.
“Urtecho also lamented what he viewed as lack of police action to combat extortion, and
challenged authorities to be more rigorous in applying the law. He noted Honduras'
large, national-level distribution companies are now incurring extra costs to protect
themselves from criminals; something he fears may deter investment in the country.
“Honduras has long struggled to rein in extortion, a largely gang-driven phenomenon
that is estimated to result in total economic losses of $200 million per year -- about 1
 percent of Honduras' gross national product -- including associated costs like increased
security.
“Previously, however, the favored targets of Honduran extortionists have been small- to
medium-sized businesses. This has been particularly true for companies within the
transportation sector, which, according to a 2014 government study, pay an estimated $27
million a year. Bus and taxi operators have been a favorite target of the gangs. In 2016 to
date, roughly 30 buses have been burned by extortionists in Honduras, a form of
intimidation and retribution for those who fail to pay up.
“Recent incidents, however, suggest extortionists are becoming more bolder and more
ambitious, and are moving beyond small businesses and transportation companies to target
larger, well-established companies with a national reach. While doing so may produce
higher paydays for criminals in the short-term, it is also likely to draw heightened
scrutiny to the issue and trigger crackdowns by law enforcement.
“Indeed, despite COHEP's criticism, it does appear Honduran authorities are making some
progress in combatting the extortion industry. Over 400 people have been arrested this year
on charges of extorting transportation organizations.”

10. Niall McCarthy, The Top 10 Most Violent Cities Worldwide, 31 Aug. 2016,
available at https://www.statista.com/chart/5656/the-top-10-most-violent-cities-
worldwide/ ……………………..
“According to the The Mexico Citizens Council for Public Security, the very worst of
them are concentrated in Mexico, Venezuela and Honduras. In 2015, Caracas in
Venezuela topped the list with 119.87 murders per 100,000 people.

“San Pedro Sula in Honduras came second with 111.03 homicides per 100,000 people
while San Salvador, capital of El Salvador, rounded off the top three with 108.54
homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. Earlier this month, the US State Department issued a
warning about Honduras to US citizens, saying that the level of kidnapping, crime and
violence there remains critically high.”
11. Lisa Nikolau, El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala agree to unite in fight
against violence, 25 Aug. 2016, available at
http://www.humanosphere.org/world-politics/2016/08/el-salvador-honduras-
guatemala-unite-fight-violence/ …..
“El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala have agreed to cooperate on fighting criminal
gangs and drug traffickers, presidents of Central America’s ‘Northern Triangle’
countries announced on Tuesday.

“The joint proposal, called ‘Elite Security Group,’ was originally suggested by
Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez.
“The joint task force, which will be deployed in September, will coordinate security
operations to combat organized crime such as drug trafficking, illegal arms trafficking,
trafficking in persons, extortion and kidnapping. According to El Diario de Hoy, this will
include setting up a binational force along the border of Honduras and El
Salvador border in the coming weeks, in order to stop the passage of gang members,
contraband and human traffickers between the two countries.

“The pact also aims to coordinate security measures, share intelligence information and
exchange arrested suspects in the most ‘expeditious way possible.’

“Standing alongside Hernandez and Guatemala’s President Jimmy Morales, President

Salvador Sanchez Ceren of El Salvador said Tuesday the joint operation will be
comprised of personnel from the three nations’ security, justice, intelligence and defense
sectors.

“However, as Reuters noted, the presidents did not elaborate on whether the force would
be made up of police or military personnel, nor give any other details about its members.

“The Northern Triangle is one of the world’s most violent areas, with drug trafficking,
gangs and other actors of organized crime fueling a high regional murder rate. In 2015,
a total of17,422 murders were committed across the Northern Triangle countries. The
region is home to around 31 million people, but the violence has been causing a mass
exodus of Central Americans trying to illegally enter the United States every year.

“In Honduras and El Salvador, the former and current murder capitals of the world,
governments have been resorting to relying on the military to combat crime. This has
been widely criticized by human rights groups, who fear such tactics are causing undue
harm and providing little stability to the region.

“The security plan announced this week is a promising sign that the Northern Triangle
countries are able to cooperate in the fight against domestic security threats, but the plan
has also been criticized by those who doubt the ability of the Northern Triangles to
implement well-rounded security policies when they struggle to do so individually. The
plan also fails to address money laundering and high-level corruption, Insight
Crime notes, which continue to pose threats to justice, public security and development
across the region.”

12. Luis Fernando Alonso, 30 Buses Burned This Year in Honduras as Result of
Extortion, 25 Aug 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/30-
buses-burned-in-honduras-this-year-as-result-of-extortion ....
“More than two dozen buses have been torched so far this year in Honduras, a fiery
display of the consequences when numerous gangs earn a significant portion of their
revenue by extorting the public transportation sector.
“Jorge Lanza, head of the National Council of Transportation in Honduras, says that at
least 30 urban and intercity buses have been burned in 2016. He blamed the burnings
on extortion rackets targeting the country's bus companies, reported El Heraldo.
“‘The attacks against transportation groups are a sign that insecurity
in Honduras continues while the authorities remain indifferent,’ Lanza told El Heraldo.
“The most recent bus torching occurred on August 23 in Comayagüela, which along with
Tegucigalpa makes up Honduras' Central District. The bus driver and his assistant were
reportedly admitted to a local hospital with first and second-degree burns.
“The high number of bus burnings is a symptom of the numerous criminal actors
involved in extortion of Honduras' transportation sector. Extortion is either the most
important or one of the most important sources of income for all of the country's gangs,
including the MS13 and Barrio 18 but also smaller groups like the Chirizos. And the
transportation industry is especially lucrative; following extensive field research
in Honduras last year, InSight Crime estimated a single gang in Tegucigalpa can make
up to $2.5 million each year by extorting public transport vehicles. …
“In some instances, several gangs will be extorting a bus driver at the same time. This
makes it hard for the drivers to earn a living, much less afford hefty extortion fees, which
the gangs euphemistically call "war taxes." When the fees are not paid, retribution from
the gangs is swift, and many bus drivers suffer a worse fate than having their vehicle
torched. Sixty-three public transport workers were killed in just the first five months of
2016, according to the Violence Observatory at the National Autonomous University
of Honduras.
“Honduras has improved its efforts to combat extortion. The country's anti-
extortion force has arrested over 400 people so far this year, and authorities seized a
large sum of assetsbelonging to the MS13 that they say were derived
from extortion revenue. But the bus torchings, bus driver deaths and complaints about
the government's "indifference" reveal the authorities have yet to rein in extortion of the
public transportation sector.”

13. Jim Walker, U.S. State Dept Warns that Crime in Honduras Remains
Critically High, 5 Aug. 2016, available at
http://www.cruiselawnews.com/2016/08/articles/caribbean-islands/us-state-
department-warns-that-crime-in-honduras-remains-critically-high/ ….
“The U.S. State Department yesterday updated its travel advisory to Honduras, stating
that the level of kidnapping, crime, and violence in Honduras remains "critically high."
(this warning supersedes the last warning in October 2015).

The warning states that "criminal activity is a serious problem throughout the country
and the Government of Honduras lacks sufficient resources to properly respond to,
investigate, and prosecute cases. As a result, criminals operate with a high degree of
impunity throughout Honduras."
Honduras has one of the highest murder rates in the world (it's homicide rate was 60 per
100,000 in 2015; in comparison, the U.S. rate is around 4.5 per 100,000). The warning
further states that the U.S. Embassy recorded 37 murders of U.S. citizens since 2011,
with three recorded since January 2016.
Many tourist-dependent businesses and U.S. and Canadian expatriates on Roatan claim
that the island is generally safe. The hotels, resorts, bars and dive-shops advertise
Roatan as an idyllic, tropical, get-a-way vacation paradise. The State Department
warning acknowledges that the islands are generally safer than the mainland of
Honduras, but the crime is still higher than what most U.S. passengers would face at
home.
Roatan has been home to a notorious list of major drug intermediaries who launder
money by purchasing properties on the island. Members of the “Los Cachiros“ drug
trafficking ring were arrested and numerous properties in Roatan were seized several
years ago. In 2014, a drug trafficker with connections to Colombia, Carlos Arnoldo
Lobo, alias "El Negro, was arrested and millions of dollars in bank accounts and
numerous of his properties in Roatan were seized. Earlier this year, Mexican drug
kingpin El Chapo's' "Honduras henchman" Franco "The Wizard" Daniel Lombardi, the
financial operator of the Sinaloa Cartel in Honduras, was arrested and many of his
properties in Roatan were seized.

13. David Gagne, 80% of Homicides in Honduras Result of Gun Violence:

Report, 27 July 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/80-of-
homicides-in-honduras-result-of-gun-violence-report ............
“Firearms are reportedly used in more than 80 percent of all homicides in Honduras,
almost double the global average, an epidemic fueled in large part by the ease with
which criminals can obtain weapons and ammunition.
“Of the 48,094 murders registered in Honduras between 2008 and 2015, 39,111 were
committed using a firearm, according to data from the Violence Observatory at the
National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH) accessed by La Tribuna. At 81.3
percent, the ratio of gun deaths to overall homicides in Honduras is almost twice the
worldwide average of approximately 41 percent (pdf), according to the Igarapé
Institute .
“Honduras was at one time the most violent peacetime nation in the world and remains
among the most homicidal. Murder rates peaked at over 90 per 100,000 residents in the
early 2010s before falling to their current levels of around 57 per 100,000.
“The northern department of Cortés -- home to San Pedro Sula -- saw the most violence
during the recent eight-year stretch, according to the Observatory, registering 31 percent
of the murders nationwide. Tegucigalpa's Francisco Morazán and La Ceiba's Atlántida
were the second and third most violent departments, accounting for 17 and 8 percent of
the total homicides, respectively.
 “The high rate of gun deaths is closely linked to the large black market for weapons that
is supplying Honduras' powerful criminal groups. In 2014, a Honduran congressional
commission estimated that over 1 million weapons were in circulation, and that more
than 700,000 of those were unlicensed.
“Many of the illegal firearms are trafficked from the United States and from neighboring
countries such as El Salvador or Guatemala. Still more are sourced from Honduras' own
security forces, which do not register their weapons with the state, according to an
anonymous source consulted by La Tribuna. This lack of regulation facilitates the movement
of weapons from police and military stockpiles into the hands of criminal groups.
“Ammunition also appears to be inexpensive and in abundant supply. The head of the
Violence Observatory, Migdonia Ayestas, noted with alarm that up to 400 bullet casings
have been found at some crime scenes, and that bodies are found riddled with as many as 10
bullet wounds. This shows ‘that the bullets or projectiles would appear to be so cheap that
they don't care about using as many as it takes to demonstrate their lethal power,’ Ayestas
told La Tribuna.
“To be sure, gun violence is a serious problem across the region. In Central America,
firearms are used in 73 percent of all homicides, according to Igarapé, while in South
America that number is 53 percent.”
14. Seema Biswas, Field Post: ‘Honduras has one of the world’s highest rates of
urban violence,’ 27 July 2016, available at https://www.theguardian.com/global-
development-professionals-network/2016/jul/27/honduras-urban-violence-
hospitals-highest-rates .....

“It is 3pm and yet another patient is brought to the emergency room with a gunshot
wound to the chest. He seems to be in his early twenties. For now, he is talking. From the
position of the wound on his chest, it is clear he needs to go immediately to the operating
theatre…. This makes him one of thousands in Honduras who have suffered the
consequences of armed violence.

“Since 2010, Honduras has had one of the highest rates of urban violence in the world.
Most of the violence we see in the emergency room takes the form of gun and knife
injuries, often fatal. The treatment of injuries related to violence is considered by local
hospital staff as routine….

“Drug trafficking and extortion are attributed to the activity of powerful gangs; whole
neighbourhoods are said to be controlled by armed groups. There are carjackings,
kidnappings, murders and sex crimes. Young men and women and their families seem
inextricably caught up in the tragedy of bloodshed. Urban existence is compounded by
unemployment and poverty. Local media report on a seemingly continuous loop featuring
hospitals struggling to cope with the daily influx of wounded. How then is this a ‘silent
emergency’? …

“Have we become so accustomed to urban violence and the failure to meet the most
urgent health needs of communities that we have gone quiet? I had the privilege again
this year of being deployed as a British Red Cross surgeon to work with the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Honduras. I work in Tegucigalpa, the capital of
Honduras, alongside doctors, nurses and medical students who strive day and night to
bring the best medical care possible to the injured.

“I am astonished every day by the commitment of medical students and interns who carry
out tasks in this ICRC-supported hospital – from portering and taking blood, to cleaning
and dressing wounds, and documenting exact causes of injury that I need for my
research. Surgical teams work 24 hours, operating round the clock on patients. Every
piece of equipment is jealously guarded as resources are scarce. They are cleaned,
repaired, protected and used again and again. Local humour translates ‘use once’ in
English to the Spanish u-s-e o-n-c-e (use 11 times). The standard of care is high, yet the
emergency remains. The situation is dire.

“Medical facilities used by most of the population are underfunded and overwhelmed.
Outpatient queues extend out of hospital buildings. Patients from the city and
surrounding countryside wait hours to be seen. They travel all day from the countryside –
on foot or hitchhiking…. The lines on their faces tell their stories. Mothers sleep with
their children overnight on the stone floor in corridors, hoping to be first in the morning
queues for clinics and pharmacies….

“Local doctors and nurses keep working. They are well organised, well informed,
resourceful and committed to dealing with the continuous emergency of an overburdened
health service. They are not silent, but they are considerate in their thoughts and
measured in their comments. They explain the situation to me: there are complex
problems here. The most vulnerable are the poor. To address their health, communities
need to be safe and they need access to education and employment that pays a regular
salary sufficient to feed their families.

“The young man shot in the chest survived. He went straight to the operating room. We
were ready for him. As usual, the team worked in relative silence and calm. After surgery
the doctor explained his injuries quietly to his mother. She was crying silently.

“I walk back to a heaving emergency room: the clamour and commotion is deafening.
There is nothing silent about this emergency.”

15. Nicholas Kristof, We’re Helping Deport Kids to Die, 16 July 2016,
available at http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/17/opinion/sunday/were-
helping-deport-kids-to-die.html?ref=todayspaper ………………….

“TAPACHULA, Mexico — Elena was 11 years old when a gang member in her home
country, Honduras, told her to be his girlfriend.

“‘I had to say yes,’ Elena, now 14, explained. ‘If I had said no, they would have killed my
entire family.’
“Elena knew the risks because one of her friends, Jenesis, was also asked to be a gang
member’s girlfriend, and declined. Elena happened to see the aftermath, as Jenesis
staggered naked and bleeding away from gang members.

“‘She had been raped and shot in the stomach,’ Elena recalled in the blank tone of a
child who has seen far too much. She paused and then added: ‘We don’t know if she
survived. Someone said she died at the hospital.’

“As for Elena, she said her duties as a gang member’s girlfriend entailed working as a
drug courier and a lookout, as well as intimacies that she didn’t want to discuss. At this
point in our conversation, her mother and younger sister began crying.

“After years of such brutality, Elena and her family finally fled this year when the gang
threatened to kill them so as to seize their home. ‘I just want to keep my children safe,’
the mother, Brenda, 39, explained, speaking here where they are staying near the
Guatemalan border.

“Yet they aren’t safe, in part because of a policy backed by President Obama and the
Mexican authorities to return vast numbers of desperate refugees to the countries from
which they fled. In the last five years, the U.S. and Mexico have returned 800,000
refugees to Central America, including 40,000 children.

“If other countries were forcibly returning people to their deaths, we would protest. But
because we Americans worry about refugees swarming across our borders, we help pay
for Mexico to intercept them along its southern border and send them — even children
like Elena — back home, where they may well be raped or killed….

“As I’ve written previously, the policy was crafted after the United States was swamped
by a surge of Central American refugees in early 2014. Obama spoke with the Mexican
president to discuss how to address the flow, and Mexico obligingly imposed a
crackdown to stop these refugees long before they could reach the United States. Mexico
deports a great majority of them to their home countries, and the United States is thus
complicit when they are terrorized, raped and murdered….

“It’s not that Honduras or El Salvador are tyrannical regimes; rather, the problem is
that criminal gangs are out of control. The homicide rate in El Salvador last year, more
than 100 killings per 100,000 people, represents a mortality rate of roughly the same
magnitude as during the country’s brutal civil war in the 1980s (although more recently
there has been a drop in murders).

“One rural farmer, Guillermo, 58, told me that all he and his family had wanted to do
was stay on their farm in El Salvador, growing fruits and vegetables. Then two gangs
moved in and began taking over the land — and killing those who got in the way.

“On a neighboring farm, five people were massacred, including an 8-month-old baby,
the baby’s mother and a grandfather visiting from the United States. Then the gang
called Guillermo’s daughter, telling the family members to clear out or be slaughtered.
They left, with Guillermo grazed by a bullet as he fled, and after a terrifying journey they
are now in southern Mexico.

“I can’t confirm the details of Guillermo’s story, or those of the other refugees I spoke
with. But their accounts are consistent and mesh with those of human rights
organizations.

“These are not primarily economic migrants. These are refugees, deserving protection.
Instead, the United States and Mexico are colluding to send people like them back to the
gangs that want to kill them. (Guillermo may get lucky: He seems to be the exception who
is on track to get asylum to stay in Mexico, because of help from a human rights center.)

“Another man, Emilio, 23, showed me threats he is still getting from the gangs. Emilio
fled El Salvador, leaving his clothing business behind, when gang members barged into
his home, held his family at gunpoint and said they would kill his two small children
unless he paid protection money. So now Emilio is hiding in Mexico with his wife and two
children, and getting death threats.

“‘We know where you are with your bitch and your kids,’ read one Facebook message he
received from a gang member. ‘We sent the homeboys there, traitor. You understand, for
not giving us the money, you four are dead.’

“Yet Mexico doesn’t seriously screen most people for refugee status before sending them
back. In the U.S. in 2014, only 3 percent of minors detained were deported; in Mexico it
was 77 percent, according to the Migration Policy Institute. ‘Less than 1 percent of
children who are apprehended by Mexican immigration authorities are recognized as
refugees or receive other formal protection in Mexico,’ notes Human Rights Watch. And
as Mexico sharply increased its pace of detentions and deportations, there was no
commensurate increase in budget for processing asylum applications.

“Nobody knows exactly how many people have been murdered or raped after deportation
because of this American-Mexican policy, but there’s no doubt many have been. I heard
of one Salvadoran man who was shot by a gang within hours of being deported by
Mexico. Indeed, by some accounts, the gangs keep an eye on the buses arriving in San
Salvador and unloading deportees, who become sitting ducks.

“Secretary of State John Kerry rightfully criticized Kenya’s plans to close its Daadab
refugee camp and return refugees to Somalia, but the U.S. does something parallel when
it works with Mexico to deport refugees to Honduras and El Salvador.

“I met a 15-year-old boy, Alex, a lawyer’s son from a well-off family, who came to
Mexico on his own after a gang tried to recruit him as he went to and from school. Alex
was a good student — his favorite subject was English — and he politely tried to decline,
because the last thing he aspired to become was a gangster.
“That’s when the gang knifed him in the stomach and broke his nose. After that, Alex
didn’t dare attend school any more, and he quickly arranged to take a bus north to safety
in Mexico. Except that Mexico may not be safe, because the U.S. is trying to solve a
political crisis on our border in ways that only increase the risk to children like Alex.”

16. Tim MacGabhann, Gangs Menace Central Americans Seeking Refuge

in Guatemala, 1 July 2016, available at
http://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/2016/7/577395af4/gangs-menace-
central-americans-seeking-refuge-guatemala.html ................

“When a gang member tried to deposit a large amount of cash into an account in the
Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa, the bank teller, Alejandro,* asked him to get a certificate
proving that it was not dirty money. That’s when the death threats started.

“Forced to run for his life in 2010, Alejandro hoped he was beyond the gang’s reach in
neighbouring Guatemala. But when he stepped into an elevator last year, at a large
shopping mall in a swank neighbourhood of the capital, he found the gang member who
threatened him standing there.

“‘I thought I was dead,’ Alejandro recalls. ‘He started to stare, and insist he knew me…
We went up 14 floors together. I don’t know how I stayed calm.’

“The 29-year-old believes that the weight he lost during six years on the run may have
saved him from being recognized by the member of the street gang, or ‘mara,’ as they are
known in Central America.

“Wars and persecution have driven more than 65 million people from their homes, the
highest number since UNHCR records began. Among them are a surging number of
people fleeing gangs in Honduras and El Salvador, where violence is now worse than at
any time since the bloody conflicts that convulsed the region in the 1980s.

“Some, like Alejandro, find that – even in exile – they are unable to escape the menace of
the criminal organizations whose reach is international.

“‘I’m not safe here,’ he says, enumerating his brushes with the gangs in Guatemala City,
much of which is controlled by the gun- and knife-wielding ‘mareros,’ whose rackets
range from rape and murder to drug dealing, extortion and robbery.

“‘Last Wednesday, at the bank, I saw the mother of the people who threatened me. Two
days later, this happened,’ he continues, drawing back his sleeves to reveal grazes
sustained when local gang members flung him from a bus after stealing his wallet and
cell phone.

“‘The maras get on board, show you their pistols and say: ‘Do you want to cooperate or
do you want us to make problems?’ Then they go around collecting valuables from
people, just like at home in Tegucigalpa,’ he says.
“The Mara Salvatrucha and its arch-rival, Barrio 18, emerged out of the chaos of civil
wars that wracked Guatemala and El Salvador in the 1980s. The legacy of conflict and
poverty also provided fertile conditions for growing institutional corruption and the
consolidation of their increasingly organized criminal activities.

“The gangs, and their affiliates, now operate throughout the so-called Northern Triangle
of Central America, comprising El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. Refugees fleeing
one country to another increasingly report being snared in their activities, among them
Omar*, a former soldier turned bus driver who fled El Salvador after gang members
nearly succeeded in killing him.

“Red-eyed with tiredness, his hands caked with dust and motor oil after another 15-hour
shift driving buses through the capital’s crowded streets, he watches the rain pour down
the windows of a shelter in Guatemala City. He explains how he first fled his home in
rural El Salvador in 2009, after witnessing the murder of his neighbour.

“‘The maras saw me watching as they shot him in the head,’ he says. ‘The next day, as I
was finishing my bus route, a policeman asked me to get down off the bus. I heard
another voice say: ‘That’s the one who saw us.’ I didn’t hear the gunshot.’

The bullet struck him in the head. Miraculously, it passed under his ear and through his
jaw.

“‘I woke up 20 seconds later, with my blood and teeth in a pool around my face,’ he said,
tilting his head to show the scars. ‘Soon, the maras found out I had survived, and passed
on a warning to my boss.’

“Omar fled to the United States, but was subsequently deported. On returning to El
Salvador, he found that his daughter Eunice,* then 15, had given birth to a child after
being raped by a local mara leader. Omar called the police.

“‘It was a mistake to report the crime,’ he says bitterly. “The police just told my
daughter’s rapist who had reported on him.’

“Now 52, Omar, his daughter and his granddaughter, Sofia, fled to Guatemala in the
dead of night, but, according to Omar, they remain in ‘the same situation’ as the one they
fled.

“‘Eunice has received a string of threatening Facebook messages from members of the
same gang whose boss raped her. She also claims to have recognized another member of
that gang while walking through the park near her home.

“Moreover, Omar reports being extorted during his bus rounds by a local branch of the
same gang he thought he had escaped.
“‘I earn 500 quetzales per week,’ he said, a sum equivalent to US$65. ‘Of that, I pay 200
quetzales [US$26] to a bunch of teenage maras. They got on board one day, threatened
me with their pistols and gave me a phone so they could arrange where to make
payments. It’s the same dynamic I experienced on bus routes in El Salvador.’

“Omar and Alejandro’s bitter realization that they were still not safe in the country
where they sought refuge is far from unique today, as dramatic new conflicts breakout, or
reignite around the world, and lasting solutions for the forcibly displaced – such as
resettlement to a third country, or safe return home – remain elusive.

“While global figures are hard to pin down, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is noting
numerous instances in which potentially deadly threats are catching up with refugees in
the places they have sought protection – whether in the Middle East and Africa, or in
countries in the northern region of Central America, in the grip of the maras.

“‘The presence of these criminal groups crosses borders. They have brought a silent war
to Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras,’ said Enrique Valles-Ramos, the head of the
UNHCR’s Guatemala office. ‘Because of this, many refugees will flee to Guatemala from
situations which are very dramatic, and find similar realities to those that they have fled.
The cases of people fleeing gang persecution and violence are among the most
vulnerable that we see.’

“Faced with proliferating insecurity, and a related shrinking of areas of real safety,
UNHCR has called for greater diplomatic efforts to find lasting solutions to the conflicts
and abuses that are driving people from their homes – and now, all too frequently,
keeping them on the run.

“‘Guatemala is no refuge,’ Omar says. ‘The people who want my family and I dead could
be here in three hours if they wanted.’ …

“*Names have been changed for protection reasons.”

17. Mark Browne, Crime, Violence Driving Flight from Central America,
via Mexico, Towards U.S. Border, 23 June 2016, available at
http://www.cnsnews.com/news/article/mark-browne/crime-violence-
driving-flight-central-america-mexico-towards-us-border
.............................

“Increased gang violence and extortion in Central America is forcing more men, women,
children, and even the elderly to flee to Mexico in hopes of crossing into the U.S. illegally
according to a Mexican expert in migration studies.
“The Customs and Border Protection agency’s U.S. Border Patrol is also reporting an
increase in families and unaccompanied children apprehended along the southwest
border this year compared to last.
“According to Javier Urbano Reyes, coordinator of the Master’s Degree program in
Immigration Studies at the Iberoamericana University in Mexico City, transporting
Central American migrants through Mexico to the U.S. border is ‘big business.’
“Urbano said the trade enriches organized criminals who operate buses disguised as
tourist vehicles filled with the migrants, even passing through government checkpoints. A
single bus trip up Mexico’s eastern coast from the southern state of Tabasco to
Tamaulipas in the north typically must pass through between 10 and 15 checkpoints, he
said.
“Mexican immigration authorities recently reported finding 102 migrants on two ‘high-
end’ tour buses rented by migrant traffickers, who collected between $7,000 and $10,000
dollars per person for passage from the Guatemalan border to Reynosa on the border
with Texas, according to the Associated Press….
“In a recently released report, the U.S. Border Patrol said that migrants from El
Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala ‘make up the majority’ of unaccompanied children
and families being apprehended at the southwest border.
“The number of children and families apprehended since January is well above levels
seen last year, although below historic 2014 levels.
“Apprehended families totaled 23,053 from January to May compared to 13,393 during
the same period of 2015, while some 21,255 unaccompanied children have been
apprehended so far this year compared to 14,845 over the same period last year, the
agency said….
“Field studies in Mexico show that approximately 50-52 percent of the Central American
migrants are men, 40 percent women, 3-5 percent children and 1-13 percent elderly,
Urbano said.
“He added that migration experts in Mexico are also seeing a relatively new
phenomenon: increased entry into Mexico of LGBT migrants from Central America,
looking to escape homophobia and violence in their countries.
“Central American migrants are fleeing gang violence in their home countries that has
grown significantly worse since a 2014 pact to end fighting between the Marasalvatrucha
and Barrio 18 gangs fell apart a year and a half ago, he said.
“Since then, local businesses in the region have faced increased levels of extortion, while
the gangs have extended their territorial reach and stepped up forced recruitment,
prompting children and even the elderly to flee, Urbano said.
“‘We do a lot of work investigating the flow of immigrants,’ he said, noting that the most
significant change this year is not in the numbers of Central American migrants arriving
in Mexico, but in rising violence in their home countries.
“The impact of the violence is very important,” Urbano said, noting, “The final factor is
an increase in extortions of local businesses.”
 18. Leighton Akio Woodhouse, Running for Their Lives: Fleeing Gangs in
Central America, Refugees Fight Deportation from U.S., 18 May 2016,
available at https://theintercept.com/2016/05/18/fleeing-gangs-central-
american-refugees-fight-deportation-from-the-u-s/ ……..

“Alberto was shackled with ankle and waist chains last December when he flew in an
airplane for the first time of his life. He and a dozen other Central American refugees
were being transported from a Border Patrol detention center in Texas, where Alberto
had been held for 25 days, to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)
detention center in York County Prison, Pennsylvania, where he would spend the next
nine weeks….

“Alberto, a slender 18-year-old with high cheekbones, was a victim of violence, not a
perpetrator. Three months before, Alberto had fled El Salvador to avoid near certain
death and had journeyed north with the expectation that in the United States, his human
rights would count for something. He sought protection. Instead, he found himself
freezing in a prison, surrounded by guards who taunted him with racist insults,
alongside dozens of other immigrants from places like Honduras and Eritrea, some of
whom had been incarcerated there for longer than a year.

“In 2014, 68,000 unaccompanied minors streamed across the border to escape horrific
gang violence in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Over the last 18 months,
however, the Central American refugee crisis has largely receded from headlines. The
number of unaccompanied child refugees arriving at the border dropped by almost
half between 2014, when the surge peaked, and 2015, but these sanguine figures mask
the gritty persistence of an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe. Most of the decline in
the influx has resulted not from a decrease in violence in Central America, but from the
Obama administration’s success in subcontracting its unwanted role in the drama to
Mexico. The U.S. has provided millions of dollars in equipment and training to
Mexican immigration authorities to bolster enforcement of its southern border with
Guatemala and Belize. Apprehensions in Mexico have gone up by 71 percent, without
an accompanying expansion of screenings for legitimate asylum claims….”

19. Michael Lohmuller and Steven Dudley, Appraising Violence in

Honduras: How Much is ‘Gang-related’?, 18 May 2016, available at
http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/appraising-violence-in-
honduras-how-much-is-gang-related .....

“The relationship between gangs and violence in Honduras is difficult, if not impossible,
to accurately discern, but that does not stop authorities from using suspect data to
influence public opinion and determine where to deploy their limited resources.
“At an event hosted by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars last year,
for example, Honduras President Juan Orlando Hernández said that as much as 80
percent of the violence in his country could be attributed to organized crime (see speech
here - pdf).
“Other officials repeat these claims. In a 2014 Military Times Op-Ed, General John
Kelly, then the head of US Southern Command, said that drug cartels and gangs were
largely responsible for the rising violence in the region.
“‘There are some in officialdom who argue that not 100 percent of the violence today is
due to the drug flow to the U.S.,’ he wrote about the Northern Triangle nations
of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador. ‘And I agree, but I would say that perhaps 80
percent of it is.’
“The fact is we do not know how much of the homicides in the Northern Triangle are
related to organized crime and gangs. While criminal organizations have undoubtedly
proliferated in recent years in Central America, and many homicides are clearly related
to their criminal activities, the data used to make such bold statements is both incomplete
and very suspect.
“Consider the case of gang-related homicides in Honduras. In 2015, according to the
National University's Violence Observatory (pdf), Honduras had a homicide rate of 60
per 100,000 inhabitants, one of the highest in the world. San Pedro Sula, Honduras'
economic center and one of the world's most violent cities, had a homicide rate of 111
per 100,000. The capital city of Tegucigalpa had a homicide rate of 73 per 100,000,
while La Ceiba, the third largest city, had a rate of 105 per 100,000.
“These are also the areas where the gangs, in particular the two most prominent, the
Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18, have the greatest presence and influence. On
the surface, it is clear the gangs' use of violence -- against rivals, civilians, security
forces and perceived transgressors within their own ranks -- has most likely greatly
contributed to these numbers.
“In the psyche of the community, gang-on-gang battles also loom large. In Honduras'
most violent neighborhoods, anecdotal evidence about gang-related murders abounds.
This may be partly because gang violence plays out over several months, or even years,
and may involve multiple victims killed in public spaces.
“When asked to explain this gang-related violence in Honduras, most give a short
answer that centers on a single concept: territory. Territory is a useful catchall to
describe what motivates the gangs, as it encompasses both the micro and macro levels of
this ongoing battle.
“At one level, territory is about physical space. Conquering that space grants access to
revenue streams, via activities such as extortion and retail drug sales. For instance,
the MS13 relies heavily on revenue from local drug peddling. Barrio 18 is increasingly
seeking to control this criminal economy, and authorities believe the battle for this
market is behind much of the violence in areas the two gangs operate.
“But territory can also be a more personal matter. A fight for territory can be a struggle
to gain power within a gang, or a show of fortitude with internal or external rivals.
“Official statistics only hint at how much of the violence the government believes is really
gang-related. The National University's Violence Observatory, the government's official
stat-keeper, says that only five percent of all the homicides in 2015 were ‘related to
maras/soccer hooligans.’ (In its analysis of the media, it could only attribute 1.7 percent
of the murders in 2015 to gangs.) Data from previous years have similar analyses and
percentages.
“Determining what motivates the gangs to violence is difficult in the best of
circumstances. In Honduras, it is made more difficult because of unreliable data, the
limited number of judicial cases, and holes in government intelligence. Using the best
available data on the most reliable proxy -- homicides -- as well as qualitative research,
one can only theorize about the extent of violence and how it relates to gang activity in
the country.
“The notion of which gang is more violent is also subject to widespread speculation and
hearsay. The general perception is that the Barrio 18 is more violent than the MS13.
Proxies, however, show no difference between the two gangs in terms of violence in their
neighborhoods.
“For a report on gangs in Honduras, for example, InSight Crime examined homicide
statistics for Tegucigalpa over a five-year period between 2008 and 2013, and compared
them to areas where the two gangs are believed to be predominant. However, we found
little correlation was found between the number of homicides and which gang controlled
a particular area. Barrio 18 areas had more total homicides, but in both Barrio
18 and MS13areas, there was an average of 11 homicides per area over that five-year
period.
“This data is hardly conclusive. It presumes there is a correlation between homicides and
gang presence, and that homicides in those areas can be tied to the gang that controls
that area, something that is not always true. But it also does not bolster the argument
that Barrio 18 is more violent than the MS13.
“While the data is scarce and inconclusive, there is a good bit of logic that goes into
these perceptions about violence in Honduras. Returning to the question of which gang is
more violent, for example, there is certainly a criminal dynamic at play that makes it
seem as if Barrio 18 is the more predatory and violent of the country's two main gangs.
“Specifically, it is important to note that Barrio 18 is a subsistence-based criminal
group. The most important operational aspect of Barrio 18 is controlling territory,
relying much more on micro-extortion -- targeting the street vendor, corner store, or the
local mechanic -- than the MS13 does. The gang does this by establishing security rings,
maintaining a formidable arsenal, and inflicting violent punishment on rivals, those who
cross it, and, frequently, its own members. This violence and focus on extorting local
businesses puts them at odds with the community.
“In contrast, the MS13 is more focused on controlling the local drug trade, which has
given it more revenue. As such, whether the gang is protecting itself or moving into new
territory, MS13-related violence is frequently associated with controlling the local drug
market. Additionally, unlike Barrio 18, the MS13 does not prey on its immediate
neighbors, focusing instead on macro-level extortion involving larger companies,
typically taxi and bus transport collectives. This has permitted it to construct a more
positive image, accumulate political and social capital in its areas of influence, and
establish themselves as the "protectors" of their areas.
“Both gangs, however, continue to evolve, which will likely shape the nature and scale of
‘gang-related’ violence into the future. Barrio 18, for instance, is attempting to gain
more control of the drug peddling business, something that appears to be behind much of
the violence between the gangs. Lately, the MS13 appears to be taking its drug trafficking
activities to a whole new level -- such as controlling the wholesale drug market --
prompting suggestions the gang has set its sights on becoming a more sophisticated
criminal operation.
“Ultimately, while it is impossible to determine with precision how much violence the
gangs are responsible for, what is clear is that much of the rise in homicides in Honduras
is related to gang activity. The gangs' fight for territory -- and the prestige and revenue
that come with it -- is at the heart of these battles.”
20. AP, Threat of Gang Violence Drives 100 Out of Honduras Capital, 25 March
2016, available at http://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/threat-gang-violence-
drives-100-out-honduras-capital-n545461 ....................
“TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras -- To flee the threat of gang violence, more than 100
residents left their neighborhood in Honduras' capital, authorities said Thursday.

“This is the second time this week an exodus like this has happened in Honduras.

“People in El Hoyo on Tegucigalpa's south side told local television that masked gang
members armed with semi-automatic rifles appeared Wednesday night and announced
that residents had 24 hours to abandon their homes or face the consequences. They also
distributed flyers.

“Earlier in the week, residents of a neighborhood in the northern city of San Pedro Sula
left their homes after gang threats. Authorities said those people had not returned even
though some 300 soldiers have been deployed in the district.

“Tegucigalpa police spokesman Selkin Arita said at a news conference that more than
140 people fled El Hoyo. ‘Gang members have the people of El Hoyo terrified, but we are
here to re-establish order,’ he said.

“Army Col. Tito Moreno also tried to reassure residents they would be kept safe. ‘We
urge residents to return to their homes because we have posted police and soldiers to
protect their lives and possessions,’ he said.

“About 100 police and soldiers patrolled the neighborhood Thursday.

“A young man carrying a mattress on his shoulders who identified himself as Juan
Martinez said on local television that the gang members had shouted in the street: ‘In 24
hours everyone who lives here has to go! If we don't go, they'll kill us,’ Martinez said.
“People loaded beds, refrigerators, televisions and other possessions into an assortment
of vehicles Thursday.

“‘My family doesn't have anywhere to go, but we're going because we're scared we'll
lose our lives if we don't,’ resident Antonia Romero said.

“The small neighborhood clinging to a hillside was occupied by squatters about 20 years
ago. The Barrio 18 and MS-13 gangs compete for control of the neighborhood, and
Barrio 18 members allegedly issued the threat.”

21. Noe Leiva, Honduras unleashes 'Avalanche' operation on gang leaders, 12

Mar 2016, available at http://news.yahoo.com/honduras-unleashes-
avalanche-operation-gang-leaders-000158375.html ...........

“Tegucigalpa (AFP) - Honduran authorities looking for new ways to combat gangs
terrorizing the country are waging an operation called ‘Avalanche’ to seize bank
accounts, properties and even a small hospital from wealthy crime bosses.
“Already 137 accounts, a dozen houses, 188 vehicles and the hospital in the northern city
of San Pedro Sula have been confiscated from suspected chiefs of the feared Mara
Salvatrucha gang, also known as MS-13, according to the head of the police
investigation division, Ricardo Castro.
“The total value of the assets seized so far is $9 million, with most or all of it believed to
have come from the extortion of owners of shops and public transport companies, he
said.
“The police operation, which began February 23, is continuing with no defined end date.
“Twelve gang leaders and associates have been arrested to date in the swoops, including
the mayor of the town of Talanga, east of the capital Tegucigalpa, and a former police
officer.
“The effort to scoop up the ill-gotten gains runs in parallel with an armed crackdown by
police and soldiers to curb gang activities.
“Those confrontations have netted more young members from the rival 18 gang than
ones from MS-13.
“‘We felt that MS-13 was not being adequately addressed and so we adopted a different
strategy, attacking its economic resources,’ a prosecutor, Oscar Chinchilla, explained.
“A criminologist, Arabeska Sanchez, told AFP that ‘the government has finally found a
formula to control crime and dismantle the gangs' structures.’
“He added: ‘For the first time, we know where the money from the extortions has gone,
and this looks like a successful operation.’
“The manager of a transport company, Jorge Lanza, welcomed the new tack taken by the
police.
“‘Whatever method that can end this sad situation (of extortion) is welcome,’ he said.
“‘This operation 'Avalanche' should be made permanent, not just for a week or two,’ he
added, explaining that police and military protection on public transport was only
occasional.
Lanza said more than 80 people died last year in assaults on buses by gang members
angry that owners of the companies refused to pay their ‘war tax’ of $45 per bus per
week. Up to five different gangs, including MS-13 and 18, were behind the extortions.
“According to Honduras' national anti-extortion taskforce, last year 669 youths
demanding the ‘war tax’ were arrested. More than 4,000 people were victims of
extortion.”
22. Noe Leiva, Honduras unleashes ‘Avalanche’ operation on gang leaders, 11
March 2016, available at https://www.yahoo.com/news/honduras-
unleashes-avalanche-operation-gang-leaders-000158375.html?ref=gs
…………..
“Tegucigalpa (AFP) - Honduran authorities looking for new ways to combat gangs
terrorizing the country are waging an operation called ‘Avalanche’ to seize bank
accounts, properties and even a small hospital from wealthy crime bosses.

“Already 137 accounts, a dozen houses, 188 vehicles and the hospital in the northern
city of San Pedro Sula have been confiscated from suspected chiefs of the feared Mara
Salvatrucha gang, also known as MS-13, according to the head of the police
investigation division, Ricardo Castro.

“The total value of the assets seized so far is $9 million, with most or all of it believed
to have come from the extortion of owners of shops and public transport companies, he
said.

“The police operation, which began February 23, is continuing with no defined end
date.

“Twelve gang leaders and associates have been arrested to date in the swoops,
including the mayor of the town of Talanga, east of the capital Tegucigalpa, and a
former police officer.

“The effort to scoop up the ill-gotten gains runs in parallel with an armed crackdown
by police and soldiers to curb gang activities.

“Those confrontations have netted more young members from the rival 18 gang than
ones from MS-13.
“‘We felt that MS-13 was not being adequately addressed and so we adopted a different
strategy, attacking its economic resources,’ a prosecutor, Oscar Chinchilla, explained.

“A criminologist, Arabeska Sanchez, told AFP that ‘the government has finally found a
formula to control crime and dismantle the gangs' structures.’

He added: ‘For the first time, we know where the money from the extortions has gone,
and this looks like a successful operation.’

The manager of a transport company, Jorge Lanza, welcomed the new tack taken by the
police. ‘Whatever method that can end this sad situation (of extortion) is welcome,’ he
said….

“Lanza said more than 80 people died last year in assaults on buses by gang members
angry that owners of the companies refused to pay their ‘war tax’ of $45 per bus per
week. Up to five different gangs, including MS-13 and 18, were behind the extortions.

“According to Honduras' national anti-extortion taskforce, last year 669 youths

demanding the ‘war tax’ were arrested. More than 4,000 people were victims of
extortion.”

23. Fox News Latino, Police commander wounded, bodyguard killed in

Honduras, 28 Feb. 2016, available at
http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2016/02/28/police-commander-
wounded-bodyguard-killed-in-honduras/ ………………..
“A Honduran National Police commander was wounded and his bodyguard killed in an
attack in Tegucigalpa, officials said.
“Carlos Mauricio Soto was shot and wounded in the incident on Saturday, while his
bodyguard, Elvin Funes, died.
“Soto, who was the target of an attack last November, was shot in the extreme southern
part of the capital, the National Police said.
“Officials did not provide any addtional details on the attack in Tegucigalpa.
“An average of 13 people per day are murdered in Honduras, according to officials, who
blame much of the rise in the crime rate on drug traffickers and other organized crime
groups.”
24. Elisa Ditta, Honduras Takes New Approach to Combating Extortion, 24
Feb. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-new-approach-combating-extortion .............................
“In a series of raids across Honduras authorities seized over 100 assets derived from an
extortion ring that allegedly included MS13 members and government officials,
reportedly the first operation of its kind in the country.
“In the early morning hours of February 23, law enforcement agents headed by the
Criminal Investigation Agency (Agencia de Investigación Criminal - ATIC) of the Public
Ministry (Ministerio Publico - MP) carried out 42 raids against the extortion ring,
arresting ten people and seizing 102 assets, including homes and cars, reported El
Heraldo. Authorities also seized 13 businesses that were allegedly used to launder
extortion money for the MS13 street gang.
“According to Attorney General Óscar Fernando Chinchilla, this is the first
time authorities have seized assets financed by extortion revenue. Dubbed ‘Operation
Avalanche’ by authorities, the task force comprised of 700 law enforcement agents is
aimed at dismantling an MS13 network, according to El Heraldo.
“Among those arrested is the mayor of the town of Talanga, who is accused of illicit
association and money laundering, and an ex-police officer who was removed from the
force four years ago after failing a polygraph test.
“An unidentified source told El Heraldo that US authorities assisted in the operation
after officials detected ‘suspicious transfers of money from Honduras to some North
American cities.’
“InSight Crime Analysis: If Honduran authorities continue to target the financial side of
extortion networks, as Chinchilla indicated following the raids, this could signal a new
type of crackdown against the MS13.
“Most security operations against street gangs are aimed at reclaiming territorial
control and other law and order tactics that fall under the ‘Mano Dura,’ or Iron Fist
approach. In contrast, asset seizures are generally reserved for drug trafficking
organizations such as the Valles and the Cachiros, both of which had a large number of
assets seized from them by Honduran authorities in the last two years.
“This new strategy may turn out to be more effective than Mano Dura, which has been
criticized for inadvertently strengthening Central America's gangs. As a recent InSight
Crime field investigation in Honduras found, all of the country's major street gangs count
extortion as one of their principal sources of revenue.
“Indeed, extortion has become an increasingly lucrative criminal industry in the
Northern Triangle region (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras). According to statistics
from Honduras' Chamber of Commerce, residents of the Northern Triangle paid over
$650 million in extortion fees last year.”
25. Mimi Yagoub, What's Behind Honduras’ 30% Drop in Murder Rates?, 19
Feb. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/what-behind-
honduras-30-percent-drop-murder-rates ..............................
“Honduras' homicide rate has reportedly fallen by 30 percent over the past four years,
but there are worrying signs organized crime violence remains widespread in this
Central American nation.
“Honduras' murder rate went from 86.5 per 100,000 residents in 2011 to 60.0 per
100,000 residents in 2015, representing a 30.6 percent decrease, according to statistics
recently presented by the National Autonomous University of Honduras (Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de Honduras - UNAH).
“While the homicide count in 2011 was 7,104 for an average of 19 murders per day, by
2015 this had fallen to 5,146 deaths, or 14 per day.
“UNAH's statistics differ from those provided earlier this year by Honduras' Security
Ministry, which has been criticized for providing lower homicide statistics than the
university.
“‘The manipulation is evident,’ José Guadalupe Ruelas, director of the non-
governmental organization Casa Alianza, recently told BBC Mundo.
“Less encouraging statistics have been released by the United Nations Children's Fund
(UNICEF) in Mexico regarding the stark rise in unaccompanied minors fleeing Central
America. According to UNICEF, the number of child migrants traveling alone grew 333
percent from 5,596 cases in 2013 to 18,650 in 2015, Animal Político reported. UNICEF
statistics show 97 percent of these children came from the Northern Triangle countries of
Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador.
InSight Crime Analysis: “The drop in murders may be a positive sign, but other
indicators suggest Honduras continues to struggle reining in organized crime and
violence.
“The exodus of children from Northern Triangle countries is largely a result of social
unrest spurred in part by gang violence and intimidation. At the same time, massacres in
Honduras -- which are closely associated with organized crime -- rose in 2015 in
comparison to 2014.
“These discrepancies are a good reminder that homicide statistics often conceal a deeper
narrative within a country's criminal underworld. As recent cases such as a mafia pact in
former murder capital Medellín, Colombia have previously demonstrated, declining
homicide rates sometimes have more to do with negotiations and agreements between
criminal groups than with government action.
“Nevertheless, the numbers will likely be a good opportunity for the administration of
President Juan Orlando Hernández to flaunt the successes of its security policies. The
administration has largely favored a ‘Mano Dura,’ or ‘iron fist’ approach commonly
used across Central America, even though this tactic has been discredited for actually
contributing to the evolution of street gangs into more sophisticated groups.”
26. Elyssa Pachico, The Problem With Counting Gang Members in Honduras, 17
Feb. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/the-problem-
with-counting-gang-members-in-honduras ..............................
“Estimates for the number of gang members in Honduras range widely, mostly because
authorities have a poor understanding of the differences between gang collaborators
versus full-fledged members. Without understanding this difference, the Honduran
government may never develop an effective policy for undermining gang influence.
“Ask a Honduran policeman how many gang members operate in his precinct, and he is
likely to tell you that they number in the hundreds, maybe even the thousands. When you
probe deeper, you will most likely find he is counting potential collaborators, such as
wives and girlfriends. Ask a gang member in the same precinct if their wives or
girlfriends are part of the gang, and they will tell you no. To them, not even the lookouts
who keep an eye on the police patrols count as members.
“The issue is manifest in gang counts. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
says, for example, that there are 12,000 gang members in Honduras, while the Honduras
police (who shared numbers with InSight Crime researchers) stated there are an
estimated 25,000 gang members in the country. Meanwhile, the government's prevention
program says there are just under 5,000 members, and only 500 or so in jail. The US
government's estimate is on the other end of the spectrum: 36,000 gang members in
Honduras. [Article includes interesting table showing these various sources of numbers.]
“Just how do we explain these discrepancies? Part of the problem is that Honduran law
does not have a legal definition of what constitutes a ‘gang member’ -- not even in the
country's tough anti-gang legislation, which was reformed last year in order to increase
penalties against gangs.
“As a point of comparison, US federal law defines a ‘gang’ as three or more people who
use violence as a means towards a criminal end. In Honduras, the lack of a clear legal
definition means that under the law, those who have been formally initiated into the gang
are technically treated the same as those who are suspected collaborators.
“These collaborators -- often including youthful recruits, young children, women, and
sometimes the elderly -- perform many key tasks for the gangs, but, as noted, the gangs
themselves do not see them as ‘gang members.’
“Within the Barrio 18 and the MS13, youths between the ages of 6 and 14 are often
recruited to work as ‘banderas’ -- lookouts responsible for alerting gangs of any unusual
activity in the neighborhood, such as a rival gang's presence. Sometimes banderas will
be given other tasks, such as transporting drugs and weapons, collecting extortion
payments, and shadowing the police or crime scenes. While important tasks, these
banderas are not part of the gangs.
“The girlfriends of gang members will also frequently carry out these types of activities.
Family members may also carry messages for the gangs, or stash weapons and drugs on
their behalf.
“Other collaborators may include drug dealers who supply the gangs with product to sell
in urban neighborhoods. The MS13, in particular, relies on a wide network of small-time
dealers -- known as ‘mulas’ -- who transport and sell drugs for them. But they are not
considered part of the gang. The Barrio 18 and MS13 are also known to have networks of
lawyers, taxi drivers, and mechanics who help them.
“To be sure, core members are only those who have undergone the initiation ritual
known as the ‘brinco’ -- which in English literally means to be ‘jumped’ into the gang.
This ritual usually involves undergoing a severe beating for a set period of time, but may
involve other tasks, such as murdering one or more people.”
27. Jorge Cabrera, Murders in Honduras drop 12 percent in 2015 as drug bosses
extradited: group, 17 Feb. 2016, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/us-
honduras-violence-idUSKCN0VQ31M ............................................
“Homicides in Honduras fell 12 percent in 2015 thanks in part to the capture and
extradition to the United States of drug cartel bosses, a United Nations-backed
organization said on Wednesday.
“The murder rate in the impoverished Central American country dropped to 60 per
100,000 people from the 2014 rate of 68 per 100,000 people, according to the respected
National Autonomous University of Honduras' Observatory of Violence program.
“In addition to the capture of cartel leaders, the observatory attributed the lower rate to
the dismantling of gangs of hitmen.
“In the last two years, Honduras says it has extradited eight gang leaders to the United
States.
“Since taking office in 2014, President Juan Hernandez' ramped-up military offense
against drug traffickers and gangs has dramatically driven down the homicide rate.
“But since the military was first deployed under his predecessor in 2012, allegations of
abuses by soldiers have also risen.”
28. Mark Cornutte, Why they come: Miriam Zelaya's story, 13 Feb. 2016,
available at http://www.cincinnati.com/story/news/2016/02/13/why-they-come-
miriam-zelayas-story/79892024/ …………………..
“Miriam Zelaya had just unlocked her small men's clothing store in the Honduran
capital of Tegucigalpa on a Monday morning in May 2014.
“Her cell phone rang. The male voice – she estimated his age at 30 – started with a
polite greeting that quickly turned menacing.
“She twice told him that she didn't understand why his organization would want $75 a
week in ‘rent’ from her. Finally, he said, ‘We have all of your information. If you don't
want to cooperate, we will send some members of Mara 18. We will burn you, your
business and your son.’
“He told Zelaya the gang knew her son's name, Fernando, and his age, 5 at the time. The
gang knew where she lived and even the color of her house – yellow.
“She hung up. The phone rang again for several minutes. Then a text message buzzed in:
‘If you don't answer, things will be worse for you. We need to come to an agreement or
we will cut off your son's ears.’
“That call – not an uncommon one for a business owner to receive from either of two
rival gangs in Honduras, El Salvador or Guatemala – began an odyssey that would force
Zelaya and her son into hiding for more than a year before they narrowly escaped the
country with their lives and ended up in Cincinnati.
“Zelaya reported the death threat to police, which angered gang members. It has inside
informants.
“Her son was with Zelaya, and they would drive to her sister's house. They could not stay
there. Anyone known to help someone who refuses to cooperate with the gang puts
themselves in harm's way, too.
“‘I knew I would never see my store again,’ Zelaya said during an interview from a
basement apartment in Carthage that she shares with her son.
“Her sister returned to the store and salvaged the inventory, about 30 pairs of men's
pants, dress shirts, shoes and jackets, which Zelaya sold for far less than its value. A
male friend from childhood who lived in another part of the capital agreed to take them
in. She and Fernando would stay with him for one year, rarely ever risking to go outside
and be seen. She changed her phone number.
“Zelaya told her son the truth that day about what had happened and why they would be
living somewhere else. ‘The quota,’ the boy said. ‘They were asking for the quota.’
“Extortion is a primary means of control and finance used by drug gang Mara 18 and its
even more powerful rival, MS-13, throughout Central America, law-enforcement experts
say. ‘Everybody in Honduras knows how the gangs operate,’ Zelaya said.
“She decided, though, that she could no longer live in hiding. Fernando needed to go to
school. She needed to work. She rented a house in another part of the city and moved.
Just weeks later, her phone rang. The caller was the same gang member who'd called
more than a year before.
“‘You thought you could escape,’ he said. ‘We're going to teach you a lesson. You can't
mess with us. Go outside. Four men are waiting for you.’
She called her neighbor. She said, yes, four armed men on motorcycles were on the
street.
“‘I held my son to me and cried,’ Zelaya said. ‘I was sure I was going to die. I started to
pray to God to save my son and give him a chance to live.’
“In a panic, she called her brother-in-law, a police officer. She did not know where his
station was, but it happened to be close by. He sped there in a pickup with several other
officers. The gang members drove off. That night, July 12, 2015, she decided she and her
son would leave for the United States. Her brother-in-law drove them to the frontier,
northwest of the city, toward Guatemala.
“They hired a guide – known as a coyote – for $8,000. She had most of the money but
had to borrow the remainder from a friend she has since paid back. They took a bus
through Guatemala to the Mexican border at Tabasco. They spent four nights sleeping
with a group of other immigrants on a floor in a house.
“They did not have blankets. Nights were cold.
“Handlers squeezed she and her son into a semi-trailer with 150 other migrants. It had
no air conditioning or ventilation. Several people fainted from the heat on the six-hour
ride toward Texas.
“They crossed the border – walking through the Rio Grande River in chest-high water –
at McAllen, Texas. Their guides had tied them together, 20 people in all, with a
rope. They had no water and walked for eight hours before being spotted by a border
patrol helicopter. They were detained at Brownsville, Texas, overnight and into the next
afternoon. They boarded a bus for Miami, Florida, where her cousin lived. When they
arrived, Zelaya learned he had cancer; his immune system would not allow visitors.
“She would return to Cincinnati, where she had lived and worked as a housekeeper from
2003 through 2009. Zelaya sent money home to family members during those years and
saved $10,000, enough to go back and open her store.
“In Miami, Zelaya remembered a social worker friend in Cincinnati. She called. The
social worker sent her two plane tickets. Zelaya arrived Sept. 4 and moved into the small
apartment. She has gone back to work as a housekeeper.
“She has an order of removal because of a missed court appearance in Florida. Her
lawyer has filed paperwork for an immigration court to re-open her case, at which point
Zelaya would file for asylum.
“Fernando, now 7, is in school. He has nightmares about Honduras and the month-long
trek north to the Untied States. He insists on sleeping in the same bed as his mother. She
has nightmares, too, reliving many of the events of the past two years.
“‘I never wanted to return to the United States,’ she said. “I had no choice but to
escape.’
“That point hit home hard on the night of Jan. 9. Her sister called from Tegucigalpa. The
friend who had provided Zelaya and her son refuge for a year – along with two of his
friends – had been shot dead.”
29. Quenton King, Honduras Pursues 'AA Brothers' Cartel, 2 Feb. 2016, available
at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/honduras-arrests-aa-brothers-cartel-
drug-trafficking ......................................
“Raids over the weekend resulted in the arrest of two alleged leaders of a powerful drug
trafficking network, the culmination of a six-month investigation that may only have
scratched the surface of the group's activities in Honduras.
“On January 30, the Directorate for Combating Drug Trafficking (Dirección de Lucha
contra el Narcotráfico - DLCN) raided 10 homes in Morazán, Yoro, as part of a larger
investigation into a drug trafficking network. Among those detained were José Héctor
Ardón Sarmiento and his son, Olvin Adonay Ardón Rivera, alleged leaders of a network
dubbed the AA Brothers Cartel, reported El Heraldo.
“Law enforcement confirmed to El Heraldo that the father and son are related to
Alexander Ardón, former mayor of El Paraiso, Copan and the alleged namesake for the
AA Brothers Cartel.
“The raids were the result of a six-month investigation into the group's influence in the
departments of Yoro and Copán, according to La Prensa. The AA criminal network not
only coordinated drug flights in Yoro, but also purchased significant amounts of property
in Copán, which borders Guatemala, in order to move drug shipments northwards with
greater ease.
“Also arrested in the raids was Otto Melvin Ramírez, a suspected member of the
organization.
“The arrests are indicative of additional strides that Honduras is making in its battle
against drug trafficking. Authorities captured another two members of the AA Brothers
Cartel late last year, arrested Jose Miguel ‘Chepe’ Handal in March 2015, and brought
down the Valle Valle drug trafficking clan in 2014.
“However, it remains to be seen what effect the arrests might have on drug trafficking as
a whole in Honduras. According to one DLCN agent, the AA Brothers Cartel grew in
power and control when Honduran law enforcement captured and extradited leaders of
the Valle Valle organization and the investigators have ‘barely scratch[ed]’ the surface
of the group’s structure.
“The AA Brothers Cartel is thought to have close ties with the Sinaloa Cartel. The same
DLCN agent also told La Prensa that the AA Brothers Cartel smuggled drug shipments
to Río Hondo in Zacapa, Guatemala, where they worked with the Sinaloa Cartel to traffic
to the United States.”
30. Jonathan Smithers, Honduras, like all states, must recognise that lawyers need
defending too, 24 Jan. 2016, available at http://www.theguardian.com/global-
development/2016/jan/24/honduras-lawyers-need-defending-justice-day-of-the-
endangered-lawyer-human-rights ...............................
“On the day of the endangered lawyer on Sunday, which this year focuses on Honduras,
the plight of lawyers working in countries where they are in danger must be addressed.

“An independent legal profession is a vital ingredient for a country to thrive politically,
socially and economically. Countries without well-functioning law and justice systems
supported by an independent legal profession are not only denying people basic human
rights, but a growing body of research suggests that prosperity, economic and otherwise,
is also seriously hindered.
“All governments need to recognise the importance of supporting an independent legal
profession and access to justice. Not only will this benefit their own country’s economic
development, it is also a requirement of the sustainable development goals, which call for
the promotion of the rule of law and access to justice for all.
“According to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, the homicide rate per 100,000 people
in Honduras rose to 90.4 in 2012, from 50.9 in 2000. By 2013, Honduras had the highest
homicide rate in the world; in the first six months of last year there were 2,580
homicides, an average of 14 a day.
“Donald Hernández, a Honduran lawyer and human rights defender who provides legal
representation and support to indigenous and environmental rights groups affected by
the mining industry, recently spoke to the Law Society. Honduras is considered the most
dangerous place in the world for land rights defenders.
“Hernández has worked for the Honduran Centre for the Promotion of Community
Development since 2010. He told us that since then, a staggering 102 law professionals
have been murdered in the country, and that in 94% of those cases the perpetrators have
not been brought to justice. Impunity is rife, it would seem.
“Those behind the deaths of lawyers and journalists are understood to be powerful
groups from political and business spheres in collusion with organized crime.
“Demands for an independent international commission to intervene against impunity
and corruption – as it did in Guatemala – were, perhaps unsurprisingly, rejected outright
by the government. In all likelihood, the families of some government officials would
probably have faced investigation.
“In 2012, findings in the annual report of the Inter American Commission on Human
Rights backed up Hernández’s account. The commission’s visit to the country revealed
the extent of the danger legal professionals face, as well as some of the causes, which
include an increase in organised crime and drug trafficking. The police force was found
to be responsible for the majority of serious human rights violations and corruption. The
lawyers, prosecutors and judges working on such cases are particularly targeted.
“It is encouraging to see that, last year, Honduras enacted a law for the protection of
human rights defenders, journalists and lawyers. This was a response to concerted efforts
within Honduras, together with recommendations from international human rights
organisations and UN bodies. While this is undeniably a positive step, more must be done
to ensure that those who put their lives at risk defending others are protected. Since the
law was passed, at least five legal professionals have been killed in Honduras.
“Unfortunately, it is far from the only country where lawyers live in daily fear for their
freedom their lives, simply for doing their job….
“Where lawyers are unable to practise for fear of arrest, detention or intimidation, they
cannot properly protect people facing violations of their human rights – rights that
governments, including the Honduran government, have signed up to protect.
“The day of the endangered lawyer puts countries that are failing to provide adequate
protection for legal professionals under the spotlight. But it is the responsibility of those
of us fortunate enough to work free from these fears to fight to ensure their protection –
not just on specific days, but every day.”
31. Andre Pugli, 6 Killed in Year's First Massacre in Honduras, 12 Jan 2016,
available at http://www.latinpost.com/articles/108212/20160112/6-killed-in-
years-1st-massacre-in-honduras.htm ................................
“A mass killing in the central Honduran city of Comayagua, which authorities believe
was probably drug-related, left at least six people dead on Jan. 9.
“The victims, all men, were gunned down in the early morning hours inside a house
located in the suburbs of the city of 60,000, Leonel Sauceda, a spokesman for the
country's Security Secretariat, told the Spanish news agency EFE. Police discovered
liquor bottles and six bullet casings at the scene of the crime, Sauceda added.
“Investigators believe that the year's first mass killing is likely linked to narcotics
trafficking. Sauceda told Agence France-Presse that a relative of one of the victims had
been jailed three years ago for selling drugs. Local police official José Luis Flores added
his forces had carried out an anti-drug operation at the same house just 10 days earlier.
“The victims have been identified as José Ernesto Ramos, brothers Nelson Vegas and
Santos Cecilio Reyes, Orlando Josué Orellana, Marvin Josué Montoya, and Rigoberto
Hernández. Hilda Euceda, the mother of Vegas and Cecilio, is currently serving time at
the women's prison near the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa on drug charges, Sauceda
said.
“Vegas, Reyes and the other three victims ranged in age from 19 to 24, while Ramos was
42 years old at the time of his death, Sauceda noted.
“Mass killings are remarkably common in Honduras, and 96 killings of three or more
people were reported in the Central American country in 2015, AFP recalled based on
figures from the Violence Observatory at Honduras' respected National Autonomous
University.
“The numbers mean that last year, more than 60 homicides occurred in the nation for
every 100,000 inhabitants, which makes for one of the highest murder rates in the world.
Local officials told EFE that there are an average of 14 homicide victims per day, largely
due to the activities and influence of drug traffickers and other organized crime groups.”
32. Steven Dudley and David Gagne, Honduras' MS13 Matures, Readies for
International Business Opportunities, 5 Jan. 2016, available at
http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/honduras-ms13-matures-readies-for-
international-business-opportunities ..........................
“In April 2015, Honduran police began investigating reports that the Mara Salvatrucha
(MS13) had ordered a ban on woman dying their hair blonde in the market places of
Comayaguela, which along with capital city Tegucigalpa makes up Honduras' Central
District.
“These fears appeared to be confirmed a month later, when alleged gang members
boarded a bus, beat a woman and cut off her blonde hair. The next day, another blonde-
haired woman was stabbed in the neck.
“The prohibition was reportedly a quick and dirty way for the MS13 to identify the
girlfriends and female members of a rival gang known as the Chirizos, who were using
the women to collect extortion payments from local businesses.
“Panic quickly ensued, as women reportedly rushed to change the color of their hair.
Although the ban was supposedly only aimed at women in Comayaguela, a confidential
source told InSight Crime that women in San Pedro Sula, located more than 150 miles
away, had also changed their hair color as a precautionary measure. Reports from El
Salvador included similar complaints by women scrambling to make cosmetic changes.
“Both local and foreign media quickly grabbed hold of the story, issuing headlines such
as ‘Gang Members Prohibit Female Merchants From Dying Hair’ and beginning their
articles with dramatic opening sentences like, ‘MS13 gang members are Attacking
Women in the Streets of Honduras for Dying Their Hair blonde.’
“The message was clear: the gangs wanted total control, even over how women wore
their hair.
“But that was the simplistic version. The more complex story behind the prohibition
touches on issues of protection, criminal economies and public relations. Prohibiting
blond haired women reflected a reality: those living and working in that area felt
vulnerable to extortion by the Chirizos. By decree, the MS13 was protecting the locals
from these predators. What's more, the MS13 held the moral high ground, since it does
not extort in the areas where it operates.
“In the end, the MS13 lost the international public relations battle, but it won the battle
that mattered -- inside Comayaguela.
“To be sure, the media's portrayal of this episode reflects the general lack of
understanding of how the MS13 differs from its rivals. As this case illustrates, these
differences are not merely academic: they impact the gangs' relationship with local
communities. As we will see, they also affect their potential ability to infiltrate security
forces and their prospects for expansion into the international drug trafficking world.
“Perhaps the biggest differentiator between the MS13 and its rivals in Honduras is
related to its business model. All gangs make much, if not most, of their money via
extortion. It is the most expedient means of gathering large and regular amounts of cash.
“Much of this money comes from large-scale extortion of the public transportation sector
and taxi cooperatives. The amount garnered from these organized, extortion enterprises
can be significant. InSight Crime estimates that a gang in Tegucigalpa can net as much
as $2.5 million from just this extortion scheme. [See interesting table with estimates in
article, not included here]
“However, gangs also extort shopkeepers, mechanics, street venders and other small
businesses. The contrast between the MS13 and its rivals is that the MS13 has made it a
policy not to extort these small businesses in their areas of operation. The difference, as
noted above, is fundamental, especially as it relates to its relationship with the local
community where the gang can be seen as not just as a benevolent criminal operator but
also a source of protection.
“The MS13 often takes this protection scheme to a deeper level. In some areas that our
researchers visited, the gang has become the go-to arbiter for domestic and neighbor-to-
neighbor conflicts, according to police and community association leaders in these areas.
Domestic abuse -- whether a parent beating their child, or spousal abuse -- is not
tolerated, they said. In the municipality of Tela, for instance, the MS13 will reportedly
give a husband a warning after the first instance of abuse, a beating after the second
instance, and banish him from the community after the third.
“The focus on macro-level extortion also allows MS13 to work in the transportation
business. Much like a bank, MS13 will take percentages and eventually the whole of any
transportation business that does not pay what it is owed. This policy has allowed the
group to become part or full owners of numerous bus and taxi cooperatives around the
country. Once they gain ownership, MS13 can keep a close eye on all the cooperatives’
income streams, and then adjust their extortion rates accordingly. There are also
ancillary benefits, such as employment or ‘ghost jobs’ for relatives and friends in these
cooperatives.
“The experiences of owning and managing transport companies have forced the gang to
create more sophisticated financial units within its ranks. Although they have not, as yet,
divided their structure into financial and military divisions, some authorities suggested
that the MS13 has sent people to university to study finance and law. Extortion and the
gang’s increasing financial holdings have also led the MS13 to become more
entrepreneurial in nature. Members have taken to calling themselves ‘La Empresa’ or
‘The Business,’ something that may be closer and closer to reality considering how the
gang is trying to move up the drug trafficking ranks.
“The MS13's decision to avoid extorting its local community comes from its rising
interest and control of local drug peddling and wholesale distribution of illegal drugs.
“The MS13 has long focused on local drug peddling, which has distinguished it from its
rivals for several years now. During that time period, the MS13 has created an efficient
means of dispensing drugs in the communities where it operates. This involves
establishing discreet meeting points, running security rings, and maintaining limited
exposure should they be robbed or assaulted by a rival, or ambushed by the security
forces. It is impossible to calculate how much revenue this activity brings in for the
MS13, but it is significant.
“Lately, the gang has also become wholesale distributors in some parts of the country. In
at least two places our researchers visited recently, the gang has taken more control of
the wholesale drug market, authorities said. In Tela, for example, the gang has a
monopoly on drug sales. This could entail significant revenues for the MS13, given the
amount of tourism in Tela. Police intelligence also told our researchers that the MS13
owns a hotel in the area. Other authorities say the gang also owns restaurants and bars.
Neither claim could be independently verified.
“The gang has also established control over the wholesale drug market in more urban
areas. The most notable example in this regard is San Miguel, Tegucigalpa. This area
was long controlled by a local drug trafficker, Teresa de Jesus Cruz Garcia, a.k.a.
‘Mama Tere.’ After she died in 2007, some of her family members allegedly continued
her trade. But after her nephew was arrested for drug trafficking and money laundering
in 2013, the power vacuum opened an opportunity for MS13, who allegedly killed him in
prison and drove one of his main associates out of the area. Police intelligence told our
researchers that MS13 now shares wholesale distribution with what is left of the Mama
Tere crew in the area.
“The MS13’s move towards controlling the wholesale market is significant for various
reasons. Wholesale control would mean a rise in revenue for the organization, which
could help explain its possible entry into the tourism economy in Tela. The revenue would
also give the gang greater ability to penetrate higher echelons of the security forces. As
noted earlier, members of the public transport sector suspect that police and possibly
officials may be involved in these schemes, although they cannot offer any proof of this
collusion.
“The MS13 also appear to have connections within the police that help it in various
ways, three high level police told our researchers. One of these high level police pointed
to the case of First Class Officer Alonzo Vasquez Carrillo who was arrested in February
for the murder of a prominent businessman, Mario Verdial. Vasquez Carrillo, police
investigators said, worked with the gang by providing it with information about security
forces' operations and assisting in enforcement, as was evident in the murder of Verdial.
“We believe that the MS13's modus operandi makes it easier for the gang to establish
relations with security forces. The MS13's rules forbid it from entering in direct
confrontation with security forces if they are coming to arrest members. In addition, the
group's avoidance of extortion in its areas of influence means that it has fewer
confrontations with local residents and security forces. What's more, its main criminal
activity, drug peddling, is less predatory for local residents and security forces alike.
‘More control of the wholesale market would also give MS13 greater capacity to wield
influence in political circles. This may also already be happening. Police intelligence told
our researchers that the MS13 has had significant influence over the mayors of at least
two other cities. The gang does not yet appear to be financing campaigns or controlling
government contracts, but this would be a logical next step should it gain control of more
revenue and political influence.
“More control over the wholesale drug market could also mean that the MS13 is making
more contact with large, international transport organizations. These contacts may
stretch back years and may include doing favors for the international drug transport
groups. However, wholesale distribution would be a significant step forward for the
gangs in terms of their sophistication, and would illustrate to drug transport groups -- be
they Honduran, Guatemalan, Mexican or Colombian -- that the MS13 may have enough
political and military muscle to begin storing and possibly moving large quantities of
drugs across the country.
‘There is some evidence to suggest that this may be happening already. The details are
still sketchy, but a separate investigation by InSight Crime into El Salvador’s gangs
suggests that at least part of the MS13 leadership in that country may be trying to enter
the international wholesale market, and is using Honduras as a meeting place and
operational headquarters. The reasons for the MS13 to run such an operation from El
Salvador are complex. Suffice to say that El Salvador is the MS13’s spiritual
headquarters, the place where the gang draws part of its name, as well as many of its
rituals and rules.
“The decision to move into the international drug transport market is not necessarily one
that is supported by the entire gang’s leadership in El Salvador. InSight Crime believes
there is a split amongst some of the country’s most notable MS13 leaders. At least one of
these leaders has been establishing international contacts and fortifying his network over
the past several years, according to police intelligence and other sources close to the
gang in El Salvador. That network includes satellite operators in Honduras where the
MS13 has access to high-powered weaponry and to the international operators moving
large amounts of drugs.
‘It’s not known how far this effort has taken this MS13 leader and his Honduran
counterparts. There are certainly other MS13 gang leaders who have made contact with
international drug transport groups, and may be moving small quantities of drugs
internationally. However, the drug trafficking oranizations have not yet made any
concerted effort to use the gang network as the principle means by which drugs are
transported. Gangs, for the most part, are considered highly untrustworthy and extremely
vulnerable business partners.
“The possible move into the international transport business also coincides with a
massive power vacuum in Honduras. Some of the country’s foremost international
transporters have been captured and extradited in steady succession over the last two
years. A major Mexican international broker, Cesar Gastelum, who operated from San
Pedro Sula for years, was also captured recently in Mexico. This vacuum has opened the
way for the MS13 to explore business possibilities with Colombian and Mexican
traffickers, Honduran authorities told our researchers. The extent of these discussions
and connections is not clear and there has yet to be a case in which an MS13 member has
been captured moving illegal drugs across multiple borders using the gang’s network.”
33. John Allen, Jr., Christians in Latin America are Numerous, But Still
Vulnerable, 30 Dec. 2015, available at
https://cruxnow.com/faith/2015/12/30/christians-in-latin-america-are-numerous-
but-still-vulnerable/ …………………
“SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador/BOGOTÁ, Colombia - When two Colombian women, a
mother and a grandmother, were shot to death within a month of one another in early
2013, there was tragically little on the surface to make their deaths remarkable. They
became merely the latest casualties of a decades-long civil war that’s left 220,000 people
dead.

“Yet on closer examination, the lives and deaths of Alba Mery Chilito Peñafiel and Alicia
Castilla not only illustrate the carnage their country has endured, but also one of its
least-understood aspects: Despite belonging to an overwhelming statistical majority,
Christians in Colombia who stand up to the violence are remarkably at risk. They face
danger not for their religious beliefs, but for preaching against the drug trade and the
killing in ways that infuriate both gangs and paramilitaries of left and right.

“Chilito was a 68-year-old grandmother living in Trujillo, located in the southwestern

part of the country on the Pacific Coast, when she was shot three times in the back in a
local park and left to bleed to death. A widow for more than two decades and an active
member of the United Pentecostal Church, she made a meager living selling sweets in the
park.

“In the Colombian imagination, Trujillo is infamous as the site of a series of brutal
massacres carried out by right-wing paramilitaries in league with the Cali drug cartel
between 1998 and 2004. Roughly 300 people died, including a local Jesuit priest, the
Rev. Tiberio Fernandez, whose body was found decapitated and castrated in April 1990
after having been tossed into the nearby Cauca River.

“The gruesome message was crystal clear: Don’t get in our way.

“Three of those victims in Cali were Chilito’s husband, her daughter, and her son-in-law.
She dedicated the next 23 years to fighting for justice for her family and other victims,
openly defying guerrilla groups and paramilitaries alike, often thundering against them
in impromptu jeremiads in the park laced with Biblical quotations.
“At 8:30 in the morning on Feb. 5, 2013, Chilito arrived at her concession stand after
dropping off her 9-year-old grandson at school. She was killed by two members of a
right-wing paramilitary group - ironically, in a park dedicated to victims of drug
violence.

“Locals proclaimed Chilito a martyr, insisting that the courage she displayed was
anchored in her religious beliefs.

“Castilla, meanwhile, was in her early 40s, the widow of an Evangelical preacher who
had been assassinated in January 2011 in Saravena, near Colombia’s border with
Venezuela. His aim had been to persuade youth recruited by guerrillas to spurn violence
and to embrace the faith.

“After her husband’s murder, Castilla founded a victims’ support group while continuing
the family’s ministry. Shortly before her own death, she reported being visited by gunmen
from Colombia’s left-wing National Liberation Army, or ELN, and warned to leave the
area.
“She told friends she refused, in part because she couldn’t abandon her elderly father,
and in part because she felt God was calling her to make a stand.

“On Jan. 7, 2013, a band of ELN guerrillas burst into the family home in Saravena as
they were praying together, shooting Castilla to death in front of her three children, ages
18, 9, and 6, as well as her father.

“Chilito was executed by a right-wing paramilitary and Castilla by a left-wing guerrilla

group, proving that martyrdom in Colombia is an equal-opportunity enterprise.

“Globally, the two women are chapters in one of the most widespread human rights
scourges of the early 21st century, which is lethal anti-Christian persecution. Though
estimates vary widely, even low-end counts suggest that one Christian is killed for
motives related to the faith somewhere in the world every hour of every day.

“The two Colombian women also illustrate another point, which is that contemporary
anti-Christian persecution often is of a different sort than in centuries past, when
believers perished for refusing to sacrifice to pagan gods. Today, the motives are
sometimes more related to humanitarian positions taken by Christians on the basis of
their faith.

“A report from Open Doors International, a Protestant watchdog group, notes that anti-
Christian violence by Colombia’s armed bands is stunningly routine - in, part Christians
generally don’t support either revolution or counterinsurgency; in part, because they’re
suspected of informing for the government or the opposition; and, in part, because they
oppose the drug trade that’s become a primary revenue stream for armed factions of all
stripes.
“Archbishop Luis Augusto Castro Quiroga, president of the Catholic bishops’
conference, said stories such as Chilito’s and Castilla’s reflect the role played by
Christians across the country.

“‘The church has stayed put in difficult zones, where the conflict has been most intense,’
Castro told Crux. ‘One time a bishop said to his parish priests, ‘You have to be the last to
leave. You have to be here until the very end with the community.’ 

“From the outside, the idea of anti-Christian persecution in Latin America seems
counter-intuitive. It’s home to almost half of the 1.2 billion Roman Catholics in the
world, famously including Pope Francis of Argentina, and today it also has a
mushrooming Evangelical and Pentecostal population.

“A 2014 Pew Forum study found that just under 70 percent of Latin American adults still
identify as Catholic and almost 20 percent say they’re Protestants, meaning that
Christians make up almost 90 percent of the region.
“Move around any Latin American city, and you’ll find soaring historic Catholic
cathedrals as well as ubiquitous storefront Protestant churches with names such as ‘The
Church of Divine Prophecy’ or ‘The Arc of Jesus Christ Savior.’

“In reality, however, belonging to a majority hardly renders Latin America’s Christians
invulnerable to harm.

“In the last quarter of the 20th century, much of Latin America was gripped by lethal
civil wars. Today the more common form of brutality comes from criminal gangs linked
to the drug trade, sometimes dubbed a ‘state within the state,’ that have given the
continent the world’s highest murder rate. With less than 10 percent of the world’s
population, Latin America counts for a third of its 450,000 homicides each year.

“Anyone who challenges that violence is at risk - and the odds here are, both the
executioners and the victims are likely to be Christian. The former may be indifferent to
religious concerns, but the latter are often deeply motivated by them.

“In many ways, El Salvador is the right place to begin the story, because three decades
ago no place on earth was producing Christian martyrs at a greater clip.

“The emblematic case was Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador, slain on March 24,
1980, while saying Mass at a small hospital chapel. Though no one’s ever been
prosecuted for the crime, a 1993 UN probe concluded it had been orchestrated by a
right-wing politician and former army major named Roberto D’Aubuisson.

“Before his death, Romero had emerged as the voice of El Salvador’s poor and
oppressed. He was beatified, the final step in the Catholic Church before sainthood, on
May 23, 2015, in front of a massive crowd in downtown San Salvador estimated at
750,000, making it one of the largest religious gatherings in the history of Central
America.

“‘We thank God because he gave this bishop and martyr the ability to see and hear the
suffering of his people,’ Pope Francis wrote in a message for the ceremony.

“Even El Salvador’s Evangelicals, often seen as rivals to the Catholic Church, seemed to
share the sentiment.

“‘Romero was an example to follow, who fought and preached God’s word,’ said
Jonathan Rivas, an Evangelical, in a Globe interview the day of the beatification. ‘He
fought for those most in need, the poor, during a time of war.’

“Romero’s murder was hardly an isolated instance.

“El Salvador’s martyrs also include a Jesuit priest named Rutilio Grande, whose 1977
assassination helped radicalize Romero; four American nuns raped and murdered by
members of the National Guard in December 1980; and six Jesuit priests, as well as their
housekeeper and her daughter, shot to death in November 1989 at San Salvador’s
University of Central America.

“In 1989 the Rev. José María Tojeira was the local superior of the Jesuit order, and he
was the one who had to identify the bodies of his slain colleagues the next morning….

“Though El Salvador’s civil war ended in 1992, the violence certainly has not gone
away. In 2014 the country had more homicides per capita than anyplace else on earth,
fueled mostly by fighting among criminal gangs, known as maras, and between the gangs
and the police.

“Today the Christians at greatest risk are no longer Catholic peace activists, but
Evangelicals and Pentecostals who stand up against the influence of the gangs.

“In January 2014, for instance, six Evangelical men ranging in age from 16 to 54 were
killed outside a church in Ahuachapán, a rural western region close to the Guatemala
border. In the same month, two other Evangelical teenagers were slain in an attack on a
church bus.

“In part, the greater threat facing Evangelicals and Pentecostals may be related to the
fact that they tend to be more active in the country’s poorest and most gang-infested
barrios.

“‘I have to say, I don’t see any Catholic priests when I move around the neighborhoods
where we make home visits,’ said Mike Brown, an American Assemblies of God
missionary in a gang-infested neighborhood of the Salvadoran city of Santa Ana.

“That’s not to say Catholics are exempt.

“In 2009 a 21-year-old Catholic layman named William Quijano, who belonged to a
Catholic movement called the Community of Sant’Egidio and who ran a ‘School of
Peace’ attempting to keep young Salvadorans out of gangs, was shot to death by
unidentified assailants while returning to his home.

“‘They killed him for the same reason Romero was killed, because he sought dialogue,
because he tried to change the attitude of many,’ said Francesco, a fellow Salvadoran
member of Sant’Egidio, who asked that his last name not be used.

“Pope Francis’ roots in Latin America may help explain his own sensitivity to anti-
Christian violence.

“Today, the Argentine pontiff has said repeatedly, Christianity is experiencing an

‘ecumenism of blood,’ meaning a new motive for overcoming its denominational
differences, since persecutors generally don’t care what kind of Christian their victims
may be.

“During its long-running war, Colombia has been a crucible for new Christian martyrs.
“The Catholic bishops’ conference reports that 85 priests, two bishops, eight religious
men and women, and two seminarians have been killed since 1984, with those deaths
attributable to the military, armed bands of both left and right, and the country’s
notorious drug cartels.

“Archbishop Isaias Duarte Cancino of Cali was shot to death in March 2002 outside the
Church of the Good Shepherd in one of his city’s poorest neighborhoods. Duarte was a
fierce critic of all the main actors in Colombia’s conflict, including paramilitaries,
guerrillas, and drug traffickers.

“The Rev. José Elver Rojas Herrer, a communications officer for the bishops’
conference, said that Duarte deserves to be the ‘Romero of Colombia.’

“Another example is Bishop Emilio Jaramillo Monsalve of Arauca, tortured and executed
in 1989 by the left-wing ELN. Ironically, the movement was founded in the early 1960s in
part by a progressive Catholic priest named Camilo Torres and still claims a sort of
Christian inspiration.

“Castro said the bishops have opened a sainthood cause for Jaramillo, but it’s presently
stalled in Rome ‘because he wasn’t killed for hatred of the faith,’ referring to the
traditional Catholic standard for martyrdom.

“Sister Yolanda Cerón Delgado is yet another of Colombia’s new martyrs.

“Forty-three at the time of her death in September 2001, she organized peasants,
especially indigenous and Afro-Colombian minorities, in the area around the city of
Tumaco. Colleagues say she was personally responsible for the return of 1.3 million
acres of land to the region’s poorest people under a 1993 Colombian reform.

“Chatting with her nephew after a midday Wednesday Mass, Cerón was shot three times
by a right-wing paramilitary outside the church - a church named for the mercy of God.
She died at a local hospital minutes later.

“Today a life-sized cutout of Cerón stands in a section of a local museum. Less than 5
feet tall and rail thin, she wasn’t the type to intimidate anyone with her physical
presence, but that appearance belied a ferocious inner determination….

“If anything, Protestants in Colombia face even greater risks.

“A justice and peace commission sponsored by the country’s small Mennonite community
has put out an annual report on violence directed at Protestants since 2004, and in the
most recent year for which data is available, 2013, it documented 27 such incidents.

“Jenny Neme Neiva, a Mennonite and lead author of the report, said Colombia’s
Protestant minority is especially vulnerable.
“‘This is a strongly Catholic country,’ Neme said. ‘We’re almost invisible, we’re alone,
and we have no big institution behind us.’

“During 2014, according to Open Doors, at least five Christians in Colombia alone were
killed for their faith by guerrillas, paramilitaries, and other criminal organizations.
About 20 churches were forced to close, either because they had been critical of illegal
activity, or because they were viewed as accomplices of the government or other groups.

“Up and down much of Latin America today, the story is depressingly similar - entire
communities terrorized by armed bands and criminal gangs, with anyone who resists,
including Christians inspired by their faith, carrying targets on their backs.

“In 2009, Mexico’s infamous Joaquín ‘El Chapo’ Guzmán, leader of the powerful
Sinaloa drug cartel, left a grisly threat in the city of Durango in the form of the bodies of
two military officers found with their arms tied and the eyes bound with tape, along with
a taunting message: ‘You’ll never get El Chapo - not the priests, not the government!’

“The warning proved prophetic, as the Vatican reported in 2014 that 10 Catholic priests
had been murdered in Mexico in the previous two years, the highest total of any country
on earth for that period.

“In some cases, the priests died during robberies, having remained in essentially lawless
areas despite the risks; in others, their deaths were seen as ‘warning killings,’ intended
to discourage anyone from resisting the gangs.

“In Honduras, Maria Francisca Sevilla, 39, was a mother of three who co-pastored the
‘Church of God for Life Ministry’ in the city of Choloma alongside her husband. In April
2014, she was stabbed to death by two young gang members, reportedly after she had
refused to pay what the gangs call a ‘war tax’ to ensure her church’s safety.

“One year before, Sevilla and her husband claimed they had been abducted and beaten
by gang members in an effort to extort ‘war tax’ payments, a practice observers describe
as increasingly common.

“‘This dedicated couple, who ministered in their church for 10 years, could have moved
away for safety, but they felt called to the city and remained even though they were in
danger,’ said Tim Hill, director of Church of God World Missions, after Sevilla’s
murder.

“In late October 2014, an Adventist pastor named Noe Alfredo Gonzalez was shot to
death in Guatemala by masked gunmen while returning from a missionary campaign in
the eastern part of the country. His wife, Oralia Gonzalez, was also struck by a bullet in
the head but somehow survived. He left behind four grown children.
“Gonzalez became the fourth Adventist pastor killed in Guatemala in the last 30 years.
Church officials say they believe their ministers are at special risk because of their strong
stand against the drug trade.

“To be sure, little of this violence is specifically anti-Christian in nature, and Church
personnel are hardly the only ones at risk. Scores of journalists, bloggers, political
activists, police and military personnel, and prosecutors and judges in Latin America
have also paid the ultimate price.

“It’s probably more accurate to describe the violence as a generalized social cancer, to
which Christians can be disproportionately exposed because of their numbers and their
religious motives to resist.

“Colombian Bishop Misael Vacca Ramirez, who was kidnapped in 2004 and held for
three days by ELN guerrillas before being released unharmed, offered a simple summary
formula of the experience in a May 2015 Globe interview - one he intended for Colombia,
but which is broadly applicable across the region.”

34. Tim Padgett, For Many Central American Migrants, U.S. Border Is Now
Beyond Reach, 22 Dec. 2015, available at
http://www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2015/10/07/446082338/for-many-central-
american-migrants-the-u-s-border-is-now-beyond-reach ............
“‘Voy a hacer otro intento.’

“Meaning,’As soon as possible, I'm going to make another attempt to get into the United
States.’
“That's definitely the plan for a 17-year-old arrival at El Edén named Keler. He was
headed to Miami when authorities in southern Mexico booted him back. But almost his
entire family lives in the U.S. — and he says if he returns to his town north of
Tegucigalpa, the Honduran capital, the violent gang that rules his neighborhood will
either forcibly recruit him or kill him.
“‘They already shot dead two of my cousins,’ Keler says, removing his New York Jets ski
cap in the Honduran heat. ‘That's what I'd be going back to.’
“That's still a dark dilemma for too many kids in Central America's northern triangle —
Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador — where vicious, tattooed streets gangs known as
maras control whole swaths of territory, and homicide rates are among the highest in the
world. Until recently, in fact, Honduras and San Pedro Sula were the world's most
murderous country and city.
“Combine that with the region's crushing poverty — about two-thirds of Hondurans are
desperately poor — and it helps explain why the U.S. saw a massive migrant surge on its
southern border last year. That included a record 68,000 unaccompanied children….
“[M]igrants still pour out of Honduras, largely because they continue to face many of the
same brutal conditions. And a big reason Central American migrants aren't reaching the
U.S. border is that Mexico is cracking down on them this year.
“Back at the El Edén center, a father named Menelio Briones talks about that reality. His
wife and five children — one is just a baby — set out for Texas in July. A month later,
Mexican officials detained them in Saltillo, just 180 miles from the U.S. border.
“‘We're going to try again for sure,’ says Briones. ‘We don't have anything to leave
behind anymore.’
“For one thing, Briones explains, decent jobs are next to impossible to find in his
northeast Honduran town. So to enhance his children's economic opportunities, he
wanted them to attend a nearby English-language school.
“But whenever Briones scraped up enough tuition money from odd construction jobs and
his small sundries shop, mareros, or gang members, extorted it from him. When he finally
refused to pay, he says they told him he should go to the U.S. — or end up in the local
morgue.
“Briones' 13-year-old daughter Stefi witnessed that armed threat — and recalls it in the
English she's just begun to learn.
“‘The person that want to kill my father,’ she says, ‘he say to go. To go.’
“But ‘to go’ still means taking big risks. Mexico now bans migrants from riding La
Bestia — The Beast — the monstrous freight train that got so much attention last year.
Still, Briones' wife, Marinelis Sabillón, accuses Mexican cops of ‘treating us like
animals’ in migrant detention centers there. And the journey from Central America to the
U.S. is as dangerous as ever.
“El Edén's medical staff is all too aware of that. Among youth migrants, doctors see
everything from severe skin rashes and malnutrition to evidence of rape. Dr. Mirna
Hernández doesn't mince words when she notes her biggest fear for every kid she knows
will make the trip again: ‘Death.’
“As a result, Hernández says, ‘We tell them, 'Continue life here in Honduras.'’
“But she concedes their usual reply to her is: ‘They can't.’
35. Steven Dudley, Honduras: The Need to Differentiate among the Gangs, 14
Dec. 2015, available at http://aulablog.net/2015/12/14/honduras-the-need-to-
differentiate-among-the-gangs/ ……………………….
“Honduras street gangs – often inaccurately lumped into a single category – are a
complex, deep-rooted social and criminal phenomenon that is driving violence and
migration in record numbers. InSight Crime, after investigating them for most of 2015,
found that the catch-all term ‘maras’ is at once ominous and ill-defined. The two largest
gangs – the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18 – have similar criminal revenue
 streams, but different approaches to obtaining those proceeds. Recognizing these
differences is an important part of undermining their power and influence.
 Extortion is a critical source of funding for both groups. This includes the public
transportation system and taxi cooperatives in the largest urban areas, which account for
a huge percentage of the gangs’ earnings. InSight Crime talked to one member of a bus
cooperative that was paying four gangs extortion fees and was being pestered by a fifth.
 The groups’ approach to local extortion targets – small businesses, shops, or local
delivery services – is different. The MS13 does not extort where they operate; the Barrio
18 does, with huge implications for the gangs’ relations with the neighborhood’s
residents and local police. The Barrio 18 is seen as predatory; the MS13 is often seen as
a protector.
 The MS13 is more focused on local drug sales, which allows it to forgo the easy extortion
proceeds. Because it meddles less with residents, the MS13 has better relations with the
local police, who, in turn, target the Barrio 18 with more resources and vigor. This also
positions MS13 for better relations with community leaders and politicians, and it
reportedly can, in some cases, act as the unofficial social services operator in cases of
child or spousal abuse. In one area InSight Crime visited, the MS13 gives accused
abusers a warning after the first report, a beating after the second, and banishment (or
worse) after the third.
 While they may operate under a single umbrella, the MS13 and the Barrio 18 also vary
widely in sophistication and reach, wherewithal, and infrastructure. They are semi-
autonomous and prone to violent spasms that have wide-reaching implications for the
communities in which they operate. The Barrio 18 appears to be less disciplined and less
focused on bigger goals than the elements of the MS13 InSight Crime studied. Barrio 18
members give the impression that their struggle is more about human survival than
expansion in the underworld. They live by “codes,” such as “respect the barrio,” that
are evoked as a pretext for nearly any action, violent or otherwise, against outsiders and
fellow gang members alike.
 The violent ethos that guides the Barrio 18 and the MS13 is shared by their rivals, who
include offshoots of the two main gangs, vigilantes, and soccer hooligans. Almost all live
from the same income sources – extortion and local drug peddling. Some days they are
allies; other days they are enemies.
“The repercussions of oversimplifying the situation – treating all gangs as the same – are
not trivial. Honduras continues to struggle with record levels of violence, and the United
States is grappling with record levels of asylum applicants from gang-riddled countries like
Honduras. There are times for a hammer, with criminal groups that only seem to understand
force. But there are also moments when negotiation, accommodation, and social programs
are more persuasive, and long-lasting, than simply sending in more troops and arresting
more youths with tattoos. The trick is to know the difference, but we can only do that if we
start to see these groups as complex and dynamic organizations with different criminal
economies, social relations, and political ambitions.”
 36. Douglas Farrah, The Evolution of the MS13 in Honduras, El Salvador, 1 Dec.
2015, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/gang-ms13-
evolution-honduras-el-salvador .............
“Interviews with gang leaders in Honduras and El Salvador make clear that the MS13
street gang is transforming into a more sophisticated criminal organization -- one that is
turning away from extortion and towards transnational drug trafficking as a way to bring
in funds.
“In parts of the impoverished, dusty Choloma neighborhood on the outskirts of San
Pedro Sula, Honduras, ragtag children stream down unpaved roads to a bare
cinderblock community center where they receive a small bowl of soup and some bread,
often the bulk of their daily nutrition.
“New businesses are moving to the neighborhood because it is perceived as safer and
extortion-free, unlike its more violent environs where businesses are routinely forced to
pay a monthly ‘war tax’ to the Barrio 18 gang. The businesses, mostly in the informal
and illegal sectors, are providing expanding employment opportunities and some
employers even make special arrangements for single mothers to be able to work from
their homes and care for their children. Petty crime in the neighborhood is not tolerated
and the makeshift legal system works quickly to mete out justice.
“These are not the works of the long-absent state apparatus seeking to build a better
future for its poorest and most vulnerable citizens. Instead the providers of the services
are members of the notorious and violent Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) gang that controls
broad swaths of territory across the Northern Triangle of Central America -- Honduras,
El Salvador and Guatemala.
“The move by important sectors of the MS13 to provide social services and generate
loyalty by means other than terror is an important, and perhaps defining, evolution of the
transnational gangs. It could signal a morphing from one of the primary generators of
violence in one of the world's most violent regions to a more mature political force that
directly challenges the state not only for territorial control but also for legitimacy and
governance capabilities. The evolution is due in large part to the increased financial
resources of the gang generated by the increasingly important role gang members play in
cocaine transport through the region, and particularly in Honduras.
“This evolution makes dealing with the gangs a truly ‘wicked problem’ for the
governments and population of the Northern Triangle, meaning a problem that is
multifaceted, and cuts across several interdependent issues that must be tackled
simultaneously. Wicked problems are seldom solved but can sometimes be managed
down from an existential threat to the state to something less challenging.
‘Failed approaches of governments to the explosion of gangs and their growing
geographic control have ranged from severe repression to mass incarceration to direct
military confrontation to negotiation. Each approach had already failed abysmally,
helping the three Northern Triangle nations to consistently rank among the top five
homicide rates in the world.
‘Exacerbating the wicked problem set of the gangs is the fact that the region's
governments have shown little political will or interest in tackling either the visible
symptoms of the gang problem or the underlying structural issues that drive the
destructive cycle of violence, impunity and state retreat. The challenges are likely to get
much more complex in the near future as the evolution of the MS13 continues.
“Driving the transformation of the MS13 in San Pedro Sula is not the gang's desire to
rein in its members' violent behavior and culture of death or reintegrate into society as
productive members. The gang still seizes territory through violence-- often in
collaboration with the police -- and enforces its brand of justice at gunpoint.
“What has changed is the gang's level of political awareness and growing desire to
become not just a political force in terms of selling its vote as a bloc to the highest
bidder, but an actual governing entity, filling the vacuum long left by the absence of the
state.
“In recent visits to with gang members in their territory in San Pedro Sula and senior
gang leaders in San Pedro Sula and San Salvador, El Salvador, the evolution in the
political thinking of the gang was visible on multiple fronts, and the political benefits
accruing to the group is also tangible.
“Over the past three years there has been an important debate over what transnational
Central American gangs are, how they fit into regional drug trafficking structures and
what political aspirations they have, if any. Because field research is dangerous and
access to gang members increasingly limited after the truce in El Salvador between the
two main gangs collapsed in 2013, it is clear that no one has a monopoly on the truth or
can have a clear view of the entire panorama.
“Yet it has been clear for some time that those ‘cliques’ that controlled the physical
space needed by cocaine transport groups to move their product profited from the trade.
This has traditionally been limited to cliques like the Hollywood Locos, the San Cocos,
the Fulton Locos and others that through luck and circumstance found themselves in a
position to negotiate comparatively large payments from the transportistas for safe
passage. But what is now clear is that important parts of the MS13 gang are
transforming both in their ties to regional cocaine trafficking structures by actually
controlling the cocaine loads, and in political thought and awareness.
“It is too early to be able to discern if the transformation of the gang will take root on a
broad level, although recent visits to gang controlled neighborhoods and anecdotal
evidence suggests that, at least in large parts of San Pedro Sula, the MS13 has made
important strides that would be costly to go back on.
“The most important step the MS13 has taken in San Pedro Sula -- setting up a stark
contrast with its primary rival, the Barrio 18 gang -- is to stop the onerous practice of
taxing residents and small businesses in neighborhoods under gang control. This
extortion, called ‘vacuna’ or ‘impuesto de guerra’ (war tax) was one of the practices
most despised by local residents, meaning gang members were generally reviled among
the very population they lived amongst.
“While long publicly promising to seek an alternative to extortion as a way of raising
revenues to sustain itself, the MS13 has only now begun to fulfill the promise. The reason
is straightforward: an increasing number of MS13 clicas or neighborhood groups,
control geographic space needed to move cocaine from the port through the city and
onward to Guatemala. The cliques of the MS 13 that control the routes are not the
owners of the product, but handle the cocaine in an important leg of its transportation to
owner, usually the Sinaloa Cartel.
“As described by MS13 members, the arrangement is simple: The gang allows the
cocaine to move undisturbed through its neighborhoods, situated along key transit
routes, for a price. Part of the fee is paid in cocaine, which the gang then retails their
areas of control. The fees and the retail of cocaine generate more revenue than extortion
and at a much lower cost.
“But the creation of an alternative revenue stream with a far lower political cost is not
happening in a vacuum, indicating the financial efforts are part of broader, more
coherent effort to remake the gang into a political force. The gang's nascent social
programs of feeding children and the elderly on a regular basis have been accompanied
by several other steps. One is the imposition of a security regimen, where petty thieves
are exiled or killed, where spouse abuse brings an investigation and admonitions to the
party deemed to be at fault. Another is the gang's promise, so far kept, to protect
residents against incursions by other gangs or armed groups. In short, the gangs exercise
the state function of a monopoly on use of force.
“Given that security consistently ranks as the top citizen concern, these interlocking
actions by the MS13 have brought a rare level of tranquility in some neighborhoods and
are viewed as a welcome respite from government incompetence or indifference….
The MS13 gang is rapidly transforming from a group that relied solely on violence,
terror and extortion to achieve its goals to a more sophisticated political and military
structure, capable of controlling territory and challenging the legitimacy of the state in
new ways. For the first time this includes, in neighborhoods where the MS13 is the
governing authority, modest but visible social programs maintaining public order and
implementing crude but effective judicial remedies to local problems. This is coupled
with a growing military sophistication that has, in both El Salvador and Honduras,
successfully created a force that can combat the state and hold territory.
“It is not clear how sustainable the gang structures and strategies are. But the Central
American governments' lack of effective state strategies to combat the MS13; meaningful
efforts to establish its own legitimacy in areas of state absence; real efforts to rein in the
gang's financial growth and ties to drug trafficking organizations; and the vision and
willingness to provide viable alternatives to the gang's growing vision, it is very likely the
gang will continue their remarkable and dangerous ascent.”
37. Associated Press, Honduras: Gunmen Kill 15 People in 2 Days of Attacks, 25
Nov. 2015, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/26/world/americas/honduras-gunmen-kill-15-
people-in-2-days-of-attacks.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=1 ……………
“The Honduran police said Wednesday that 15 people had been killed in two attacks
within a span of 12 hours. Seven people were shot in the capital, Tegucigalpa, early
Wednesday, and eight bus drivers were killed in the northern city of San Pedro Sula late
Tuesday. A senior police official, Leonel Sauceda, said that in Wednesday’s attack, six of
the victims were pulled from their homes by armed men and shot. He said that the
manner of the crime suggested an attack by gangs. In the Tuesday attacks, six men in flak
jackets and ski masks shot eight drivers one by one at a bus terminal. Murders of bus
drivers and taxi drivers are common in Honduras and are almost always linked to the
collection of extortion by any of the half-dozen gangs that operate nationwide. Nearly all
drivers must pay a weekly amount to the gangs.”
38. Insight Crime, Special Report: Gangs in Honduras, 20 Nov. 2015, available at
http://www.insightcrime.org/images/PDFs/2015/HondurasGangs.pdf
......................
“Executive Summary: In the last two decades, Honduras has seen a significant increase
in gang membership, gang criminal activity, and gang-related violence. The uptick in
violence has been particularly troubling. In 2014, Honduras was considered the most
violent nation in the world that was not at war.
“Although high impunity rates and lack of reliable data make it difficult to assess how
many of these murders are gang‐related, it’s clear that the gangs’ use of violence -‐
against rivals, civilians, security forces and perceived transgressors within their own
ranks -‐ has greatly contributed to these numbers.
“Among the areas hardest hit are the country’s urban centers. Honduras’ economic
capital, San Pedro Sula, is, according to some, the world’s most violent city, with a
homicide rate of 142 for every 100,000 people. The political capital Tegucigalpa has a
homicide rate of 81 per 100,000. The third largest city, La Ceiba, has a murder rate of 95
per 100,000.
“These are also the areas where the gangs, in particular the two most prominent, the
Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18, have the greatest presence and influence. The
emergence of hyper‐violent street gangs happened relatively quickly in Honduras. In the
late 1990s, following legislation in the United States that led to increased deportation of
ex‐convicts, numerous MS13 and Barrio 18 members arrived in the country.
“By the early 2000s, these two gangs, along with several local groups, had begun a
bloody battle for territory-‐and the extortion revenue and drug markets that goes with it -
‐that continues to this day. The government responded by passing so‐called ‘iron fist’
legislation and arresting thousands of suspected gang members.
“Instead of slowing the growth of gangs, however, the policy allowed them to consolidate
their leadership within the prison system, expand their economic portfolios and make
contact with other criminal organizations.
“This report covers the current state of gangs in Honduras. Specifically, it examines the
history, geographic presence, structure and modus operandi of Barrio 18 and MS13 in
the country. It also analyzes how the gangs may be developing into more sophisticated
criminal organizations.
“It looks closely at examples that illustrate how some parts of these two gangs are
winning the support of the local communities in which they operate. Finally, it gives an
overview of some of the other street gangs operating in Honduras.
“Major Findings:Barrio18 and MS13 are smaller operations than previously
understood. Membership comes at a high price, and those seeking entry are frequently
used as cannon fodder. The youngest members may be forced into service, and many of
them leave without ever becoming full members.
“Both gangs are nominally hierarchical in structure, but the true nature of their
operations is more horizontal. Many leaders have relative autonomy in their zones of
influence, especially those in Barrio 18’s structure.
“Barrio 18 remains dependent on extortion within their areas of influence, which is
turning the local population against them. MS13, meanwhile, has a policy of eschewing
local extortion, which has helped the gang forge a more benevolent image compared to
its rivals.
“MS13 relies heavily on revenue from local drug peddling. Barrio 18 is increasingly
seeking to control this criminal economy, and authorities believe that the battle for the
proverbial ‘corner’ is driving much of the violence in areas where the two gangs operate.

“All major gangs in Honduras rely on extortion revenue from the public transport
sector. A gang that is extorting public transportation in Tegucigalpa can net as much as
$2.5 million per year. There is possibly some participation of authorities-‐ particularly
the police -‐ in these extortion rings.

“A comparison of areas in Tegucigalpa controlled by Barrio 18 with areas controlled

by MS13showed no statistical difference in the number of homicides. This is despite the
fact that Barrio18 has the reputation for being the more violent of the two gangs.
“Barrio 18 has a policy of fighting the security forces if officials enter their territory,
while MS13 has a policy of not fighting. The different approaches may impact their
ability to corrupt security forces.
“There is little evidence to suggest that Barrio 18 is close to developing deeper
relationships with transnational drug trafficking organizations. It remains a
subsistence‐level criminal group whose modus operandi primarily depends on extortion
and its willingness to use violence.

“Many authorities say the MS13 leadership in both El Salvador and Honduras are
moving towards becoming a transnational criminal organization, deepening their
involvement in the wholesale drug trade and possibly becoming international traffickers.
Cases in Honduras illustrating this tendency, however, remain scant, notwithstanding the
US Treasury Department’s recent designation of the group as a transnational criminal
organization. …
“GangViolence in Honduras: When asked why there is so much gang‐related violence in
Honduras, most give a short answer that centers on a single concept: territory. Territory
is a useful catchall to describe what motivates the gangs, as it encompasses both the
micro and macro levels of this ongoing battle. At one level, territory is about physical
space. Conquering that space grants access to revenue streams, via activities such as
extortion and drug peddling. Control of territory also ensures more recruits and
enhances a gang’s status.
“But territory can also be a more personal matter. A fight for territory can be a struggle
to gain power within a gang, or a show of fortitude with internal or external rivals.
Territory is also a central part of many gangs’ ethos. Even the name of the Barrio 18
refers to the Spanish word for ‘neighborhood;’ while ‘salvatrucha’ is a reference to El
Salvador.
“Still, determining what motivates the gangs to violence is difficult in the best of
circumstances. In Honduras, it is made more difficult because of the lack of reliable data,
the limited number of judicial cases, and holes in government intelligence.

“Using the best available data on our most reliable proxy- ‐ homicides -‐as well as
qualitative research, we can only theorize about the extent of violence and how it relates
to gang activity in the country.

“A significant portion of Honduras’ homicides-‐ especially in the three urban areas

where the gangs have their greatest presence-‐appear to be what we might call ‘gang‐
related.’ Like the term ‘territory,’ gang‐related can have multiple meanings. To begin
with, gang‐related can refer to any activity connected to the gang’s finances, such as
extortion, drug peddling, theft, or murder-for‐hire, among others. Gang‐related also
includes violence amongst gang members or between gangs, and violence between gangs
and the security forces. Finally, gang‐related refers to conflicts with outsiders who are
perceived to have gone against the gang or its generally accepted code of behavior in
some way. This can include providing information to security forces about criminal
activity, or not permitting the gang to use a house for its activities. In Honduras’ most
violent neighborhoods, anecdotal evidence about gang‐related murders abounds. In some
instances, these stories can be partially confirmed by retrieving news reports about
battles being waged over territory. A recent example is the fight for Las Torres, a
neighborhood in Tegucigalpa. The neighborhood has long been controlled by the MS13.
It is surrounded, however, by neighborhoods controlled by the Barrio 18. Since
November, there have been three attacks in Las Torres that bore signs of Barrio 18
incursions, leading observers to believe that the murder rates in that area, which are
some of the highest in the city, are related to gangs. In the psyche of the community,
gang‐on‐gang battles loom large….
“Conclusions: Honduras’ gangs, once insignificant and unprofessional, have grown into
what is arguably the top security challenge facing this country. While it is impossible to
determine with precision how much violence the gangs are responsible for, it is clear that
much of the rise in homicides in Honduras is related to gang activity….
“And there are neighborhoods of Honduras, especially in urban areas, which are under
a virtual siege. The two foremost gangs, MS13 and Barrio 18, are at the center of these
security concerns. The two have a lot of similarities. After arriving in the late 1990s with
the masses of criminal deportees from the United States, these gangs have swallowed,
coopted or displaced many local streets gangs. They rely on extortion and peddling drugs
for money. They recruit youths that they use for lookouts, messengers and other odd,
often dangerous, jobs. However, they are different in important ways. Barrio 18 relies
much more on micro‐extortion --‐targeting the street vendor, corner store, or the local
mechanic –than MS13. This puts them at odds with the community.
“MS13 is more focused on controlling the local drug trade, which has given it more
revenue and kept it in good stead with the communities in which it operates.”
39. AP, Honduras Indians' land being seized by drug gangs and settlers, UN
official says, 10 Nov. 2015, available at
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/nov/10/honduras-indians-land-seized-
drug-gangs-settlers-un-official-says ................
“Indians on Honduras’s Caribbean coast are suffering invasions of their lands by
squatters, loggers, palm-oil planters and drug traffickers, a UN official said on Tuesday.
“Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, the United Nations special rapporteur on the rights of
indigenous peoples, said drug traffickers cut down trees to carve airstrips from the
jungle, recruited Indian youths into the trade and bought up land to launder money.
“Honduran Miskitos and other groups are demanding the government help them protect
their territory in the swampy, heavily forested region.
“‘There is no protection basically from invaders who come in and occupy their land,
whether these are agricultural landowners or loggers, and they mentioned that even drug
traffickers are entering their territories,’ Tauli-Corpuz said by telephone following a visit
to Miskitos and other ethnic groups in western Honduras.
“‘Some of their lands are stripped of trees because they [traffickers] make a landing site’
for drug flights, she said. ‘The young people don’t have livelihood activities, and so they
are easy prey to these drug traffickers.’ She also expressed concern at the trafficking and
prostitution of indigenous women.
“The Miskito complaints are similar to problems that led to confrontations in
neighbouring Nicaragua earlier this year.
“In March, Indians in Honduras seized and then released some squatters they accuse of
acting as pawns of big palm-oil planters and loggers to illegally clear the land.
“Tauli-Corpuz, said the Honduran government is trying to raise money to compensate
settlers for their eviction.
“But in a report presented at the end of her visit, she stressed it was important for the
government to investigate who was selling false land titles to the settlers, and who was
behind the deforestation. She said she had heard reports of authorities involved in illegal
land sales.
“Indians also oppose the creation of national protected areas that limit access to their
lands, and the building of hydroelectric projects in the region, she said
“The impoverished coastal area was the scene of a 2012 Drug Enforcement
Administration-supported raid on river boats suspected of carrying drugs. US drug
agents and Honduran national police tracked a plane loaded with cocaine as it entered
the country from South America. The raid ended with two pregnant women and two men
dead. Tauli-Corpuz said the ‘victims have not yet received adequate reparations nor
justice’ for that raid.
In neighbouring Nicaragua, the conflict burst into violence in September, when at least
nine people were killed and 20 more wounded after the Miskito took up arms to try to
expel a wave of newcomers attracted in part by the area’s rich tropical hardwood
groves.”
40. Tim Padgett, Officials turn to community policing to counteract Honduras
gang violence, 16 Oct. 2015, available at http://www.pri.org/stories/2015-10-
16/officials-turn-community-policing-counteract-honduras-gang-violence
.....................
“On June 26, 2014, 13-year-old Andrea Argeñal had just dropped her young cousins off
at school in the Rivera Hernández section of San Pedro Sula, Honduras’ second-largest
city. Relatives say it’s the sort of favor she frequently did for her family.
“Thugs abducted Andrea, angry that she refused to join their mara, or drug gang. They
took her to a house they’d invaded — one of many criminal lairs in Honduras known as
casas locas, or madhouses.
“There, they tortured Andrea, raped and ultimately killed her.
“‘The police barely responded to her disappearance,’ says Andrea’s uncle, René
Maradiaga, standing at the spot behind the casa loca where her body was found. ‘It
seemed to take a good 10 to 15 days before they got serious about it.’
“The gangsters had already terrified many local residents into leaving Honduras for the
United States — especially teenagers like Kevin Portillo, who’d been threatened by the
same gang that killed Andrea.
“‘The thing is, if a kid obeyed that gang, then a rival gang would threaten you,’ says
Kevin, 17, who was one of tens of thousands of Central American minors who showed up
alone on the U.S. border last year. (He was deported back to Honduras months later.)
“But for all that, Andrea’s horrific murder proved a tipping point for her community, if
not her country.
“Ever since Spanish conquistadors marauded into what is now Honduras five centuries
ago, it has treated police security like a private privilege more than a public right. That’s
a big reason — along with the U.S.’s insatiable demand for drugs — that Honduras and
San Pedro Sula have in recent years suffered the highest homicide rates of any country or
city in the world.
“This year, officials estimate those could drop by as much as 30 percent. What’s
changed? Many say the police have.
“That doesn’t mean a surge of SWAT teams, helicopters and shootouts, though. It reflects
instead more modern and professional practices like using crime data analysis to
dispatch patrols more effectively in neighborhoods like Andrea’s — as police in San
Pedro Sula now do.
“Or teaching gang-resistance classes in local schools, as they also do. Or helping to
paint residents’ houses in neighborhoods where gangs have just been pushed out.
“In years past, unfortunately, people used to view what police we had to be as criminal
and repressive as the gangs themselves,” Eva Nelly Paz, a San Pedro Sula community
activist, said as she watched cops paint homes near a sugar-cane field where gangsters
used to dump victims’ corpses.
“Alcides Vides, the new national police subcommander in San Pedro Sula, insists his
officers ‘are in touch with citizens now and the citizens trust them. When that happens,
violent crime will drop.’
‘Impoverished Honduras is still woefully under-policed: It has only one cop per 1,200
residents. Miami-Dade County, by comparison, has one for every 400.
But Honduras is finally building its police ranks, thanks to millions in U.S. aid and a new
security tax the country’s ruling elites grudgingly agreed to a couple years ago.
They’ve also conceded that their Mano Dura (Hard Hand) strategy — using the military
instead of police to fight gangs — failed. In fact, Honduras’ government, run by a
conservative president whose party long championed Mano Dura, presented a reform
plan this past summer that calls for a significant increase in civilian police and stronger
requirements for recruits, including high school diplomas.
“‘History in this part of the world has proved that Mano Dura does not work,” says
Vance Stacy, who advises the Honduran police for the U.S. State Department’s
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Bureau (INL).
“Stacy is helping implement U.S.-proven concepts like community policing,
decentralizing commands and using computer statistics to prevent violent crime.
Honduran law enforcement bosses say they now model their approach after Los Angeles,
where those techniques have greatly reduced gang might. (Ironically, Central America’s
major street gangs had their start in L.A. a generation ago.)…
“A recent Vanderbilt University study suggests the experiment is working in Central
America’s violence-plagued northern triangle of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador.
And it’s at least off to a good start in San Pedro Sula’s Chamelecón district — which is
arguably the epicenter of Honduras’ gang terror, and not surprisingly a place that
generates more migrants than any in the region, say U.S. officials.
“New, U.S.-funded police stations have just been completed in Chamelecón — with bunk-
bed dorms so cops stay embedded in the barrios. That cop presence, along with new
public parks and stadium-bright street lights, challenges gang rule. Businesses once
crippled by criminal extortion are coming back to life….
“During a recent ride-along with a national police night patrol in Chamelecón —
through an area controlled by Honduras’ most powerful gang, MS-13 — residents
walked the streets after dark. That wasn’t the case little more than a year ago, when
gangs like MS-13 still mandated curfews that kept locals indoors after 8 p.m.
“Those no longer seem to be in effect on many Chamelecón blocks. Nor do they seem to
hold in the San Pedro Sula neighborhood where Andrea Argeñal was killed. In fact, the
community has made the defiant gesture of turning the casa loca into a youth recreation
center.
“Police are stationed 24/7 on the street where Andrea was kidnapped.
“And teenagers like Kevin Portillo say they feel safe enough to stay in Honduras.”
41. Sonia Nazario, The Refugees at Our Door: We are paying people to keep
people from reaching our border, people who are fleeing Central American
violence, 15 Oct. 2015, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/11/opinion/sunday/the-refugees-at-our-
door.html .................................
“I went to Mexico last month to see the effects of the crackdown against migrants, who
are being hunted down on a scale never seen before and sent back to countries where
gangs and drug traffickers have taken control of whole sections of territory. More than a
decade ago, I rode on top of seven freight trains up the length of Mexico with child
migrants to chronicle hellish experiences at the hands of gangs, bandits and corrupt cops
who preyed on youngsters as they journeyed north. Compared with today, that trip was
child’s play.
“In a migrant shelter in Ixtepec, Mexico, I met July Elizabeth Pérez, 32, who was
clutching her 3-year-old daughter, Kimberly Julieth Medina, tight in her arms, and
keeping a careful eye on her two other children, 6-year-old-Luis Danny Pérez and 12-
year-old Naamá Pérez. She arrived at this shelter after fleeing San Pedro Sula, a city
where she grew up and worked as a waitress but that is now the deadliest town in
Honduras, a country with one of the highest homicide rates in the world.

“She was aiming to reach the United States, where her mother and grandmother live
legally in Florida — 3,000 miles away.

“She got less than 300 miles inside Mexico’s southern border to the migrant shelter, and
that took 20 terrifying days. Four times, Mexican state and federal police stopped buses
she and her children were on. She cried. She bribed them. Other times, she and her three
children got out of taxis or buses to walk around checkpoints.

“After walking 12 hours around a mountain, they waited, exhausted, for seven days until
a freight train left. July hid in a cubbyhole at the end of a freight car with her children,
but 15 minutes later some men stopped it and shot toward those aboard. ‘Sons of bitches,
we are going to kill you!’ they yelled at the migrants.

“Some migrants on the train threw rocks at them; in the chaos, July and her children
were able to escape. By the time they arrived at the shelter, she had spent $3,000 sent by
her grandparents and mother in the United States on bribes and wildly inflated prices
charged by buses and taxis to reach the shelter on July 23. Two days later, she applied
for a humanitarian visa to get through Mexico to reach her mother in Miami. She has
been waiting two months.

“‘I think Mexico is putting up as many obstacles as possible so you despair, give up, and
leave,’ she says.

“The crackdown has changed the shelter, Hermanos en el Camino, like many church-run
immigrant shelters in southern Mexico, from a place migrants stopped for a quick bite
and respite to a refugee camp where migrants wait for months, desperately hoping to get
a visa or asylum from Mexico that would allow them to stay or safely continue north…..

“For eight years, July’s family has been struggling with the gang and narco-cartel
violence that has overtaken many areas of her country. On Oct. 29, 2007, her brother,
Carlos Luis Pérez, a skinny 22-year-old, was kidnapped and then found dead two days
later in a sewage ditch, his hands and feet cut off. He had been on his way to deliver the
family’s $91 in rent money when he was robbed.

“In 2010, July’s mother left legally for the United States with a visa that her mother had
obtained for her. When July’s mother arrived in the United States, she quickly applied for
a visa for July, vowing, despite long backlogs for such visas, to get July out soon, too.
‘Hurry!’ July begged, ‘I don’t want anything to happen to my children.’ Matters grew
worse in her city; there were three mass murders in the two blocks near her house as
neighbors and friends were killed by the 18th Street gangsters who ruled her area.

“Not long after her oldest son, Anthony Yalibath Pacheco, turned 14, he told July that
18th Street gangsters ordered him to be their lookout. ‘No,’ he told them, ‘my mom will
be mad at me.’ Terrified that her son was in danger, she tried in 2014 to get any kind of
visa from the United States Embassy; both her October and November applications were
denied. She was told to wait for her mother’s visa to be processed, something that can
take years.

“On Dec. 4, 2014, at 7 p.m., she sent the 14-year-old and his friend on an errand just
steps from home. When he didn’t return immediately, July called, then texted. Her son did
not respond.
“Desperate, she went to the police station, pleading for help even though she knew they
were in collusion with the gang. They found her son’s bike at a house that reeked of
marijuana, although no trace of the gangsters — tipped off, July believes, by the police.
They found the boys’ bodies nearby moments later. Her son had ligature welts on his
wrists, his face was beaten, ribs kicked, and burn marks singed his lips. His body had
been stuffed into a garbage bag. Another bag over his head had suffocated him. Her son
loved to help others, study math, and take care of his younger siblings, she says, and he
longed to be a lawyer. ‘Why didn’t they leave him alive? Why? Why?’ She sobs, tears
streaming down her cheeks.

“July quickly buried her son in a spot on top of the grave of her brother who had died,
abandoned her house, and went to live three hours away. Seven months later, a neighbor
tipped her off that the gang had found her. She left in less than 24 hours, carrying little.
Speed was crucial; many migrants have fled Honduras only to be traced and killed
in Guatemala by the same gang there. In her haste to leave her home she left behind her
passport and photos of herself.

“She decided her only safe alternative was to go to the United States illegally, but she
made it only a few miles inside Mexico before she and her children were caught and
detained in the 21st-Century Migration Station, Mexico’s largest immigration detention
facility, in Tapachula, Chiapas. Despite Mexican laws that require all detained migrants
to be notified of their right to apply for asylum, no one informed her of her rights. She
begged to be considered a refugee. ‘I cannot go back to my country!’

“The detention center was packed. Her children slept on filthy mattresses. Her 6-year-old
son’s arms were covered in a rash and bleeding. July’s asthma left her barely able to
breathe. She begged for medicine. Twelve days after being caught, she was deported to
San Pedro Sula, where both her son and brother had been murdered. She immediately
headed north again, fearing that if she didn’t leave, the 18th Street gang would find her.

“Beginning in July 2014, Mexico redirected 300 to 600 immigration agents to its
southernmost states, and conducted over 20,000 raids in 2014 on the freight trains
migrants ride on top of, and the bus stations, hotels and highways where migrants travel.
In a sharp departure from the past few years, in the first seven months of fiscal 2015,
Mexico apprehended more Central Americans — 92,889 — than the 70,448 apprehended
by the United States. This year, Mexico is expected to apprehend 70 percent more
Central Americans than in 2014, while United States apprehensions are projected to be
cut by about half, according to a Migration Policy Institute study last month.

“Of course, barriers will not ultimately stop children who are increasingly desperate and
can find new ways around obstacles. In a worrisome development for the White House
that another surge could be brewing, last month more than twice as many
unaccompanied children were caught coming into the United States illegally and put in
federal custody than a year ago.
“Mexico has been particularly zealous in beating back children traveling alone. In the
first seven months of this year, Mexico had already apprehended 18,310 minors, up
nearly a third over the same period a year ago.

“But unaccompanied minors feel they have no choice but to flee. At the Ixtepec shelter,
Brian Enoc Pérez Molina, 16, says there is nothing left for him to go back to — the local
narco cartel, which trafficks cocaine and marijuana, killed his brother and father. He
tried to go home once, to an island off Bluefields, Nicaragua, and the narcos nearly
bludgeoned him to death, too.

“No one systematically tracks how many deportees end up dead when they are returned
to their homes, but the social scientist Elizabeth G. Kennedy in a forthcoming report
documents, from news reports, that at least 90 migrants deported by the United States
and Mexico in the past 21 months were murdered. The true number, she notes, is most
likely much higher…..

“The crackdown has forced migrants to travel in ways that are harder, take longer, are
more isolated and have fewer support mechanisms. New measures have made riding on
top of freight trains north, a preferred method for anyone who cannot afford a $10,000
smuggler fee, incredibly difficult. In Tierra Blanca, Veracruz and elsewhere, tall concrete
walls topped with concertina wire have been constructed to thwart migrants. In Apizaco,
the Lechería train station outside Mexico City and elsewhere, chest-high concrete pillars,
or rocks, have been installed on both sides of the tracks so migrants cannot run alongside
moving trains and board them.

“In Veracruz, low-hanging structures have been built that the trains pass through, so
unsuspecting migrants atop freight cars are swept off moving trains. Mexican
immigration officials are using tasers to zap people off moving freight trains, says
Alberto Donis, operating coordinator of the Hermanos en el Camino shelter in Ixtepec.

“Four in five of the migrants I spoke to at the Ixtepec shelter have walked most of the
way, often with babies or toddlers in their arms.

“‘There are children walking the length of Mexico,’ often at night so as not to be seen,
says David Muñoz Ambriz, the Latin America communications manager for World Vision
International, a Christian humanitarian aid group.

“Migrants are also taking more clandestine, dangerous routes to go undetected, far from
the dozens of mostly Catholic-run shelters that have sprung up next to the tracks to aid
them. The Rev. Alejandro Solalinde, the priest who runs the Ixtepec shelter, has worked
arduously to reduce abuses. He has been jailed by the police, threatened by narco
traffickers, and lives with multiple bodyguards in daily fear for his life for denouncing
barbaric crimes against migrants and complicity by Mexican law enforcers.

“As Mexico has blocked refugees from moving forward, it places enormous obstacles in
the way of being able to apply for asylum in Mexico. Those who are detained by migrant
officials and are allowed to apply remain locked up during a process that can take
months or a year, sometimes in jails where rats roam by day and worms infest the food
migrants get. Of those who are able to hold out for a decision, only about 20 percent win
— less than half of the roughly 50 percent asylum approval rate of the United States.
Mexico granted asylum to 18 children last year.

“‘You can lock people inside a burning house, you can close the front door, but they will
find a way out,’ says Michelle Brané, director of the Migrant Rights and Justice program
at the Women’s Refugee Commission. ‘The U.S. doesn’t want to recognize this as a
refugee situation. They want Mexico to be the buffer, to stop arrivals before they get to
our border.’

“Other surrounding Latin American countries outside the so-called three conflicted
Northern Triangle countries — El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala — have seen
an almost 1,200 percent spike in asylum claims between 2008 and 2014, according to
a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees study.

“While a legitimate debate can continue about the pluses and minuses of economic
migrants to the United States, the solution with these refugees from our neighbors to
the south is clear. It seems ridiculous to have to say it: If a child is fleeing danger in
his or her home country, and that child knocks on our door pleading for help, we
should open the door. Instead of funding only the current policies toward migrants in
Mexico, we should fund fair efforts by Mexico to evaluate which Central Americans
are refugees….

“The United States should develop a system for these refugees, much like Europe is
now doing for Syrians, to equitably allocate people who are fleeing harm throughout
this continent — including sending them to safer countries in Latin America, to
Canada and to the United States. In the 1980s, many United States churches stepped
up to help Central Americans fleeing civil war violence, and many would gladly
sponsor a migrant today if encouraged by our government.”

42. Sibylla Brodzinsky and Ed Pilkington, US government deporting Central

American migrants to their death, 12 Oct. 2015, available at
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/oct/12/obama-immigration-
deportations-central-america ....................

“The US government is deporting undocumented immigrants back to Central America to

face the imminent threat of violence, with several individuals being murdered just days or
months after their return, a Guardian investigation has found. violence for the US only to
be sent back to their deaths
“The Guardian has confirmed three separate cases of Honduran men who have been
gunned down shortly after being deported by the US government. Each was murdered in
their hometowns, soon after their return – one just a few days after he was expelled from
the US.
“Immigration experts believe that the Guardian’s findings represent just the tip of the
iceberg. A forthcoming academic study based on local newspaper reports has identified
as many as 83 US deportees who have been murdered on their return to El Salvador,
Guatemala and Honduras since January 2014.

“Human rights groups warn that deterrent measures taken by the Obama administration
after last year’s ‘surge’ in arrivals at the border of unaccompanied children from
Central America have triggered a series of powerful unintended consequences across the
region….

“Side effects of the crackdown can also be seen in Mexico, where authorities have
also stepped up security across the across the south of the country.

“This has caused migrants to make lengthy detours, making journeys to ever more
remote and perilous routes where they face a heightened risk of robbery, rape, abduction
and death.

“Human rights experts warn that in its haste to expel or deter undocumented immigrants,
the US government is scrimping on its obligation to provide asylum to those genuinely in
peril in violation of international law.

“The collateral damage of America’s increasingly unforgiving deportation process is

that people are being returned to extremely dangerous situations in Central America,
which has some of the highest murder rates in the world.

“Based on reporting from northern Honduras and freedom of information requests in the
US, the Guardian has compiled the stories of three young Honduran men who were all
killed soon after deportation. Two of them had originally fled to the US after their
brothers were violently attacked by gangs, one of them fatally.

“José Marvin Martínez was 16 when he fled from the town of San Manuel in the north of
Honduras to the US. A few months earlier his brother Rigoberto had been shot and killed
by suspected gang members, relatives said.

“Deportation papers obtained under freedom of information rules show that Martínez
was apprehended in Laredo, Texas in May 2013 having worked for a while as a masons’
assistant in Houston. A border patrol agent had come across him in a Dairy Ranch store.

“In April 2014 he was ordered to appear before an immigration review court but failed
to show. He was then issued with a deportation notice and was eventually tracked down
and sent back to Honduras in August of that year.

“On 14 December – four months after he was deported – Martínez, who was known
locally as El Chele or ‘Blondie’, was sitting outside a corner shop back in San Manuel
when a gunman opened fire from a drive-by truck, killing him. ‘If a deportee can’t find a
place to feel safe, surely he’ll be killed,’ said Jaime Coto, a Honduran detective.
“Another of the cases tracked down by the Guardian was that of Ángel Díaz, 26, who was
sent away to the US by his father after his brother was kidnapped by a Honduran gang
and beaten almost to death. In April this year Díaz was arrested by police following a
domestic dispute and – with no visa papers to show – was sent directly to a detention
center for deportees.

“He was removed to Honduras in July. Days later was shot dead on a local bus, it is
assumed by local gang members.

“In the third case, Juan Francisco Díaz was deported back to his hometown Choloma in
Honduras in March, having lived under the radar in the US for three years. Four months
after deportation he was found lying dead in an alleyway in his parents’ neighborhood.

“Elizabeth Kennedy, a social scientist at San Diego state university, has compiled a
comprehensive estimate of US deportees who have been murdered on their return to
Central America since January 2014 based on local newspaper reports. Her forthcoming
research identified 45 such cases in El Salvador, three in Guatemala and 35 in
Honduras.

“‘These figures tell us that the US is returning people to their deaths in violation of
national and international law. Most of the individuals reported to have been murdered
lived in some of the most violent towns in some of the most violent countries in the world
– suggesting strongly that is why they fled,’ Kennedy said.

“Government officials told the Guardian that they could not comment on individual
cases. But a Department of Homeland Security spokesman, SY Lee, said that the US
offers protection for those who fear harm in their home countries through a variety of
channels….

“Lee pointed out that criminal activity back home was not sufficient grounds to claim
asylum, unless it were connected to five specific grounds for fear of harm - race, religion,
nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion. Those facing
deportation – including expedited removal – ‘are permitted the opportunity to seek
asylum and/or other forms of protection’.

“The reality that undocumented immigrants are being returned to danger in Central
America stands in stark contrast to the heightened rhetoric around migration in the US –
stoked in part by Republican presidential hopefuls….

“But the statistics paint a very different picture. According to the latest figures from US
Customs and Border Protection (CBP) the number of unaccompanied children
apprehended at the Southwest border so far this year is steeply down from the high of
66,000 in last summer’s surge.

“Clara Long, an immigration researcher for Human Rights Watch, said that in the wake
of the 2014 surge there had been a ‘generalized crackdown’ across the immigration
service. ‘Detention has been expanded and people are increasingly being put into fast-
track deportation procedures in which their claims for asylum are not being properly
considered.’

“A recent Human Rights Watch report concluded that the increasing use of so-called
‘expedited removals’ of people picked up by US officials along the Mexican border was
returning many to potential danger even though they had expressed fears of returning
home. ‘This comes down to our regard for the dignity and lives of others,’ Long said. …
‘We are putting people through an increasingly criminalized detention-based system that
risks returning people to their deaths.’

“Mexican authorities are also returning migrants in immediate danger, the Guardian has
found. Gredis Alexander Hernández fled Honduras with his sister after witnessing the
murder of her boyfriend. Fearing for their own lives, the two siblings crossed into
Guatemala heading for the US, but were apprehended as they tried to enter Mexico.

“Two days after they were returned to their home town, Hernández was shot twice in the
head while he lay in his bed. He was 14 years old.

“Human rights groups contest that, as architects of the crackdown, the US government
must share some of the responsibility for such tragedies.

“As Maureen Meyer of the Washington Office of Latin America put it: ‘The Obama
administration has found a way to hide the so-called crisis of Central American migrants
at the border. But at what cost?”

43. Ted Lewis, Ending the Drug War Tragedy: From Honduras to NYC, 27 Aug.
2015, available at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ted-lewis/ending-the-drug-war-
trage_b_8018970.html ..............
“Last June, I traveled to Honduras to confer with civil society leaders about organizing a
five-nation, ‘end the drug war’ caravan -- all the way from Central America to New York
City.
“The ‘caravan’ aims to stir debate in places profoundly damaged by the drug war and to
bring people and their stories from those regions along the route to New York City just
prior to the convening of the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drug
Policy (UNGASS) next April.
“We knew this trip was guaranteed to be challenging. Honduras has been hit very hard
by the drug war. The dramatic profits available to those who traffic in prohibited drugs
have fueled the growth of criminal organizations, spurred violence, underwritten
pervasive corruption, and bolstered the institutionalized impunity that enables all of it.
“But there was a big, hopeful surprise awaiting us in Honduras: the stunning emergence
of a powerful civil revolt against government corruption that took to the streets while we
were there, and that has been calling for the President's resignation ever since. …
“On reflection, it's not really surprising that discontent has boiled over in Honduras.
Extreme poverty is widespread and just a few oligarchs control most of the country's
lands and wealth.
“Decades of a heavy U.S. military footprint in the country -- and more recently, Hillary
Clinton's back-channel support of a 2009 military coup -- have encouraged the enemies
of democracy in Honduras.
“Since the 2009 coup, gang violence has surged -- adding to the economic pressures that
prompt thousands of desperate families to emigrate, or sometimes even send their kids
north alone, despite the terrible risks involved.
“But the trigger for this summer's peaceful uprising was the revelation that hundreds of
millions of dollars were stolen from the national health system, much of it channeled
directly to ruling party political campaigns. Thousands of Hondurans died needlessly due
to shortages of medical personnel and medicines. These are the facts behind the outrage
that has propelled multitudes of discontented, torch-carrying citizens into the streets.
“As we traveled and spoke with organizations and leaders across Honduras we
encountered deep opposition to the militarization and corruption of public life that have
accompanied the drug war.
“We were especially interested in speaking with Garifuna and other indigenous leaders
who have been among the most outspoken critics of the drug war -- even as they have
confronted smugglers encroaching on their ancestral lands.
“The Garifuna are descendants of escaped African slaves and indigenous peoples who
intermarried and settled along Central America's Atlantic Coast in the 1700's. They were
once isolated, but in recent years have come under intense pressure from unscrupulous
tourist development and sprawling African Palm plantations.
“Last year, Garifuna in the tiny settlement of Vallecito found a drug-smuggling airstrip
built and being operated on their territory.
“Miriam Miranda, leader of the Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH)
stepped in to document and protest the intrusion. OFRANEH pressured the government
to shut down the airfield. The army eventually complied, dynamiting large holes to
disable the dirt runway.
“But that was not the end of the story. The smugglers returned and started filling the hole
with logs and dirt.
“When OFRANEH leaders began to document the refurbishing of the airfield, they were
seized at gunpoint by sicarios on motorcycles. They were released long hours later, but
only because other members of their party had eluded the gunmen, alerted media, and
triggered an international campaign for their freedom.
“Now, a year later, OFRANEH boldly maintains a permanent encampment on the site to
keep traffickers away.
“This year, as protests were mounting across the country, OFRANEH held their national
leadership meeting at the remote encampment. They invited us to come there to talk with
them about working together to end the drug war.
“We agreed about a lot of things: The drug war is a disaster and it is past time to break
the taboo on speaking honestly about its impact on people, families, communities,
countries, and entire regions.
“They explained how parasitic criminal organizations that grew from the hyper-profits of
the prohibited drug trade now run other enterprises, like extortion rackets and human
trafficking. They launder ill-gotten funds through investments in mining, hotels,
agriculture and other superficially legitimate industries.
“The OFRANEH leaders are interested in promoting an international discussion of how
we could starve the beasts of the drug war through realistic regulation of drugs that aims
to dramatically reduce the illegal trade.
“We talked about how human rights, public health, and harm reduction practices should
be the guideposts of any new, reformed drug policies. But to be clear, no one thought
ending the drug war or dismantling the powerful criminal organizations whose money
and influence derives from it would be easy. Nor will it be easy for Hondurans to restore
democracy and curb the power of the oligarchy.
“Open public debate and scrutiny is needed to reveal the truth about the drug war: it is a
deadly, decades-long international mistake that cannot be solved by any country on its
own. Pragmatic drug policy reforms require concerted international cooperation.
“Such reforms will not resolve all the deep tensions roiling Honduras and other
countries, but freezing the drug war profit machine via incremental regulation of today's
illicit markets is a critical step toward reducing violence and weakening the networks of
corruption and impunity that undermine democracy and deny justice.
“The morning I left Honduras I took a taxi from my hotel in San Pedro Sula to the
airport. I was in the mood to chat and asked the taxi driver if he ever felt scared doing his
job in this most violent of cities. He told me that, ‘Yes,’ he was often afraid and that
(pointing to a police car), ‘the worst part is that you can't rely on the authorities for help
because many of them were working with the criminals. Do you know about the war tax
(impuestos de guerra)?’ he asked.
“‘Every business in this city,’ he explained, ‘has to pay a tax to the gangs.’…
“‘Whether you run a sandwich stand, a dry cleaning shop, a hotel, or a travel agency,
you have to pay--or die. In our case, we have about 150 members in our taxi collective
and we have to pay 10,000 Lempira [about 500 dollars] a week.’
“‘What terrifies me,’ he continued, ‘is that the authorities are involved.’ …
“‘Every week we take our 'contribution' to the local jail. I am not joking,’ he insisted.
“’But it is even worse than that,’ he told me. ‘One week we had trouble getting our
payment together and we arrived late to the jail. The guards told us visiting hours were
over and we could not enter. We started freaking out because a missed payment can
mean sudden death. So, we called the cell phone of our contact inside the jail. A few
minutes later the guards came back out and invited us in to deliver the 'tax' payment.’
“‘So,’ he said, ‘You can see who is really running the show.’
“As he dropped me off to catch my flight I was still thinking over the nightmarish
implications of what he'd told me. For people trapped in this criminal maelstrom there is
really no way out.”
44. Maria Vanta, Amid Rampant Violence in Honduras, Evangelicals Have
Become Crime Fighters, 16 June 2015, available at
https://news.vice.com/article/amid-rampant-crime-in-honduras-evangelicals-have-
become-crime-fighters ......
“Five years ago, the body of Sindy Marbella Alemán Cerrato was found in the Kingdom
Hall of Jehovah's Witnesses in Tegucigalpa, the crime-infested capital of Honduras.

“The 16-year-old had choked to death on a piece of red flannel that Manuel Pavon,
leader of the congregation, had stuffed into her mouth to muffle her screams as he raped
her.

“There wasn't enough forensic evidence for police to go on. And though locals knew who
the killer was — they had seen him with the victim and at the scene of the crime — they
refused to talk to law enforcement.

“But, there was a group they did trust. Sindy's family had seen them walk the streets of
their poor community before, evangelicals-turned-unofficial homicide investigators who
have had a surprising amount of success in a country that doesn't see much in the way of
that.

“The Association for a More Just Society (known in Honduras as the Asociación para
una Sociedad más Justa, or ASJ), a Christian not-for-profit organization, established
the Peace and Justice Project (PJP) some ten years ago, and has been cultivating
informants over cups of coffee and meals ever since.

“Based out of a three-storey office in a gated community in the capital, the multi-
disciplinary team helps Honduras' much-maligned police investigate murders, sexual
assaults, and human trafficking in the poor, high-risk neighborhoods of Tegucigalpa and
San Pedro Sula….

“In Honduras, a country with a staggering impunity rate of 96 percent, the problem is
especially acute. The profoundly poor and politically unstable nation sees anywhere
from 140 to 300 tons of cocaine pass through its borders every year, fueling epic levels of
violence and graft.
“‘Here, it is poor people killing poor people so there is not much pressure on the police
to investigate,’ one of the PJP investigators told VICE News. ‘The people who live in
these neighborhoods accept crime as a normal part of everyday life.’

“PJP claims to be the first venture of its kind in the world, and counts on ex-cops,
lawyers, and psychologists to track down witnesses and build a case. They've dressed up
as door-knocking political campaigners in order to get close to a killer who murdered
someone for a Yamaha motorcycle. They've walked down alleys with rape victims in
search of their attacker, and when he escaped from jail, summoned the media to ensure
his face was well publicized.

“The group has set up a sort of witness protection program in which people testifying in
court have their identity completely concealed with the help of a voice converter and a
stifling, black, hooded robe. Such measures were employed to help secure a 17-year
sentence for Pavon, who was convicted of murder.

“To date, the approach has yielded a 95 percent rate of conviction. In 2014, PJP —
which says it obtains funding from foreign governments, development organizations, and
private donors — helped the police apprehend 84 alleged murderers in Tegucigalpa and
San Pedro Sula. It was involved in 16 court cases, all of which ended in a guilty verdict.

“This year, a new investigative agency housed in the public prosecutor's office began
negotiating how to replicate ASJ's methodology to approach extremely violent
communities.

“During a visit to San Pedro Sula — a city that repeatedly tops the danger charts with
an annual homicide rate of 187 people per 100,000 — this spring, armed guards enlisted
by PJP ensured safe passage.

“Deep in the slums, amid discarded photo albums, gang graffiti, and abandoned abodes,
the ruthless Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Calle 18 outfits rule the streets. They are
constantly warring to gain more territory and recruits. Here, massacres are a weekly
occurrence and the only way to tell between gangs is by their members' footwear (Calle
18 members exclusively wear Nike Cortes, while MS prefer Reeboks).

“Residents of the slums are forced to pay ‘protection’ money to the gangs or otherwise
risk being killed. For many Hondurans, by now well-accustomed to headlines about
rampant corruption among police, turning to law enforcement is a non-starter.

“Human Rights Watch says the unlawful use of force in Honduras by police remains a
‘chronic problem’ and that the agency in charge of policing reforms doles out
punishment to a minuscule number of officers behaving badly. Honduran president Juan
Orlando Hernandez is turning to militarization to quell the bloodshed. But Hernandez,
too, has become ensnared in a corruption scandal, although not directly implicating him,
that spurred protests this month demanding his resignation.
“The statistics show that even in cases where the police become involved, most crimes
are never formally investigated in Honduras.

“‘When only a fraction of murder reports lead to arrests, people stop trusting the justice
system. They stop reporting crime and refuse to act as witnesses and to testify in court,’
said a PJP lawyer, who asked that his name not be published out of fear that they will
become targets for retribution against the organization. Investigators routinely get death
threats and in 2006, a member of PJP was assassinated during an investigation.

“Argentina Fuentes, the head of homicide for the Honduran national police, told VICE
News that their biggest hurdle is a lack of logistics.

“‘The truth is we do not have enough vehicles, computers and facilities,’ said Fuentes,
who credited ASJ with helping to fill in some of those gaps.

“The lack of coordination is made worse by the fact that not all departments keep
electronic records. It's common for a suspect to have several pending warrants of arrest
for different crimes, which get lost in the paperwork.

“‘There is corruption, sure, but they're not all bad,’ said a PJP lawyer of the police,
adding that they work with officers, not against them.

“Still, a drive through a crime-plagued community lodged into one of Tegucigalpa's

precipitous hills illustrates the inherent challenges of policing it.

“The houses here are mostly shanties, encircled by barbed wire, and built up a sharp
slope that is connected by serpentine dirt roads. It's easy to imagine getting lost in the
numerous dead ends and stairwells connecting the different elevations of the
neighborhood.

“The sprawling community is served by one police station, with just six officers, and only
two on regular patrol.

“‘From all of our interviews in the country we saw and heard over and over again that
residents in Tegucigalpa feel they can't trust the police and the institutions,’ said Pierina
Sanchez, who co-authored a report on homicide reduction in Latin America for the
United States Department of State, Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations.

“‘ASJ fills a very important void,’ she told VICE News.”

45. Sarah Kinosian, San Pedro Sula, Honduras: Nearly a War Zone, 13 February
2015, available at http://securityassistance.org/blog/san-pedro-sula-honduras-
nearly-war-zone ......... [●]
“The grave situation in San Pedro Sula is largely a result of criminal violence between
the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18 street gangs. The Honduran newspaper La
Prensa reports the city is split relatively evenly between the two.
“According to the San Pedro Sula Violence Observatory, Mexican cartels from the
Sinaloa and Michoacán states complicate matters by contracting some of the city’s
smaller gangs waging war on the MS13. The problem started around 2000, when the
government criminalized gang membership, causing the bigger crime syndicates within
Honduras and in Mexico and Colombia to offer protection, absorbing many of the
members of smaller gangs.
“The toll that this violence takes on the city can be felt. Many children are orphaned
because their parents were killed or left to the United States to find work or flee the
gangs. These children become prey for the gangs, who patrol schools to extort teachers,
sell sex and recruit children to join their ranks.
“Last year’s child migrant humanitarian crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border is a symptom
of this dynamic. The majority of the more than 18,000 Honduran children apprehended
at the border attempting to enter the United States were from San Pedro Sula. Upon
return, the crime they intended to flee is typically waiting for them. For the most part,
they are offered no protection, according to the nongovernmental child protection agency
Casa Alianza, which is able to offer refuge to only a tiny fraction of those in danger. Two
hundred children died from beatings, suffocation, or gun violence between January and
September 2014, the city morgue’s forensic pathologist told the UN High Commissioner
on Refugees.
“According to LGBT activists, transgender sex workers are targeted routinely by the
gangs, pressured to sell quotas of drugs. When they don’t reach the gangs’ quotas they
are threatened or harmed, causing many to flee and undergo a dangerous journey made
even more treacherous by being transgender….
“Last March, gang members viciously murdered a 34-year-old transit policeman, a
father of two. His body was discovered decapitated. Without adequate funding, the
muscle of civilian forces continues to dwindle, often leaving them defenseless against
marauding cartels. Although police in Honduras have long histories of corruption and
abuse, the frustration within civilian forces is palpable.”
46. Dennis Petri, Organized Crime is Making Life Worse for Latin American
Christians, 9 Feb. 2015, available at
https://www.worldwatchmonitor.org/2015/01/3626210 ......................
“About one-quarter of the world’s Christians live in Latin America and, apart from in
Colombia, most have enjoyed wide freedom to live out their faith. Christian life in Latin
America is getting a bit more difficult, however, according to Open Doors International,
creator of the World Watch List.
“The annual list ranks the 50 countries where life as a Christian is currently most
difficult. After a three-year absence, Mexico is on the list again, joining Colombia. Three
more countries —Venezuela, Cuba and Bolivia — are among a handful of ‘persecution
watch’ countries just outside the top 50.

“Dennis Pastoor, Latin America analyst for the World Watch List team, tackles six
questions about the church under pressure in Latin America.

“1. What does this pressure look like?

“In a word: complex, due to the social exclusion experienced by most people, combined
with generally weak security. Christians, seen by criminal organizations as a threat, are
especially affected by violence.

“There are two main 'engines' of persecution:

“Organized corruption: underperforming governments, lack of rule of law, endemic

corruption and criminal organizations operating with impunity. Colombia, Mexico and
Central America.

“Tribal antagonism: Traditional religions, a mix of indigenous paganism and popular

Catholicism, are reviving, especially in isolated areas. Indigenous converts to
Christianity face all sorts of harassment, exclusion from basic social services, torture and
even expulsion. Colombia, Mexico, Guatemala and Bolivia.

“Three other, less powerful, 'engines' are at work:

“Communist oppression: still very present, in different forms. Cuba, Venezuela,

Nicaragua and Bolivia.

“Secular intolerance, aided by the erosion of understanding about the role religion,
personal and organized, plays in public life. This is a growing issue. All of Latin America

“Ecclesiastical arrogance: The legal status of Protestant churches still remains an issue
in some countries in the region, though the trend is abating.

“2. Where is it happening?

“Most Latin American countries experience a certain degree of persecution. Five stand
out:

“Colombia is No. 34 on the 2015 World Watch List. The main persecution dynamic is
organized corruption, but tribal antagonism, ecclesiastical arrogance and secular
intolerance are also present.

“Mexico rejoined the list in 2015, at No. 38. The same persecution dynamics as in
Colombia are present. The most visible of them is tribal antagonism.
“Cuba’s situation has become more subtle after the severe persecution of decades ago.
There is a form of Communist oppression that manifests itself mostly as government
restrictions.

“Venezuela has a revolutionary government striving for maximum influence on the

people. Tensions between President Nicolás Maduro and Catholic and evangelical
leadership have been growing.

“Bolivia has legalized its coca plantations, opening the door to criminal influence, since
President Evo Morales came to power in 2007. There have been reports of government
restrictions for Pentecostal and evangelical churches.

“3. What are the trends?

“Organized crime is growing, moving north from Colombia’s crackdown to Mexico and
Central America. ‘My husband was a pastor and was actively involved in speaking up for
human rights. He became a threat for local gangs and was killed,’ said a widow who fled
El Salvador, one of three extremely violent countries, along with Guatemala and
Honduras, on Mexico’s southern border.

“The indigenous revival is bringing pre-Columbian cultures back to life, but the
downside is the imposition of pagan rites upon communities, a return to witchcraft, and a
rise in tribal antagonism. Indigenous community leaders cut off Christian converts from
basic social services, and have installed anti-democratic local government systems.

“Secular intolerance will spread throughout the region. On the other hand, ecclesiastical
arrogance will diminish as the Church matures and moves toward greater unity.

“Under the radar, Communist oppression can be detected, in the form of limits on speech
and Christian social initiatives, in Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua, each under the
Cuban sphere of influence. Unknown for now is whether any of that will change due to
Cuba and the United States taking the first steps toward normalized relations.

“4. What’s unique about persecution in Latin America?

“Occultism. It can be seen from three angles:

“The growing presence of Satanism as a religion

“Witchcraft as an integral part of the indigenous traditional belief system

“The influence of indigenous beliefs on Catholic rites and practice

“The Santa Muerte movement, begun in Mexico about 30 years ago, has turned violent in
recent years. Members claim to kill and kidnap not only for money, but to 'serve Satan'.
Pastoor reports:
“‘A pastor was abducted by a criminal gang who was a member of a Satanic cult. His
family was ordered to pay ransom. His wife and family succeeded in collecting it and the
criminals came to take the money. The pastor’s wife asked them: ‘But where is my
husband?’ ‘He is at the beginning of your street,’ they told her. When she went there, her
husband was there. Only he was not alive. She found him in a plastic garbage bag, killed
and dismembered.’

“Crime bosses have taken up the occult, casting spells and curses over their enemies and
invoking spirits to defend their causes. There are stories of spells being cast to protect
drug transports and the property of drug traffickers. From this perspective, crime lords
consider praying Christians to be a threat.

“5. Why don’t we hear much about persecution in Latin America?

“Four reasons:

“1. Communist guerrillas no longer are the prime source of pressure on the church. The
Peruvian Shining Path was defeated. Colombian Communist guerrillas, such as the
FARC and the ELN, have been weakened; both have lost their ideological drive, and
have shifted their focus to drug trafficking.

“2. Persecution dynamics in Latin America are so intertwined with the overall presence
of lawlessness, violence and poverty that it can be difficult to distinguish between simple
crime and behaviour that is driven by anti-Christian motives.

“3. With the exception of Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia, persecution typically
does not come from the ‘vertical’ pressures of the state. Instead, it comes from the
‘horizontal’ pressures of criminal organizations, revolutionary insurgencies, tribal
authorities or social actors of different types.

“4. Although they form the overwhelming majority of the population and many can
function freely, Christians and churches that are actively involved in society, or speak
out, are targeted by criminal organizations and tribal leaders.

“6. Why does the Latin American Church matter?

“Size. Latin America spans South America, Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean.

“Numbers. South America is the only continent with an openly professing Christian
majority. Latin America is home to a quarter of the world’s Christians.

“Vitality. It combines strong, historically established churches with the dynamism of the
so-called New Religious movements. Against the backdrop of secularisation and de-
Christianisation trends in Europe and in the West in general, the Latin American Church
has effectively become one of the centers of gravity of the global Church.
“Strategic potential. Apart from the huge global impact of ‘liberation theology’
generally, it is Latin American evangelical theologians such as Ecuadorian René Padilla
and Peruvian Samuel Escobar who gave the global evangelical Lausanne Movement the
concept of ‘integral mission’ – that the Gospel must change the social structures of
society before it can be said to have come to the culture. As world Christianity becomes
a southern hemisphere phenomenon, the Latin American Church must be acknowledged
all the more for its insights.”

47. Fox News Latino, Alleged drug lord and soccer team owner turns himself in
to U.S. Embassy in Honduras, 5 February 2015, available at
http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2015/02/05/alleged-drug-lord-and-soccer-
team-owner-turns-himself-in-to-us-embassy-in/
……………………………………………[●]
“In a move that may have serious repercussions for corrupt politicians and businessmen
in Honduras, the purported head of the country’s largest drug trafficking organization
turned himself in to authorities at the U.S. Embassy in capital city Tegucigalpa last
week.”…
“‘According to information corroborated by various sources, Mr. Javier Heriberto
Rivera surrendered after negotiating with the U.S. government,’ the director of
Honduras’ Radio Globo, David Romero said, according to Tiempo .
“The U.S. Treasury Department designated in September 2013 the Cachiros – including
seven individuals and five companies associated with the group – as a Honduran drug
trafficking organization. The treasury Department placed Rivera Maradiaga at the top of
drug trafficking group, alongside his brother Devis Leonel Rivera Maradiaga.
“Honduran authorities seized between $500 million and $800 million in properties
belonging to the Cachiros following the designation. The group, which is based in the
northeast province of Colón, is estimated to have a net worth $1 billion and allegedly buy
cocaine from Colombian drug groups before reselling it to their Mexican counterparts.
“‘Los Cachiros is a violent drug trafficking organization in Honduras whose members
plow illicit drug proceeds into businesses and properties in order to gain public
legitimacy and launder their wealth,’ said Treasury's Director of the Office of Foreign
Assets Control Adam J. Szubin in a press release.
“The group also reportedly owns a soccer team in Colón as well as a mining business,
and has political contacts on the local and national level.”
48. David Gagne, Alleged Head of Honduras Drug Cartel in US Custody, 3
February 2015, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/alleged-
head-of-honduras-drug-cartel-in-us-custody ............................................ [●]
“The alleged leader of one of Honduras' largest drug trafficking groups, the Cachiros, is
in US custody, which may spell trouble for some high-level Honduran politicians and
business elites with links to the country's criminal underworld.
“On January 31, Honduran media reports indicated that Javier Eriberto Rivera
Maradiaga, alias ‘Javier Cachiro,’ may have handed himself in to authorities at the US
Embassy in capital city Tegucigalpa early last week. Following the reports, a high-level
US government source confirmed to InSight Crime Rivera Maradiaga was in US
custody.”…
“In September 2013, the US Treasury Department placed Rivera Maradiaga at the top of
drug trafficking group the Cachiros, alongside his brother, Devis Leonel Rivera
Maradiaga…. Following this designation, Honduran authorities seized between $500
million and $800 million in properties belonging to the Cachiros.
“Based in the northeast province of Colon, the Cachiros -- who have a net worth of close
to $1 billion -- are thought to buy cocaine from Colombian drug trafficking groups and
later sell it to Mexican groups like the Sinaloa Cartel.”
49. Seth Robbins, Are Child Migrants Crossing the U.S. – Mexico Border the
New Normal?, 25 Dec. 2015, available at
http://www.dallasnews.com/news/news/2015/12/25/are-child-migrants-crossing-
u.s.-mexico-border-the-new-normal ..................................
“The seven children had just crossed the river, shoes still caked with mud, when U.S.
Border Patrol agents stopped them.

“The youngest was 6, Jon Smith Figueroa Acosta, he said, and he’d made the 2,000-mile
journey from Honduras. He did not know to what city or state he was headed, but he had
a phone number for his father in the United States.

“‘Estoy solo,’ he said, meaning, ‘I’m alone.’

“It was unclear how long the group had been traveling together or who had brought
them across the Rio Grande. There were two teenage siblings whose mother had sent for
them after their elderly grandmother in Honduras could no longer care for them, and two
teenage Nicaraguans.

“Luis Arias Dubon, 15, said the trip required that he walk through much of Mexico for
nearly a month. He left San Pedro Sula, Honduras, when he was threatened by members
of the deadly 18th Street gang.

“‘They tried to force me into the gang,’ he said, adding that he was afraid they’d kill him.

“The recent spike in unaccompanied minors crossing the border brought U.S. Customs
and Border Protection Commissioner R. Gil Kerlikowske to the Rio Grande Valley sector
this month.

“‘Historically, the numbers would not be at the levels we see right now,’ said
Kerlikowske, standing in a warehouse where about 20 migrant children, wrapped in
reflective plastic blankets, rested on large green mattresses. ‘The concerning part is, are
we seeing the new normal?’

“A total of 10,588 unaccompanied children crossed the U.S.-Mexico border in October

and November, more than double the 5,129 who crossed during the same two months in
2014, federal statistics show. The number of family members crossing together,
meanwhile, nearly tripled, to 12,505. And though the influx began in July, the numbers
were slightly higher this fall, a time when colder weather usually drives down the number
of migrants crossing….

“In McAllen, a respite center run by Catholic Charities looks after families who have
been released by the Border Patrol and given notices to appear at U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement offices and immigration courts. Recently, mothers with children
described various reasons for leaving: fleeing gang or domestic violence, providing
educational opportunities for their children, reuniting with family who had long lived in
the United States.

“On the other side of the border in Reynosa, Mexico, migrant shelters — where people
await their opportunity to cross — were mostly empty. Maria Nidelvia Avila, director of
the Casa del Migrante, said children who travel without a parent don’t stay in shelters.
Instead, they go to bus terminals, then to stash houses around the outskirts of the city.

“The journey through Mexico can be dangerous, as Marleny Gonzalez, 24, who was
staying at a nearby shelter in Mexico with her daughter, could attest.

“The Guatemalan was in the bed of a pickup truck with other Central American migrants
when it overturned near San Fernando, two hours south of Reynosa. Gonzalez wasn’t
hurt, but her 4-year-old’s legs were broken. The child was in a cast covering the bottom
half of her body, unable to sit up.

“‘Almost all my family is in the United States,’ including her daughter’s father, Gonzalez
said. ‘I felt alone. My girl didn’t have a father, so I wanted to travel.’

“Given her daughter’s precarious state, she wasn’t sure now whether she would make
the rest of the trip.”

50. Evan Trowbridge, When Gang Violence Reigns: A First Hand Account from
Honduras, 2 Dec. 2014, available at http://www.sharedjustice.org/international-
justice/2014/12/2/when-gang-violence-reigns-a-first-hand-account-from-honduras
.......
“Crumpled paper balls were glued together to form a flower on the barren
cinderblock wall. Their pink and green hues were faded from baking for a year in
San Pedro Sula’s harsh sun. Scribed across the top of the page was a teacher’s
signature and the word “excelente.” At the bottom of the page was a young girl’s
name. That name and this art project were among the last reminders of the family
that once lived in this house.
“The gang that forced the family out of their home was the infamous Mara
Salvatrucha, one the two most powerful gangs in Honduras. Investigators from the
organization I work with — the Association for a More Just Society(AJS) — and a
team of police were with us as we tread about this ground that felt simultaneously
cursed and sacred.

“‘Why did the gang force them to leave?’ we asked.

“The police said it could have been for several reasons: most likely, not letting their
children join the gang or not paying extortion to the gang.

“This is life in Rivera Hernandez, the most dangerous region of San Pedro Sula —
the city with the world’s highest homicide rate. For years, AJS has been working in
dangerous neighborhoods of Honduras’ capital city, Tegucigalpa, and, this year, we
started working in San Pedro Sula in response to the violence there.

“Over the course of the morning, we navigated the muddy roads that crisscrossed
Rivera Hernandez. It was 94 degrees and muggy. Our pickup truck passed through
the wisps of smoke emerging from piles of burning trash, and a congregation of
tadpoles raced alongside us through the stagnant water pooling on the berm of the
road. I lost count of the number of abandoned homes we passed. I know that there
were about a thousand in the area. Several times, we pulled to a stop and climbed
out to enter these skeletal structures. Gone were the windows, doors, roof or
anything else that could be of value to scrap collectors. Where a toilet used to be,
drops of water continue to escape from a plugged pipe, collecting in puddles on the
floor.

“The atrocities of the gangs that control Rivera Hernandez are well-reported in
international media. Fueled by the flagrant trafficking of drugs through Honduras
and virtually unfettered by local police, the gangs battle viciously for territory. To
help fund their operations they force residents in the areas they control to pay
extortion fees; to help fill their ranks, they force children of the neighborhood to join
them. Don’t comply, and you’re forced to relinquish your home — or worse.

“The job of AJS staff that were with me that morning is to end the impunity that
allows murderers and gangs to prosper in San Pedro Sula and, specifically, Rivera
Hernandez. AJS staff will use their highly-honed skills to go after the most strategic
culprits in Rivera Hernandez. Through this work, they aim to build trust in the
community and with good Honduran police and authorities to build a functioning
and efficient law-enforcement system to protect Hondurans.

“Spending time with the AJS investigators that morning, I was struck by their
courage and conviction. Tucked behind the violet dress shirt of the investigator
driving us, I could see the bullet-proof vest he kept on his seat. Before coming to AJS
he had worked on homicide investigations for the San Pedro Sula police.
“‘Which job was more dangerous?’ my coworker, Jill, asked him.

“‘This one,’ he replied….

“Later, when I was trying to process what I saw that morning, I turned to the Gospel
of Matthew to where Jesus sends out the 12 apostles. The to-do list he gives them is
daunting, as is his warning of the danger they will face. Christ tells them that they
are going out as sheep in the midst of wolves.

“I recall the bedroom of one abandoned house we saw. I remember how the dripping
streaks of paint dried below the graffiti adorning the bedroom wall: "MS-13" —
short for the Mara Salvatrucha gang. Among the rubble and trash spilled across on
the floor were family photos, a shoe, a shower cap, a text book — relics of what was
once a home.

“Be as wise as serpents and innocent as doves, Christ told the disciples. It’s pretty
clear that following Christ is serious business. It was serious for the disciples, and
it’s serious for the AJS staff I met that morning in Rivera Hernandez.”

51. Human Rights Watch, "You Don’t Have Rights Here": US Border Screening
and Returns of Central Americans to Risk of Serious Harm, 6 Oct. 2014,
available at https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/10/16/you-dont-have-rights-
here/us-border-screening-and-returns-central-americans-risk .................
[Note: This report contains footnotes, which are deleted in excerpts below.]
“This report is based on 35 interviews with Central American migrants in detention in
the US or recently deported to Honduras. While focusing on the situation facing
Hondurans, our findings and recommendations apply to others coming to the US from
Central America and Mexico.
“All migrants we interviewed expressed a fear of returning to Honduras. Some of those
who had been returned to Honduras had fear so acute that they were living in hiding,
afraid to go out in public. Several who were recently deported provided accounts that, if
true, should qualify them for asylum in the US. They said that, prior to attempting to
enter the US, they had been subject to serious threats from gangs in Honduras. These
included small business owners who refused to make demanded payments to gangs;
victims of or witnesses to gang crimes, including murder and rape; and fear of a gang
forcibly recruiting a family’s young son. Others fled abusive domestic partners or
violence related to sexual orientation, both grounds for asylum under US law.
“Virtually all of those we interviewed who had been apprehended at or near the border
were deported summarily, via expedited removal or reinstatement of removal. Many said
they had expressed their fears to US Border Patrol officials charged with screening for
fear of return before being deported, but fewer than half of these were referred by US
Border Patrol for a further assessment of whether they had a ‘credible’ or ‘reasonable’
fear of returning to Honduras. US law requires that when a migrant in expedited or
reinstatement of removal expresses a fear of return to their country of origin, they be
referred to a US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) asylum officer for an
interview to determine whether their fear might qualify them for asylum or other
protection.
“Human Rights Watch was unable to corroborate claims about the specific dangers
interviewees said they faced in Honduras. However, the experiences they described and
the fears they expressed should have led US immigration authorities to give their cases
sufficient scrutiny before they were returned to their home country. The principle of
nonrefoulement, the right not to be returned to a place where one would likely face
threats to life or freedom or other serious harm, recognized under both US and
international law, demands as much….
“Background on Threats in Honduras: Honduras suffers from rampant crime and
impunity for human rights abuses. The murder rate, which has risen consistently over the
last decade, was the highest in the world in 2013. For young adult males between the
ages of 20 and 34, the murder rate in Honduras exceeds 300 per 100,000.
“Violence in Honduras is largely the result of conflict over control of drug trafficking
routes and turf wars between criminal groups, although, as in many other countries,
these groups target other people in their communities as well. Local street gangs, the key
drivers of violence, are primarily affiliated with transnational gangs such as the Mara
Salvatrucha (or MS-13) or Barrio 18 (also known as Calle 18, La 18 or Mara-18). Both
groups exert influence over entire neighborhoods, profiting economically by levying an
impuesto de guerra or ‘war tax’ on residents and local business people. Failure to pay
this ‘tax’ can result in violent retaliation by gangs.
“Witnesses to gang-related crimes in Honduras fear retaliatory violence, whether or not
they speak out about what they have seen. ‘Here in Honduras, you can’t make a
complaint, because then the gang comes and finishes your family,’ said one man who
survived a near-fatal attack by a gang member.
“Gang death threats may follow a person wherever they go within the country. As
Central American gang expert Thomas Boerman puts it, ‘if you go to a new community
everyone recognizes you as a stranger including the police officers and the gang
members. It takes only a little bit of time for anyone looking for you to find you.’
“Young people are often targeted by gangs for recruitment and to carry out crime. Gangs
typically recruit poor, homeless, or marginalized youth, sometimes putting them through
initiation rituals involving violent acts. Membership is seen as a life-long commitment
and desertion is severely punished. One father, speaking of his 10-year-old son, told
Human Rights Watch, ‘I’m scared for him. They already start making them do things at
10.’
“Girls may also be targeted by gangs for forced recruitment or sexual harassment and
abuse. Cecilia N., a 14-year-old girl who was deported from the US with her mother,
said, ‘I’m terrified because they have taken girls from my school and raped them.’ After
her visit to Honduras in July 2014, the United Nations special rapporteur on violence
against women noted that violent deaths among women had increased by 263 percent
between 2005 and 2013 and that reports indicated a 95 percent rate of impunity for
femicide and sexual violence crimes.
“Bias-motivated attacks on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI)
people are also a serious problem. The alleged involvement of Honduran police in some
of these violent crimes is of particular concern. In 2011 and 2012, the government
established special prosecutors’ units to investigate these crimes, yet there is no evidence
that these efforts have resulted in a significant increase in prosecutions.
“Perpetrators of killings and other violent crimes in Honduras are rarely brought to
justice. The institutions responsible for providing public security continue to be largely
effectual and are marred by corruption and abuse, while efforts to reform them have
made little progress. Criminal groups have reportedly deeply penetrated the Honduran
national police, demanding bribes and passing information to criminal groups. …
“Some said their fear was so acute that they were afraid to go out in public after they
were deported to Honduras. One 27-year-old man told Human Rights Watch he could not
leave his sister’s house nor tell his four young children that he was back in the country
for fear of being found by gangs. He described leaving the house only rarely and, even
then, only when wearing a motorcycle helmet with a darkened visor. A deported woman
described moving from house to house among her relatives every few days for fear of
retaliation by the gang that she had witnessed murder her mother. Almost everyone
suffering these kinds of threats told Human Rights Watch that they planned to try to flee
the country again as soon as possible.
“Mateo S., who was deported from the United States to Honduras on September 9, 2014,
told Human Rights Watch:
‘It’s run by a gang where I live. I can’t say the name, because it wouldn’t be safe,
but they are in charge…. I had my own business here in my city. I sold bleach and
other cleaning supplies from house to house. At some point, the gang started to
ask me for money. Here, they call it a “war tax.” Eventually, they were asking me
for about US$300 dollars a month, which is the same thing here as the minimum
wage. It was impossible for me. They saw that I couldn’t pay this money so they
started to mess with my family, with my son, who is seven years old, and with my
wife. Eventually, they were threatening me all the time. I was paying them money
for six to eight months, every month. And then I couldn’t pay it anymore and my
business went bankrupt and then I was using our savings to pay the gang
members. I had to pay because I was afraid they would do something to my
family.
‘Then they tried to kidnap my son in June 2014. I usually come early to school to
pick up my son at lunchtime. They got there maybe 10 or 20 minutes before the
kids come out. I recognized them. They had already told me that something was
going to happen to my son and to my wife. I didn’t hesitate. I jumped the school
fence with my son. I pushed him over and then I jumped. Later in the day, the
teachers told me that [the gang members] were looking for a kid of my son’s age.
 I didn’t send him back to school.… We had some savings from three or four years
so I sent my son and my wife to the United States. Once I knew they were safe, I
fled too.’
“Mercedes R. also felt threatened because of her inability to pay ‘taxes’ to the gangs in
Honduras. She said, ‘I was facing threats from the gangs because I had a store that sold
food. Starting in 2013, I spent a year paying them dollars and then I couldn’t anymore. I
felt like I wasn’t living anymore. I mistrusted everyone. I didn’t feel safe.’
“People who witness murders or other crimes committed by gangs often fear for their
lives. Roberto L., who was deported from the United States to Honduras in September
2014, said:
‘They killed my mother right in front of me. She had a small clothing shop. I was
shot at the same time. This was in September 2013. I have been fleeing since,
because I know they are looking for me. I have two kids here but I can’t see them
because that would put them in danger. They can’t know I’m here. The assassins
who are looking for me are at a national level, they will find me anywhere. I’m
just going to be here for three weeks, then I’ll try again.
“Alicia R. explained that her witnessing her mother’s murder put her at risk from gang
members:
‘They took my mother’s life.… The day that she died I was going to pick her up
because she had some money to give me. I got there and then the criminals who
killed her arrived. I witnessed everything that happened.… They were coming to
kill somebody who was there and she was there too. She didn’t have any
problems. The issue is that I saw it and they saw me. They were supposedly from a
gang called “18” here. The people from the gangs don’t have any heart, whether
with adults, children. They don’t have hearts.
‘We buried my mother … and then I had to leave the house we lived in because
they came to look for us. I left everything. I went to my mother in law’s house and
then an aunt’s house. I keep moving between these places for protection because
when you get to one place or another, they find out quickly. They check. So as not
to be in danger I always move, so that I’m never in the same place …I can’t rest. I
can’t even work here. I’ve always lived here but now I have to stay on the move
from place to place to protect myself from them and to protect the lives of my
children. I don’t have any peace. I don’t want to be in this country because my life
is in danger.
“Jacobo E., who was deported from the United States to Honduras in August 2014, said
he was living in fear for his life. He told Human Rights Watch,
‘ I’ve always worked. I’ve never been in a gang. I was baptized as a Mormon in
1994 and I have four kids with my wife. I had to flee though because my wife
started an affair with a guy from “18.” … I saw the guy leaving my house one day
and we had a fight. Then they told my sister that the gang was going to kill me, so
I fled. Now that I’m back here again I don’t go out. I can’t. My parents are
 supporting me and I live with my sister…. I put on a motorcycle helmet inside the
house to come here.
‘I can’t work. If I look for work they’ll see me. They are in charge in many places,
the “18” is nearly everywhere. Being locked up like this is ugly. I think about my
children all the time. I can’t contact them or tell them that I’m back in the country
though. That would be dangerous.
“The pervasive nature of gang violence in Honduras places random individuals under
threat. Marlon J., who was deported from the United States to Honduras in August 2014,
said,
‘I was a door-to-door salesman in a neighborhood called La Canada. One day I
was passing by a corner with three guys just standing there. I wasn’t afraid
because I usually walked around there. But then one of them ran at me and shot
me seven times in the back. They left me for dead … I spent two months in the
hospital and it took seven months to be able to walk.
‘When I came back to work one of my clients told me the gang was after me
because that guy was going through a test. He had to kill the first person who
walked by, to show he was brave. He would have to kill me now since I was
supposed to be dead. I went to another part of the city, but then my brother-in-law
was killed for not paying the “war tax.” That made me even more afraid.
‘I’m a father of two kids, two and five years old. I have a lot to live for. When they
deported me from the United States they said they would put me in prison for six
months if I come back. It doesn’t matter to me if I get six months, at least in Port
Isabel [detention center in Texas], it’s safe. What I want is to be out of here.
“Returned migrants to Honduras did not feel the Honduran authorities were able or
willing to protect them. As Marlon J., put it, after receiving seven gunshot wounds at the
hands of a gang initiate, ‘Here in Honduras, you can’t file a police complaint because
after that the gang comes and finishes your family. Delinquency is what governs.’
“Alicia R., who witnessed her mother’s murder, also felt she could not seek protection
from Honduran police: ‘I never filed a complaint because sometimes in this country there
is a lot of corruption.… Sometimes the police work together with the criminals.… If you
go do something like that [lodge a complaint] sometimes that means they are going to be
waiting for you outside of the police station.’”
52. James David Cantor, The New Wave: Forced Displacement Caused by
Organized Crime in Central America and Mexico. 10 June 2014, available at:
http://rsq.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2014/06/10/rsq.hdu008.full …..
[Note: This article contains footnotes, which are deleted from excerpts below.]
“Based on field research carried out in 2013, this article redresses this situation by
analysing the broad dynamics of an alarming new wave of forced displacement sweeping
El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras – the countries of the Northern Triangle of
Central America – and Mexico. It focuses specifically on the role played by three of the
main types of organized criminal groups in the region – mara street gangs, Central
American drug transporters, and Mexican drug cartels – in provoking this displacement.
Structural differences between these groups are shown to influence both the forms of
displacement that they produce and the resulting patterns of movement by displaced
persons. …
“Across the Northern Triangle of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and in their
powerful northern neighbour – Mexico, the violence of organized criminal groups has
produced an epidemic of forcible displacement. Personal histories of recent dislocation –
and those of family and friends – are recounted across society: from smart upmarket
cafes of the wealthy elite to the dusty pulperías (corner stores) of remote and
humble colonias(neighbourhoods). There are few whose lives have not been touched in
one way or another by this powerful new dynamic of population movement. …
“The article opens by exploring the limits of current knowledge on the relationship
between organized crime and forced displacement. It argues in favour of taking the
criminal groups, rather than their victims, as the starting point for analysis. As such, the
study focuses on three types of criminal groups as agents of displacement in
Mesoamerica – mara street gangs, drug transporters, and drug cartels – showing how
differences between these groups influence both the forms of displacement that they
generate and the patterns of movement undertaken by displaced persons in consequence.
The role of the State in addressing this forced displacement and its humanitarian
consequences is considered, after which certain scholarly and practical implications of
this new wave of displacement are identified. …
“More recently, a few researchers have begun to try to quantify levels of forced internal
displacement in Mesoamerica. In Mexico, the most visible scenario of violence,
preliminary data indicates that some 2 per cent of the population living in the country –
translating to 1.65 million persons – changed residence in the five years between 2006
and 2011 owing to the threat or risk of violence suggesting a mean average of 330,000
persons internally displaced per year. Indeed, more robust survey data indicate that in
one of the most conflictive urban settings – Ciudad Juárez in Chihuahua state – around
230,000 Mexicans fled their homes between 2007 and 2010, approximately half of this
total crossing the nearby border to the US. Although somewhat preliminary and
fragmented in nature, these data suggest that the scale of forced displacement in Mexico
is significant.

“More surprising are the fragmentary quantitative data on the situation in the Northern
Triangle. In the one country for which a relatively robust national survey exists – El
Salvador – it is reported that 2.1 per cent of persons changed their place of residence in
just one year (2012) as a result of threats. Almost one-third of these had displaced two or
more times. Scaled up to the population living in the country in that year, it implies that
around 130,000 persons were displaced one or more times within El Salvador owing to
threats during 2012 alone. No data exist to shed light on whether this astonishing scale of
internal displacement is an anomaly for that year or whether El Salvador is an anomaly
in comparison with neighbouring countries. Nonetheless, the fact that the high homicide
rates for Guatemala and Honduras are broadly comparable to those in El Salvador may
suggest that such forced internal displacement is taking place on a similar scale across
the Northern Triangle.

“The estimated scale of forced internal displacement in these countries – whether seen as
an absolute figure or an annual rate proportional to the national population – is thus
highly significant. …
“Against this backdrop, the present article seeks to more fully and systematically analyse
the forced displacement provoked by organized criminal groups in Mesoamerica. The
research is based on fieldwork by the author in Panama, Costa Rica, Honduras, El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico between March and May 2013. The data are derived
from 105 semi-structured interviews with 150 persons, mostly knowledgeable local
informants or displaced persons, which is triangulated here with other sources. …
“The fieldwork that forms the basis for this study suggests that the new wave of forced
displacement is produced principally by three types of organized group: street gangs,
transporters, and cartels. By describing the criminal activities of each, along with their
structure and modus operandi, the present section lays the groundwork for consideration
of how such differences impact on the form and patterns of displacement generated. This
focus on the agency of the criminal groups themselves also permits the study to describe
more completely how other relevant actors – including displaced persons and state
officials – situate themselves in relation to the practices of these armed organizations. …
“Street gangs (pandillas) exist across Latin America in a wide variety of forms. Yet in
few places is their impact on public security as great as in the Northern Triangle.
Particularly in El Salvador and Honduras, and to a lesser extent in Guatemala, violent
Californian-style gangs affiliated with the rival maras of Barrio-18 (B-18) and Mara
Salvatrucha-13 (MS-13) have come to dominate the gang scene and related criminal
activities. This dominance and violence, especially in the last two years, makes them an
important case study of how street gangs provoke displacement. However, although this
analysis focuses on the maras, it should be recognized that other gangs also cause
displacement, as with the powerful gangs in Mexico that are closely linked to the drug-
trafficking cartels. As a consequence, it cannot be assumed that all aspects of the present
analysis will necessarily be directly applicable to other such types of gangs….
“Originating in California, the B-18 and MS-13 maras are now entrenched across the
countries of the Northern Triangle of Central America. Yet each mara (whether B-18 or
MS-13) operates separately in each country and there is no formal hierarchy between
the maras of different countries. Moreover, although each mara is structured at the
national level principally via a prison-based ‘council’ of leaders, this provides only
broad direction to the local clikas (cliques) on the street. Its role is also often
complicated by dissent and internal rivalries. In reality, therefore, each clika operates
with a large degree of autonomy in its own barrio or colonia. The implication if we wish
to understand such localised phenomena as forced displacement by maras is that analysis
should focus principally at the level of the clika.
“The maras operate principally in urban and sub-urban areas. Whether composed of a
dozen or several hundred members, each clika seeks to exercise exclusive control over a
specific and well-demarcated territory that it defends against incursions by rivals. For
the purpose of understanding displacement, each territory can be divided into a clika’s
‘core’ and ‘extended’ zones of operation. The ‘core’ zone is ordinarily located in one or
more of the marginal and poorer neighbourhoods of the major urban conurbations.
Members of the clika will live here and the zone also functions as a base from which it
carries out localised criminal activities such as drug-dealing. Especially in the last few
years, these are the zones where extreme levels of violence have clustered. The
‘extended’ zone is one that the clika enters more sporadically to extort businesses and
sometimes even residents. As well as some poorer neighbourhoods, the extended zone
may also encompass less marginal and more middle-class ones with the presence of
public or private security forces.

“The maras’ capacity to affect the lives of local inhabitants varies between these zones.
In ‘core’ zones, the clika’s very survival depends upon a high level of support or
acquiescence from the population that is achieved through tacit codes of conduct
imposed on inhabitants. Alongside a basic requirement that inhabitants ‘look, listen, and
shut up’, de factocurfews and other more intrusive norms may also exist. Observance of
the rules is backed up by violence and sometimes other control mechanisms. Local
supporters – such as family members and halcones(lookouts) – act as additional eyes and
ears for the clika. In contrast, in wealthier parts of the ‘extended’ zones, the presence of
public or private security forces prevents the maras influencing the lives of residents to
quite the same degree. Nonetheless, extortion – the lifeblood of the maras– can reach
extraordinary levels even in these zones. Such differences between the zones help to
shape the resulting forms and patterns of displacement.

“Finally, it should be emphasised that the extent of violence varies between clikas.
Although latitude for criminal action is greater in countries with a weaker security
apparatus, B-18 is also generally recognized as more trigger-happy and unpredictable
than the cold and calculating MS-13. Less violence is applied where inhabitants of a
‘core’ zone are family or are otherwise tolerant of the clika, or where
individual mareros are ‘calmer’ in character. Moreover, confrontations with rival gangs,
other criminal groups, or state security forces may not only trigger increased violent
activity by the clika but also lead to changes in overall modus operandi, as happened in
response to the mano dura operations of Northern Triangle governments. Overall,
though, the clikas of the present can be characterised as highly localised and largely
urban criminal organizations that swiftly resort to the use of violence against inhabitants.

“Transporter organizations (transportistas) of varying sizes have long smuggled illicit

goods across the porous borders of Central America. Increasingly, this has involved
moving cocaine northwards on behalf of first Colombian and now Mexican
cartels, although a range of other goods are also smuggled. Each group is contracted
independently by the goods owner to move the product through a specific part of one
country, and the more established operators tend to be organized around a prominent
local family. The lucrative nature of the transnational trade affords the more
powerful transportista groups a level of social and political influence in these regions
and they tend to be relatively well-organized and disciplined. Forced displacement in
these zones is thus rather different in form and scale to that of territories where
the maras operate.

“Whereas maras live from localised criminal activities in densely-populated zones,

the transportista trade is better suited to more sparsely-populated and peripheral parts of
the country, such that their respective zones of operation are usually distinct. Moreover,
unlike the criminal activities of the maras, the smuggling business has not historically
depended on exclusive control of these extensive rural territories but instead on the
ability to move through them unimpeded. Traditionally, a live-and-let-live attitude thus
prevailed among transportistas. A further distinction is that their relationship with the
population of these territories is based – in the first instance at least – less on fear and
violence and more on buying the tolerance of inhabitants and officials. In these poor
communities, working for the transportistas represents a scarce source of income and the
latter can also be generous in their provision of material support for the community.

“In consequence, the population of transportista areas of operation is somewhat less

exposed to the extreme violence and extortion of the disorderly cities. Indeed, maras and
violent street gangs that independently set up operations in these outlying areas are often
killed by powerful and well-armed transportista groups. Forced displacement from these
areas thus appears less pervasive and more targeted in form than in the mara zones. Yet
this relative ‘stability’ should not be taken for granted, especially in light of the
increasing activity of Mexican cartels in the Northern Triangle. For instance, the Zetas’
aggressive campaign to control smuggling routes in Guatemala has disrupted the
existing status quo among local transportistas. For the moment,
though, transportistasmay still be characterised as comparatively more disciplined and
less aggressive criminal groups that operate across broad swathes of the backwoods
parts of these countries….
“From the standpoint of the criminal group, the following broad grounds of displacement
may be identified (even if there is some degree of conceptual overlap between them):
betrayal or enmity; resistance; land appropriation; and insecurity….
“All three types of criminal groups produce displacement as a result of their perception
that the person is an enemy or traitor. Various factors may lead to the formation of such
a judgment. Cooperation with the authorities is one example. Policemen and other
investigators – especially if they are seen as zealous – may thus attract enmity of the
criminal group, as will other persons who denounce the group to the authorities. This
includes criminal turncoats – such as the pecetas hated and hunted down by the maras –
and inhabitants who report crimes as either a victim or witness. Paranoia about
informants is such that the mere act of speaking to a policeman can arouse suspicions.
Other examples involve persons suspected of betraying the group to rival criminal
organizations or stealing from it. The maras take loyalty to such an extreme
that mareros or their partners who leave the mara without permission will be deemed
traitors. More aggressive clikas may even label some forms of ‘resistance’ by local
inhabitants as a betrayal in these terms.
“The common factor is the consequence of such labelling, which usually amounts to a
death sentence for the person concerned. Forced displacement is not used here as a
strategy to deal with the person since there is no interest on the part of the criminal
groups in allowing him/her to live elsewhere. In many instances, the family of the person
is also a target for vengeance or a means to exert pressure on the individual.
Occasionally, this extends also to other associates or even the whole
community. Displacement in this scenario is thus entirely a pre-emptive strategy by such
persons to avoid this fate, although it may be preceded by attacks on the person and his
or her family. These displacements exist in all of the zones where the criminal groups act.
The overall flow of persons is not large and is constituted by atomised individuals or
families who leave quickly and invisibly owing to their acute safety concerns both pre-
and post-flight….

“Resistance to the demands of criminal organizations also generates forced

displacement. This ground of displacement depends intrinsically on the character of the
activities carried out by each criminal group, such that it is more varied in nature than
that based on enmity or betrayal. Nonetheless, the scenario of resistance to systematic
extortion demands offers an important case in point. Whether called impuesto de
guerra (war tax) as in Honduras, renta (rent) as in El Salvador, or piso (tax) as in
Mexico, such extortion is paid to provide protection against harm by that criminal group,
and often also against harm by other criminals. In light of the above analysis, it will be
apparent that this sort of demand and the resulting displacement is most common in the
urban and sub-urban zones where the maras, other gangs, and some of the newer
Mexican cartels operate, although it is not exclusive to them.

“The extensive extortion in these areas is directed principally towards businesses,

particularly in the transport sector, and extends even to street vendors. For wealthier
targets, the kidnapping of family members is sometimes used as a means of ensuring the
payment of extortion. In recent years in Honduras and Mexico, residents have also been
systematically extorted, not only in the poorer areas that do not benefit from the presence
of public or private security forces but also in some wealthier areas. Even so,
in mara ‘core’ zones, the scope of residential extortion varies considerably. In some, it is
not practised at all, or it is used solely as a means to punish residents for perceived
‘disloyalty’. In others, it is applied to all those with income from a job or overseas
remittances. Much depends on the character of the clika and the economic pressures that
it faces at any particular point in time.

“Of course, failure to pay extortion is not the only act that may be constructed as
‘resistance’ by such groups. For instance, the code imposed by maras on ‘core’ zone
inhabitants seeks to eradicate alternative power structures and may thus designate a
range of activities as signifying ‘resistance’. Much depends on the particular
circumstances, but common acts include: boys refusing to join the clika; girls rejecting
the attentions of a marero; refusing, arguing, or looking askance at a marero; or
attending a school in a zone controlled by the opposing mara. The resulting form of
retaliation also depends a great deal on the character of the local clika: whereas some
treat such persons and even their families as ‘traitors’, others seem to leave the family
alone after the individual ‘resister’ has fled the zone. A similar dynamic prevails with
certain cartels operating in Mexico. It is important to appreciate that a wider spectrum of
‘resistance thus exists.

“Again, forced displacement is not used as a strategy in this scenario. Extortion is an

important source of revenue and the threat of violence is usually intended to secure
payment rather than provoke displacement. Indeed, these persons usually leave their
homes quickly and quietly in order to avoid fatal retribution for the loss of funds ‘due’ to
the group. Displacement is thus pre-emptive and based on insight into the consequences
of failing to pay, whether as a result of general knowledge or direct experience of
escalating threats and attacks against the family, which is often used as leverage. The
movement is also atomised – i.e., usually individuals and families rather than en masse.
In the areas where extortion is practised, this form of forced displacement is much more
prevalent than that based upon enmity or betrayal, although the protection concerns
post-flight appear less pressing….

“Increasing interest among criminal groups in the acquisition of lands has generated a
rather different ground of displacement. This tendency is particularly pronounced in
rural areas of Honduras and Guatemala, where transportistas force small and medium
landowners to sell lands in zones strategic for cross-border smuggling. In some cases a
small fortune is offered and in others the offer is risible – yet any refusal to sell is met by
the threat of violence. …

“An urban manifestation of this phenomenon has appeared in the last few years for
some mara ‘core’ zones in Honduras and El Salvador: whereas the marashave long used
the houses abandoned by displaced families for their own ends, certain clikas are starting
to deliberately displace families in order to take over their strategically-located
houses. Some transfers are even formalised by a lawyer brought in by the gang.

“This ground of displacement reflects wider trends towards increasing concentration of

land ownership across Latin America. Common to all three scenarios is that forced
displacement is used as a distinct tactic to deprive people of their properties, and
violence is but secondary and subservient to that aim. The only real difference between
the scenarios is that in the Northern Triangle this strategy appears to be used more
subtly and operates at the level of individual families, whereas in Mexico entire
communities are displaced wholesale through the direct application of violence. In all
three cases, the criminal groups do not appear to maintain an interest in the displaced
persons once they have gone. The exception is where the displaced resist removal from
their lands, denounce the eviction or agitate for their return, in which cases, violent
retaliation ensues….
“A final and common ground of displacement derives from the wider climate of
insecurity created by the more violent criminal groups. Unlike the other grounds of
displacement, this one is not based on concrete incidents of confrontation with the group.
Rather, it flows from more diffuse fears for the future, such as the concern of an urban
mother that her growing children may attract the attention of the local clika, or simply
frustration with the increasing levels of crime and violence. Yet, even here, some specific
event often serves as the trigger to displace: the arrival of a criminal group to the
neighbourhood, the removal of a police station, or the witnessing of a crime may not pose
an immediate risk but simply be the last straw in an already difficult context. This form of
displacement is the most difficult to capture analytically, since it comprehends a range of
more-or-less remote fears. Nonetheless, displacement on this ground is apparently
widespread, pre-emptive in nature and tends to involve individuals and families rather
than whole communities….

“The second form of forced displacement is generated by the intense violent disputes that
sometimes arise from the shifting patterns of cooperation and competition between
criminal groups. Where these concern the control of territory, they often serve to
exacerbate “everyday” grounds of forced displacement. Yet they also have the potential
to generate their own grounds of forced displacement, owing to the manner in which
inhabitants are integrated into the activities of these groups. Since the armed disputes
between transportistas appear to have relatively little negative impact on the
population, the present section focuses upon analysing, first, gang warfare in the
Northern Triangle and, secondly, conflict between the Mexican cartels….

“Among the maras of the Northern Triangle, the territory of each clika is well-
established and mareros caught in the territory of a rival can expect violent
consequences. Even if the wholesale invasion of the territories of rival clikas is less
common than might be expected, this should not distract from the fact that episodes of
acute confrontation between and within maras do erupt periodically in each of these
countries. Such gang warfare occurs not only between the rival B-18 and MS-13 maras,
but also between mara and non-mara gangs, and even between clikas from a
single mara movement. The participants in these disputes sometimes extend to
include clikas from nearby countries, as well as other criminal actors allying themselves
with one or other side.

“Gang warfare often leads to an exacerbation of ‘everyday’ displacement dynamics. This

may take the form, for example, of a general increase in insecurity owing to greater
violence, or a ‘hardening’ of mara attitudes towards the population, such that extortion
quotas are raised or those who do not pay are killed immediately or after one warning
rather than after the traditional three warnings. Gang disputes also generate their own
grounds of displacement. Indeed, it is one of the few scenarios in which an
incumbent clika will directly order forced displacements, usually of any family believed
to have sympathies with the invading gang. In extreme cases, the incumbent clika may
even order any inhabitants who do not have family members in the clika to leave or be
killed. However, where the incumbent clika is defeated, its family members and other
local supporters have to flee the neighbourhood in order to avoid reprisals from the gang
now controlling the zone. Although the quantity of displacement in these scenarios may
be elevated above ‘everyday’ levels and entire rows of houses abandoned, the families
displaced tend to be targeted on an individual rather than collective basis. …
“The forced displacement hotspots of the Northern Triangle countries and Mexico where
one of the three types organized criminal groups operates can be differentiated in broad
terms as follows: (1) poorer urban areas – the analysis focuses upon the mara ‘core’
zones in the Northern Triangle, although a similar analysis might be applicable to some
gang territories in Mexico; (2) wealthier urban areas – these include mara ‘extended’
zones in the Northern Triangle and some cartel and gang territories in Mexico; and (3)
rural areas – these are transportista zones of operation in the Northern Triangle and
cartel trafficking and drug-production territories in Mexico. Addressing each in turn, the
analysis seeks to illuminate not only the distinct displacement patterns from these areas
but also how they link into other patterns of internal and international movement….

“The violence in the Northern Triangle is concentrated most acutely in

poorer colonias and barrios (neighbourhoods) that fall within the ‘core’ zones of the
territories claimed by maras. As a result, particularly over the past two years, these
marginal urban and sub-urban areas have come to represent one of the principal
hotspots of forced displacement in these countries. Anecdotally, the scale of displacement
seems at its highest in these areas, even if there is some variation between
neighbourhoods depending on the circumstances of the local clika.

“The displacement pattern from these territories appears predominantly urban-urban in

character. Indeed, relatively few reports exist of inhabitants from these mara core zones
fleeing to rural areas. Nonetheless, escape to the rural areas may be an option for those
with strong subsisting connections to the countryside and is reportedly more common in
Guatemala among persons with strong ties to an indigenous community. In general,
therefore, the tendency is that displaced persons from these poorer urban areas go to
other urban areas, often in the same city but also in other cities of the country, i.e., intra-
and inter-urban internal displacement. This displacement stream is comprised both of
families from these zones who have had to leave together and of individual youths who
have been sent away by their family to other parts of the country.

“Displaced persons largely aim for a similar class of neighbourhood where they will be
able to continue their usual economic activities. Families with income from employment
commonly try to rent a house in a different neighbourhood of the same city. The
determining factor here is continued access to their source of employment, even if higher
rents in non-mara colonias often mean the family must adjust accordingly. In contrast,
poorer families or individuals without the resources to rent a new home stay with family
in the same city or a different one, even though conditions may be very crowded. At least
initially – until they can rent a house – urban family links thus influence their location of
flight. However, those persons without resources or family support can end up living in
vulnerable and degrading conditions on the street or in distant squatter zones. For them,
contacts among networks of displaced former neighbours appear to be a factor in
determining where they go as well as in accessing basic living opportunities there.

“Overall, the often abrupt forcible displacement of persons from these poorer
neighbourhoods puts an additional strain on their existing means of subsistence,
especially if they have displaced on grounds disclosing an immediate threat and not had
time to collect their belongings. Displaced families that own the houses that they left
behind often try to recoup some of their value by selling them or renting them out. As a
result, many houses advertised for sale in the local newspapers of Northern Triangle
cities are located in the colonias where the maras operate and rows of abandoned houses
can be seen in some of these marginal urban zones. Families displaced within the same
city also try to keep informed about the situation in their old neighbourhood, with a view
to returning if the gang becomes inactive. Some displaced families are even able to
return to their homes after a period of time so long as the grounds for their displacement
did not involve direct or serious problems with the incumbent clika.

“For those who have no option but to move to neighbourhoods where

another mara clique operates, these subsistence challenges are compounded by the
potential for renewed security problems, such as efforts by the resident clika to recruit
youths. Youths with gang tattoos are particularly vulnerable: the clique in the new area
rapidly investigates them and will kill them if they are deserters from their own mara or
were members of the rival mara. The clika from which the person has fled also remains a
threat and its members may seek to locate and pursue the displaced across the city if they
are seen as having seriously resisted its authority. In the extreme case of perceived
traitors or enemies – such as witnesses, former mareros or former partners of mareros –
such pursuit can even extend between cities. In such circumstances, displaced persons
may cut all ties with their original neighbourhood in order to try and minimise the
possibilities of being traced by their persecutors.

“The extent to which such displaced persons end up leaving their country is questionable.
In general, the trend appears largely to be one of internal displacement. Nonetheless,
there are exceptions. On the one hand, the vehemence with which traitors and enemies
are pursued by the maras pushes some to leave the country. Often they seem to go to
neighbouring or nearby countries of Mesoamerica, especially if they have family
members there. The degree and immediacy of the threat for this class of persons are such
that ex-mareros repatriated to Honduras have been killed within days of their return. On
the other hand, youths at risk from gangs seem more usually to be sent north to join
family in the US. Sometimes they go with the help of a coyote (agent) if the family is able
to raise the many thousands of dollars that this implies. Otherwise, and particularly in
the case of resource-strapped Honduras, youths make this dangerous journey across
Mexico alone. However, some cases also exist of youths relocating within Mesoamerica
accompanied by their whole family. …
“Forced displacement also occurs from rural areas of the countries of the Northern
Triangle, particularly Honduras and Guatemala. However, not only is the scale less
striking but the movement patterns reflect two distinct root causes or grounds of
displacement.
“First, there is a small stream of individuals who leave the rural areas – often taking
their families with them – owing to the fact that they are considered as traitors or
enemies by one of the transportista groups. These displaced persons usually migrate to
the capital cities where they hope either to access state protection or to lose themselves
among the multitude. The movement pattern is thus directly rural-urban. However, owing
to the continuing risk of assassination, most of these internally displaced persons are
keen to rapidly leave the country and travel to some safe country – usually the US –
although not all have the means to do so.

“Secondly, a distinct dynamic of relatively localised rural-rural displacement is

produced as a result of the expropriation of local lands by transportista groups. Peasants
and other small landowners displaced on this ground move to the fringes of larger towns
in the region or invade other rural lands – such as forestry reserves – and seek to earn a
living as local labourers. Yet even those who were able to sell their lands to the criminal
groups for a reasonable price find that the dubious provenance of the cash sums that they
have been paid cannot be channelled easily through the formal financial system, thereby
complicating the process of buying a new home etc. Unless these displaced persons seek
to return to their lands or denounce the case to the state authorities, they appear to be
left alone by the transportistas following displacement and not molested further. …

We turn finally to the State and its response to this crisis. In general, it is almost a truism
that the degree of latitude with which organized criminal groups are able to operate in
Mesoamerica reflects the relative weakness and, in some cases, infiltration of
governmental institutions in the region. The impact of recent hard-line policies on
organized crime – such as the various permutations of mano dura (firm hand) in the
Northern Triangle countries and the War on Drugs in Mexico – is well documented. At
times, the implementation of these policies has served to displace the criminal groups
from particular locations. However, equally often, it seems to result merely in a re-
ordering of the criminal underworld or a shift in modus operandi by the criminal
group. Of course, such state operations produce their own dynamics of forced
displacement. …

“At present, the field of criminal law – and witness protection programmes in particular
– represents the main legal or policy framework within which the authorities respond to
forced displacement. These witness protection programmes generally provide for
relocation of at-risk witnesses and some time- and resource-limited form of economic
support. However, the relevant laws usually require formal denunciation of a criminal
act by the victim as a condition for entry into such programmes. Although this
requirement is sometimes waived in practice as a result of the lack of any other available
protection framework for displaced persons, the principle remains problematic since
many displaced persons are not victims of a cognisable crime. Moreover, the act of
denunciation immediately risks converting the person – even if initially displaced on
some other ground – into an ‘enemy’ to be actively pursued by the criminal group.
Finally, the infiltration of such programmes by criminal groups and other institutional
deficiencies in practice render them largely unsuitable and even dangerous as a general
framework for the protection of displaced persons. …

“It is appropriate to finish by mentioning a phenomenon that has become increasingly

apparent in the recent international practice of certain Northern Triangle governments.
This takes the form of an open acknowledgment of their inability as a State to protect
certain classes of persons at risk of criminal violence. Thus, on the one hand, there have
been informal efforts by certain government institutions to help such persons to leave the
country, whether by transporting them to the nearest border or by seeking to facilitate
their emigration on humanitarian grounds to another State. On the other hand, the
consular authorities of these countries have taken an increasing interest in their co-
nationals not just as regular or irregular migrants but also as potential refugees. These
authorities not only orient their migrants outside the country about asylum but even draw
the attention of interested parties to the need for protection in such cases.”

53. Randal Archibold, Hope Dwindles for Hondurans Living in Peril, 3 August
2014, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/03/world/americas/hope-
dwindles-for-hondurans-living-in-peril.html?ref=topics …………[●]
“When he moved there 20 years ago, [Pastor Jorge] Rivas commanded respect, even
among the gang members. The neighborhood, Chamelecón, was not yet the most
dangerous in one of the most dangerous cities in the hemisphere.” …
“He watched Chamelecón decay, mirroring the deterioration of Honduras as a whole
over the past two decades.”..

“The gangs moved from house to house demanding ‘rent’ or a ‘war tax,’ or the property
itself. Night after night, families fled in terror to other parts of Honduras, to Mexico, to
the United States, many of them part of the wave of child and family migrants
overwhelming American detention centers in the Southwest.

“Left behind are rows of hollowed-out houses, stripped of furniture, windows, even
bathroom fixtures.

“Still, the pastor hung on, because he believed in God and hope. Then gang members
pointed a pistol at his 15-year-old son.

“‘Lift up your shirt,’ they demanded, inspecting his body for rival tattoos.

“‘I could not speak,’ the boy recalled of the terror.

“And, finally, the gang came to the house. They wanted it. And the church.

“The pastor gave up on hope and the neighborhood….It has been nearly two years since
he left.”…

“Two of Honduras’s most powerful gangs, Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18, and their
myriad factions battle for turf, with the borderlines of their territory the most lethal.”…

“[I]t is the everyday grind of murder and mayhem that gnaws most of all at people here.

“Oscar Ramón, 20, who helps his father farm a patch of land along the river, said at
least 20 bodies had been dumped in the river and cane fields in the past year. He lost
count.
“‘I think here is not for me,’ he said in the broken English he learned at an orphanage
school his father sent him to in the capital, to be safe.

“Many young people agree and have left, but many more have stayed, living locked in
their homes and harboring dreams of escape.”…

“[T]he 2009 coup, coupled with the worldwide recession, took a toll, and the economic
shock wave was keenly felt in Chamelecón, residents said.” …

“The economic distress and migration laid the ground for the emergence of powerful
street gangs, and government dysfunction gave them staying power.

“They have roots in Los Angeles, among Salvadoran refugees who fled there during the
civil war. After the war, gang members were deported and, taking advantage of weak
institutions, re-emerged on their home turf with little to keep them in check.”…

“Crime analysts say this is why the Honduran gangs bear such a close resemblance to
the Salvadoran gangs, but in Honduras, with the political instability, deeper poverty and
a history of willfully weak judicial and security forces, the gangs have exploded in power
and readily acquire military-grade weaponry.

“To make matters even more volatile, drug trafficking organizations in recent years,
facing increasing obstacles in the Caribbean, began moving more cocaine through
Central America and forging alliances with the gangs as foot soldiers. Honduras became
a major transshipment point for cocaine flown from South America, and the cartels,
along with corrupt police officers, may be supplying the gangs with weapons and cheap
cocaine as payment.”

54. Sonia Nazario, Children of the Drug Wars: A Refugee Crisis, Not An
Immigration Crisis, 13 July 2014, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/13/opinion/sunday/a-refugee-crisis-not-an-
immigration-crisis.html?_r=0 ……………[●]

“Gangs arrived in force in Honduras in the 1990s, as 18th Street and Mara Salvatrucha
members were deported in large numbers from Los Angeles to Central America, joining
homegrown groups like Los Puchos. But the dominance in the past few years of foreign
drug cartels in Honduras, especially ones from Mexico, has increased the reach and
viciousness of the violence. As the United States and Colombia spent billions of dollars to
disrupt the movement of drugs up the Caribbean corridor, traffickers rerouted inland
through Honduras, and 79 percent of cocaine-smuggling flights bound for the United
States now pass through there.

“Narco groups and gangs are vying for control over this turf, neighborhood by
neighborhood, to gain more foot soldiers for drug sales and distribution, expand their
customer base, and make money through extortion in a country left with an especially
weak, corrupt government following a 2009 coup.”
 55. The Sun Daily News, Love and death in Central American gangs, 26 February
2014, available at http://www.thesundaily.my/news/969080 …..[●]

“TEGUCIGALPA: The nightmare is years behind her but the pain is still raw: when
Sharon's boyfriend tried to quit the street gang he belonged to and spend more time with
his infant son, his colleagues tortured and killed him.”…

“Her sad tale highlights how tight the grip of Central America's notorious street gangs,
or maras, can be.

“Jose Adan was a soldier in one called the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13). His chapter
controlled a neighbourhood in the Honduran capital Tegucigalpa.

“The gangs are the scourge of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador.

"We had a beautiful relationship. When our baby was born, he wanted to quit the life to
dedicate more time to his son and me. They would not let him," said Sharon.

“For security reasons, both names are fictitious for the purposes of this story.On
February 21, 2009, Jose Adan did not return home. Sharon got nervous, starting to think
the worst, because he had already received warnings over his decision to quit the
gang.”…

“After a sleepless night, it was Sharon herself who found the body -- in a pond atop a
hill. That is where the gang tends to leave the bodies of its victims, many of them from its
rival, the Mara 18.

“In Honduras, which the United Nations describes as the most violent country in the
world among those not enduring a war, the two gangs have been active since the 1980s.

“People are terrified of them -- their extortion, drug trafficking and hired killers.

“When he died, Jose Adan was only 18, like Sharon.”…

“‘They killed him in a horrible way. They tortured him. And then they tied a rope around
his neck and choked him to death,’ said Sharon.”….

“It was after he died that Sharon learned Jose Adan had been a hired killer, drug dealer
and extortion money collector. These are the three most dangerous jobs a mara member
can have.

“She too is a member of the MS-13, but the groups are structured in a compartmental
way so that only a few know what others' jobs are.

“Sharon is what is called a ‘bandera’, or flag. They lead a normal life and maintain a
normal appearance, without the tattoos that many members sport.
“Her job is to be the gang's eyes and ears out on the street, giving notice when rivals or
the police show up in the neighbourhood.

“Her district, which she asked not to name, stretches over a hillside in a poor area of
Tegucigalpa. Houses are built of concrete bricks with bars over the windows.

“Gang members idle away the hours outside bars, well dressed and sometimes wearing
the caps of American baseball teams.”

56. InsightCrime, Honduras (2014 Report), available at

http://www.insightcrime.org/honduras-organized-crime-news/honduras .... [●]

“One of the poorest countries in Latin America, Honduras is now also the region's most
violent and crime-ridden country. This is, in part, due to its role as a strategically
important transit nation for the transnational drug trade, as well as macroeconomic
shifts, endemic poverty, corruption, and political turmoil. Estimates vary, but between
140 and 300 tons of cocaine are believed to pass through the country each year.

“In recent years, transnational criminal groups, particularly Mexican cartels, have
expanded their presence in Honduras. The 2009 coup that ousted President Manuel
Zelaya and caused international outrage also exacerbated instability in the country.
Colombian drug trafficking gangs changed their routes to Honduras just days after the
coup and turned it into the principal handover point for cocaine to Mexican cartels.

“However, it is a series of powerful local groups, connected to political and economic

elites, who manage most of the underworld activities in the country. They have deeply
penetrated the Honduran police, which is one of the most corrupt and mistrusted police
forces in Latin America.

“A large and increasingly sophisticated group of street gangs also plagues this country.
Citizens and businesses face the threat of extortion and kidnapping, and Honduras'
investigative capacity is very weak.

“The Honduran government has increasingly turned to the military to enforce the rule of
law, sparking concern from many human rights groups. The judicial system is afflicted by
political interference, corruption, and a lack of capacity and transparency.”…

“Gangs are concentrated in the largest urban areas, while the unmanned borders with
Guatemala are the country’s most important crossing points for illicit goods.” …

“Honduras' police force is one of the most corrupt in the region. In addition to
demanding bribes, passing information to criminal groups, and allowing drug shipments
to pass unchecked, some Honduran police have reportedly participated in, and even
directed, violent criminal operations.”…
“Honduras' prospects are not good. The country’s political and economic systems are
permeated with illicit funds. The criminal groups have penetrated to the highest levels of
the government. Gangs control the prisons. There is no confidence in the police and
corruption is rampant.”

57. Clare Ribando Seelke, Congressional Research Service, Gangs in Central

America, 20 February 2014, available at
https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34112.pdf ……………………….[●]

[Note: Original text is heavily footnoted, but footnotes not included in excerpts
below.]

“The Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and its main rival, the “18th Street” gang (also known
as M-18), continue to threaten citizen security and challenge government authority in
Central America. Gang-related violence has been particularly acute in Honduras, El
Salvador, and Guatemala, which have had among the highest homicide rates in the
world.”(p. 2)

“The lines between transnational gang activity and organized crime are increasingly
blurry. Gangs generally feature horizontal power structures, with many small subgroups
(semi-independent “franchises”) and limited central leadership setting strategy and
enforcing discipline. While many gangs lack the organizational structure, capital, and
manpower required to run sophisticated criminal schemes or to penetrate state
institutions at high levels, some (such as the MS-13 and the 18th Street) have become
more highly organized. In Central America, gangs are often involved in the street-level
distribution of drugs and in extortion rackets, but MS-13 may also be involved in higher-
level criminal drug distribution.

“When referring to gangs in Central America, some studies use the term pandillas and
maras interchangeably, while others distinguish between the two. Studies that make a
distinction between the two types of Central America gangs generally define pandillas as
localized groups that have long been present in the region, and maras as a more recent
phenomenon that has some transnational roots. Some have more recently classified
gangs into ‘first generation’ (localized groups), ‘second generation’ (national groups
with some transnational links), and ‘third generation’ gangs. Those analysts have
augured that some gangs in the region may be evolving into ‘third generation’ gangs that
are ‘internationalized, networked, and complicated structures.’” (p. 5)

“The 18th Street gang was formed by Mexican youth in the Rampart section of Los
Angeles in the 1960s who were not accepted into existing Hispanic gangs. It was the first
Hispanic gang to accept members from all races and to recruit members from other
states. MS-13 was created during the 1980s by Salvadorans in Los Angeles who had fled
the country’s civil conflict. Both gangs later expanded their operations to Central
America. This process accelerated after the United States began deporting illegal
immigrants, many with criminal convictions, back to the region after the passage of the
Illegal Immigrant Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) of 1996. Many
contend that gang-deportees ‘exported’ a Los Angeles gang culture to Central America
and recruited new members from among the local populations.

“Estimates of the overall number of gang members in Central America vary widely, with
a top State Department official recently estimating that there may be 85,000 MS-13 and
18th Street gang members in the northern triangle countries (El Salvador, Guatemala,
and Honduras). In 2012, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimated total
MS-13 and M-18 membership in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras at a more
modest 54,000 (see Figure 1 below). According to UNODC, in 2012 there are roughly
20,000 gang members in El Salvador, 12,000 in Honduras, and 22,000 in Guatemala. El
Salvador has the highest concentration of gang members, with some 323 mareros (gang
members) for every 100,000 citizens, double the level of Guatemala and Honduras. In
comparison, in 2007, UNODC cited country membership totals of 10,500 in El Salvador,
36,000 in Honduras, and 14,000 in Guatemala.” (pp. 5-6)

“In Honduras, for example, close to 30% of the population is youth ages 15-24. Those
youth have very limited educational or job opportunities. A 2007 World Bank risk
assessment for Honduras stated that the country had large numbers of unemployed youth
who were not in school. Unable to develop the skills required for attending a university
or obtaining skilled employment, they provide a ready pool of gang recruits.” (p. 8)

“Since December 2011, the Honduran government has granted the military broad
powers to carry out police functions. This trend has led many human rights groups to
raise concerns about the ‘re-militarization’ of some Central American countries and to
predict an increase in human rights abuses committed by military personnel in the region
who are ill-trained to perform police work (as has occurred in Mexico). Evidence also
indicates that military involvement in public security functions has not reduced crime
rates significantly.” (p. 13)

58. Brenneman, Robert, Wrestling the Devil: Conversion and Exit from the
Central American Gangs, Latin American Research Review. Vol. 49, Special
Issue 2014, available at
https://lasa.international.pitt.edu/LARR/prot/fulltext/vol49noSI/49-SI_112-
128_Brenneman.pdf .......................

“Abstract: A crisis of urban violence has emerged in northern Central America during
the past two decades. Although youth gangs are responsible for only a portion of this
violence, punitive approaches to dealing with gang violence have sharpened public
hostility toward gang members and created a context conducive to the practice of ‘social
cleansing’ aimed at reducing gang violence by eliminating gang-affiliated youth through
extrajudicial executions. Against this backdrop of public anger and resentment aimed at
gang youth, a sizeable number of Evangelical-Pentecostal pastors and lay workers have
developed ministries aimed at rescuing gang members and restoring them to society,
often making considerable sacrifices and taking personal risks in the process. After
describing the difficulties and risks associated with leaving the gang, this article takes a
sociological approach to gang member conversions to discover the resources that
Evangelical- Pentecostal congregations and gang ministries offer to former gang
members facing the crisis of spoiled identity. I draw on semistructured interviews
conducted in 2007 and 2008 with former gang members and gang ministry coordinators
in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and a handful of follow-up interviews
conducted in 2013….

“Osvaldo was a thin, curly-haired, twenty-five-year-old father and ex–gang member

living on the outskirts of the northern coastal town of La Ceiba, Honduras, when I
interviewed him in 2007.1 At that time he had been out of the gang for just over four
years after thirteen years in the gang, having joined when he was just eight years old.

“Osvaldo described how, during the early 2000s, when President Ricardo Maduro
promoted a series of antigang measures, he had fled to the nearby mountains to escape a
wave of social cleansing by off-duty police officers and other individuals intent on
solving the gang problem by means of extrajudicial killing of gang youth.

“Later, he had decided that he no longer wished to be a part of the gangs or to

participate in gang violence, but he found himself the target of several attempts on his
life, this time by leaders from his own gang seeking to eliminate a deserter. Facing a
precarious future with few alternatives, Osvaldo plunged into depression and substance
abuse. He said:

“‘I was full of pain, when all of a sudden a friend appeared who was going through a
process with Hermana Luz [a Pentecostal woman who had opened a halfway house for
ex–gang members] and he said, ‘Osvaldo, do you want to remake your life? Do you want
to give your life to Christ?’ And I just looked at him and I said ‘Yes.’ I wanted to remake
my life and give it to Christ. But for me to give over my life to Christ, I had to wrestle
with the devil himself.’

“Osvaldo’s decision to escape the gang and ‘remake’ his life by means of Evangelical-
Pentecostal conversion and participation in a religious gang ministry is not unique in
Central America, where both the rules of gang membership and the stigma attached to
having belonged to the gang make leaving the gang and building a stable life afterward
exceedingly difficult and even treacherous.

“This article uses the tools of sociology to examine religious conversion among former
members of the transnational gangs of Central America. Using qualitative data from
sixty-three interviews with former gang members, I explore the unique set of resources
provided by small, neighborhood-based Evangelical-Pentecostal churches and church
ministries for gang members and ex–gang members seeking to overhaul a deeply
stigmatized identity.

“Examining the characteristics of these neighborhood-based churches and church

ministries reveals the extent to which Evangelical-Pentecostal Christianity has become a
key site for the reconstruction of identity and for the experience of community and
camaraderie, especially for young males. In addition to providing insights into the role of
Evangelical-Pentecostal Christianity in Central America, my research sheds light on the
acute personal crises faced by gang youth desiring a transition to a stable nonviolent
lifestyle….

“In recent decades, Central America has earned a reputation as the hemisphere’s most
violent region…. The countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador in particular
have posted some of the highest homicide rates in the world… A great deal of this
violence emanates from drug trafficking and organized criminal groups working within
each country to manage auto theft, kidnapping, and contraband, and these groups often
maintain ties to retired military and intelligence officials…

“But a significant share of the violence is produced by youth street gangs like the Mara
Salvatrucha (MS-13) and the Mara Dieciocho (M-18). Members of these groups, which
are often referred to as transnational gangs due to their cross-border ties and origins
among immigrant youth in East Los Angeles, participate in violent crime and homicide at
alarming levels. For example, a study of more than a thousand San Salvadoran gang
youth in 2001 found that one in five active gang members reported having participated in
a homicide….

“Furthermore, gang youth are widely perceived to be the single most important
contributors to violence and insecurity in Central American cities. Due to the exceedingly
low arrest and conviction rates for homicides in the region, authorities have great
freedom when attributing violent crime, and the absence of data has led to a situation in
which representatives of the National Police in Guatemala and El Salvador are able to
blame the transnational gangs for 60 percent of the homicides in Guatemala and El
Salvador… Accusations such as these help to explain the widespread fear and animosity
surrounding the gangs.

“By framing the very real crisis of violent crime as a problem of reckless and belligerent
youth, and by fashioning a political response with a cogent title such as Plan Mano Dura
or Plan Escoba, Central American politicians have been able to scapegoat the gangs and
direct attention away from the more complex social and political sources of violence….
Such widespread and continuing public animosity toward gang members— one poll in
Guatemala reported that 60 percent of Guatemalans believed that the ‘social cleansing’
of gang members was an acceptable means of dealing with gang violence…—has left
Central American gang youth in an increasingly vulnerable situation.

“Government crackdowns due to a series of antigang policies have made belonging to a

gang, and the mere possession of a tattoo, an offense meriting arrest or violent
questioning by police. While much of the criminal gang activity, including the extortion
of buses and small businesses, is directed from the relative safety of a prison cell, gang
members on the outside must dodge violence from opposing gang members, from off-duty
police officers, and from hit men hired by desperate neighbors and business owners…

“Finally, active gang members are sometimes eliminated by members of their own gang
cell due to rivalries or for ‘disciplinary’ reasons. Within this context of constant fear and
danger, some Central American gang youth begin exploring possibilities for leaving the
gang that involve a transition to a safer, more stable lifestyle. But leaving the gang is
itself a difficult and treacherous matter, especially as the gangs have responded to
political scapegoating by tightening the reins on their members.

“Some Central American churches, especially among the small Evangelical-Pentecostal

congregations located in the marginal neighborhoods where gangs operate, have
spearheaded the recruitment of gang members and gang deserters. These churches have
excelled at providing difficult-to-come-by cultural and social resources for rebuilding
what Erving Goffman … would call a ‘spoiled identity’—that is, a distinguishing
characteristic, behavior, or reputation that socially discredits the person to whom it is
attached.

“I argue that Evangelical-Pentecostal congregations engaging in gang ministry offer at

least three resources for leaving the gang and renovating an identity: a discourse of
individual transformation, powerful emotional rituals, and social networks with non–
gang members. My argument is based on research conducted on-site in 2007 and 2008.
During this time I interviewed sixty-three former members of gangs in Honduras,
Guatemala, and El Salvador. Four of the ex-gang youth were women and the rest were
men. I also interviewed professionals such as sociologists, psychologists, and social
workers whose daily work involves the reintegration of former gang members into the
larger society at youth centers and residential rehabilitation centers as well as in
Catholic and Evangelical-Pentecostal gang ministry programs. All of the ex–gang
members professed having made a formal break with the gang, although some of the
youth had fled the area or the country while others had communicated their decision
directly to a gang leader. Not all of the former gang members professed religious
conversion or had joined a church, but over half were active in an Evangelical-
Pentecostal congregation at the time of the interview, and none reported being involved
in such a church during their active phase in the gang.

“A second phase of research began in 2013 involving follow-up interviews with the same
ex–gang members interviewed earlier. Some reference will be made to these new
interviews, but except where noted, the data for this article is drawn from interviews
conducted in 2007 and 2008….

“Perhaps the most important concern of a Central American gang member wishing to
leave the gang is the fear that a leader might order his death for having deserted the
gang. Much like a court-martial during an especially intense war, many Central
American gang cell leaders upped the ante for leaving the gang in the early 2000s by
ordering the death of deserters. Indeed, the phrase hasta la morgue was recited with
great frequency among those interviewed for this study. Although the phrase is reportedly
used as a kind of rallying cry of solidarity among friendly gang members, it can also be
recalled by a gang leader as a warning to a member of his crew who might be thinking of
leaving.
“Uriel, a former M-18 member from the neighborhood of El Milagro in Guatemala City,
reported: ‘For example in the clica [cell] I was in, with the guys I ran with, you joined
hasta la morgue. You’re a part of this gang hasta la morgue, until you die. You can’t
leave. But I left a fugitive, a fugitive because they look for you all over, wherever they
can. And if someone sees you in another neighborhood from a different cell in the same
gang, they [can also] kill you because you’ve run. You have problems with them.’

“Uriel himself reported having repeated “¡Hasta la morgue!” to his friends as a

testament to his own courage in earlier moments of gang life. But eventually, after having
been the victim of shootings on two different occasions during attacks by the MS-13, he
had changed his mind and decided to flee the gang.

“Antonio, also a former member of the M-18 from a different area of Guatemala City,
explained the rise of the morgue rule in the following way: ‘When I was a member of the
gang there was a lot of envy around and now there’s even more of it. Nowadays the gang
members don’t just have as rivals the enemy gangs but also each other. Because the gang
has adopted a saying that says you shouldn’t trust anyone, not even yourself.’

“‘Trust no one [Antonio delivered this phrase in heavily accented English]. They say you
shouldn’t trust anyone. . . . So I didn’t ask permission from anyone to leave. I knew they
wouldn’t give it to me anyway. Things changed. They used to say to someone who wanted
permission to leave, ‘Okay if you want to, fi ne. You can have your squares.’

“‘Squares’ meant that you could be tranquilo. But you can’t smoke, drink, steal or this or
that. And maybe you had a bunch of tattoos. Who’s going to give you a job? Where are
they going to give you a job? Nowhere. And this is something the gang didn’t anticipate.
So, many locos went back to robbing just to feed their families because they couldn’t find
work. That’s what happened to me.’

“Gang members who left with permission—often called calmados in the rhetoric of the
gang—found themselves competing with the gang for extortion and drug sales, thus
hastening their own demise by inviting the punishment of the gang. Antonio eventually
found legal work in a shoe shine and repair shop begun as a project funded by the United
States Agency for International Development (USAID). But he was killed by a young
male with a handgun two months after our interview. It was the third attempt on his life.
Although many, perhaps most, gang leaders eventually closed the door to the calmado
method of exiting gang life, many gang leaders kept open another option—that of
becoming an active Evangelical-Pentecostal Christian.

“Osvaldo, whose decision to convert is cited at the beginning of this article, reported that
the leaders of his own gang, on two occasions, had sent emissaries to eliminate him.
‘They wanted to kill me because the rule in the gang is that one cannot leave one of these
groups unless one gets out by becoming a Christian, holding on to the things of God, as it
should be, sticking to the straight and narrow. And there were many of us who left the
gang but kept on drinking and using drugs and robbing and so that’s why the gang itself
tries to kill you.’
“Neftalí, a Guatemalan youth who left a cell of the White Fence in the mid-2000s and
joined a Pentecostal church, recalled an earlier time in the gang when another member
from the same cell left the gang. He remembered that when someone in the group asked
the gang leader what would be done about the deserter, the leader replied, ‘No. He
became a Christian. Leave him alone.’

“When I pressed ex–gang members for reasons as to why the gang might allow for this
‘Evangelical exemption’ to the morgue rule, I received a variety of answers that often
included a reminder that the gang did not want ‘competition’ from former gang members.
The idea was that Evangelical converts would be far less likely to begin freelancing by
selling drugs or extorting in the name of the gang. The gang leaders are well aware of
the strict behavioral codes promoted by the neighborhood Evangelical-Pentecostal
churches. Consuming alcohol or recreational drugs is strictly forbidden. A practicing
hermano (brother in faith) can be expected to lead a more orderly lifestyle that is far less
likely to be a threat to the gang.

“Other ex–gang members remembered being told by their cell leader, ‘One doesn’t mess
with God.’ In other words, gangs that deliberately execute a former member who has
become an active Christian are ‘messing with God’ and inviting divine retribution. Two
ex–gang members—one in Guatemala and one in Honduras—recited the slogan ‘con el
Colocho no se juega’ when referring to the hands-off rule regarding Evangelical
converts. This phrase can be translated ‘Don’t play [or mess around] with Curly.’

“Informants made reference to what I have called the ‘Evangelical exemption’ to the
morgue rule almost everywhere I conducted interviews. A few gang experts, especially in
El Salvador, claimed that the gangs had been burned so often by Evangelical gang
converts seeking cover in the church that the door to conversion had been closed. This
may have been the case in some neighborhood cells. But other gang exit facilitators
insisted that true converts were still given a pass.

“While it is difficult to know for sure which version of events holds true today, it is quite
possible that fewer and fewer gang leaders are allowing exit by conversion. In
Guatemala and Honduras especially, gang cells tend to operate with a great deal of local
autonomy, and it is possible that even gang converts who carry out the required
behavioral change—following the rules of exit by conversion and staying away from
alcohol, drugs, and crime—are sometimes killed as deserters.

“Six of the original sixty-three ex–gang members interviewed for this study have been
killed violently since the research began, and of these six youth, three were actively
involved in an Evangelical-Pentecostal congregation at the time of their interview.
Nevertheless, at the time I entered the field, most informants, religious or not, reported
that converts usually get a pass as long as they show evidence of real change.

“But if the Evangelical exemption is relatively straightforward, the task of reforming

one’s lifestyle from the ground up is far from easy. How do converted gang members
navigate the other difficulties of life after the gang? Overcoming addictions left over from
the vida loca, finding a job, and escaping the violence of social cleansing were just a few
of the obstacles faced by the former gang members who spoke with me. In short, even
when Evangelical conversion could buy the gang leaver some time, there were plenty of
other matters to be dealt with, including that of demonstrating a change in lifestyle
sufficiently severe as to convince the gang leader of the sincerity of the new believer.

“As Osvaldo put it, even after the decision is made to convert, one still has to ‘wrestle
with the devil.’ Such ‘wrestling’ as it turns out, involves a great deal of this-worldly
activity. For as the lived religion perspective makes clear, religious practices are both
embodied and emplaced. Becoming an Evangelical hermano (no less than identifying as
a gang homie) typically involves the adoption of concrete practices involving what to
ingest, what to put on, and where and with whom to spend one’s free time. Below I
discuss some of the tools and resources Evangelical-Pentecostal churches of the barrio
provide for the social reintegration of former gang members….

“A variety of organizations, including government-sponsored organizations,

international nongovernmental organizations and religious groups both Catholic and
Protestant, have responded to gang violence with institutions and ministries aimed at
reducing gang violence at the local level. Many of these organizations prefer to address
what they believe to be the root causes of gang affiliation and participation—poverty,
weak schools, and unemployment. This article is not the place to evaluate those efforts,
which are usually referred to as gang prevention programs. Nor will I address the recent
and highly controversial truce efforts under way in El Salvador and Honduras. Although
the participation of a few Catholic bishops has attracted considerable attention and
merits careful analysis, such negotiations are beyond the scope of this article.

“Instead, I will undertake in the following section to explore some of the most important
resources offered by the neighborhood-based Evangelical-Pentecostal churches and
ministries, most of which aim their efforts at rescuing gang members from the gang via
efforts that are overtly religious but implicitly social. The larger goal is to explain how
ex– gang member converts put religion to work in improving their odds of survival….

“A further challenge facing ex–gang members seeking safety and a second chance
involves reorienting their own disposition in such a way that their everyday behaviors
and manner no longer project anger or instill fear in those around them. Gang members
also worry that their demeanor, manners, vocabulary, and dress may give them away as
gang members in public spaces. Ex–gang members referred to this obstacle—what might
be called the risks of possessing a marero (gang member) disposition—in a variety of
ways.

“Ernesto, a Honduran orphan who had joined and eventually left the M-18, told me that
as he became more and more involved in the gang, his mode of thought was, in effect,
reshaped by the group, or, as he put it, ‘Me formaron la mente diferente.’ When I asked
him to explain what he meant with this phrase, he replied: ‘I used to be a little bit quiet. I
would let everybody insult me. If other people tried to hit me, I would let them. Like that.
And afterward, after I’d joined the gang, I started thinking twice. . . . If somebody
insulted me, I would insult them. I wasn’t going to let anyone tell me anything or treat me
badly. If I needed to kill them, I would do that too. I did everything my way.’

“Similarly, Ronaldo, a Honduran former member of the M-18, when asked what the most
difficult aspect of leaving the gang was, responded: ‘The hardest of all this I think was
attitude [el carácter]. Because when you’re on the street you have an attitude. If someone
touches you, you’re always angry, or how can I say it, hyperactive, really angry. If they
come and they tease you, they try to hit you, like guys are always doing on the street . . .
you’re always, it’s always your attitude that’s the hardest to change. But that’s what
we’ve been doing with God’s help.’

“The American sociologist Elijah Anderson (1999), writing about inner-city

Philadelphia, has described a similar phenomenon that he calls the ‘code of the street.’
Emphasizing that the code arises in contexts where marginalized groups are deprived of
public safety, he describes the code of the street as a code of behavior or a ‘posture’ that
communicates to neighbors and pedestrians, friends and enemies, ‘If you mess with me,
there will be consequences.’

“I have argued elsewhere that the gang code of behavior, which some Central American
gang members refer to as clecha, is motivated by a desperate and anxious search for
respect among youth whose ethnicity, economic status, neighborhood, and home life have
left them with an experience of profound and chronic shame… The point here is simply
the fact that the gang disposition is an identifier that must be unlearned both because it
exposes gang members to a heightened risk of violence from enemy gangs and social
cleansing, and because it presents a profound obstacle to building trust among family
members, neighbors, and employers.

“It is important to note that the gang disposition or posture is deeply embodied. It is not
merely anger management that must be addressed, although learning to deal with
instances of disrespect is certainly important, especially when starting a new job or
venturing out of the community. Andrés, a Salvadoran and former member of the MS-13
who had not converted, told me that even though he had left the gang seven years earlier
by escaping to Guatemala, he continued to struggle to unlearn the gang manner. After
our interview had finished, the twenty-five-year-old surprised me by asking, ‘Do I stick
out? [Se me nota?]’ When I asked him to clarify, he responded, ‘I’ve tried to learn to get
rid of the gang manner. I’ve tried to learn to speak better, to watch the way I talk, the
way I walk.’

“Unsure of how to respond, I lied to Andrés, assuring him that I didn’t know what he was
talking about. But I had indeed noticed the stares directed at our table from a few other
patrons in the mostly empty middle-class restaurant. Seven years after Andrés had begun
his exit from the gang and nearly three years after he had erased all tattoos from those
places on his body that could not be hidden by normal street wear, the former
Salvatrucha was still struggling to unlearn the disposition of a loco. Dispositions,
including a threatening tough-guy demeanor no less than one’s manner of walking and
talking, are acquired slowly, are embodied, and are extremely difficult to modify.
“We know from the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1984) that dispositions, and
what Bourdieu calls ‘habitus,’ are deeply influenced by social class, and this is certainly
true in the case of Central American gang members, nearly all of whom grow up in
marginal urban communities. But gangs go further to develop and cultivate a
recognizable vocabulary, mode of dress, and demeanor aimed at identifying each other
and instilling pride among members.

“Unlearning this disposition, and replacing it with one that is less threatening, is one of
the most difficult and most important aspects of staying safe and building relationships of
trust with non–gang members. Evangelical-Pentecostal churches provide one of the most
promising environments available for doing just that precisely because their shared
practice of religion draws on embodied ways of speaking, dressing, and relating to each
other. The practice of Evangelical-Pentecostal Christianity thus involves the cultivation
of habits and rituals that facilitate the navigation of an often precarious and even
dangerous social context.

“Worship is a key site where dispositions are formed and reformed…. At the center of
the Evangelical-Pentecostal congregation is a deeply emotional, highly interactive social
space. Actions that express trust and connection, such as holding hands and embracing,
occur frequently, as do emotional displays such as weeping, which communicates
vulnerability. Several ex–gang members described experiences of finding themselves
emotionally overwhelmed after visiting a church service.

“For example, Ricardo, a leader of a Vato Loco gang cell in Honduras, remembered
feeling goose bumps after stepping inside the Pentecostal church across the street from
his home one evening: ‘[Then] when I opened my eyes I was in front of the altar crying,
asking forgiveness from God for all of the things I had done.’ Ricardo had been attracted
to the church by the music he heard inside.

“Similarly, Emerson, a Guatemalan who left the M-18 in 2006, remembered finding
himself trembling and sobbing in the presence of several Pentecostal women who had
visited his home and asked to pray for him. In both cases, the experience of weeping in
the presence of others served as an important turning point in the self-narratives of the
youth and an emotional clue that an important transformation was already under way.
Just as important, however, was the fact that these experiences proved satisfying enough
to bring gang members like Ricardo and Emerson back again and again….

“A final resource offered by Evangelical-Pentecostal churches engaging in formal or

informal gang ministry is that of abundant and dense social networks of support. As
implied above, a crucial obstacle to reintegration involves building ties to individuals
ready to trust the ex–gang member in spite of his past crimes and connections to a violent
group. Many gang members have burned bridges with the very few relatives who might
otherwise have been a source of social or economic support.

“Most Central American employers are deeply reluctant to hire ex–gang members for
reasons going beyond their typically minimal formal education. Though I was unable to
verify them, I heard multiple stories of professed ex–gang members who, after several
months of working in a small business, abused the position in order to rob or extort a
business owner. Such stories, apocryphal or true, create an environment that is
especially challenging for ex– gang members in need of safe, supportive relationships
and an income. Many ex–gang members reported receiving help from pastors and church
members eager to see them succeed and transform their behavior. A few ex–gang
members reported that they were only able to obtain a job after a pastor provided them
with a written recommendation.

“One former White Fence member even reported that the congregation he had joined
following his conversion provided him with financial help that made it possible to
transition away from extorting local businesses in order to provide income for formula
and diapers for his newborn son. Other ex–gang members stressed the importance of the
protection found among the Evangelical-Pentecostal hermanos.

“Otoniel, a Salvadoran ex-member of the M-18, reported escaping to the home of a

cousin who was a Pentecostal minister, where he was provided with safe hiding and a
job. Although his immediate family was devoutly Catholic, his decision to seek out his
cousin and join an Evangelical-Pentecostal church reflected both the reputation of these
churches and their openness to providing support for an ex–gang member.

“One congregation in a large town to the south of Guatemala City even opened a safe
home for ex–gang members in an isolated rural setting. Similarly, Hermana Luz, the
Pentecostal homemaker who provided refuge to Osvaldo, offered refuge to more than a
dozen other ex–gang members during a three-year period.

“Nevertheless, it is worth noting that although the social networks provided by

Evangelical-Pentecostal congregations were crucial for acquiring a job and staying safe,
such networks cannot guarantee safety or job stability. Already during the first round of
interviews in 2007 and 2008, some ex–gang members, including some who had
converted, were having difficulty finding or keeping a steady, legal job. Recent follow-up
interviews confirm such difficulties. Several ex–gang members reported relying on a
working spouse or a family member to pay for food or provide shelter. Others have been
killed.

“Pancho, a Honduran former MS-13 member who became an Evangelical-Pentecostal

convert during a stint at a rehabilitation center, was later arrested for an earlier crime
and spent several years in prison after our initial interview in 2007. He was killed shortly
after leaving prison.

“Beto, a Honduran who had informed me that his own gang leader had told him, ‘Don’t
mess with Curly or the gang,’ was killed in June 2013, seven years after leaving the
gang. Beto’s pastor, who had been violently interrogated by Honduran police just two
months prior to the killing, reported that Beto’s death came at the hands of enemy gang
members.
“Evangelical-Pentecostal gang ministries come in a variety of organizational shapes and
sizes, but most have meager financial resources and few if any paid staff, relying instead
on motivated church members to provide occasional access to vocational training in
trades such as bricklaying or baking. Involvement in such training programs
(capacitación), even when informal, is at least as useful as a means of soaking up the
spare time of the ex–gang members as it is in generating income or laying the
groundwork for future employment.

“In Guatemala, a handful of ministries (including those with Catholic and with
Evangelical- Pentecostal ties) received funding from a USAID grant during the 2000s for
outreach to ex– gang members as well as prevention for at-risk youth. But the funding
had dried up by the end of the decade. Most Evangelical-Pentecostal ministries are tied
directly to a local church and rely on the skills and charisma of a minister, although I
encountered a few ministries, such as the ‘home ministry’ promoted by Hermana Luz,
that had no formal ties to a congregation and no direct involvement from a minister.

“In short, it is difficult to generalize about the organizational nature of Evangelical-

Pentecostal gang ministries beyond the fact that nearly all such entities make
considerable use of the voluntarism and commitment of nonprofessional church members
and leaders….

“As long as Central America continues to be a deeply stratified society that marginalizes
and economically isolates whole sectors of its large and youthful population, gangs will
continue to provide an attractive social space for children and youth experiencing
profound alienation and chronic shame. Furthermore, at the macro level, it is possible
that Evangelical-Pentecostal discourse, by emphasizing the importance of individual
transformation rather than systemic or political change, serves as an obstacle to the kind
of social-structural reform that could diminish the attraction of the gangs in the first
place.

“Such is the argument of anthropologists like Adrienne Pine and Kevin O’Neill. Pine…
draws on Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence to argue that an ideology of individual
achievement, such as the one promoted by many Honduran Pentecostals, makes many
poor Hondurans complicit in their own subjugation. By policing themselves and their
behavior, Evangelical-Pentecostals hope to improve their odds of individual success, but
in the process, they become impervious to efforts of social-movement mobilization that
could ultimately transform Honduran society, making it less violent and more equitable.

“In a similar vein, O’Neill… examines Guatemalan Pentecostal gang ministries and
notes that some of these ministries have been recipients of USAID dollars. In an analysis
of a short-lived reality television series intended to help ex–gang members find gainful
employment, O’Neill… concludes that ‘a Christian commitment to self-transformation (to
once being lost but now being found) has become entangled with the geopolitics of
American security, especially when it comes to efforts at gang abatement.’
“In this reading, USAID’s funding for gang programs, some of which are connected to
Evangelical-Pentecostal churches, is part of a broader international relations strategy
aimed at employing ‘soft power’ to recast fundamental structural problems of corruption
and insecurity as problems of delinquent youth in need of moral reform….

“Conclusion: Leaving the Central American gang is an extremely difficult and dangerous
process. Many youth who attempt to do so find themselves strapped with debilitating
addictions and dangerous enemies, even while they are bereft of trusting relationships.
The fact that many, though probably not all, gang cell leaders make an exception to the
morgue rule for Evangelical converts is just one of several reasons some gang youth
choose to leave by way of the church. Gang youth who choose to convert and join an
Evangelical-Pentecostal church can also find among the church brothers a number of
resources not available to those who simply leave the gang. Among these are the
discourse of self-transformation, emotional rituals useful for reforming the gang
disposition, and social networks for staying safe and finding a job.

“Some critics of Evangelical-Pentecostal gang ministry argue that the conversion ideal
itself impedes social change. After all, if we start from the understanding that religion
has its primary or only impact on the (individual) mind, it is tempting to arrive at the
conclusion that Evangelical theology renders its adherents powerless to oppose
neoliberal politics by teaching them to work on the reformation of the self rather than the
critique of social structures. But a more careful examination of the way lived Evangelical
religion creates and cultivates communities of embodied selves allows us to recognize the
significant contribution of these congregations to the incorporation of marginal youth. By
carving out safe spaces for incorporation into the adult community and by offering
embodied, emotion-laden practices useful in overhauling a disposition, these
congregations play an important role in allowing for the ‘social repair… of communities
torn apart by violence from within.

“Viewed from this angle, ‘wrestling the devil’ involves more than a converted ex–gang
member’s struggle with addiction and can bear fruit that is at once personal and
political. It might also aptly describe a determined and deeply religious attempt by
Evangelical members of a community to come to terms with their own and their
community’s violence.”

59. Freddy Cuevas, Special prosecutor says criminal gangs now present in 40
percent of Honduran territory, 31 July 2013, available at
http://www.startribune.com/world/217853311.html ...... [●]

“TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — Honduran gangs have expanded in the last decade and
are now in 40 percent of the Central American country's territory, with gang members
increasingly targeting people in the middle class, an official said Wednesday.

“Special prosecutor for common crime Kenia Reconco said gangs first began extorting
money and killing residents of the working class neighborhoods where the gang members
lived but as they grew they began targeting the middle class.
“‘In 10 years, these criminals have grown because they initially dominated slums, and
now they are targeting sectors of the middle class,’ Reconco told HRN Radio in an
interview.”…

“The gangs have diversified their illegal activities. Initially they stole cellphones in
muggings and dealt drugs in small quantities, but gang members are now increasingly
joining drug cartels as hit men.

“Official estimates say gang members obtain about $50 million from extorting thousands
of taxi drivers, workers, teachers, professionals, entrepreneurs and many others. At
least 17,000 small businesses closed in 2012 because they were being extorted, according
to the government.”

60. Kenneth D. MacHarg, Honduras: Christians experience threat, danger in one

of the world’s most violent cities, 18 April 2013, available at
http://www.christiansincrisis.net/latest-news/1385-honduras-christians-
experience-threat-danger-in-one-of-the-world-s-most-violent-cities.html
..........................

“SAN PEDRO SULA, HONDURAS (ANS) -- The large type, appropriately black,
shouted the message across the front page of the newspaper. ‘12 More Bodies Found
Dead in One Day.’

“It was a typical, almost daily news bulletin in this second-largest Honduran city. With
each passing day the death toll from the country's out-of-control violence mounts.

“Everywhere one turns beefed-up security is visible: guards armed with machine guns
outside of supermarkets and pharmacies; entrances to tranquil-appearing residential
neighborhoods protected by three or four armed guards, vicious looking dogs and roads
blocked by chains; electrically charged barbed wire atop walls surrounding houses; and
people riding in bullet-proofed cars driven by heavily armed men.

“Such is life in what has been termed the world's most violent city where drug-fueled
gangs fight it out on city streets, feuds between Mexican drug cartels break out into
violent conflict and innocent shoppers or church goers are victims of ‘express
kidnappings’ in which victims are driven to ATM machines and ordered to empty their
accounts.

“‘Many people point to the irony that they have become prisoners (in their homes) while,
because of the failures in the justice system, the criminals roam free,’ said Jill Powis, a
Honduras-base human rights worker in an interview with the Guardian Weekly
newspaper.

“Even churches are not exempt from the violence. Pastor Misael Argeñal who heads
Ministerio La Cosecha (Harvest Ministry), an international network of churches, from
his soccer-stadium sized church in the city fled in mid March with his extended family to
refuge in the United States after receiving death threats. The threatening messages
followed the kidnapping of his wife at an upscale shopping mall, in which she was forced
to empty her checking account and beaten before being freed.

“Two weeks later in the coastal town of La Ceiba Pastor Dago Irias of the Iglesia Gran
Comision (Great Commission Church) and his family went into hiding after an extortion
attempt.

“Both pastors returned to their places of service after those making the extortion threats
were arrested.

“‘Most of the threats to pastors are for the extortion of money,’ explained independent
missionary Terry Sorah. Sorah said that he and his wife were robbed by armed gunmen
but they considered the incident to be a ‘crime of opportunity.’ They believe that the
thieves followed them home from a shopping center.

“‘Many churches here preach a prosperity gospel with an emphasis on health and
wealth,’ explained Mark Hoff, a long-term missionary with Bajio Christian Mission in
San Pedro Sula. ‘With that emphasis on money and the fact that pastors drive big cars
they are often targeted for financial extortion.’

“Freddy Rodriguez, the associate pastor of the Iglesia Cristiana (Christian Church) in
Buenos Aires (a San Pedro Sula neighborhood) says that some opposition is directed
toward those who work with gang members or preach on issues that are important to
organized crime.

“‘The message of God addresses injustice, immorality and sin,’ Rodriguez said. ‘Pastors
who preach prophetically about those issues and the evil of sin are often opposed by the
gangs and drug traffickers.’

“‘The criminals attack what the pastors say is good,’ reported Jorge Garcia, a Honduran
layman working with a mission agency. ‘Members of churches have died because they go
to church and gangs stop people from attending church.’

“Garcia said that some pastors are preaching about themes they have never addressed
before while others are intimidated and seldom address crucial issues.

“By far most of the violence is attributed to the growing presence of gangs such as Mara
Salvatrucha which began among El Salvadorian immigrants in Los Angeles, California
and were transported back to Central America when they were deported.

“As these lawless gangs vie for territory they usually settle disputes by murdering
opponents, often with open battles on city streets that claim the lives not only of gang
members but innocent bystanders including very young children.

“Many churches are reaching out and programming to reach both gang members and
young people before they are attracted into the gangs. Antonio Orellana pastors a church
in a gang-infested neighborhood of San Pedro Sula. His church operates a clinic, a
school and a counseling center to address the needs of unemployment and social turmoil.
“‘The youth of our community feel that they have no opportunities,’ Orellana said. ‘They
have no confidence in authority, they experience corruption and unemployment and their
family structure is absent. The main reason young boys enter the gangs is because of the
disintegration of the family,’ he said.

“To prevent younger boys from being attracted to the gang life style in which they find
authority that they can trust and an organization that cares for them while at the same
time it is also exploiting them for economic gain and control over neighborhoods, Pastor
Rodriguez said that his church is working to train parents about their proper role in
raising children.

“‘We are teaching families to follow the biblical guidance of Proverbs 1:8,’ (Listen, my
son, to your father's instruction and do not forsake your mother's teaching), he explained.

“‘We show them that the function of the father is to correct and discipline while the
mother gives direction and counsel,’ he said. ‘When the two roles are applied they have
positive results.’

“The problem, both pastors said, is that with the disintegration of the family most
children grow up without at least one parent, usually the father. That is why they place so
much emphasis on strengthening the families in their churches.

“There is some success in working with gang members, but small in comparison to the
thousands of young men entrapped by the criminal organizations. Pastor Orellana says
that there are around nine former gang members attending his church.

“The two pastors agreed that the only way out of a gang is either to be killed or to accept
Christ and join an evangelical church.

“Pastor Rodriguez said that a former leader of a gang is now a part of his fellowship.
‘But if a member is allowed to leave and join an evangelical congregation he had better
not ever leave the church. If he does, he will be killed,’ he warned.

“Missionaries in the country confront the threat of violence regularly in their work and
they deal with people who have suffered from the effects of the murder or robbery of a
loved one.

“‘In our church, the pastor asked everyone who had been assaulted on the street to raise
their hands’ Latin America Mission (LAM) missionary Cindy Williamson reported. ‘Well
over half the congregation did. We were the only ones in our area who had not been
assaulted. We thank God for his protection! But every detailed story I know is a random
act or a result of an unwise choice. I think if you asked a group of Hondurans anywhere
the same question, you would get a similar response.’

“Cindy Williamson and her husband Wes serve in a camping ministry outside of San
Pedro Sula but often attend a local Evangelical and Reformed church in the city.
“Telling of an experience with the country's problems Williamson wrote in an email, ‘In
2010 a young friend of ours was shot and killed. He was out with two friends playing
soccer and they were in a fender-bender on the way home. The driver of the other vehicle
got angry and began to shoot them. Our friend was killed (buried on his 20th birthday)
and the other two, also from church, were seriously injured. The violence struck hard in
the youth group. At Guillermo's funeral, we mourned the loss of a godly young man, a
talented worship leader, someone willing to speak out for God. But at the same time, we
rejoiced that he was in Heaven with Jesus, hearing, "Well done my good and faithful
servant.’

“In the south of the country LAM missionaries Matthew and Jennifer Allen work at the
Way of Life Christian Church in the capital city Tegucigalpa.

“Violence is no stranger there either. ‘It makes us more aware of the fleeting nature of
life, and therefore helps us to focus more on that which is of eternal value,’ Matthew
said. ‘Since we have been here, we have gotten to know several young men who have
been directly impacted by the untimely and seemingly needless death of a loved one.’

“Allen reports that churches struggle when someone is robbed, kidnapped or murdered.
‘In our churches, the response is mixed,’ he said. ‘Some are made stronger and have
become more reliant on Scripture and prayer. Others have become cynical and fearful,
wrongly fearing man and not God.’

“He added, ‘Through teaching God's Word, we pray to change the mentality of the
church to make the most of every opportunity to live out the certainty of the Gospel in
uncertain times.’

“Missionaries reflect that the on-going turmoil has become a part of daily life and goes
well beyond that which is generated by gang or drug trafficking activity.

“‘The culture here is like the old west,’ explained one missionary who asked not to be
quoted on the subject by name. ‘There is a lot of vigilante "justice" and retribution
embedded in the Honduran culture. When we came, we were advised not to take sides on
issues, not to talk about politics, and not to ask questions.’

“‘So it seems to me that in our area the two things that expose you to violence are
crossing someone or getting involved in a "feud" with them, and making unwise choices
to travel at times and in places that are not safe,’ the missionary continued. ‘There are
always a few cases of being caught in the crossfire of someone else's fight, but that is not
the main problem in our area. We have made the choice not to travel at night.’

“Missionaries themselves must deal with the safety of their family. ‘We do feel confident
that the Lord continues to call us here, and he has plans for us here,’ Cindy Williamson
said.

“‘We want to walk in the path He has laid out for us, so we continue to stay. We feel a
passion to carry out whatever plan God has for us here, but we are cautious to be sure
we are not stubbornly staying where He placed us without confirming that we're still
supposed to be here,’ she concluded.

“Missionary Esther Bettney who, with her husband Dave, serves at a bilingual Christian
School in Siguatepeque, Honduras said ‘We know of some missionaries who have left
because of the violence when it has personally impacted or threatened their lives.’

“‘At moments we have questioned our call to Honduras,’ she reflected. ‘But we always
return to the truth that God is with us in all circumstances and that we will serve in
Honduras until we feel God leads us elsewhere.’

“In the midst of daily chaos and uncertainty the church in Honduras is growing
according to Assemblies of God missionary Dave Turner. ‘We have 1,300 churches in the
country and are adding more each year,’ he said.

“But in the midst of that growth there are challenges for the churches. ‘They must look at
the condition of our cities and ask why,’ Turner commented. ‘Winning people to Christ is
one thing but making them disciples is another.’

“Turner said that moving beyond the conversion experience and helping people to
understand what the Gospel means in how they live their lives will be crucial to
overcoming the country's problems. He said that living the Christian life is not so much
what he called ‘religiosity’ but ‘requires a change in how we do things.’”

61. Latin America Current Events, Limón Honduras landing point for drug
shipments to the U.S. for Colombian cartels, 29 Jan 2013, available at
http://latinamericacurrentevents.com/limon-honduras-landing-point-for-drug-
shipments-to-the-u-s-for-colombian-cartels/25868/ …..

“Authorities indicate that 11 Honduran cartels are part of narcotics smuggling network.

“Five drug cartels from Colombia are using Honduras as a drop off point to transport
illegal drugs on to Mexico with ultimate destination of the United States.

“Research by Honduran office of drug trafficking (DLCN) and the Honduran military
working in conjunction with Colombian authorities that the following drug organizations
are operating in Honduras: Rastrojos, Urabeños, Mellos, Oficina de Envigado and
Daniel Loco Barrera (now in custody).

“Barrera was a powerful drug trafficker in the eastern section of Colombia known as La
Orinoquía or Llanos Orientales.

“Colombian authorities report that Matthew Ian Ferguson a Bahamian national who has
lived twenty years in Colombia has worked with Barrera in securing pilots to fly drug
shipments to Honduras.
“Shipments of drugs sent by sea use nine Colombia ports. Seven are located in the
Caribbean coast of Colombia: La Guajira, Santa Marta, Cienaga, Barranquilla,
Cartagena, Golfo de Morrosquillo, Urabá and San Andres. The two primary ports used
on the pacific coast are Buenaventura and Tumaco.

“Daily shipments to Honduras have been detected using a variety of craft including
submarines, speedboats, fishing boats, and small craft referred to tiburoneras (sharks)
and jamaiquinas (Jamaicans).

“Routes are alternated in the region of La Mosuqita as a focal point. Many of the drug
drop offs are conducted at the following beaches: playas de Raya, barra del río Coco
Segovia, Palacios, Brus Laguna, Canal de Tusigacha and Kruta.

“Honduran authorities report that most of the shipments sent by fast boast (speed boats)
are delivering the drug shipments at Limón in the Colón department. It is a square area
of 643 kilometers and has about 9.000 residents.

“A member of the Honduran navy indicates that the cartels have lookouts positioned in
Limón monitoring activities of the navy, making it difficult to monitor cartel movements.

“The trip from Colombia to Honduras for drug traffickers averages about five days
(3500 kilometers). The cartels establish routes to evade the navies of Honduras, Panama,
and Colombia.

“The geography of Limón provides traffickers a means to drop the contraband quickly
transport the shipments to different areas of Honduras.

“Urabeños primarily work with Zetas in getting the drugs to Mexico and the United
States. Los Mellos originated from the cartel Urabeños

“The cartels in Honduras provide support tasks and transfer operations in the trafficking
of drugs and are part of the transnational network. These cartels operate in the western
Honduras out of in drug transfer, and are part of the transnational network. Their
strongest areas of operations are in La Entrada, Copan, covering the area of the border
with Guatemala. Other operations are in Olancho, Colón, El Paraiso, Atlantida, Yoro,
Santa Barbara, Cortez, Bay Islands and La Mosquitia.

“Honduran cartels also facilitate the landing of narco planes on estates and clandestine
airstrips. They also assist in developing plans, transport the drugs, store drugs, provide
legal advice, and launder funds.”

62. Ana-Constantina Kolb, Outgunned: The Honduran Fight Against

Transnational Cocaine Traffickers, 25 November 2012, available at
http://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/outgunned-honduran-fight-against-transnational-
cocaine-traffickers/ ………….[●]
 [Note: This article contains numerous footnotes, which are not included in the
excerpts below.]

“Transnational organized crime (TOC) is an insidious and omnipresent element in

twenty-first century Honduras, representing a clear threat to the stability of its
democracy. Over the past five years, criminal organizations have extended their grip on
the fragile states of the Northern Triangle—El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras—
leading to a severe deterioration in citizen security. By leveraging domestic crime and
violence, these organizations inhibit further development and prey on the glaring social
inequality prevalent in these countries. …

“Drug trafficking organizations [DTOs] appear to benefit from the raging instability of
the countries of the Northern Triangle, all of which hold horrendous public safety
records in terms of violent crime and homicides. Additionally, recent estimates now
declare this region to be the chosen route for drug traffickers, with an estimated 90
percent of cocaine destined for the United States traveling through Central America
and/or Mexico. For these reasons, Central America is now ‘caught in the crossfire as [a]
key drug transit route’ and Mexican drug cartels are strongly active there. Within this
crossfire, Honduras is a central landing point for drug runs, acting as the first stop for
approximately 79 percent of all cocaine transfers from South America.” …

“[W]ith the highest number of homicides in the world, citizen security has been
problematic in Honduras for a number of years. In essence, the precarious nature of
security has allowed criminal groups to commit crimes with impunity. Proportionally, the
country has the highest gang membership in Central America and crimes committed by
these youth gangs (maras) have contributed to Honduras’ notoriety as one of the most
violent countries outside of war territory.” …

“Although Honduras has intensified its law enforcement and criminal justice efforts, the
under-resourced country finds itself increasingly powerless in the fight against TOC.
Essentially, Honduras is engaged in a battle against a far better-resourced and equipped
foe.” …

“During the government of Roberto Micheletti, who took over as interim president
following the 2009 coup, the amount of cocaine moved through Honduras increased
exponentially, exhibiting the strong relationship between weak governance and
expanding TOC activity. This resulted in ‘a kind of cocaine gold rush.’ Moreover, not
only have cartels now infiltrated local and municipal governments, but the cartels are
known to invest in public works, providing public services that the state is often unable to
supply. This has led some communities on Honduras’ Caribbean coast to switch
allegiance from the state to DTOs. Since the drug business is vastly able to outspend the
Honduran state, it readily attracts willing local helpers. Therefore, DTOs are not only
undermining the Honduran state’s authority but, perversely, are also directly competing
with the state in providing basic needs.
“However, it is the prevalence of human rights violations, the corruption within the
political and security system, and the impunity with which crimes are committed that
ultimately create an ideal breeding ground for maximizing the influence of organized
crime. In view of the amount of money involved, it is no surprise that DTOs have
benefitted from the already widespread corruption in the country.” …

“[D]ue to increased law enforcement efforts in Colombia and Mexico, increased TOC
activity in Honduras may have been unavoidable. Nevertheless, corrupted authorities and
weakened government institutions certainly aided the expansion of criminal groups in the
country. Finally, it was the widespread insecurity and violence in Honduras that allowed
TOC to tighten its grip on the country.” …

“Transnational organized crime has exploited the already unstable citizen security
situation in Central America in a diverse number of ways, with the illegal drug trade
being a main driver of violence. In Honduras, Atlántida is the province where most
murders occur. According to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), one person
out of every 1,000 is killed in a violent crime. It is worth mentioning that the provinces
with the highest homicide rates are also those provinces with the most strategic
importance for the drug trade. Consequently, violence is both random and, at times,
targeted. For example, in 2010, a Mexican DTO killed the Honduran antinarcotics czar,
Julián Arístides González. In the same year, the Honduran National Directorate of
Criminal Investigation (DNIC) stopped another plot to assassinate minister of security,
Óscar Álvarez. The DNIC stated the attack was likely funded by a Mexican DTO.
Drawing on this evidence, it is clear that TOC thrives on high levels of violence and
crime in Honduras and, conversely, that crime and violence thrive on TOC activity.” …

“Whereas the academic discussion remains divided on whether the maras—violent

criminal gangs originally founded in Los Angeles now found throughout the region—
should be denominated as transnational, it is certain that they are used as “muscle” by
Mexican organized criminal groups in Honduras. The resulting relationship between
transnational DTOs and local criminal youth gangs holds the country in a cycle of
violence and insecurity. What is more, DTOs have been branching out, increasingly
engaging in migrant smuggling and human trafficking across borders, further
underpinning their transnational criminal operations and influence.” …

“Observers have noted that TOC may be a bigger threat to the region than the civil wars
of the 1980s, but the countries have neither the capacity nor the resources to confront
this threat effectively. Fundamentally, simple economics illustrate the asymmetry of
power: roughly $38 billion in cocaine flows from South to North America every year,
and, as mentioned above, the International Narcotics Control Strategy Report estimates
that 79 percent of these drugs (i.e., $30 billion) pass through Honduras. This is ten times
as high as the Honduran state budget. Furthermore, the Honduran police force not only
lacks resources compared to the vast amount of cash involved in drug trafficking, it is
also simply understaffed, with only 104 police officers for every 100,000 inhabitants.”
 63. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Honduras: The Recruitment of
Mara Salvatrucha (MS) and 18th Street (Calle 18 or Mara 18) Gang Members, 24
January 2012, available at http://www.refworld.org/docid/4f4f2eeb2.html
……………[●]

“According to Sonja Wolf, a post-doctoral researcher at the National Autonomous

University of Mexico (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), membership in Mara
Salvatrucha (MS-13) and 18th Street (M-18) (Calle 18 or Mara 18), the largest gangs in
Central America and among Central American immigrants in the United States (US), is
estimated at between 100,000 and 140,000 persons in Central America and the US (Wolf
2010, 256). The US Southern Command estimates that there are 70,000 members in
Central America, of which 36,000 are in Honduras (US 3 Jan. 2011, 5).

“James Bosworth, a consultant on organized crime in Latin America (Wilson Center

n.d), indicates that there are approximately 100 different gangs in Honduras (Bosworth
Dec. 2010, 9). Sources indicate that gangs in the country include MS-13, M-18, La Mao
Mao, Los Batos Locos and Los Rockeros (Bruneau and Goetze 1 July 2008; Honduras 26
June 2007, 11). The MS-13 and M-18 reportedly have a transnational reach (Bosworth
Dec. 2010, 9; María Palma 2011, 106), and their organization in Central America
resembles that of the US (Fogelbach 2011, 420).”…

“According to the Honduran Ambassador to the US, by 2007, 77 percent of new gang
members were 15 years of age or younger, and 98 percent of gang members were
between 12 and 25 years of age (Honduras 26 June 2007, 11). However, the Honduran
Ministry of Security says that the recruiting age ‘could have broadened to oscillate
between 8 and 30 years’ (ibid., 12). Wolf, for example, indicates that gangs are using
children as young as 8 years old to commit crimes (11 Jan. 2012). Alejandro José María
Palma, a graduate research assistant at the University of Texas, indicates that the M-18,
for example, recruits children from primary and high school, and thus has been given the
name of [translation] ‘Army of Children’ (María Palma 2011, 112). La Prensa, a San
Pedro Sula-based newspaper, reports that the number of children sent by judges to
[translation] ‘re-orientation centres’ after committing a crime, has been increasing (22
Aug. 2010). Children are recruited by gangs in schools, and are armed, trained and
‘easily manipulated’ to commit crimes such as illegal drug trafficking, car theft and
homicide (La Prensa 22 Aug. 2010). Adolescents are offered money as enticement to join,
between 100 lempiras [5.35 CAD (XE 30 Dec. 2011a)] and 500 lempiras [26.75 CAD
(XE 30 Dec. 2011b)] (La Prensa 22 Aug. 2010). Children are used by gangs since
existing legislation excludes them from legal prosecution (ibid.). According to La Prensa,
120 minors were detained in a re-orientation centre in 2010 for crimes such as theft,
homicide, rape and drug trafficking (22 Aug. 2010).

“Another aspect of membership in gangs is the social network in place for pregnant
women whose newborns are placed in the care of gang members (Demoscopía S.A. Oct.
2007, 41-42). The practice can reproduce the gang mentality in the next generation, thus
making [translation] ‘more complex’ the family, community and social network of these
gangs (ibid.).”
“[S]everal sources indicate that desertion from the Maras carries serious punishment,
including death (Wolf 11 Jan. 2012; InSight Crime 15 Nov. 2011; UN Mar. 2010, para.
7). According to the UNHCR, deserters and their families are subject to retaliatory
attacks and death threats, and often do not receive adequate protection from law
enforcement agencies (ibid., paras. 13 and 17).”

64. UNHCR, One Family Forced to Flee: Driven out of Honduras by gang
persecution, 14 June 2011, available at
http://www.refworld.org/docid/4df9a28b2.html ....
“When gang violence started disrupting the lives of law-abiding citizens in his
community in the city of San Pedro Sula, Miguel decided to make a stand. He joined like-
minded Honduran civilians in one of the many surveillance committees that started
springing up in urban areas of the country from 1996.
“These citizens' groups hoped to dissuade gang members from leading lives of crime and
violence and to contribute to building a strong and lawful society. Instead, the gangs
turned on their civic-minded neighbours. ‘The gang [in my home area] killed 18
members of our surveillance group,’ Miguel recalled, adding that he decided to flee with
his family after the gangs tried to recruit him. ‘I told them I had a family, I had my sons,
that I couldn't do it.’
“This is no isolated case. In recent years, UNHCR has come across growing numbers of
people who have sought asylum in Mexico, Canada and the United States, citing the
threat of gang violence and forced recruitment in countries such as Guatemala, El
Salvador and Honduras.
“The UN reckons that some 70,000 young people are members of violent gangs in
Central America. The activities of these maras range from drug trafficking and
prostitution to violent assault, robbery and murder. The biggest are transnational.
“The maras are mainly comprised of young people, but innocent civilians are often
caught in the crossfire of their feuds or forced to pay a form of protection money. And
they take a dim view of people, like Miguel, who try to stand up to them and their
pernicious influence. Their hold is strongest in urban areas.
“When the gangs disrupted their life, Miguel and his wife Josefina were trying to live an
honest life, plan for the future and bring up their two boys, aged eight and six, to know
the difference between right and wrong. After Miguel spurned the advances of the local
mara, the pressure became unbearable.
“‘You live daily with fear. Whenever the children went to the corner store, to the market,
anywhere, you were worried that something might happen to them,’ said his Salvadorean
wife, Josefina, who was pregnant when their ordeal began. The gang threatened to kill
Miguel.
“The family moved home several times, but he could not shake off his vicious tormentors.
The gang finally tracked him down and opened fire on him as he stood outside his house.
Miguel was hit in the right harm, but saved his life by diving to the ground.
“He was rushed to hospital for treatment. But even though he informed police about the
attack, Miguel knew that his luck would eventually run out. He decided to send the
children to stay with his mother-in-law in neighbouring El Salvador.
“Miguel and Josefina joined them soon afterwards in El Salvador, where he received
further medical treatment. But he still didn't feel safe, knowing that the mara also
operated in his wife's homeland.
“He decided to make for Mexico via Guatemala, following a mixed migration route taken
by tens of thousands of people hoping to reach Mexico or North America, including other
asylum seekers and refugees.
“It was a gruelling 10-day journey, mostly on foot, that brought them to the southern
Mexican city of Tapachula in early December last year. ‘We felt hungry very often and
there were times when I had to beg for some food for my children,’ Josefina told
UNHCR.
“‘Once in Mexico, we spent the night at a hotel in Tapachula where they charged 10
pesos [US$1] to sleep on a petate [a mat made of dried palm leaves]. We were so tired,’
she recalled.
“‘When the family woke up on their second day in the southern Mexico city, they
discovered that somebody had stolen their travel documents and luggage, which included
the children's clothes and shoes. "I felt so much anger, because I had been so careful
with their clothes the whole journey. Those were the only things we had,’ said Josefina,
her eyes brimming with tears at the memory.
“They decided to move to a special shelter for migrants, where they were told about
UNHCR and their right to apply to for refugee status. Josefina gave birth to a boy while
they were waiting for their application to be processed by the government. Under the
constitution, the baby is automatically entitled to Mexican nationality.
“UNHCR believes that people fleeing from gang warfare and persecution by organized
crime groups should be offered protection. Last year, the refugee agency issued a
guidance note to help states when they are assessing asylum claims from such people.
But UNHCR also believes that 1 Refugee Forced from Home is too Many.
“Meanwhile, Miguel and Josefina are looking to the future. If he receives refugee status,
Miguel wants to find a job and receive further surgery for his injured arm. Josefina hopes
their children will go back to school and that her family will build a new life in Mexico.”
65. Compass Direct News, Murder of Pastor in Honduras Raises Security
Questions, 27 Feb. 2011, available at http://www.christianpost.com/news/murder-
of-pastor-in-honduras-raises-security-questions-49202/ ……………
“The murder of a prominent pastor in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, this week has focused
attention on that country's alarming murder rate and the regular threats that Christian
workers there receive.
“Pastor Carlos Roberto Marroquín, 41, was shot to death by two assailants as he walked
his two Schnauzer dogs in the Colonia Aurora neighborhood near his house on Monday
(Feb. 21).
“Initially police said they believed theft of the dogs was the reason for the murder, but
that they were investigating other possible motives. Officers said two gunmen in a white
car pulled up beside the pastor and tried to snatch the dogs, shooting Marroquín when he
resisted, but the city's chief prosecutor, Marlene Bane, yesterday affirmed that witnesses
said the gunmen had demanded Marroquín's cell phone, not the dogs, according to El
Heraldo newspaper.
“Marroquín offered them the dogs, Bane told El Heraldo, but they said they wanted the
cell phone – a common crime in Honduras.
“Whether the high-profile pastor was targeted as a Christian leader for the murder-theft
is a matter of conjecture; such killings are common in Honduras for people of all
religious beliefs, and although he had received death threats, those too are not unusual
for Christian leaders in the country.
“Marroquín was the founding pastor of the Pentecostal Church of God in San Pedro
Sula, the country's second-largest city. He was also the founder and president of the
Christian Legal Fellowship and co-founder of the Latin American Network of Christian
Lawyers. President-elect of the Association of Evangelical Pastors in San Pedro Sula, he
was a popular presenter on television and radio programs.
“Marroquín was the second pastor to be murdered in Honduras this year, after the Jan.
30 killing of Raymundo Fuentes, 43, pastor of the New Jerusalem Temple. Fuentes was
slain as he was leaving the evening service at his church with his wife. Two days prior
the daughter of an evangelical pastor had been killed, though police did not link the two
murders.
“While police are ruling the murder of Marroquín as a robbery, others believe it was a
direct attack on the work of the evangelical church.
“‘I cannot believe it was for stealing,’ said Pastor Roy Santos. ‘The authorities have to
act. He was a man who gave a message of hope.’
“Misael Argeñal, a pastor of Harvest Ministry with many years' experience in San Pedro
Sula, told reporters, ‘This was not a dog theft. There are already six pastors who have
died in Honduras in recent months. There must be a project, an escalation … they must
investigate to find out who is behind everything.’
“Another pastor, Oswaldo Canales, president of the Evangelical Fellowship of
Honduras, said that Marroquín had received threats….
“A missionary with several decades of service in Honduras confirmed that Marroquín
had received death threats.
“‘He received threats before his death,’ the missionary said. ‘Most of us…get calls from
stolen cell phones threatening death if we don't deposit money in a Guatemalan account.
This kind of blackmail is not unusual.’
“Canales called for more security measures from authorities, not only for Christian
leaders but for all Hondurans. He said that pastors are aware that, due to their
evangelistic calling, ‘we have always been subjected to threats; we have been in the
cross-hairs of those who are not in keeping with our thinking.’
“Another missionary, Roxanne Grego, pointed out that such murders are common.
“‘Every day in this country people are murdered in the same way – an average of 16
people every single day,’ Grego said. ‘It is such a violent country, especially in the big
cities of San Pedro Sula, Tegucigalpa and Choloma. The people are crying out for justice
and for peace.’
“A recent report by Honduran Human Rights Commissioner Ramon Custodio revealed
that in the past five years there have been 18,500 homicides in the country….
“Many link the violence to organized crime, drug trafficking and youth gangs. An
anonymous caller gave police the names of two suspects in the murder of Marroquín.
Saying the two suspects were in the car and attacked him, the caller identified them as
belonging to a cell of the infamous Mara Salvatrucha gang. …
“Canales added, ‘We will continue to evangelize, because we have seen many people in
gangs restored, and families coming together.’”

66. James Bosworth, Honduras: Organized Crime Amid Political Crisis, 4

December 2010, available at
http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Bosworth.FIN.pdf …………[●]
“Honduras’ geographic features and location make it an ideal midway point between the
drug producers in South America and drug consumers in North America. Nobody has a
precise number, but the best estimates predict that several hundred tons of cocaine will
transit Honduras this year, of which less than 10 percent will be seized by authorities. In
its wake, well-funded transnational criminal organizations combined with local gangs
are destabilizing the country’s democratic institutions and making it one of the most
dangerous countries in the world in terms of violent crime.”…

“In the past decade, a crackdown on drug trafficking organizations in Colombia

combined with the rise of increasingly powerful Mexican cartels stretching their
influence into Central America has impacted the trafficking situation in Honduras. Illicit
flights from South America and boats with cocaine moving up both coasts have
increased. Youth gangs in Honduras provide the traffickers with organizations that can
intimidate and murder for cheap. The Sinaloa Cartel bought or forced its management
influence over a number of previously Honduran controlled trafficking routes. The Zetas
followed suit. While most traffickers in Honduras are Honduran, a large portion of the
management is now believed to be Mexican.” (p. 3)
“The public security situation in Honduras is among the worst in the world, ranking
among the top five nations with the highest number of violent crimes and murders per
capita. The government estimates that one person is killed every 88 minutes. The
UNODC reported that the province of Atlántida, which includes the port city of La Ceiba,
may be among the most violent in the Western Hemisphere with 1 person out of every
1,000 killed in violence crimes…. In the past year, the country’s counter-drug czar was
killed by a Mexican Drug Trafficking Organization (DTO) and a plot was broken up to
assassinate the country’s Minister of Security.
“To complicate matters, the turmoil in Honduras’ political system over the past two
years has opened space for increased organized crime activity. An institutional battle, a
military coup, and ongoing complications about the international recognition of
Honduras’s government have dissuaded the aid and cooperation believed necessary to
fight organized crime.” (p. 4)

“The Sinaloa Cartel exercises most of its management authority in the Northern triangle
of Central America, Honduras playing a key role. The cartel also has some significant
influence at the base of the trafficking chain in Peru and, to a lesser extent, in Colombia.
Police intelligence reports suggest the Sinaloa Cartel has installed operations in the
states of Copán, Santa Bárbara, Colón, Olancho and Gracias a Dios. In late 2009, the
US Department of Treasury froze the assets of Agustín Reyes Garza “Don Pilo”, a
member of the Sinaloa Cartel operating in Honduras. In 2007 and 2008, it is believed
that the cartel began buying off or killing potential local rivals. A top cartel leader was
sent down to Honduras with a group of Mexican sicarios, or hitmen, over a 15 day period
to kill off Honduran rivals. That leader then set up a “sicario school” in Honduras which
recruited local operatives to continue providing security and protection for Sinaloa
operations.”(p. 5)

“The Sinaloa Cartel has used Honduras as a base for meth and ecstasy production.
Authorities in late 2009 found a lab in Naco Santa Barbara with a very well constructed
runway nearby that had been in operation for three years. Planes were reportedly taking
off and landing to bring in pseudoephedrine and leave with ecstasy and other drugs. The
location was owned by 15 Mexicans, and some property transfers at that location had
taken place through the bodyguard of a member of Congress. Police indicated that there
were military units aware of the location that had been corrupted and did not report it to
their superiors.” (p. 6)

In December 2009, Honduras’s drug czar Julián Arístides González was assassinated.
Evidence revealed that the Sinaloa Cartel had likely taken out the hit on him.
Investigators believe they used local organizations, not Mexican sicarios, to actually
commit the crime. In the weeks prior to his assassination, the drug czar had been
cracking down on operations that were directly managed by the Sinaloa cartel.
Clandestine runways operated by the organization were destroyed in public events with
the media. Hondurans trafficking cocaine between the runways and the Guatemalan
border were targeted and arrested and the cocaine seized. Honduran prosecutors have
also considered the event that caused the Sinaloa Cartel to assassinate the counter-
narcotics director was the seizure of a shipment of illicit psudophedrine that was coming
in to Honduras from France for use in producing meth or ecstasy. The cartel supposedly
lost US$7 million on that seizure, which was headed for the facility in Naco described
above. Minister of Security Oscar Alvarez has warned that the Sinaloa Cartel is
attempting to buy off mayors and municipal officials while corrupting police officers. In
that way, they are trying to create “parallel government structures” at local levels that
will allow them a greater freedom to operate. …

“Like the Sinaloa Cartel, the Gulf Cartel was active in Honduras throughout the past
decade, but began expanding operations significantly in 2006. With the break between
the Gulf Cartel and the Zetas in Mexico, the Zetas took over many of the operations
inside of Honduras. They maintained ties with corrupt officials and kept track of the land
titles and routes landing air and sea shipments in Honduras. Following the break, the
Gulf Cartel maintains operations in Central America, but tends to traffic through and
around Honduras with less infrastructure or personnel within Honduras as compared to
Sinaloa or Zetas, according to local officials.”(p. 7)

“Like the Sinaloa Cartel, the Zetas have begun managing clandestine runways and
transportation networks in Honduras. The country has become a key transfer point to
take control of the cocaine as it heads northward into Mexico and then the United States.
While some of the Zetas’ land routes overlap with the Sinaloa Cartel’s, the organization
appears to prefer trafficking by sea, leaving from the area in or around La Ceiba and
going to Guatemala, where they have better control of land routes, or all the way to
Mexico.
“As was exemplified by the tragic massacre of 72 migrants, many of whom were
Honduran, in Tamaulipas, Mexico in September 2010, the Zetas also play an important
role in the illicit smuggling of migrants in Central America and Mexico. Reports began
surfacing in 2008 in Honduras that the Zetas were kidnapping Hondurans in Guatemala
or as they crossed the border from Honduras to Guatemala. Some people claim they were
tricked into believing the Zetas were functioning as coyotes while others say they were
outright kidnapped by force. Zetas would force the migrants to take on criminal tasks
such as working for the cartel for a certain amount of time or trafficking drugs into the
US. Women have been forced into prostitution and sexually assaulted by the criminals
trafficking them.”(p. 8)

“By 2010, Zeta networks extended further into Honduras, including active violent cells in
San Pedro Sula and La Ceiba, logistics networks along the Caribbean coast and some
land purchases both near the Guatemalan border and in rural areas of Western
Honduras. Media reports indicate that the Zetas have recruited a number of former
Honduran police officers to provide security for drug trafficking as well as the
kidnapping and extortion of migrants. The presence of former Honduran police goes
beyond Honduras’s borders and includes cells in Guatemala and Mexico according to
Honduran and Mexican authorities.” (pp. 8-9)
“Honduras has the largest number of individuals involved in gangs (maras
or pandillas) in Central America both by raw numbers and per capita. A 2005 estimate
by the UNODC said that the number of gang members in Honduras is about 36,000. The
gangs cause significant amounts of crime, particularly in the urban neighborhoods of
Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula. The two largest gangs in Honduras, MS-13 and Mara-
18, are branches of the transnational gangs by those same names. Unlike El Salvador,
where those two gangs and a few others dominate the entire mara landscape, authorities
in Honduras estimate over 100 different gangs exist in the country. Most of those gangs
are local neighborhood groups that have horizontal ties with other local gangs in the
country but lack the transnational scope of the largest gangs or the organized criminal
groups that traffic most of the cocaine.

“Vanda Felbab-Brown of The Brookings Institution believes that a collaborative

relationship has developed over time between the criminal networks and the maras by
which leaders of the networks subcontract specific tasks to the maras.Transnational
DTOs use those local gangs as “muscle”, doing temporary one-off jobs to kill or
intimidate competition or government forces, provide security for shipments or provide
personnel to move a shipment across a certain location. A report by the Junta
Internacional de Fiscalización de Estupefacientes (JIFE) suggested that most
transnational drug trafficking organizations in Central America are using local gangs
primarily for security protection.” (pp. 9 -10)

“Gangs are a serious problem in Honduran prisons. They continue their organization
and recruitment within the prison system and maintain networks to facilitate access to
cell phones, weapons and drugs for prisoners. They also corrupt or coerce the guards to
permit them to execute various illegal activities, including the continued coordination of
criminal activities. Weapons, including high caliber rifles and explosives, have been
trafficked into the prisons, according to local officials and media reports.” (p. 11)

“Corruption within the Honduran political and security system is widespread due to the
influence of organized crime. Drug trafficking organizations are willing to pay a month’s
wages to a police officer or solider for one or two nights worth of work. Current and
former police officers have been recruited to provide security. The corruption also
creates a level of distrust within the institutions of government. Civilian and military
organizations are more reluctant to share information outside their organization when
they believe that it may be leaked to the criminals.

“Politicians have also been linked with organized crime. For example, in 2003, a
member of the Honduran Congress, Armando Ávila Panchamé of the Nationalist Party,
was sentenced to 20 years in prison after being caught operating with a Colombian
group bringing cocaine into the country. There is also strong evidence that at least one
local mayor near the Guatemalan border, Alexander Ardon of the town of El Paraiso,
has been corrupted by the Sinaloa cartel. Authorities suspect the number of mayors who
receive a ‘plato o plomo’ [silver or lead] style threat from the cartels is growing.” (p. 18)

“While the issue of human rights is generally discussed in the context of government
actions or obligations, it’s worth noting that the criminal organizations in Honduras are
a key violator of human rights in the country, depriving citizens of their right to life and
security and indirectly violating their rights to fair and impartial institutions of justice by
undermining the government institutions that do investigative and judicial work.” (p. 19)

67. UNHCR, Guidance Note on Refugee Claims Relating to Victims of

Organized Crime, March 2010, available at
http://www.refworld.org/pdfid/4bb21fa02.pdf ......

[Note: This report has footnotes which have been deleted from excerpts below.]

“10. Gang-related violence may be widespread and affect large segments of society, in
particular where the rule of law is weak. Ordinary people may be exposed to gang
violence simply because of being residents of areas controlled by gangs. Individuals,
local businesses, buses and taxis may be subjected to demands for ‘renta’ and threats of
violence if refusing to comply with these demands.

“11. Certain social groups may, however, be specifically targeted. This includes people
who are marginalized in society and, consequently, more vulnerable to forced
recruitment, violence and other forms of pressure from gangs. It is important to note that
although gang-related violence mostly affects men and boys, women and girls may also
be exposed to such violence. Lack of protection by the State, lack of opportunities and
family care, poverty and a need for social belonging may push children and youth into
joining gangs. The primary victims of youth gang-related violence are other young
people, including those who are involved in gangs and those who are not. Several distinct
categories of applicants in gang-related asylum claims can be identified and are briefly
outlined below.

“12. Gangs may direct harm at individuals who in various ways have resisted gang
activity or who oppose, or are perceived to oppose, the practices of gangs. Members of
this group need to be understood in their specific country and societal contexts. In areas
where criminal activity is widespread and law enforcement is incapable of protecting
people from gang violence, a person expressing opposition to gangs will often stand out
from the rest of the community. Such ‘gang resisters’ may be grouped broadly into the
following categories:

a. individuals at risk of, or who refuse, recruitment, such as young men and adolescent
boys of a certain social status;

b. individuals, such as young women and adolescent girls, who refuse sexual demands by
gangs, including for prostitution and trafficking purposes, or to become sexual property
of gangs;

c. business owners and others unable or unwilling to meet extortion or other unlawful
demands for money or services by gangs;

d. witnesses of crimes committed by gangs, or individuals who have reported such

incidents to the authorities who subsequently become vulnerable to violence as a form of
deterrence or retribution;
e. law enforcement agents may become targets because of their efforts to combat gangs;

f. NGO workers, human rights activists, lawyers and participants in community- or

church-based groups who oppose gangs, thus becoming the targets of intimidation tactics
and violence by gangs;

g. other individuals who are, or are perceived to be, a threat to gangs or as not
conforming with their practices, including ethnic and sexual minorities.

“13. In certain circumstances, former and current gang members may be considered as
victims of gang-related violence, in particular, as a result of forced recruitment, violent
gang rituals and the enforcement of a gang’s membership code. Victims due to their
former gang membership typically involve gang members who have deserted the gangs or
who were forcibly recruited and managed to escape. Such applicants could fear
retaliation and violence from their own and/or rival gangs and not always benefit from
the protection of law enforcement agencies. Although seeking to disassociate themselves
from the gangs, they may continue nevertheless to be perceived as members, for instance,
because of remaining gang tattoos.

“14. Current gang members could fear harm from another gang or private individuals.
More frequently, however, their fear may relate to harm emanating from law enforcement
agents. This category also includes individuals who have joined gangs outside their
country of origin but may fear harm if returned.

“15. Gang-related claims to asylum could also involve victims of State’s unlawful or
arbitrary measures to combat the gang phenomenon (for instance, the abovementioned
social cleansing practices). Such measures could be directed against current gang
members but may also involve other individuals who are mistakenly perceived to belong
to gangs, such as former gang members and young people whose age, appearance or
social background resemble those of gang members. The ‘Mano Dura’ and similar
approaches have occasionally targeted groups that have no association with gangs but
who may be considered ‘undesirable’ in society, e.g. drug addicts, street children, sexual
minorities and sex workers.

“16. Unlawful or arbitrary measures, including extra-judicial killings, have also

sometimes been used against members of civil society who may be perceived as critics of
the government’s approach towards the gangs. This includes, for example, human rights
activists and former law enforcement officials who have acted as ‘whistle-blowers’ and
reported corrupt or otherwise unlawful behaviour of government officials in relation to
gangs.

“17. Family members of the above categories may also be routinely targeted by gangs.
Typically, families could be subjected to threats and violence as an act of retaliation or to
exert pressure on other members of the family to succumb to recruitment attempts or
extortion demands. Even though the applicant may not have personally opposed the
gangs or does not share the views of his/her family members, the gang or in some cases
agents of the State may attribute such resistance or views to the applicant. For example,
a woman (or girl) could be exposed to harm due to being perceived by gangs as holding
the same anti-gang views as her father, husband, son or brothers.”

68. WOLA, Central American Gang-Related Asylum: A Resource Guide, May

2008, available at
https://www.wola.org/sites/default/files/downloadable/Central%20America/past/
CA%20Gang-Related%20Asylum.pdf …………………

[Note: This report contains footnotes, which are deleted in excerpts below.]

“Central American gangs, known as maras in Central American and Mexican Spanish,
are a phenomenon that emerged from the historical context of the civil and military
conflicts of the 1980s in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. The term ‘Central
American gangs’ usually refers specifically to two gangs that developed in Los Angeles
immigrant communities during the 1980s: Mara Salvatrucha or MS-13 and Barrio
Dieciocho or 18th Street Gang.

“As Central Americans fled their native countries to escape the various civil conflicts
that characterized the region during the end of the 20th century, large numbers of these
refugees made their way to the Los Angeles area and into what had previously been
Mexican and Mexican-American-dominated neighborhoods where they encountered
Mexican and Mexican-American gangs. In part to defend themselves, some Central
American refugee youth formed their own gangs and ‘clikas’ (sub-groups) based on
national identities, like Mara Salvatrucha, which was originally linked to specifically
Salvadoran immigrants. Others joined already existing gangs like the 18th Street gang….

“Once gangs had emerged in Central American immigrant communities in the United
States, the arrest and deportation of gang members who were not U.S. citizens to their
country of origin helped spread the names, style and influence of Mara Salvatrucha and
the 18th Street gang back to Central America. Beginning in the mid-1990s, the United
States adopted a more aggressive approach to deportation, identifying and deporting not
only undocumented and legal non-citizen convicts as they completed federal prison
sentences, but also undocumented and noncitizen felons as they completed sentences in
state and local prisons.

“The deportation of gang-involved Central Americans from the United States

complicated an existing local gang phenomenon in Central America, where governments
had few resources for prevention and intervention programs for at-risk youth or
incarceration and rehabilitation programs for serious criminals. After arriving in the
country to which they had been deported, with few networks and sometimes little or no
knowledge of Spanish, many gang members joined forces to establish gangs or joined
existing gangs in their home countries, either in prison or on the streets. These deportee
gang members, with U.S. gang experience, are believed to have been a key catalyst for
the evolution of Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street gang into the dominant gangs that
they are today in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. …
“In recent years, Central American youth gangs have caught the attention of the media,
national governments, academic researchers and civil society at large. Reliable reports
by academics on the situation in the so-called Northern Triangle of Central America
(Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras) portray a grave situation where, in the face of
crack-down policies, gangs have become better organized and more dangerous. In these
three countries, extortion is rampant, prisons are overflowing and homicide rates are
soaring. Gangs are one part of this problem; drug trafficking and organized crime are
others. A general climate of impunity contributes to the problem.

“A recent UN study suggested that only about 4 percent of murders in El Salvador result
in criminal conviction. Fundamental to the problem, sensationalist media coverage has
spread misinformation about the gangs’ level of organization, structure, and
transnational links. The gangs Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street are a serious threat to
security in the Northern Triangle of Central America, but despite media coverage to the
contrary, rigorous academic research shows that Central American gangs do not have a
presence in Mexico and that their level of sophistication varies significantly from city to
city in the United States.

“The most current research coming from the region shows that while gangs are a
growing and complex problem, the transnational criminal character of youth gangs is
quite limited.

“The violence associated with Central American gangs in El Salvador, Guatemala and
Honduras has become more organized and more brutal since the implementation of
repression-only policies in 2003 and 2004.12 Evidence-based research shows that
targeted violence committed by gang members is on the rise in El Salvador, Guatemala
and Honduras.

“After receiving direct threats from members of Mara Salvatrucha or 18th Street, some
of the Central Americans who have been targeted, fearing for their lives and the lives of
their families, are fleeing their homelands and seeking asylum in the United States….In
Central America gangs have evolved into a country-wide threat to citizen security that
requires a government response. At the same time, our research demonstrates that youth
gangs are not uniform. Their structure, make-up, size, and level of involvement in
criminal activity vary greatly from city to city and country to country.

“Based on our research and reports by colleagues in the region, we believe that many
gang-related asylum cases are legitimate claims by individuals who have been
persecuted by Central American gangs. These individuals usually fall into one of two
categories: 1) they were formerly involved in a gang and will be persecuted for leaving
the gang by their former gang-mates, or by rival gang members, if they return to their
home country; or 2) they are not personally involved in gangs but have family members
who are, or they live in areas where they are unable to avoid gangs and have fled their
home country due to persecution by the gangs and fear for their lives.
“WOLA supports the protection of the human rights of any non-gang involved individual
who has been persecuted by gang violence. WOLA also supports the protection of the
human rights of formerly gang-involved individuals who seek asylum in the United States
and who are frequently victims of gang violence as well as victims of a legal system in
which their rights cannot be guaranteed. …

“So, on the one hand, WOLA supports the asylum claims of forcibly recruited gang
members, former gang members, and perceived gang members who will be persecuted by
gangs if deported from the United States. On the other hand, through our work in the
region and our involvement in the Transnational Network of Gang researchers, we know
that gang-related violence in the Northern Triangle has become a serious threat to the
safety and security of citizens. WOLA supports asylum for Central Americans such as
police officers and other citizens who flee persecution by gangs in their countries. We
have provided expert testimony and background information on the seriousness of the
gang phenomenon in order to support arguments that the gangs can be very dangerous
and that they target individuals and families based on their social group, political
affiliation and religious beliefs….

“There are patterns in successful gang-related asylum cases. Below we cite arguments
that have been used in making successful gang-related asylum claims…. Social group
claims, the basis for most gang-related asylum claims, are particularly vulnerable
because rules on what can be considered a social group are vague. Most of the cases
cited here are unpublished, but much of the case law cited therein may be useful for
building arguments to support specific gang-related asylum claims….

“In gang-related asylum cases, past persecution and well-founded fear of future
persecution are usually argued through presentation of evidence such as police reports in
which threats by the gang are reported, death certificates of family members murdered by
gangs, and affidavits by family members and expert witnesses who can verify the
persecution and/or fear of future persecution that the asylum seeker claims in his or her
affidavit. Well-founded fear of future persecution can also be demonstrated by showing a
pattern or practice of persecution by similarly situated individuals. Country conditions
documents are useful for making these arguments….

“As noted in the introduction, there is ample evidence that laws and policies in place to
respond to the gang phenomenon in Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras are
ineffective and are probably making the problem worse. The governments of these
countries have continued to pursue heavy-handed policies, in response to which gangs
have increased their clandestine operations and raised their levels of organization.

“Police forces in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras do not respond effectively to the
gangs and are currently unable to protect citizens targeted by gang members. There is
evidence of police corruption and collaboration with gangs. The governments of El
Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala have demonstrated that they are not able and/or not
willing to protect individuals targeted by gangs because of their social group or anti-
gang political opinions. The social groups most at risk of persecution by the gangs, such
as abandoned youth living in the streets, are marginalized populations and are even less
likely to receive protection from the government….

“In Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, the three countries of origin of most asylum
seekers making gang-related claims, the small geographical area of the countries and
lack of economic opportunity make relocation within the country impossible as an escape
from targeted gang violence. Relocation within these three countries can provide neither
physical security nor economic security. Even if one were able to move to another city,
the gang presence is pervasive and relocation would not provide safety from persecution
by gangs. Abandoned children without family support are even less likely to be able to
relocate….

“In order to establish eligibility for asylum, the asylum seeker must demonstrate a nexus
between the past persecution and/ or fear of future persecution and one of the five
protected grounds for asylum: race, religion, nationality, political opinion, and
membership in a particular social group. Most gang-related asylum cases are argued by
demonstrating membership in a specific, persecuted social group, or by demonstrating
that the asylum seeker was or will be persecuted because he or she holds or is believed to
hold an anti-gang political opinion or because of his or her religion.

“Arguments for asylum under these three categories are described below: a. Social
group. When an advocate argues that the asylum seeker was persecuted by virtue of
membership in a specific social group, the group must be defined narrowly for the
argument to be successful. The group must be defined as a discrete and identifiable entity
with immutable characteristics. Attorneys have had success making the social group
argument when defining the group very specifically.

“In making social group arguments, it is important to avoid constructing circular groups
that include the persecution in the social group, e.g., ‘young men who are subject to gang
violence.’ A more narrowly defined social group would not include gang violence in its
definition, e.g., ‘young men who resist gang recruitment.’

“Also, the advocate needs to make the claim that the group is cognizable in society. The
following categories have been argued successfully:

• Former law enforcement officials threatened by gang members e.g., Matter of ‘Alvarez’
(unpublished case). In this case, the social group was defined as “former Salvadoran law
enforcement officers” and the immutable characteristic of the group was “shared past
experience of working in law enforcement.” e.g., Matter of X (unpublished case). In this
case the social group was defined as: ‘police officers who are members of the Special
Crimes Unit and exclusively investigate organized crime and gang members.

• Women threatened by gangs e.g., Matter of ‘Sandra’ (unpublished case). The social
group was defined as: ‘women who refuse to be the victims of violent sexual crime.
• Minors who were forcibly recruited to the gangs e.g., Re Enamorado (unpublished
case). The social group was defined as ‘former gang member likely to be persecuted by
government and nongovernmental entities. e.g., Castellano-Chacon v. INS (published)
Decision finds that ‘tattooed youth’ is not a social group but that ‘former gang members’
might be. e.g., Re D-V-, (unpublished case) IJ Castro, Sept. 9, 2004, Ruled that the
petitioner was eligible for asylum based on his persecution by gang members on account
of his membership in the particular social group of those who ‘have been actively
recruited by gangs, but who have refused to join because they oppose the gangs.’ There
was no appeal by the Attorney General of this ruling.

b. Political opinion. Some attorneys have successfully argued that their clients are
eligible for asylum because they have been persecuted for expressing their political
opinions.

• e.g., Matter of ‘Alvarez’ (unpublished case). The political opinion whose expression led
to persecution was defined as ‘pro-rule of law, anti-gang political opinion.’

• e.g., Matter of X (unpublished case). The political opinion was defined as ‘public
opposition to crime and investigation of the gangs.’

• e.g., In re Orozco-Polanco (unpublished opinion). The political opinion was defined as

‘anti-gang sentiments.

c. Religion. With mixed success, some advocates have argued that former gang members
and others are eligible for asylum based on their religion or religious belief. • Matter of
J.J.R. (unpublished case). If returned to El Salvador J.J.R. would be forced to re-join the
gang which would ‘defy his religious beliefs.’ …

“Historically, Honduras has been one of Latin America’s poorest countries. During the
1980s, most Hondurans survived as subsistence farmers outside the formal economy; one
in ten workers had a steady job. Rates of underemployment and unemployment were
estimated to be more than 70%, and the purchasing power of wage earners dropped
steadily throughout the decade.

“While Honduras did not experience civil war during this period, the Cold War proxy
wars that played out in neighboring countries affected Honduras as well. Honduras was
the main staging ground for the U.S.-supported Contras battling the Nicaraguan
government, and the detention and/or disappearance of leftists was not uncommon.

“Hondurans who migrated to the U.S. during the 1980’s were considered economic
migrants and had a difficult time qualifying for political asylum. In subsequent years,
negative economic conditions were further exacerbated by natural disasters including a
severe drought in the mid-1990s and Hurricane Mitch in 1998. Urban overpopulation,
rural underdevelopment, and the occurrence of natural disasters are all contributing
factors for continued out-migration from Honduras to neighboring countries, including
the United States.
“In the 1970s in Honduras, a student and youth movement emerged demanding social
reforms. Youth gangs participated in this movement, in part because they were already
organized. In the 1980s, many Honduran youth fled to the United States, either on their
own or with their families. In immigrant communities, especially in Los Angeles, some of
these young people became involved in gangs or were exposed to California-style gang
culture. In the mid-1990s the predecessors of Mara Salvatrucha and the 18th Street gang
emerged in Honduras as local gangs with names like “los Roqueros,” “los Cholos,” “los
Poison,” “los Macizos,” “los Pitufos” and “los Vatos Locos.”

“The economic downturn of the 1990s created conditions that led in part to gangs
shifting their focus away from defending territory and toward robbery and assault as
ways of gaining income. The concurrent return of thousands of deportees from the United
States — some of whom had been involved in U.S.-originated gangs such as Mara
Salvatrucha and 18th Street — is thought to be a key factor in the evolution of some of
the local gangs into gangs of the same name in Honduras….

“So, while already in a period of economic and social instability, Honduras began to
receive both criminal and non-criminal deportees from the United States in large
numbers. Gang members arriving in Honduras from the United States at the time brought
with them a new gang culture of tattoos, new styles of dress, and new modes of speech. At
the time, the deportees were seen as more powerful than local gang leaders, and the new,
imported gang style was adopted by many youth. The imported gang style was also much
more violent than that of the traditional Honduran gangs, and a ‘live for the gang, die for
the gang’ mentality became the norm in Honduras. This meant that many gang members
believed that the only way to leave the gang was through death….

“As in El Salvador and Guatemala, differing definitions of what constitutes a gang have
led to very different estimates of the number of members. Researchers in Honduras
examining the phenomenon counted 4,621 people actively involved in gangs in 2006. The
figure was significantly lower than police estimates, which ranged from 35,000 to 60,000.

“Researchers say that police numbers are inflated, inaccurate and based on the
subjective criteria or opinions of individual police officers. Mara Salvatrucha and 18th
Street are described as the most powerful and feared gangs in the country, as in
Guatemala and El Salvador, but there are also numerous ‘local’ gangs….

“Gangs are a highly dynamic phenomenon in Honduras and since the implementation of
anti-gang laws, the character of the gang has changed significantly. Certain attributes
have remained constant over the past years, however, including that most gang members
are male, come from poor backgrounds although not extreme poverty, come from
dysfunctional and frequently violent families, and use drugs and alcohol.

“Greater efforts by police and other actors, to enforce the Anti-Mara law have led gang
members to stop tattooing themselves and become more organized. They have also
become more likely to leave the homes of their families and live on their own. Police
persecution has also led gangs to set tighter limits on membership of women and girls.
Researchers have seen that gangs, when under more extreme threat, become more violent
with female members. In some extreme cases, female gang members have been killed by
their fellow gang members because of the perception that they are less trustworthy….

“Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street in Honduras are increasingly mobile due to concerns
for their personal safety. A total of 79.5% percent of gang members surveyed in the Valle
de Sula said they constantly traveled, visiting their families only occasionally.
Researchers theorize that the nomadic nature of the gangs has contributed to the change
from territorial or neighborhood-based identification of gang members to the new
modality of identifying with the gang itself (through its name, symbols, etc.), which is not
necessarily connected to a physical territory….

“The Honduran state has responded to this evolving phenomenon, not with efforts to
respond to the causes of gangs with prevention and rehabilitation programs, but by
trying to repress the gangs with heavy-handed policies, which include arrest based on
association. ‘The state hasn’t the least understanding of the nature of the phenomenon,
much less clarity on what to do to [effectively] confront the problem,’ one researcher
wrote.

“The 2003 anti-gang law passed in Honduras (the first of its kind in the region) is a
heavy-handed law focused on identifying and detaining gang members. The law makes
‘illicit association’ with a gang a crime and has also rolled back police reforms of the
1990s, allowing for joint military-police patrolling in Honduras. The Honduran
government has responded with repression and segregation of the gangs in jails and
prisons. This has exacerbated the problem in an already weak penitentiary system. Gang-
specific jails have become centers for the perpetuation and strengthening of Mara
Salvatrucha and 18th Street, rather than spaces for rehabilitation. Since the
implementation of the anti-gang law, homicide rates (46.2 per 100,000 in 2006) have
increased and extrajudicial killings of perceived gang members have increased, with
about 2,000 youths killed since 2003.

“The Inter American Court of Human Rights found the Honduran state guilty of
participation in many of these deaths. The anti-gang law has encouraged police to see all
gang members, whether they have engaged in criminal activity or not, as the ‘enemy.’ In
fact gang members report that the police, rather than rival gangs, are their number one
enemy. This places both the police and perceived gang members at risk….

“In 2003, Honduras passed legislation that established a maximum 12-year prison
sentence for gang membership, a penalty which was stiffened to up to 30 years in
December 2004. As a result of the increased detentions, the prison system has
deteriorated; inmates and prison workers are at risk of violence. The system offers little
or no rehabilitation….

“Several massacres in prisons have occurred. In 2003, 68 prisoners were killed in the El
Porvenir detention center. In May 2004, 104 inmates, predominantly gang members,
were killed in a fire in an overcrowded prison in San Pedro Sula. To date no one has
been held responsible for the deaths of the inmates in the San Pedro Sula case and the
government has closed the case….

“Youth gangs in Honduras have not become organized, hierarchical criminal

enterprises. Nonetheless, incarcerated gang members have reported in prison interviews
that organized crime leaders hire gang members to commit crimes like car theft,
kidnappings, and drug trafficking. Based on reports from the region, WOLA believes that
organized crime organizations and gangs operate very differently and thus need different
policy responses, despite some overlap in criminal activities. The National Commissioner
of Human Rights estimated that more than 1,000 gang members were murdered in 2001.

“Since this time, many gang members have also been murdered in massacres. Accurate
information about the rates and types of crime committed by gang members in Honduras
is not available. According to a 2002 study entitled ‘La Violencia en Honduras y la
Región del Valle de Sula,’ written by Mauricio Rubio and published by the Inter-
American Development Bank, suspected gang members were arrested and charged with
theft and robbery, assault, threats, damage to property, and sex crimes….”

VIOLENCE AGAINST LGBT PERSONS

[Note: The topic “violence against LGBT persons” is also covered in articles/reports
excerpted under several other sections, including “Violence by Gangs” (above), and in
the section called “Police/Judicial Corruption” (below).]
1. teleSur, LGBT Leader’s Murder Underscores Honduras Human Rights
Disaster, 16 June 2016, available at
http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/LGBT-Leaders-Murder-Underscores-
Honduras-Human-Rights-Disaster-20160616-0011.html ...........................

“Violence against members of Honduras' LGBTQ community has skyrocketed since the
2009 US-backed coup, with 36 people killed in the first six months alone.

“As the LGBTQ community in Honduras mourns the murder of important leader and
human rights defenders Rene Martinez, the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights condemned the killing on Wednesday, calling on Honduras to act fast to tackle the
systematic violence against LGBTQ people in the Central American country, especially
activists.
“Martinez was confirmed dead, killed by strangulation and asphyxiation, on June 3, days
after his family reported him missing in the second largest city of San Pedro Sula, where
he was a prominent leader in the LGBTQ community who worked in violence prevention
outreach programs.
“IACHR said in a statement Wednesday that the killing further highlights ‘the pattern of
violence against defenders of the rights of LGBT persons in Honduras.’
“According to IACHR, Honduran LGBTQ rights defenders are particularly vulnerable to
violence and attacks due to a ‘combination of factors’ related to their identities and
activism that ‘challenge traditional social structures around sexuality and gender which
are deeply rooted in the dominant cultures of the countries across the region.’
“Violence against leaders and members of Honduras’ LGBTQ community, including
murder, has spiked in the wake of the U.S.-backed 2009 coup that ousted democratically
elected President Manuel Zelaya and paved the way for a downward spiral of rampant
human rights abuses, corruption, and impunity.

“Research from the Index on Censorship, published by SAGE, found that a total of 215
LBGTQ people were killed between 2009 and 2015, with 37 of those deaths last year
alone.
“According to a recent report by a coalition of Honduran human rights organizations,
LGBTQ people continue to suffer systematic discrimination that affects their personal
and professional lives and their ability to access basic services. The report also pointed
to a fundamental lack of education around sexual orientation and gender identity in
Honduras that helps perpetuate homophobia and other heteronormative and patriarchal
attitudes.
“Martinez, who according to local media was a well-known member of the ruling
conservative National Party, is the latest in a long list of LGBTQ victims. Beloved
LGBTQ leaders Walter Trochez, murdered in 2009 after being outspoken about how the
coup increased homophobic hate crimes in Honduras, and Erick Martinez Avila,
murdered in 2012 after becoming a congressional candidate with the left-wing LIBRE
party, have both become symbols of the systematic criminalization and lethal violence
against LGBTQ activists.
“IACHR urged the government to ‘immediately adopt urgent measures to guarantee the
right to life, integrity, and security to LGBT human rights defenders and, where
necessary, their family members.’
“The statement comes as the LGBTQ community in the United States suffered the brutal
massacre of 49 people, mostly Latinos, at a gay nightclub in Orlando, Florida, fueling
calls for the country to grapple with problems of homophobia, toxic masculinity, and gun
violence.
“The call also comes amid increased international attention on the human rights
situation in Honduras in the wake of the murder of renowned Indigenous activist Berta
Caceres. Solidarity activists protested in U.S. cities and at least 10 other countries on
Wednesday to demand justice for the slain leader, whose case has become a hallmark of
state sanctioned repression and criminalization in Honduras.

“Caceres' murder spurred U.S. representatives to introduce a bill to the House this week
aimed at putting an end to millions of dollars in security funding for Honduras, where
corrupt forces have a role in operating death squads, upholding impunity, and
perpetuating a grave human rights disaster.”

2. Michael K. Lavers, State Department Condemns Murder of LGBT Activist in

Honduras, 6 June 2016, available at
 http://www.washingtonblade.com/2016/06/06/state-department-condemns-
murder-of-lgbt-activist-in-honduras/ …………….

“A State Department spokesperson on Monday condemned the murder of a prominent

LGBT activist in Honduras....

“Honduran media reports indicate that Martínez disappeared on June 1 after he left his
home in the city of San Pedro Sula’s Chamelecón neighborhood. His relatives identified
his body — which showed signs of strangulation — two days later.

“Martínez, 40, was president of Comunidad Gay Sampedrana, a San Pedro Sula-based
LGBT advocacy group that worked throughout northern Honduras.

“He ran an outreach center in Chamelecón through Youth Alliance Honduras, an

organization that is part of an anti-violence program the U.S. Agency for International
Development helped to develop. Martínez was also a well-known member of Honduras’
governing National Party.

“‘A leader in the LGBTI community in San Pedro Sula and a rising political figure in
Honduras, his death comes as a great shock,’ said the U.S. Embassy in Honduras in a
statement it released shortly after news of Martínez’s murder broke. ‘We offer our
condolences to his friends and family, and expect a full and thorough investigation into
the circumstances of his death.’

“San Pedro Sula Mayor Armando Calidonio and diplomats from the E.U. and other
countries have also condemned Martínez’s murder.”

3. Nick Duffy, Honduras gay rights activist kidnapped and murdered, 5 June
2016, available at http://www.pinknews.co.uk/2016/06/05/honduras-gay-rights-
activist-kidnapped-and-murdered/ …………………….

“An LGBT rights activist in Honduras has been found dead, days after he was
kidnapped outside his home.

“39-year-old gay activist Rene Martinez was kidnapped on Wednesday as he was

arriving home from work, when unknown men forced him into a vehicle.

“His body was found two days later in a nearby neighbourhood, according to
Associated Press. Mr Martinez appears to have been strangled.

“The activist had served as President of of San Pedro Sula-based rights group
Comunidad Gay Sampredrana, and worked for an anti-violence programme developed
alongside the US Agency for International Development.

“In a statement, the US Embassy in Honduras condemned the murder.

“It reads: ‘On behalf of the people and the government of the United States, we
condemn in the strongest terms the apparent murder of Rene Martinez. A leader in the
LGBTI community in San Pedro Sula and a rising political figure in Honduras, his
death comes as a great shock. We offer our condolences to his friends and family, and
expect a full and thorough investigation into the circumstances of his death. The United
States has already offered our assistance to Honduran authorities working to bring
justice in this case.’

“He had been a rising star of the Honduras political scene.”

4. Michael K. Lavers, Prominent LGBT activist murdered in Honduras, 4 June

2016, available at http://www.washingtonblade.com/2016/06/04/prominent-lgbt-
activist-murdered-in-honduras/ …………………..

“A prominent LGBT rights activist in Honduras was murdered this week.

“La Prensa, a Honduran newspaper, reported Rene Martínez’s family reported him
missing on Wednesday after he left his home in the city of San Pedro Sula’s Chamelecón
neighborhood and got into someone’s car.

“La Prensa reported that Martínez’s relatives identified his body at San Pedro Sula’s
morgue on Friday. The newspaper said it appears that Martínez was strangled to death.

“Martínez, 40, was president of Comunidad Gay Sampredrana, a San Pedro Sula-based
LGBT advocacy group that worked throughout northern Honduras. He also ran an
outreach center in Chamelecón through Youth Alliance Honduras, an organization that is
part of an anti-violence program the U.S. Agency for International Development helped
to develop.

“USAID and the Gay and Lesbian Victory Institute co-sponsored a conference in the
Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa last October that focused on bolstering LGBT political
engagement in Latin America and the Caribbean. Martínez was among the more than
300 activists from across the region who attended the gathering in which Special U.S.
Envoy for the Human Rights of LGBTI Persons Randy Berry and Tamara Adrián, the
first openly transgender person elected to the Venezuelan National Assembly,
participated.

“La Prensa reported that Martínez was a ‘well-known’ member of the country’s
governing National Party. Investigators have yet to identify a possible motive for
Martínez’s murder or potential suspects.

Erick Vidal Martínez, a Honduran LGBT rights activist, told the Washington Blade on
Friday during a telephone interview from a Tegucigalpa suburb that Martínez’s death is
‘regrettable.’ Gay and Lesbian Victory Institute International Programs Director Luis
Abolafia Anguita also mourned Martínez.
“‘Rene was a brilliant LGBT political leader in Honduras and a promising future
political candidate,’ Abolafia told the Blade in a statement….

The U.S. Embassy in Honduras on Friday condemned ‘in the strongest terms the
apparent murder of Rene Martínez.’

“‘A leader in the LGBTI community in San Pedro Sula and a rising political figure in
Honduras, his death comes as a great shock,’ said the Embassy in a statement. ‘We offer
our condolences to his friends and family, and expect a full and thorough investigation
into the circumstances of his death. The United States has already offered our assistance
to Honduran authorities working to bring justice in this case.’

“San Pedro Sula, which is Honduras’ second largest city, is located roughly 150 miles
northwest of Tegucigalpa.

“The city has become known as ‘the murder capital of the world’ because of rampant
gang violence and drug trafficking. La Prensa reported that Chamelecón, which is a
working class neighborhood in San Pedro Sula, has a high crime rate.

“Anti-LGBT violence and discrimination remain commonplace in the Central American

country. Walter Tróchez, a prominent LGBT rights activist, was killed in Tegucigalpa in
2009. Paola Barraza, a trans woman who championed human rights, was shot to death in
January outside her home in the city of Comayagüela.

“Ever Guillén of the Kukulkán Association, a Honduran advocacy group, said during a
Tegucigalpa conference organized by local activists last fall that more than 150 LGBT
people have been killed in the Central American country in recent years ‘in a systematic
violation of human rights.’ U.S. Ambassador to Honduras James Nealon acknowledged
to the Blade during an October 2015 interview that violence and discrimination based on
sexual orientation and gender identity are indicative of the ‘very serious challenges’
facing the Central American country. …”

5. Michael K. Lavers, Honduran advocates organize LGBT rights conference,

2 Oct. 2015, available at http://www.washingtonblade.com/2015/10/02/honduran-
advocates-organize-lgbt-rights-conference/ ……………………..

“TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — More than 100 people on Thursday gathered in the

Honduran capital to discuss ways to expand the country’s LGBT rights movement.

“Advocates from throughout Latin America attended the conference at the Hotel Plaza
del Libertador in Tegucigalpa that Honduran LGBT rights advocates organized.

“They discussed ways to curb anti-LGBT violence and discrimination that remains
rampant in the Central American nation. Conference participants also highlighted the
strong influence the Roman Catholic Church and evangelical Christians have on
Honduran society and how they can try to use the Washington-based Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights to ensure LGBT people in the country are treated equally.

“Ever Guillén of the Kukulkán Association, a Honduran advocacy group, said more than
150 LGBT people have been killed in the Central American country in recent years ‘in a
systematic violation of human rights.’ These include Walter Tróchez, a prominent LGBT
rights advocate who was murdered in Tegucigalpa in 2009.

“A report from the U.N. Office of Drugs and Crimes indicates Honduras in 2012 had the
world’s highest murder rate, with 90.4 murders per 100,000 people. This number has
decreased somewhat over the last three years, but the violence has prompted tens of
thousands of Hondurans to flee the country. A significant number of them have sought
refuge in neighboring countries, such as Costa Rica, and the U.S.

“Honduran advocates with whom the Washington Blade has previously spoken indicate
transgender women remain particularly vulnerable to violence and discrimination from
the police, gang members and other armed groups who operate in the country. One
activist on Thursday said trans sex workers in Tegucigalpa are known to kill each other
with machetes or other weapons in order to protect the area in which they have chosen to
work….
“Poverty disproportionately affects LGBT Hondurans: World Bank statistics
indicate Honduras’ gross national income per capita in 2014 was $2,280, which makes it
among the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere.

“Guillén pointed to statistics that indicate 45 percent of Hondurans live on less than $1 a
day. He further noted that LGBT Hondurans remain particularly susceptible to poverty
because of discrimination and lack of access to the country’s political system….

“Laws do little to deter anti-LGBT discrimination: The Honduran constitution bans

discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. It also prohibits same-sex
couples from marrying and adopting children.

“Honduras does not have a law that specifically bans hate crimes based on sexual
orientation and gender identity. Advocates continue to urge the country’s lawmakers to
support a law that would allow trans Hondurans to legally change their name and
gender.

‘The state of Honduras must guarantee the protection and the defense of human rights,’
reads a statement the organizers of Thursday’s conference released. ‘[It must] remain
independent from all religious influence in accordance to the constitution of the
republic.’

“Colectivo Unidad Color Rosa, a trans advocacy group in San Pedro Sula, the country’s
second largest city, has met with local police officers and soldiers to make them more
sensitive to LGBT-specific issues.
“Rampant gang violence and drug trafficking that frequently contributes to it has
prompted many to describe San Pedro Sula as ‘the murder capital of the world.’
Gabriela Redondo, director of Colectivo Unidad Color Rosa, said during the conference
that her group’s work with the authorities has had a positive impact. …

“Anti-trans violence remains commonplace in San Pedro Sula, despite the

aforementioned efforts. Six members of Congress earlier this year in a letter that urged
the U.S. Agency for International Development to fund LGBT advocacy efforts in Central
America noted a Honduran television broadcast a video showing police ‘brutally’
beating a trans woman. Nahomy Otero, a trans woman who lives in the city, told the Irish
Times in May that trans Hondurans face ‘torture’ and other abuse from ‘police officers
and other public security agents.’

“‘Honduras has a bunch of bills and inclusive bills, but they do not translate into
practice,’ said Romero.

“Thursday’s meeting took place a day before more than 200 LGBT rights advocates from
throughout the Western Hemisphere will gather in Tegucigalpa for a regional conference
the Gay and Lesbian Victory Fund co-organized.

6. Michael K. Lavers, Prominent Honduran LGBT rights advocate dies, 11

February 2015, available at
http://www.washingtonblade.com/2015/02/11/prominent-honduran-lgbt-rights-
advocate-dies .................................................... [●]

“A prominent Honduran LGBT rights advocate passed away on Tuesday after suffering
brain swelling. Nelson Arambú died in a hospital in Tegucigalpa, the Honduran capital,
two weeks after he was admitted.” …

“Arambú told the Blade last June during an interview in New York that anti-LGBT
violence in his impoverished Central American country has skyrocketed since the 2009
coup.

“He noted that more than 170 LGBT Hondurans have been reported killed between June
2009 and last May. These include Walter Tróchez, a prominent LGBT rights advocate
who was shot to death on a Tegucigalpa street in December 2009.

“‘We are fighting to stay alive; not to be killed,’ Arambú told the Blade.”

7. 2013 Honduran Equality Delegation, The State of the LGBT** Movement in

Honduras, 2014, available at
https://honduranequalitydelegation.files.wordpress.com/2014/02/the-state-of-the-
lgbt-movement-in-honduras.pdf ....... [●]

“The Honduran Equality Delegation (HED), comprised of fourteen LGBT human rights
activists from across the US, visited Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula from November
21st to December 1st, 2013, to document and address the state of LGBT rights and to
observe the Honduran presidential election. The HED was part of a 166 member election
observer team from the Honduras Solidarity Network, the largest election observation
delegation in the country, which observed in ten of the 18 departments (states) of
Honduras.

“Our HED delegation had three main purposes - to amplify the voices of the Honduran
LGBT community, to establish solidarity and accompaniment during the elections and
into the future, and to investigate the state of human rights in Honduras with the purpose
of demanding the US government end its support of a repressive government.” …

“LGBT activists who had taken to the streets in the aftermath of the coup formed the
Movimiento de Diversidad en Resistencia (Movement for Diversity in the
Resistance/MDR) after the murder of Walter Tróchez (see below.) Their goal was to have
an organized political impact in the country and to advocate for an LGBT liberation
agenda inside the FNRP. Prior to the coup the LGBT community was mostly invisible,
other than HIV/AIDS work. Due to Honduras’ pervasive homophobia and transphobia
and the elevated risk of violent retribution, MDR member Karla Paredes of San Pedro
Sula (Honduras’ second largest city) explained that lesbians historically have been
limited to organizing private house parties to socialize. Gay men also held private
parties, but were able to cruise in public places and find some tolerance in a limited
number of heterosexual clubs and restaurants. Public displays of affection between
members of the same sex continue to be risky. In contrast to gay men and lesbians,
transgender women have much more visibility and are the most frequent targets of
violence.” …

“[T]he LGBT community has also paid a high price for their opposition to the coup-
regime. Activists Erick Vidal Martinez and Jose "Pepe" Rodolfo Palacios Barahona
explained that from 1990-2005 there were 25 reported murders of the LGBT community,
but many more went unreported. In contrast, organizations like the Asociación para una
Vida Mejor (Association for a Better Life/ APUMIVEH) which supports those affected by
HIV and sexual and gender minorities, have documented 116 LGBT murders since 2008 -
9 lesbians, 53 gay men, and 54 trans women. Bodies have been found strangled, stabbed,
and mutilated. (Alarmingly, APUMIVEH was forced to shut down as a result of death
threats in December 2013 shortly after our delegation left Honduras.) Karla Paredes
stated that murders of lesbians are significantly higher because the government often
does not distinguish the deaths of lesbians among the deaths of women in general. Karla
indicated that she personally knows of 30-40 lesbian killings.”…

“From meetings with Erick Vidal Martinez and members of APUMIVEH, we derived a
broader sense of the violence affecting LGBT peoples in Honduras. Of these murders
only 35 have been investigated, only 6 have been charged, and none have gone to trial. A
policeman known to have stabbed a trans woman, Nicola Morelia, 39 times in 2009
walks free in spite of a verdict and sentence against him. Morelia survived the attack and
now lives in exile. The two most well known LGBT murders are of Walter Tróchez in
2009 and Erick Alexander Martinez Avila in 2012.”…
“In January 2013 police raided a gay bar in Tegucigalpa, detaining 84 people, and
arrested 3, including Erick Vidal Martinez, and then ransacked the bar. Erick Vidal
Martinez and other LGBT activists met with U.S. Ambassador Lisa Kubiske to protest the
raid. This meeting, in conjunction with 2 1/2 years of organizing in Honduras and
lobbying from U.S. activists, pressured the Honduran Congress to add LGBT people to
Honduras' anti-discrimination law, Article 321, in April 2013. There are signs of hope.
LGBT participation in the political debates have integrated sexual diversity into the
human rights discussion, albeit in a climate of increased violence against human rights
advocates, both Honduran and international. Honduran sexual and gender minorities are
making themselves visible and denouncing crimes against LGBT people. However, the
increased visibility also puts them at a higher risk as they gain influence.” …

“Seven LGBT people were murdered in the 3 months after his [anti-gay pastor Evelio
Reyes’]trial, including a young man who was stoned to death in a rural community.
Assailants also attacked a trans woman on her way home from being interviewed on a TV
program and stripped her of all signs of female identification, including her shoes, as an
act of humiliation. Many of the LGBT organizers we met attribute these incidents to
Reyes’ incitement.” …

“On December 13, 2009, Walter Orlando Tróchez, 27, an internationally respected
Honduran LGBT activist and HIV educator, was murdered in Tegucigalpa while working
on an HIV prevention campaign with transgender women. Tróchez had recently begun
publicly documenting the murders of LGBT Hondurans after the coup. He was also
publicly critical of Cardinal Oscar Rodríquez, Archbishop of Tegucigalpa, for supporting
the coup and his public hostility to state recognition of LGBT rights. An unidentified
gunman shot Tróchez from a motorcycle, and within a few hours he died.

“A week earlier, Tróchez had been kidnapped by men in black masks in a gray pickup
without license plates, presumed to be from the DNIC (National Police Unit). They told
him they knew him well and asked him about his FNRP involvement, interrogating him
about FNRP leaders and names of leaders from other movements. Tróchez managed to
escape with his life, but was forced to move. Immediately after the attack, still in his t-
shirt bloodied from the beating and his face swollen and bruised, … Tróchez filed a
formal complaint with national and international human rights groups. Honduran
investigators and prosecutors contend that Tróchez’ murder was a crime of passion
carried out by a former lover, denying any connection to violence by security forces.
Honduran LGBT leaders and journalist Wendy Funes maintain that the suspect in the
case was not even in the country at the time.

“On May 7, 2012, Erick Alexander Martínez Avila, 32, a radio journalist and key LGBT
leader, was found tortured and strangled to death in a gully in Guasculile on the road
leading to the department of Olancho after being abducted the previous day in
Tegucigalpa. Martinez Avila was a founder of the Movement of Diversity in Resistance
(MDR), and only two weeks earlier, LIBRE and MDR had selected him as the first gay
candidate to run for Congress in Honduras. Similar to the Tróchez case, investigators
and prosecutors contend Martinez Avila’s murder was a crime of passion carried out by
a drug-trafficking lover, Gustavo Adolfo Aguilar Sánchez. Aguilar is now in custody with
Eduardo José López Gutiérrez, accused of being an accomplice and allegedly a gang
member of Mara 18.” …

“Trans women are often among the most visible members of the LGBT community in
Honduras and, as a result, have borne much of the brunt of the anti-LGBT violence and
discrimination that has swept the countrysince the 2009 coup d'état.” …

“[T]rans women have, however, also been at the forefront of LGBT organizing both
within and outside of the formal resistance movement. This section of the report will
address four aspects of trans life and activism - violence, discrimination in employment
and education, the movement for legal gender recognition, and the invisibility of trans
men.”…

“Trans women have been severely impacted by anti-LGBT violence, particularly since
2009. Two trans women in San Pedro Sula were the first deaths of the resistance
movement in that city, and overall more than 54 trans murders have taken place since the
2008. Beyond being complicit in this violence by failing to investigate these crimes, the
police are also often the perpetrators. Although not every murder of trans women is the
result of retribution for political involvement, the high incidence of trans killings
demonstrates the interaction between the militarization of civil society and transphobia.”

“Although article 321 now includes sexual orientation and gender identity as classes
legally protected from discrimination, two problems remain. First, this law has not been
put into practice in any meaningful way. Discrimination in employment, education,
public accommodations, and general life quality systematically persists. This
discrimination, as Spellman explained, pushes trans women into outdoor survival sex
work for income. This resulting public visibility makes them vulnerable to violence from
both the police and organized crime, although sex work is not illegal in Honduras.
Second, risks will greatly increase if the Nationalist Party and Juan Orlando Hernandez
succeed in repealing the LGBT protections in the law.” …

“Currently, it's impossible to obtain accurate and updated identification. This barrier to
transgender identification guarantees that even those who may be visually conforming
enough to pass unnoticed in some areas of their lives, are still "outed" as trans when they
present identification documents that show old pictures, birth names, and incorrect
gender markers. This can be a trigger for violence as well as discrimination in hiring,
school enrollment, and voting. Finally, it's crucial to note that the trans movement in
Honduras is almost entirely composed of trans women. They told us they have known and
supported trans men over the years, but an organized trans masculine movement has not
yet emerged and trans men remain invisible to society. The goals of the movement,
however, include supporting trans men and women equally and will hopefully create a
space for emerging trans male leaders.” …

“Women and members of the LGBTQ community in Honduras face the same type of
oppression. Both groups are economically, socially, and politically vulnerable to acts of
discrimination, violence, rape, and death. They are both without a legal system to
persecute those committing these crimes, as crimes against women have an impunity rate
of 97%. There were over 7,000 people killed in Honduras last year alone. Since the coup
in 2009, there has been a sharp increase of femicide in Honduras as reported by many
human rights groups and attested by the CDM. According to their statistics, one woman
is killed every 14 hours. The increase that has been seen is attributed to the increase in
militarization under the regime that overthrew President Zelaya in 2009 in concert with
women’s visible roles in the Resistance.” …

“Of the numerous murders of women committed in Honduras, only about one in every
five is investigated, and 78% of those cases are never solved. This is due to the fact that
authorities frequently miscategorize and dismiss cases of violence against women. For
example, the police will frequently ascribe cases of femicide as merely crimes of passion
which are then dismissed.” …

“However, because Honduras is the third poorest country in Latin America, women are
having to seek employment more often. Typically, they do so in farming, sex work or the
maquila (sweatshop) sector. Prevalent maquilas in Honduras include Haines clothing,
Gildan clothing and Leer auto parts. Women are often subjected to economic and sexual
exploitation while on the job. The jobs that are traditionally held by women are often
those that are some of the most exploitative.” …

“Although the Honduran LGBT community is not facing the dire challenges of countries
such as Russia and Uganda at this time, it is one of the most at risk populations in the
world, with exceedingly high levels of discrimination, intimidation, and violence,
including 116 officially recorded homicides since 2008.”

8. Andalusia Knoll, The New President of Honduras Will Not Stop Hate Crimes,
20 December 2013, available at http://upsidedownworld.org/main/news-briefs-
archives-68/4617-the-new-president-of-honduras-will-not-stop-hate-crimes ......
[●]

“In Honduras the LGBT movement is not fighting for gay marriage, instead their lives.

“‘Who is going to say, ‘I want to get married’ in this country when they are killing us?’
asked activist Erick Martínez. Since the 2009 Coup d’état that ousted Honduran
President Manuel Zelaya, the murder rate has skyrocketed and violence against the
‘Sexual Diversity’ community has become a daily occurrence.

“Juan Orlando Hernández, the right wing National Party politician who was the
declared winner in the presidential elections in Honduras, based his campaign on
‘christian values’ against the homosexual community. The Supreme Electoral Tribunal
announced Hernández as the winner, saying that he was 6 points ahead of Xiomara
Castro of the LIBRE party (The Freedom and Re-foundation party), wife of former
president Mel Zelaya who was ousted in the 2009 Coup. LIBRE, a new party that was
born out of Coup resistance, has incorporated many members of the sexual diversity
community in its ranks and has denounced fraud at the polls.

“Martínez was the second openly gay candidate to run for congress as part of the LIBRE
party. The first candidate, who bears the same name Erik Martínez Ávila, was strangled
to death outside of Tegucigalpa, in 2012. I came across Martínez while he was smoking a
cigarette outside of a press conference of international observers denouncing the
electoral fraud. Even though he sported a bright rainbow flag on his shoulders, you could
sense his melancholic vibe due to the results. ‘If Juan Orlando Hernández is our next
president we won’t be able to stop the assassinations,’ lamented Martínez.

“Since the coup more than 115 members of the sexual diversity community have been
assassinated, including 53 transsexual people. These are the cases that have been
documented and who are known members of the LGBT community. Who knows how
many have died without anyone taking notice. I don’t think anyone would be surprised by
me saying that complete impunity exists in Honduras.

“Of the 115 mentioned cases, fewer than 30 percent have been investigated and fewer
than six have entered a judicial process. According to Martínez, the government tries to
distance themselves from this violence stating ‘that the assassins are our lovers and
boyfriends and [the murders] are just crimes of passion. This is to free the state from the
responsibility of searching for these invisible actors, who before the coup, were visible.’
He also referred to members of the community who have been assassinated and their
deaths were attributed to the typical scapegoats of violence; narcotrafficking and
common crime.

“As part of a worldwide tradition, the church in Honduras has fomented hate against the
gay community. This year, Evangelical pastor, Evelio Reyes, smidgen with the National
Party preached from the pulpit ‘don’t vote for homosexuals and lesbians who corrupt the
model of God.’ He was clearly referring to Xiomara and her support for the LGBT
community. Reyes was initially punished for his proclamation and later released without
charges.

“The current president of Honduras, Porfirio ‘Pepe’ Lobo has driven the process of
militarization all across the country and on election day there were nearly 30,000 police
officers and soldiers deployed to monitor the voting centers. They were supposedly there
to prevent ‘violence,’ but a group of female human rights observers said that their
presence only instilled fear in people. In the community of Cantarranas, the night before
the elections, María Amparo Pineda Duarte, a campesina leader was ambushed and
assassinated along with another compañero.

“José Palacios is part of the Diversity Movement in Resistance and says that the police
and military are the principal actors in Latin America who perpetuate violence against
the LGBT community. ‘They have a license to kill,’ stated Palacios. He added, ‘the
country has received criticisms both on a national and international level about the
militarization and they don’t care.’ The director of the national police, Juan Carlos El
Tigre Bonilla, is under investigation for his role in death squads from over a decade
ago.”

9. Huffington Post, Pepe Palacios, LGBT Activist In Honduras, Talks About

Crimes Against The Community, 19 February 2013, available at
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/02/19/honduras-lgbt-violence-pepe-
palacios_n_2672205.html .................... [●]

“With 86 people killed for every 100,000 inhabitants, Honduras recorded the world's
highest murder rate last year. In a deeply homophobic atmosphere, it is even more
dangerous to be LGBT, yet Pepe Palacios, one of the founding members of the Diversity
Movement in Resistance, continues to be an LGBT activist. He joined Huffpost Live's
Ahmed Shihab-Eldin in studio.

“‘Honduran culture is really conservative, it's a really religious society and its also a
heterosexual society,’ Palacios said. ‘So if you're against what they call normality, you're
in danger not only socially but also physically.’"

In the last four years, over eighty LGBT individuals have been murdered, and these
murders aren't investigated, Suyapa Portillo, Assistant Professor at Pitzer College told
Huffpost Live. An LGBT activist herself, Portillo pointed out that while the police might
not investigate the murders, that doesn't mean they ignore the community.

“‘We are always a target. For example outside of gay clubs, you see the police
patrolling. I mean it really reminds me of what I've read historically about Stonewall.’”

10. Lisa Haaguard, Honduras: Violence Against Those Who “Look and Love
Differently” (2010, Latin American Working Group), available at
http://www.lawg.org/text/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=591&It
emid=65 ………..[●]

“As Hondurans sort through the wreckage of human rights and civil liberties violations
that occurred following the June 28th coup, one pressing issue the country will have to
address is the wave of violence directed against members of the LGBT community.
“‘The mounting violence against people who look or love differently in Honduras reflects
a crisis of intolerance,’ says Juliana Cano Nieto, HRW researcher on LGBT issues.

“The causes of these all of these killings are not yet determined. One theory is in a
context following the coup in which the rule of law was abandoned, existing extreme
prejudices, whether by members of the general public or members of the police or army,
were unleashed, and law enforcement failed to prevent or sanction these abuses. Three of
the killings occurred directly after the coup. In several cases, authorities refused to
conduct autopsies claiming fear of HIV, despite existing regulations requiring autopsies
to take place.

“In one prominent case, on December 13, Walter Trochez was shot in the chest by a
drive-by gunman, then taken to a hospital where he later died, according to Amnesty
International and Honduran human rights groups. Trochez had been beaten and
threatened December 2 by four armed men who interrogated him and told him they had
orders to kill him. Trochez was involved in documenting abuses against members of the
LGBT community and abuses committed during protests against the coup.”

POLICE/JUDICIAL CORRUPTION

[Note: The topic of “police/judicial corruption and impunity” is also covered in

articles/reports excerpted under all the other sections above.]

#. Steven Dudley, Honduras Police Reform Commission Member Survives

Attack, 16 Dec. 32016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-police-reform-commission-member-survives-attack ....

“Gunmen riding in a car attempted to assassinate a member of the civilian-

led Honduras Police Reform Commission, leaving one of his bodyguards dead and the
various commission members shaken.
“The attack happened in the evening hours of December 15, as the bodyguards were
leaving commission member and Evangelical Pastor Jorge Machado and his wife at their
house, reported La Prensa.
“Machado was unhurt. One bodyguard, identified as Military Police Officer Geovany
Rolando Calderón, was killed, while another unidentified bodyguard was severely
injured, La Prensa said.
“The pastor was coming back from a meeting in which 14 police officers had been
removed from their posts, reported El Heraldo. A total of 419 officers were separated
from the police force on December 15, according to the newspaper.
“‘We do not doubt that this attack is a consequence of the work that we have been doing,’
said fellow commission member and pastor Alberto Solórzano.
“In a tweet, Honduras President Juan Orlando Hernández joined a chorus of officials
who condemned the attack, while reiterating his support for the commission. …
“In less than a year, the commission has done what few thought could be done: begin a
process of purging the police from the top down. They began with an initial evaluation
that led to the departure or removal of close to 40 percent of the top brass of the police,
including six of the nine generals that were in the police at the time.
“This top-down approach is what has made them targets -- first of threats, which led at
least some of them to remove their families from the country, and now of the first direct
assault.
“The commission members travel in caravans with up to a dozen bodyguards, and that
system proved a worthy defense on this occasion. But this is little long-term solace for
those who make up the commission, which includes three other commissioners and a
board of advisers; Security Minister Julián Pacheco is the government representative.
“The commission has a year-long mandate that will end in April, and while the
commission may continue and some of its members may retain their security detail
regardless of the commission's status, the attack sends a message that the battle over the
country's police may have only just begun.”

#. Reuters, US Lawmakers, Citing Activist’s Death, Want Assistance to Honduras

Held, 13 Dec. 2016, available at http://www.voanews.com/a/united-states-
lawmakers-want-assistance-honduras-held/3635492.html ................

“RIO DE JANEIRO — A group of U.S. lawmakers is making a year-end push to suspend

millions of dollars in military assistance to Honduras, citing mounting human rights
concerns, including the slaying of high-profile land rights activist Berta Caceres.

“More than 50 Democratic Party politicians have signed a letter to the U.S. State
Department urging authorities to withhold more than $18 million in security aid to
Honduras before Congress adjourns for the holidays and ahead of President-elect
Donald Trump's inauguration on January 20.

“U.S. military assistance to Honduran security forces has fueled impunity and human
rights abuses in the Central American country of 8 million, lawmakers said. They said
U.S. military aid should not be going to security forces who have been accused of serious
human rights abuses, including targeted killings of land activists.

“‘We request that the U.S. government immediately suspend all police and military aid to
Honduras until these mounting human rights concerns are addressed,’ they said in the
letter dated December 8.

“Honduran officials and the U.S. State Department were not immediately available for
comment on the proposed suspension of aid contained in a bill known as the Berta
Caceres Human Rights in Honduras Act, which was introduced in Congress in June.

“Land rights activists are still being targeted for assassination in Honduras, with two
killings in October in the northeastern Aguan Valley alone, an area where more than 150
land campaigners have been killed since 2009, the letter said.

“Caceres, 43, was shot dead in March at her home in La Esperanza, Honduras, 112
miles (180 kilometers) west of the capital, Tegucigalpa.

“The award-winning campaigner had been leading opposition to the $50 million Agua
Zarca dam project that threatened to displace hundreds of indigenous people.

“Six suspects, including an employee of the hydroelectric dam company and current and
former Honduran military personnel, have been arrested in connection with the killing.
“U.S. lawmakers accused Honduran authorities of bungling the investigation into
Caceres' killing, after court files related to the case were stolen in September.

“The Honduran president, Juan Orlando Hernandez, has pledged to see justice served in
the Caceres case and to tackle rights abuses in one of the world's most violent
countries.”

#. 1 Dec. 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Honduras-

Human-Rights-Activists-Face-a-Violent-Crisis-Report-20161201-0037.html ...

“Honduras has become one of the most dangerous countries in the world for human
rights defenders.

“A new report by the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders says
human rights defenders in Honduras face killings, constant threats, and criminalization,
making the Central American country one of the most dangerous in the world for human
rights activists.
[Note: The 56-page report is in Spanish, available at:
http://www.omct.org/files/2016/12/24083/honduras_informe_de_mision.pdf ]
“The report highlights that structural factors, such as the militarization of the state, the
lack of an independent judiciary, systematic stigmatization of defenders, and government
institutional failures around civil rights, show a lack of any real willingness to protect
those who speak out and defend human rights.
“The situation for human rights defenders in Honduras received a great deal of
international attention in 2016, after the murder of Berta Cáceres, a Lenca Indigenous
leader and land defender. According to the report Cáceres murder is part of a disturbing
pattern. Since 2001, 17 activists have been killed, an average of one per year. Since May
2015, the Observatory has reported 16 killings of human rights defenders. Attacks
against defenders tend to go unpunished, largely due to inefficiencies in the
administration of justice.
“According to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, IACHR, since 2010
there have been 3,064 cases in Honduras where human rights defenders have been
criminalized as a means of intimidation.
“The report concludes that Honduras needs a clear and explicitly protective national
framework that fully recognizes the human rights of the rural population, Indigenous
people and the LGBTI community. This would improve the working environment of
activists, especially in situations of conflict over natural resources such as Berta
Cáceres' attempts to stop a dam which threatens her Lenca community.
“Cáceres' case has come to epitomize the grave human rights situation in Honduras and
the systemic impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of political violence.
“Cáceres was shot dead in her home after leading a years-long movement against
unwanted corporate projects on Indigenous land in western Honduras. A prominent
resistance leader in the fight against neoliberalism at the national level, Cáceres had
faced dozens of death threats leading up to her assassination and was reportedly at the
top of a U.S.-backed military squad hitlist.”

1. James Bargent, Honduras Police Purge Turns to Lawyers Who Wiped Records,
4 Nov. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/honduras-
police-purge-turns-lawyers-who-wiped-records ......

“Authorities in Honduras are investigating legal officials who allegedly accepted bribes
to wipe clean the records of officers removed from their posts in a police purge, exposing
a new layer of corruption in Honduran institutions….
“The raid followed the collection of witness testimonies that described how the officials
charged between 5,000 and 50,000 lempiras (approximately $215 to $2,150) to alter or
disappear the records of police officers, according to a separate report from La Prensa.
“The lawyers offered the service to officers who had lost their jobs as part of an ongoing
police purge and who wanted a clean slate so they could more easily find other work.
Some even reportedly returned to the force after having been separated….
“Honduras has carried out several attempts to purge its police force of corrupt elements
in recent years. For the most part, these programs have been criticized as ineffective and
bottom heavy, with low ranking officers losing their jobs while the higher ranks escape
attention.
“However, the most recent anti-corruption drive, which is now just over halfway through
its 12-month mandate, has shown positive signs of expanding investigations beyond the
superficiality that characterized previous programs. Within its first two months, the body
evaluated the 272 highest-ranking members of the police, of which 40 percent were
dismissed, suspended or offered their voluntary resignation.
“Nevertheless, the apparent existence of a network of crooked officials giving clean
slates to purged police officers is a stark illustration of the many layers of corruption
plaguing Honduran security institutions. Other prominent examples include the 2009
murder of the country's drug czar and the 2011 murder of his deputy, both of which were
apparently carried out by corrupt police acting on orders from a drug trafficker.
Despite convincing evidence implicating top officers in the killings, neither case has yet
been brought to court.
“It is an encouraging sign that Honduran authorities are continuing attempts to
dismantle these multi-layered structures. But at the same time, the details revealed by
such investigations point to deeply-rooted corruption that will likely prove extremely
difficult to completely root out.”

2. Parker Ashmann, Environmental Activists Face Renew Repression in

Honduras, 27 Oct 2016, available at
http://nacla.org/news/2016/10/27/environmental-activists-face-renewed-
repression-honduras ................................
“On October 20, riot police and members of the Honduran National Police attacked
members of the Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares e Indígenas de
Honduras (Civil Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras,
COPINH) with tear gas, rubber bullets, and a water cannon in Tegucigalpa, according
on the ground video footage. The violence erupted at a demonstration demanding
answers in the death of COPINH environmental and human rights activist, Berta
Cáceres.

“The attack on the demonstration came just days after assassination attempts of
COPINH’s general coordinator, Tómas Gómez Membreño, and COPINH community
leader Alexander García Sorto. Additionally, José Ángel Flores, the president of
the Movimiento Unificado Campesino del Aguán(Unified Campesino Movement of
Aguán, MUCA), and campesino leader Silmer Dionisio George, were assassinated in the
northern Honduran department of Colón on October 18.

“In response to the recent surge in violence against human and environmental activists
in Honduras, Amnesty International has declared the region a ‘no-go zone for
environmental [and human rights] defenders,’ according to a statement from the group.

“Environmental activists in Honduras have gained international recognition since the

murder of former COPINH leader Berta Cáceres, who was shot dead in her home in
March. The international community condemned the crime, prompting several U.S.
representatives to put forth efforts to suspend all U.S. security funding to Honduras. In
June, The Guardian reported that a former soldier claimed Cáceres was on ‘a hit list
distributed to U.S.-trained special forces units of the Honduran military months before
her death.’…

“[V]ideo footage from on the ground shows militarized police forces forming a hard line
and closing in on the crowd of demonstrators. The Cobras, as the National Police are
known, can then be seen throwing tear gas into the crowd. As the group scatters, a
commotion erupts and tensions rise before a water hose is seen spraying
demonstrators….

“Under the Alliance for Prosperity Plan, the $750 million U.S. response to the influx of
immigration that came from Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala in 2014, 50 percent
of the total funding is tied to human rights-related conditions drafted by Sen. Patrick
Leahy. The State Department must certify that these conditions have been met before
releasing the final portion of the aid. Since the death of Cáceres, human rights
movements have advocated for U.S. security aid to Honduras to be cut off entirely, as
human rights violations continue to persist in the region.

‘The assassinations of José Ángel Flores and Silmer Dionisio George of MUCA, whom
the IACHR (Inter-American Commission on Human Rights) had said should be protected,
and the attempted assassinations of Tomas Gomez Membreño and Alexander Garcia
Sorto of COPINH, are glaring examples of why the U.S. State Department should not
have given Honduras human rights certification,’ Dan Beeton, International
Communications Director at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), said
in an email statement.

“State Department Spokesperson John Kirby addressed questions regarding the release
of aid raised at a daily press briefing on October 21, the day after the clashes in
Tegucigalpa.

“‘We note that the situation…in Honduras is extremely complex with high rates of
impunity, crime, and corruption,’ Kirby said. ‘There’s plenty of work to be done. We’re
going to continue to press the Honduran Government to conduct prompt, thorough, and
transparent investigations into cases like this and to homicide cases and to ensure that
those responsible are brought to justice. But I’m not aware that these recent activities
will in any way change our certification of September 30th.’ …

“Kirby went on to explain that the State Department was ‘deeply concerned about the
continued problems in Honduras from crime, corruption, and impunity.’ However, ‘As
we stand here today, we are comfortable in the certification that we made at the end of
last month, but it doesn’t mean that we turn a blind eye as we go forward. We always
review and assess going forward,’ Kirby said.

“To justify supplying security funding to the region, USAID has used a 2014
report conducted by the Vanderbilt University-based Latin American Public Opinion
Project (LAPOP) with support from the U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID), which found the CARSI program was, in fact, reducing crime in the region. Up
until this year, this report was the only public evaluation of the CARSI program,
supporting claims that the crime and violence prevention programs have been effective.
But the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) recently released a report that
disputed these findings and questioned the efficacy of the CARSI program in Central
America. It is clear to the researchers that impunity continues unabated in Honduras,
enabling crimes like the repression of protesters and recent assassination attempts.

“‘Cases like this continue to occur with impunity,’ Beeton said. ‘Investigations, if they
happen, are fraught with problems. The investigation into the murder of Berta Cáceres is
no closer to revealing the people who ordered her killed, and most recently, the case files
were stolen. This is why COPINH protested in Tegucigalpa last week, and their protest
was violently repressed by militarized forces with little warning, sending children and
elderly demonstrations scrambling for safety.’

“Karen Spring believes that the increase in violence and repression that environmental
and human rights activists have faced this year results from increased funding that
Honduran security forces have received from the U.S. through programs like CARSI.
Spring explained that since Juan Orlando Hernández became Honduras’ president in
2014, the United States has sent more money for military and police assistance….
“After the most recent violent clashes in Tegucigalpa, the Central American Resource
Center (CARECEN) also publicly denounced the threats in a statement. In addition to
condemning the threats and demanding the protection and security of human rights
defenders and indigenous leaders, the group also stood in support of COPINH’s five
demands. The demands include the installation of an independent and international
commission to investigate the murder of Cáceres and the cancellation of the concession
to the Agua Zarca Dam Project and the DESA Corporation, among other things.

“‘We are concerned for the life of the COPINH leaders and organizers and human rights
defenders in Honduras,’ CARECEN’s statement reads. ‘We call on the Honduran
presidency of Juan Orlando Hernández to conduct a full and exhaustive investigation of
the assassination attempts against Tómas Gomez Membreño and Alexander Garcia Sorto
and guarantee their safety to live and organize in the country.’

“As the climate in Honduras becomes increasingly more dangerous for human rights and
environmental leaders, the continuation of U.S. security aid to Honduras will continue to
be a point of contention moving forward.

3. Human Rights Watch, Honduras: Investigate Killings of Land Rights Leaders,

21 Oct. 2016, available at https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/10/21/honduras-
investigate-killings-land-rights-leaders .........................................

“ Honduran authorities should carry out a prompt, thorough, and impartial investigation
into the killing of two land rights activists of the Unified Peasant Movement of Aguán
(MUCA), Human Rights Watch said today. The government should take urgent steps to
end impunity for attacks against land rights and environmental defenders.

“On October 18, 2016, unidentified men gunned down José Ángel Flores and Silmer
Dionisio George, Honduran land rights activists, as they left a meeting in Tocoa, in the
Caribbean coastal department of Colón, media accounts said. The two activists were
subject to protective measures issued by the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights (IACHR), which in May 2014 ordered the government to ensure the safety of
leaders of several peasant movements in Honduras.

“‘Honduras has an obligation to ensure that land rights and environmental activists can
do their jobs without fear of reprisals,’ said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at
Human Rights Watch. ‘When acts that appear to be violent retaliation go unpunished, it
sends the disturbing message that the government may tolerate such violent abuses.’

“Honduras is a dangerous country for environmental and land rights activists. The
IACHR has repeatedly called for the government to protect people who experience
intimidation and death threats because of their work as environmental defenders.

“Flores was the president of MUCA, a land rights organization that has brought legal
actions on behalf of farmers in the region known as Bajo Aguán. The farmers contend
that, during the past 20 years, thousands of hectares of land have been transferred
illegally to large-scale businesses that produce palm oil for export as biofuel. MUCA has
also occupied land that it says was illegally taken from the farmers.

“The Honduran National Police said two days after the killings that it was investigating
the case and that initial inquiries indicated possible internal conflicts within MUCA
involving Flores. However, a former president of MUCA, Joni Rivas, told reporters that
the group has for years denounced the activities of a death squad that it says operates in
Bajo Aguán. Rivas said that he and other MUCA members believe that these paramilitary
operatives were behind the killing of activists.

“While it is too early to judge the government’s response, the authorities have failed to
investigate adequately other cases of violence against activists. In a 2015 report on
human rights in Honduras, which describes dozens of cases of attacks, threats, and
harassment against human rights defenders, the IACHR concluded that the ‘lack of
judicial response’ had ‘fostered an adverse climate’ for their work. Impunity has serious
and direct effects on the work of defenders, the commission said.

“In a recent, prominent case, Berta Cáceres, general coordinator of the Civic Council of
Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), was killed in March
2016 by gunmen who broke into her home in La Esperanza, in the department of
Intibuca. Cáceres, a member of the Lenca indigenous group, led a campaign against the
construction of the Agua Zarca Dam on the Gualcarque River. She had reported 33
threats on her life, and the IACHR had called on the government to protect her. Police
investigated none of the threats against her.

“Authorities arrested five men in May for their alleged participation in Cáceres’ murder,
including an Army major and the manager for social and environmental matters for the
firm contracted to build the Agua Zarca Dam. Prosecutors said the killing was part of a
conspiracy with the firm. A sixth suspect was arrested in September. The case file, which
local press accounts say included evidence against several suspects, was stolen from a
judge’s car on September 29. Although the Supreme Court announced that it retains
copies of the case file, criticism has mounted as to the government’s handling of the case.

“Under international law, governments are obligated to ensure that human rights
defenders are allowed to pursue their activities without reprisals, threats, intimidation,
harassment, discrimination, or unnecessary legal obstacles. The IACHR has maintained
that respect for human rights in a democratic state depends to a large degree on human
rights defenders enjoying ‘effective and adequate guarantees’ that allow them to go
about their activities freely.”

4. BBC, Honduras activists killings spark condemnation, 20 Oct 2016, available

at http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37715362 ......

“The killing of two activists fighting for land rights in Honduras has sparked
international condemnation.
“Jose Angel Flores and Silmer Dionisio George were shot as they left a meeting in Tocoa
in the north-east on Tuesday.

“They were both members of Muca, which fights for land it says has been fraudulently
taken from farmers and given to multinationals.

“Muca says dozens of farmers and activists have died in land rights clashes since 2009.
The most high-profile recent killing was of award-winning indigenous rights activist
Berta Caceres, who was shot at her home in the western town of La Esperanza in March.

“Mr Flores was the president of Muca (The United Farmworkers Movement of Aguan).
He and Mr George, who had both previously been threatened, were killed by hooded men
armed with rifles in Tocoa, 240km (149 miles) north of the capital, Tegucigalpa.

“Muca opposes large agriculture companies that grow African oil palm, saying land has
fraudulently been transferred to them from farmers.

“It pursues legal cases on farmers' behalf but also carries out illegal land occupations in
the Bajo Aguan valley.

“Amnesty International's Americas director, Erika Guevara-Rosas, said Honduras had

become a 'no-go zone' for anyone daring to campaign for the protection of the
environment.

“US Ambassador to Honduras James Nealon condemned the killings, saying: ‘The
United States of America calls for a prompt and thorough investigation and for the full
force of the law to be brought to bear against those found responsible.’

“Government spokesman Luis Osabas said the killings were being investigated.”

5. teleSur, Prominent Honduran Rural Leader Under Police Protection Killed, 18

Oct. 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Prominent-
Honduran-Rural-Leader-Under-Police-Protection-Killed--20161018-0036.html ...

“According to campesino organizations, at least 150 rural activists have been killed so
far in the area, as a result of fighting for their land rights.

“Honduras' prominent rural leader and head of the Unified Campesinos Movement of the
Aguan Valley, or MUCA, Jose Angel Flores was assassinated in Tocoa, in the northern
department of Colon, reported teleSUR's correspondent in Honduras Gerardo Torres
Monday night.

“The information was confirmed by MUCA's former President Johnny Rivas on Radio
Progreso, without further details. Rivas blamed the assassination on the forces opposing
the rural struggle for the right to land.
“Flores had been under police protection since March, after many death threats.
“Despite the protective measures, imposed on the Honduran state by the International
Human Rights Court, Honduran police arrested Flores and his wife in March, alleging
without proof that he was hiding weapons in his home.
“They were released on the same day due to the pressure of 300 campesinos who
demonstrated in front of the police station until a judge ordered his release because of
the lack of a warrant arrest.
“Campesino groups have denounced a campaign of assassinations ordered by the bigger
landowners, in the context of a land reform implemented under former President Rafael
Callejas, who is currently serving a prison sentence in the United States on corruption
charges.
“Many illegal mass graves have been discovered in recent years.”

6. Mike LaSusa, Honduras Kingpin Accused by U.S. Will Turn Himself In:
Reports, 18 Oct. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-kingpin-accused-by-us-will-turn-himself-in-reports ......................

“An alleged drug trafficker suspected of ties to numerous corrupt officials in Honduras is
reportedly preparing to turn himself in, but just where he would be prosecuted remains
an unanswered question.
“Citing an unnamed source with close ties to law enforcement, television network
HCH reported on October 17, that Wilter Blanco, the alleged leader of the Atlantic
Cartel, would turn himself in to authorities ‘in the next 24 hours.
“A spokesperson for the Honduran police, however, dismissed the report….
“The report from HCH came the same day as a US federal court ordered the unsealing of
an indictment charging Blanco with involvement in a cocaine trafficking conspiracy
stretching back to at least 1999.
“The indictment of Blanco was originally filed on August 5, 2016, but it remained sealed
based on prosecutors' belief that keeping it under seal ‘would assist in arresting the
Defendant.’ However, the prosecution requested that the court unseal the document on
October 12, saying, ‘the Government no longer believes that keeping the Indictment
under seal will help with the arrest.’
“The unsealing of the indictment and the reports of Blanco's impending surrender come
just over a week after the US Embassy in Honduras made the extraordinary
announcement that Blanco was under investigation for drug trafficking and corruption
along with several other suspects, including members of the Honduran armed forces.
“In addition, local media outlets have reported that mayors, members of congress,
judges, business owners and police officers in Honduras are also being investigated for
suspected corruption tied to Blanco's alleged drug trafficking network, though this has
not been officially confirmed.
“Perhaps most explosively, US authorities appear to suspect that Juan Antonio ‘Tony’
Hernández, the brother of Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, is also
involved in drug trafficking activities. A US embassy official who requested anonymity
recently told InSight Crime that Tony Hernández is a ‘person of interest.’…
“While Blanco may turn himself in, it is not clear who will prosecute him. Undoubtedly,
US authorities would seek his extradition, especially given the amount of information he
may have on other suspects, including political and economic elites in Honduras.
“But an Attorney General's Office prosecutor told InSight Crime that Blanco is
facing money laundering charges in Honduras and according to Honduran law, he would
have to finish his case in country prior to being extradited.
“Given the pressure Blanco is facing in Honduras, it is possible that he may opt to
negotiate his surrender in a third country….
“Other Honduran suspects in US custody already appear to have provided information
related to the Blanco case. According to local media reports, five police
officers extradited to the United States in July to face drug and arms trafficking charges
have provided such information.”

7. Carolina Gonzales Schlenker and Thomas Schlenker, Honduras violence

almost killed cousin, drives many north, 15 Oct. 2016, available at
http://www.mysanantonio.com/opinion/commentary/article/Honduras-violence-
almost-killed-cousin-drives-9972416.php ................................

“Gustavo Castro Soto, his wife and their two children are now safe, far from La
Esperanza, Honduras, where masked gunmen shot Gustavo in the head and left him for
dead.

“The attack took place in the early morning hours of March 3, in the home of human
rights activist Berta Cáceres. Gustavo was preparing for an environmental justice
conference on the Agua Zarca Dam that has rerouted a rural Honduran river away from
the indigenous population that lives along it.

“Berta, a 45-year-old mother and grandmother, internationally known and honored as

an environmental justice advocate, was the primary target of the assassins and was
murdered that night. Gustavo survived but was detained for over a month by government
authorities who treated him as a suspect rather than a victim of the crime.

“Gustavo Castro Soto is Carolina’s cousin, someone we had gotten to know well through
our time in Chiapas, Mexico, where, among the indigenous Maya, we worked as
physicians and he helped them hold on to lands farmed since pre-Columbian time.

“We learned of the attack and aftermath from family, as well as the Mexican press and
social media, and did our best to publicize Gustavo’s predicament in the U.S., knowing
that international support might be key to saving his life.
“For days after the murder of Berta, Honduran authorities held Gustavo in custody and
subjected him to rough interrogation. With the aid of the Mexican consul, he gained
release and managed to arrive safely at the Mexican Embassy in Tegucigalpa. But when
Gustavo tried to fly back to Mexico, he was removed from the airport by police and
ordered back to La Esperanza for more interrogation. All the while, the true assassins
remained at large, as they presumably do now.

“Fortunately, Gustavo’s brother, Oscar, a human rights activist and investigator at

the University IberoAmericana in Mexico City, came to his aid, negotiated his release
and guarded him while he was forced to remain in Honduras as authorities ‘investigated’
Berta’s murder. Oscar stayed, putting his life at risk, until Gustavo was finally allowed to
depart Honduras.

“Honduras is known as one of the most dangerous places on Earth, where assassinations
by local gangsters can be arranged for as little as $220 per hit.

“Doling out money for the hits are the economic interests behind the Agua Zarca Dam,
and other post-coup ‘development’ that displaces, disenfranchises and defrauds the many
for the profits of the few. And posing an equal if not greater danger, it is reported that the
Honduran government maintains death squads that it supplies with lists of troublemakers
to be eliminated. Berta was on such a list.

“Thus, it is not difficult to understand that men, women and even unaccompanied
children flee the violence, injustice and poverty of Honduras and elsewhere in Central
America.

“Many ride trains, trucks, buses and walk almost 2,000 miles to the United States in the
hope of crossing into safety. While some in the United States consider them criminals for
crossing our border illegally, many of us would likely do the same if our brother, sister or
child were in mortal danger…

“Our next president, if that person has wisdom and courage, will have the opportunity to
hit the reset button on U.S. foreign policy in Central America.

“In our extensive experience in Central America and Mexico, we have found great wealth
of culture and spirit. Most people we encountered, poor included, had fierce love of
family, village, city and nation, and would not consider leaving their homes except under
extreme duress.

“Intelligent U.S. foreign policies could reduce, rather than add to, that duress.”

8. Amnesty International Press Release on Report: Home Sweet Home?

Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador’s Role in a Deepening Refugee Crisis, 13
Oct. 2016, available at http://www.amnestyusa.org/research/reports/home-sweet-
home-honduras-guatemala-and-el-salvador-s-role-in-a-deepening-refugee-crisis
.............................
“Governments in Central America are fuelling a deepening refugee crisis by failing to
tackle rampant violence and sky-high homicide rates in El Salvador, Guatemala and
Honduras which are forcing hundreds of thousands to flee, Amnesty International said in
a new report today.
“Home Sweet Home? Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador’s role in a deepening
refugee crisis explores how the three countries are failing to protect people from
violence, and also failing to set up a comprehensive protection plan for deportees forced
by countries such as Mexico and the USA to return to life-threatening situations.
“‘El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras have become virtual war zones where lives
seem to be expendable and millions live in constant terror at what gang members or
public security forces can do to them or their loved ones. These millions are now the
protagonists in one of the world’s least visible refugee crises,’ said Salil Shetty, Secretary
General at Amnesty International.
“‘Although countries like Mexico and the USA are utterly failing to protect Central
American asylum seekers and refugees, it is high time for authorities in El Salvador,
Guatemala and Honduras to own up to their role in this crisis and take steps to tackle the
problems that force these people to leave home in the first place.’
“‘Millions of Central Americans are falling through the cracks, victims of countries that
do not fulfil their responsibility to provide the international protection they need, and of
their own governments’ utter inability and unwillingness to keep them safe from the most
tragic end.’
“Amnesty International USA has asked President Obama to designate Guatemala for
Temporary Protective Status (TPS) and re-designate El Salvador and Honduras for
Temporary Protected Status because of the devastating increase in violence that has led
to an acute humanitarian emergency in these countries. This will grant protection to
people from those countries who have fled the violence of these emergency situations and
are already present in the United States.
“‘We can no longer turn our backs on the refugee crisis in our own backyard by sending
desperate people back to certain danger,’ said Margaret Huang, executive director of
Amnesty International USA. ‘Rather than treating refugees and asylum-seekers as
criminals, we must offer protection to those who pose no threat and who have done
nothing other than seek safety for themselves and their loved ones.’
“Homicide rates in El Salvador have escalated dramatically in the past three years as
people are increasingly caught up in ruthless fights between rival gangs trying to assert
control over territories.
“Murder rates in Guatemala and Honduras are also among the highest on earth….
“In Honduras the rate was 63.75 and in Guatemala it was 34.99 per 100,000 inhabitants.
“Young people are the hardest hit by violence, with more than half of those killed in the
three countries in 2015 under 30 years of age.
“Young boys often join the gangs under duress, while girls are forced to become
gangsters’ ‘girlfriends’ and are often sexually abused.
“Shop owners and bus drivers are routinely extorted and forced to pay ‘taxes’ to the
gangs controlling their area. Those who fail to follow the strict unwritten rules of
conduct are often abused or killed.
“Many young children across the three countries told Amnesty International they had
quit school for fear of gang members and now have to spend all day at home….
“In some cases, teenagers are harassed and attacked by the security forces, accused of
being part of a gang….
“Relentless violence has led to a surge in asylum applications from Central American
citizens in Mexico, the United States and other countries, reaching levels not seen since
the region’s armed conflicts ended decades ago.
“According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the number of asylum
applications from people coming from the three countries has increased more than six
times in the past five years, particularly in neighbouring countries and in the United
States.
“But despite overwhelming evidence that many asylum-seekers face extreme violence and
potentially death if they are not granted asylum, deportations from Mexico, the USA and
elsewhere have increased. The number of Guatemalans, Hondurans and Salvadorans
deported from Mexico increased by nearly 180 percent between 2010 and 2015….
“For Saúl, it is too late. The 35-year-old father of five was murdered in his native
Honduras less than three weeks after he was sent back home from Mexico in July 2016
when his asylum application was rejected.
“A bus driver – one of the most dangerous professions in Honduras due to the control
gangs assert over the industry – Saúl fled the country in November 2015 after he survived
a shooting along with his two sons, who were severely injured. The police failed to follow
up on his report or offer him protection.
“When Amnesty International spoke to Saúl in July, his final words were, ‘I feel like
something is going to happen again, maybe to me.’
“His wife and sons are now living in terror of what might happen to them.
“Government officials in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala were unable to confirm
to Amnesty International how the US$750 million earmarked for the region as part of the
US-backed Plan for Prosperity would be used to help deportees whose lives are at risk.
The plan is aimed at tackling the root causes of migration as a way to stem the migrant
flow and protect those who are deported back.
“El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala have set up official reception centers for
deportees. Deportees have to go through a short interview where a migration official
asks them about any abuse they might have suffered during the journey. They are rarely
asked about the violence they were fleeing in their own countries and any needs for
protection they might have….
“Unless Central American leaders address the shocking current levels of violence in
their countries, the region risks plunging back into its darkest times. Instead of
stubbornly denying people are running away from violence, those in power should focus
their efforts on trying to find solutions to it.”

9. Amnesty International Full Report: Home Sweet Home? Honduras, Guatemala

and El Salvador’s Role in a Deepening Refugee Crisis, 13 Oct. 2016, available at
http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/central_american_refugees_-
_report_eng_1-min.pdf .....................

“Executive Summary: As violence has worsened and poverty and inequality remain
prevalent, the Central American governments of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador,
also known as the Northern Triangle, are doubly failing to protect their citizens:
socioeconomic conditions remain poor and an increasingly violent environment
permeates every corner of their countries, which causes people to flee in record numbers,
but governments are failing to provide protection to those who are deported back to the
same dangerous climates from which they ran.

“Amnesty International is undertaking a multi-year, transnational investigation into the

various components of this regional crisis, including future research which will examine
the dangers of asylum-seekers’, refugees’ and migrants’ journeys through Mexico and
the failings of the regional response to the surge in refugee protection needs. Future
investigation will particularly highlight how practices in Mexico and the US violate the
principle of non-refoulement, which under international law forbids a State from
returning a refugee to a country where they will face persecution or danger.

“The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has established that
asylum-seekers from the Northern Triangle countries fall within a certain risk profile:
those persecuted by a gang due to the gang’s perception that they do not comply with the
gang’s authority; persons working or involved in activities susceptible to extortion;
victims and witnesses of crimes committed by gangs or members of the security forces;
children and youth from areas where gangs operate; women and girls in areas where
gangs operate; and LGBTI people. UNHCR advises that all these groups may be in need
of international protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention. Regional instruments
such as the Cartagena Declaration clearly calls for refugee status for those persons
fleeing generalized violence in their countries, such as those from Central America’s
Northern Triangle. To truly understand the regional dynamics of human mobility,
Amnesty International chose to first investigate the conditions in which these people
begin and often end their perilous journey - their countries of origin - and found that the
governments of these countries are failing their citizens every step of the way.

“The migration flow from Northern Triangle countries through Mexico to the United
States is a decades-long phenomenon. But the last several years have seen the
development of a new reality that pushes people to leave their homes: soaring violence
has caused rising numbers of people to run north to save their lives. Despite this
situation, impunity remains the norm for most crimes and access to justice is mere
wishful thinking. Moreover, people in the Northern Triangle have also reason to fear that
the authorities who are supposed to protect them are complicit in organized crime or are
the perpetrators of abuses themselves. Citizens of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras
fight a daily battle to survive amidst ubiquitous violence and fleeing their countries is
often the only choice they have.

“Amnesty International found that violence is a key expulsion factor in El Salvador and
Honduras, where levels of violence and an increase in the amount of territory controlled
by gangs affect people’s right to life, physical integrity, education and free movement. In
both countries, women are increasingly suffering the impact of violence. In El Salvador,
the female murder rate increased by 60% between 2008 and 2015, while in Honduras it
rose by 37% in the same period….

“The total number of asylum applications, of deportees, and of apprehensions of

unaccompanied children from the Northern Triangle countries, plus the lack of public
policies to respond to the needs, result in large-scale gaps in protection and highlight the
magnitude of the protection crisis. Deportations from Mexico to El Salvador, Guatemala
and Honduras increased by 231%, 188% and 145% respectively between 2010 and 2015,
representing an average increase of 179%.2 Heightened immigration enforcement on
both Mexico’s northern and southern borders means these numbers are not likely to drop
anytime soon.

“In this context, Amnesty International found that no Northern Triangle government has
a comprehensive, clearly articulated mechanism or protocol in place to address the
protection needs of deportees, leaving many of those deported exposed to great danger.
The governments of the Northern Triangle have invested resources in improving the
reception centres for deportees. Despite this improvement, our research found that
states’ efforts to protect their returned citizens appeared to end the moment they walked
out the doors of the reception centres. In some of these countries, authorities relied on
civil society organizations to fill the void and provide the most crucial services to follow
up with deportees with protection needs.

“National and local authorities responsible for migrants and deportees in Guatemala,
Honduras and El Salvador interviewed by Amnesty International were unwilling to
acknowledge the extent to which violence has changed migration and has become a push
factor. Many of them made reference to the Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity, a
development initiative financed by the US Government, as the main strategy to address
root causes of migration. However, none of them could explain how this strategy would
respond to the needs of at- risk deportees.

“The Northern Triangle states have often sought to minimize the link between violence
and forced migration, focusing instead on historic factors such as economic opportunities
and family reunification. But skyrocketing asylum applications throughout the region
indicate a very real shift in reasons to migrate. For instance, the number of asylum
applications made around the world by applicants from El Salvador, Honduras and
Guatemala increased by 597% between 2010 and 2015, according to UNHCR statistics.
The desperate situation has been reflected in the new demographics of the people making
the journey, who increasingly come from society’s most vulnerable groups and whose
basic rights states have repeatedly failed to protect: women, young people, children (both
traveling alone and in family units), and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex
(LGBTI) people.

“When tragedies befall many refugees, migrants and asylum seekers on their journeys
the respective consulates and foreign relations ministries have been sluggish and
indifferent in demanding justice and assistance for their families at home. Amnesty
International found that the Northern Triangle States have no clear policy to assist or
attend to the needs of relatives of migrants who have been subjected to grave human
rights violations while making the journey through Mexico.

“While the countries of transit and destination take steps to stem the migrant flow, the
region’s crisis will not be solved until Northern Triangle country leaders take concrete
action and confront the protection crisis at home. …

“[Excerpts from text of report follow:] “After a noted drop in violence in the period after
the conclusion of the internal armed conflicts in Central America in the 1990s, gangs
(known as maras) and organized crime made the Northern Triangle one of the most
dangerous sub-regions in the world in the past decade. Mara activity increased along
with the influx of gang members deported back from the United States and the influence
of Mexican drug cartels in the region. The inability of these countries to halt the gangs’
rapid growth and control of territory, coupled with the complicity and abuses of
frequently corrupt law enforcement and security forces, has left people unprotected and
at risk of violence. It is not only their lives and safety which are under threat, but their
ability to enjoy other human rights including their right to freedom of movement and
education. The struggle for territory between the gangs has left invisible fault lines
throughout the countries, which people are not allowed to cross, no matter if their
relatives, job or school lies on the other side of these lines. This particularly affects the
poorest and most marginalized communities. Young people and children face the
prospect of forced recruitment and sexual exploitation. Broad swaths of society face
routine extortion at gunpoint and small business owners and transportation workers are
particularly targeted. The lack of proper investigations means impunity is the norm for
most crimes and distrust of the authorities is widespread. Daily life is a constant battle
and with no prospects for protection and justice at home, those at the margins of society
often feel their only hope for survival is to flee. This has created one of the world’s most
invisible refugee crises….

“In 2012, Honduras was one of the most deadly countries in the world outside of a
warzone, registering 92.7 murders per 100,000 inhabitants (7,172 murders in total). San
Pedro Sula, the country’s economic hub and second-biggest city, was ranked the world’s
deadliest city for several consecutive years. In recent years, although the country still
figures as one of the most dangerous in the region and the world, numbers have dropped
to a total of 5,148 murders in 2015 and 2,488 in the first half of 2016, according to
official statistics….
(Case study:) “Alexa lived with her four sons in a poor and dangerous community in San
Pedro Sula, Honduras. In April 2014, her 13-year-old son Osvaldo went missing. When
he hadn’t appeared after two days, Alexa went to file a report at the police station, where
she said police officers told her they could not do much but that she should ‘watch the
news to see if he shows up dead’. Outside the station, she began talking to some police
officers who said they had just found the bodies of two teenagers and suggested she come
along to the morgue to take a look. At the morgue, Alexa positively identified one of the
victims as Osvaldo. He and his friend had been found tied up and badly beaten before
being shot to death in ‘clandestine houses’ used by the gangs called ‘casa locas’. In the
confusion while Osvaldo was missing, his younger brother, seven-year-old Alberto, went
looking for his brother and also disappeared. In May, less than two days after the burial
of his brother, Alberto’s badly decomposed body was found wrapped in a mattress. He
was the eighth of nine children who were killed in the area that month, allegedly by
members of a local gang who sought to recruit them. Alexa participated as a protected
witness in the trial against at least five men who were arrested for the murders. The
month after Alberto’s body was found, Alexa and her two surviving sons, then 17-year
old Jose and then 15-year old Mauricio, fled to Mexico using money which they were
given as support from the Honduran National Human Rights Commission. The family
received refugee status in Mexico in December 2014. A year later, while in the state of
Veracruz, the family was picked up by migration authorities. Alexa told Amnesty
International that she told immigration authorities she had lost the papers proving the
family’s legal status as refugees in Mexico. According to Alexa, the three were sent back
to Honduras at the end of December 2015, despite her urging the officials to check their
names in the electronic system. Alexa told Amnesty International that no Honduran
consular official in Mexico or immigration authority in Honduras consulted her about
what had happened to the family. As Mauricio was a child, he was interviewed by a
psychologist with the nongovernmental organization Casa Alianza. The family returned
to the same neighbourhood in Honduras and two weeks after arriving, Mauricio received
anonymous text messages threatening to kill the whole family if they did not leave the
neighbourhood within nine days. At the beginning of 2016, Casa Alianza, along with
UNHCR, started preparing the paperwork that would allow Alexa and her family to
return to Mexico. In May 2016, Alexa and her two sons travelled yet again to Mexico, but
this time with assistance and some limited funds from UNHCR. In July, the three were
granted refugee status in Mexico. Alexa plans to keep ‘working and struggling to
survive’, and Mauricio hopes one day to finish school and be a forensic doctor….

“The pervasiveness of the violence in the Northern Triangle countries affects all of
society, but it affects people differently according to their gender identity and/or their
sexual orientation. While the vast majority of murder victims are young men, women and
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people are also subjected to
differentiated forms of violence.

[Violence against women and girls:] “Though most of the countries of Central America
have enacted specific legislation to protect the rights of women as instructed by the Inter-
American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence
Against Women, and by the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against
Women, Amnesty International research shows that in practice, women in the Northern
Triangle countries are routinely subjected to violence and the duty to investigate is
routinely flouted.

“In Honduras, the female murder rate jumped by 37% between 2008 and 2015, while in
El Salvador it rose by 60% during the same period. According to one global study, a
minority of these killings were committed by intimate partners in the private sphere. It is
important to highlight that targeted violence against women and gender-based violence
whether by an intimate partner or by gangs is potential grounds for international
protection.

“The climate of violence affects women in specific and different ways. Honduras reported
2,619 forensic medical exams for sexual assault against women and 2,808 exams for
aggression against women in 2015. These figures were up from 2,195 exams for sexual
assault against women and 2,301 exams for aggression in 2014. Sexual assault and
aggression against women combined represented 31.6% and 35.4% of any kind of
forensic medical examination conducted in the respective years. But attacks are widely
underreported, and many analysts believe the numbers to be far higher. The judicial
branch in Honduras reported 788 rape cases in 2015. …

“According to UNHCR’s report Women on the Run, 64% of the 160 women from El
Salvador, Guatemala Honduras and Mexico interviewed and seeking asylum in the
United States described: Being targets of direct threats and attacks by members of
criminal armed groups as at least one of the primary reasons for their flight… the women
consistently stated that police and other state law enforcement authorities were not able
to provide sufficient protection from the violence. More than two-thirds tried to find
safety by fleeing elsewhere in their own country, but said this did not ultimately help.
Sixty per cent of the women interviewed reported attacks, sexual assaults, rapes, or
threats to the police or other authorities. All of those women said that they received
inadequate protection or no protection at all. Forty per cent of the women interviewed
for this study did not report harm to the police; they viewed the process of reporting to
the authorities as futile.

[Violence against LGBTI people]: “LGBTI people are frequently targeted for abuse,
intimidation and violence because of their sexual orientation and/or their gender identity.
They not only rarely see justice but are often ignored, belittled or victimized by law
enforcement officers. This violates their right to equal protection of the law without
discrimination and to equal exercise and protection of all human rights.

“While government statistics of murders of LGBTI people are hard to come by, the Inter-
American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) has found that in this climate of
extreme violence, marginalized groups like LGBTI people are often targeted for abuse.
Transgender women, who because of patriarchal social norms are particularly
stigmatized, are especially subjected to violence and extortion by gangs because they
often face greater obstacles to access justice, due to discrimination. Local activists told
Amnesty International that employment discrimination means transgender people often
turn to sex work, which requires them to work late at night in environments and
conditions that can expose them to higher risks of crime and violence. They also face
harassment and intimidation by the police and authorities because of their gender
identity and/or their sexual orientation and, when crimes occur, they face serious
obstacles to access justice from law enforcement officials who discriminate against
them….

[Violence against youth:] “Children and young people have also borne the brunt of the
surge in violence…. Of the 5,148 murders in Honduras in 2015, 727 of the victims were
under 19 and 993 were between 20 and 24 years old. In both countries the vast majority
of victims are male, and young men and boys continue to be forcibly recruited by gangs.
Those who refuse are at risk of violent retaliation. Of 5,718 murdered in Guatemala in
2015, roughly one fifth were under the age of 19 and the majority of those, 807, were
young men and boys.

“In every case documented for this report, children and young people who had been a
victim of violence had left and not returned to their studies, either by force by the gangs
or out of fear of being their next target. According to news reports based on official
information, 39,000 students left school due to harassment or threats by the gangs in
2015, three times the 13,000 who had been forced to do so the year before. In 2009, 6100
students abandoned their studies. The teachers union, however, said they believed the
real number in 2015 could be more than double the amount reported. The combination of
forced conscription to gangs and the pressure to leave school puts the future employment
prospects of an entire sector of a generation at risk, perpetuates social exclusion, and
further complicates efforts to extricate them from the hold of organized crime.

“The connection between violence and migration is particularly acute in the cases of
children. According to UNHCR’s report “Children on the Run”, which documents the
situation of unaccompanied children from El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and
Mexico: In 2006, only 13% of the unaccompanied and separated children that UNHCR
interviewed presented any indication of international protection concerns – that is, 11 of
the 75 children who were interviewed at that time… In contrast, of the 404 children
interviewed for study in 2013, over half (53%) of those who mentioned family
reunification, school or better opportunities, deprivation, or other reasons also gave
international protection–related reasons for leaving their countries, among them violence
in society predominantly by armed criminal actors… One hundred ninety-two (48%) of
the children interviewed shared that they had experienced or been threatened with
serious harm by organized armed criminal actors… state actors or other actors within
the community or that they had suffered such harm due to a lack of sufficient protection
by the State.

“Gang control of territory has been shown to have a particular impact on the lives of
children, obstructing their rights to protection from violence. Boys are exposed to
economic exploitation in the form of forced conscription and girls are at risk of sexual
exploitation. Of 108 children interviewed by UNHCR who said they fled gang-related
harm, 79 were boys. The informal rules of conduct established by gangs in the
neighbourhoods they dominate frequently leave children confined to their homes out of
terror, impinging upon their ability to enjoy their rights to freedom of movement, to
education and to recreation and play, as guaranteed by the Convention on the Rights of
the Child.

“In communities where gangs have control, everyday decisions like on which road to
walk, or whether to attend school, can be a life or death decision. …

“Extortion, the financial lifeblood of the gangs, is rampant and affects broad swaths of
society, but it hits hardest in poor communities where gangs hold power. Gangs charge
members of these communities ‘war tax’ or ‘rent’….The Honduran National Anti-
extortion Force said that extortion rates in the region have been reported to annually
reach US$390 million in El Salvador, US$200 million in Honduras and US$61 million in
Guatemala, though the actual figures are thought to be far higher, according to news
reports. Those who work in the transportation industry or own small businesses are
particularly affected and failure to comply can result in retaliation that ranges from
threats, to having their business burned down, to murder.…

[Failure of state to protect:] “Authorities in the Northern Triangle are failing in their
obligation to respect and protect the right to life and personal integrity by not addressing
the soaring levels of violence and murders. The Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights has made clear that states are particularly obliged to reasonably prevent,
investigate and punish all actions that implicate violations of the right to life, including
those committed by state or non-state actors. Similarly, the Inter-American Court of
Human Rights has constantly stated that states have an obligation to guarantee the
conditions to ensure that violations to the right to life do not occur. In order to do so,
states must establish an effective judicial system to prevent, prosecute and punish the
deprivation of life both when committed by the state’s security forces or as a consequence
of criminal acts in general. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has
further added that the authorities, in fulfilling their obligations to respect and protect the
right to life, must design, implement and constantly scrutinize its public policies related
to public safety. As part of these obligations, states must also develop an adequate
normative framework to deter all threats to the right to life and to allow effective,
thorough and independent investigations of violations to the right to life. Both the
Commission and the Inter-American Court have determined that the duty to investigate
and punish violations to the right to life becomes essential since impunity facilitates the
continuing repetition of human rights violations and the total defencelessness of victims
and their families. However, authorities of the Northern Triangle have routinely failed in
their obligation to provide justice and redress to victims and their relatives. States are
also obligated to enact specific protection measures in cases where they have reason to
believe a particular group or person may be at risk. The duties have not been met in the
cases of protected witnesses, for example, or human rights defenders who have been
threatened or attacked.

“The common thread through all the stories of those who flee dangers at home to face the
unknown and serious risks of the journey to the US is an utter lack of trust or confidence
in authorities to protect them or bring perpetrators of violence against them to justice.
This is unsurprising considering the pervasive impunity in these countries for all crimes.
…The Inter- American Commission on Human Rights reported it had received
information that between 2010 and 2013 in Honduras only 3.7% of all murders resulted
in a conviction. During the past several years in the Northern Triangle, prosecutors,
international impunity and corruption commissions and journalists have uncovered some
of the most high-profile corruption scandals ever recorded in the region….In Honduras,
the national police force is undergoing yet another purge, resulting in the dismissal of
over 100 high-ranking police officers accused of corruption, after documents leaked to
the press appeared to reveal that police officials carried out and covered up the
executions of a prominent anti-narcotics official and prosecutor. In March 2016, Berta
Cáceres, one of Honduras’ most internationally recognized environmental and
Indigenous rights defenders and the recipient of precautionary measures from the Inter-
American Commission on Human Rights, was murdered in a high-profile case that has
not been fully investigated. The ineffectiveness of law enforcement and sluggishness of
the justice systems in the Northern Triangle make it unreasonable to assume that
someone who has received credible death threats would stick around long enough to see
if authorities follow through on a police report to investigate, let alone provide effective
protection.

“But beyond perceptions of neglect or ineptitude, people in the Northern Triangle have
also reason to fear that the same authorities who are supposed to protect them are
complicit in organized crime or are the perpetrators of abuses themselves. In most of the
cases Amnesty International investigated, victims did not file reports with the
authorities….

“In this context of rampant violence and fear, it is not hard to imagine why people would
choose to flee their countries of origin. The surge in asylum applications by people from
Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador –at levels not seen since the era of the region’s
armed conflicts– quantifies the magnitude of people fleeing the Northern Triangle
countries and seeking protection. The number of refugees and asylum-seekers that
presented new applications from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras increased from
8,052 persons in 2010 to 56,097 persons in 2015, an increase of 597% over five years. Of
the asylum-seekers who presented new applications in 2015, the majority (22,917 cases)
were from El Salvador, the smallest of the three countries with roughly six million
citizens. The numbers, a 96% increase from the previous year, represented the extent of
the crisis wrought by the truce breakdown. 16,473 applications were from Hondurans, a
106% percent increase from 2014. 16,707 Guatemalans applied for asylum, an 81%
increase. While the majority of those claims were made in the United States, UNHCR
reported a tenfold increase in applications presented in Belize, a 65% percent increase in
Mexico, a 16% percent increase in Costa Rica (176% per cent increase from 2013) as
well as significant increases in Panama and Nicaragua. The influx social malaises–
suggests that while the lure of the ‘American dream’ may still be alive, basic survival
needs are leading the citizens of the Northern Triangle countries to seek refuge wherever
they can find it. Recent studies and surveys of people from the Northern Triangle who
have migrated to other countries appear to confirm the link between the rising violence
and new communities of people on the move. A Vanderbilt University study in 2014 found
a significant link between first-hand experience of crime and intentions to migrate.

“In a statement from April 2016, UNHCR considered the current situation in the
Northern Triangle to be a protection crisis: ‘We are particularly concerned about the
rising numbers of unaccompanied children and women on the run who face forced
recruitment into criminal gangs, sexual and gender-based violence and murder”.
UNHCR advice states that asylum-seekers from El Salvador or Honduras are falling
within certain ‘risk profiles’: these are persons perceived by a gang as contravening its
rules or resisting its authority; persons in professions or positions susceptible to
extortion; victims and witnesses of crimes committed by gangs or members of the security
forces; children and youth from areas where gangs operate; women and girls in areas
where gangs operate; and LGBTI people. UNHCR advises that all these groups may be
in need of international protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention….

“The lack of recognition of internal displacement is unsurprising when viewed in the

wider context of some of these Central American governments’ insistence on minimizing
the importance of violence as a push factor for migration. Instead they choose to insist
that, as in previous decades, most people choose to leave in search of better economic
opportunities or to reunite with family members who had previously migrated. Over the
course of nearly a dozen meetings with various government officials of the three
countries, not one would fully admit to Amnesty International that violence or insecurity
was driving the increase in migration and asylum applications. While it is impossible to
establish definitively whether violence is the number one reason why people leave their
countries, Amnesty International’s research has found that violence is identified ,
increasingly as a motivating factor in the forced migration of tens of thousands of people
in these countries. Additionally, what government officials and the short survey questions
posed to people on the move often leave out is the multi-causality of migration and the
inherent interconnectedness of its push factors. Inability to meet economic demands
caused by extortion, for example, can result in direct violence…. Conditions that in
isolation may be considered ‘economic reasons’ for migration are often rooted in and
even directly caused by the targeted violence that many face in Guatemala, El Salvador
and Honduras.

In Honduras, President Juan Orlando Hernández has declared that he is working on

making the country safer. However, the rhetoric from all government ministries is clear:
now that murder rates are down, violence is no longer the foremost reason for people to
leave the country. However, murder rates are an incomplete indicator of safety in
contexts in which violence can express itself in many different forms. In these
environments, the inability to meet an extortion demand or the threat of losing one’s
child to the gangs for criminal or sexual exploitation or abuse are equally compelling
reasons to flee. And while internal displacement is prevalent, it may only serve as a
precursor to a forced migration, as domestic relocation is not always a viable alternative
in nations that are geographically small and permeated by organized gangs. The five
provinces with the highest murder rates in Honduras in 2015 were: Cortés, Atlántida
Yoro, Francisco Morazán, and Colón. Four of these were also amongst the top five
provinces of origin for deported Hondurans,72 suggesting some overlap between those
who flee the country and those who are living in highly violent areas….

(Case study:) “When Amnesty International first met with Yomara, aged 30, she was
sleeping in a different home every night in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, and sorely missing
her four children whom she had left in the care of her mother. Yomara’s life began to
unravel in July 2013, when she witnessed the beating to death of a boy by local gang
members on a street in her neighbourhood. While at first she said nothing, her
indignation that no one had been apprehended 10 months later, let her to co-operate with
prosecutors as a protected witness. The same week as two men were charged and
arrested for the crime in an unrelated case, her sixteen-year- old brother was abducted
while he was working collecting fares on the buses known as rapiditos in May 2014. He
was later found shot dead. When the investigation into his death did not advance, Yomara
decided she would look into the murder herself. After months of dogged and dangerous
investigations, Yomara said she knew who was responsible for the murder of her brother.
She had identified the hitman who carried out the killing, the price for her brother’s head
(2,000 Lempiras or roughly US$90), and a possible motive: her brother was (falsely, she
alleges) suspected of having stolen the extortion money the bus line was to pay to the
gangs. She did not go to the authorities with this information due to fear. Nonetheless,
Yomara continued to co-operate with the other investigation into the murdered boy,
hoping that her status as a protected witness would keep her safe. Even though she heard
the defence’s lawyer was making inquiries in the neighbourhood as to the identity of the
secret witness, she testified in January 2016 against the men, who were ultimately
convicted. Shortly after, she began being harassed in the street, people were hissing
‘snitch’ when she passed by and threatened to kill her. One night in May 2016,
unidentified men threw a firebomb at her house in the middle of the night, she told
Amnesty International. Yomara did not file a police report for any of these incidents. She
sought help from the local non- governmental organization that assists state prosecutors
with criminal investigations and that had organized her participation as a witness. She
said the organization offered her a small amount of money and told her to leave
Tegucigalpa for her safety but that they could not do anything more for her because the
case had been resolved and closed after the convictions. Yomara expressed her
disappointment as a protected witness in an investigation, of which she said ‘it’s not
worth it. In Honduras, for poor people there is no law... The only work the government
does is collect the corpses and deliver them to their families, nothing more. One more
case closed. One more case of impunity.’ She told Amnesty International she planned to
leave for the United States in three days’ time to seek asylum even though she knew the
journey was dangerous and uncertain. ‘I have nowhere to go. I have no stability... if I
stay here they are going to kill me, so even if the journey is very dangerous, it’s the same
thing, because in Honduras, I am not safe.’ Ten days later, Amnesty International met
Yomara in a migrants’ shelter in Mexico. She had left Honduras in a frenzy one day
earlier than planned and in the unexpected company of her adolescent nephew, who had
also found himself in grave danger due to gangs trying to recruit him. After having spent
almost all her money on bribes in Guatemala, she decided to cut her losses, her journey
and her ‘American dream’ and started asylum proceedings in Mexico. She is currently
waiting for the decision about her asylum request….
“Conclusions and Recommendations: North and Central America are facing the most
acute crisis of people on the move that the region has seen in decades. Future research
by Amnesty International will examine the dangers of the migrant journey through
Mexico and the failings of the regional response to the surge in refugee protection needs.
But an inherent part of the dilemma resides with the countries of origin, where the
governments of the Northern Triangle (Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador) are
routinely failing in their obligations to protect the people under their jurisdiction when
they flee to other countries due to violence and when they are then returned as deportees
to the same unsafe conditions.

“The gangs’ control of broad swaths of territory affects all of society and has different
impacts on different groups, such as sexual violence against women and girls, specific
targeting of LGBTI people and forced recruitment of children, especially boys. Unable to
seek protection or justice from law enforcement and criminal justice systems that are
both ineffective and often corrupt, citizens of these countries are fleeing their homes as
the only way to escape violence.

“As a new regional paradigm of immigration enforcement has taken shape, these
countries now face an influx of returned deportees, many of whom are being sent back
from other countries – mainly from Mexico and the United States – in violation of
international law that protects them as refugees. UNHCR has indicated that asylum-
seekers from the Northern Triangle countries fall within a certain risk profile: individuals
or groups persecuted by a gang due to the gang’s perception that they do not comply with
the gang’s authority; persons dedicated to specific economic activities highly susceptible
to extortion; victims and witnesses of crimes committed by gangs or members of the
security forces; children and youth from areas where gangs operate and control
territory; women and girls in areas where gangs operate; and LGBTI people. Members
of all these groups may be in need of international protection under the 1951 Refugee
Convention. In addition, regional instruments such as the Cartagena Declaration clearly
calls for refugee status for those persons fleeing generalized violence in their countries,
such as those from Central America’s Northern Triangle.

“While the immediate reception and needs of those who have been forcibly returned have
improved and social and economic reintegration programmes are taking shape, the
governments of the three countries have no comprehensive protection protocols or
mechanisms in place for the thousands of people who are being deported back to the
same conditions of violence from which they fled. The Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity
is considered by most government officials interviewed by Amnesty International as the
main strategy to address root causes of migration with the aim of increasing economic
growth and reducing organized crime. However, it is unclear how the needs of people
deported who are returned to dangerous situations are taken into consideration or that
this will help offer any real protection to those facing violence.

“The remittances that migrants living abroad send back to their home countries are
important contributions to the economies of Northern Triangle countries. Yet the states
appear largely indifferent to the suffering of the families of migrants who have gone
missing during their journeys or have been the victims of grave human rights violations
in Mexico in their efforts to reach the United States, including enforced disappearances
and gruesome massacres. Northern Triangle states have provided minimal assistance in
their search for truth, justice and reparations. The states of the Northern Triangle must
take immediate measures to ensure the safety of thousands of people whose lives are in
great danger and must be prepared to contend with deportation numbers that are
unlikely to drop substantially anytime soon. As funds from major new development plans
such as the Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity arrive that seek to stem the revolving door
of the migrant flow, concrete measures to address the protection needs of this population,
particularly those of deportees, must be made a priority.”

10. David Gagne, U.S. Investigating Criminal Ties of Dozens of Honduras Elites:
Report, 11 Oct 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/us-
investigating-dozens-honduras-elites-drugs-corruption ......................

“Nearly three dozen mayors, congressmen, judges, military officials and police officers
in Honduras are reportedly being investigated for their connections to a drug cartel, a
potentially explosive probe that could help expose the deep links between elites and
organized crime in the country.
“According to an anonymous source consulted by La Prensa, Honduran and US
intelligence officers are investigating 35 individuals, including eight mayors, nine
congressional representatives, two judges, four active military officials, three
businessmen and an unidentified number of police officers. The names of the suspects
were not released in order to avoid interfering in the ongoing probe, reported La
Prensa.
“The individuals are suspected of working with the Atlantic Cartel, a criminal
organization based in the western departments of Copán and Ocotepeque where the
powerful Valle Valle drug clan once operated, according to the source. The source also
said the Atlantic Cartel has ‘important alliances’ with the AA Cartel, which is
allegedly run by Alexander Ardón, the former mayor of El Paraiso, Copán.
“The US Embassy in Honduras announced on October 7 that the alleged leader of the
cartel, Wilter Neptaly Blanco Ruiz, is under investigation for drug trafficking and
corruption alongside seven other suspects -- including Carlos Alberto Maradiaga
Izaguirre, an official with the Honduran Armed Forces. The embassy followed that up
with an October 10 declaration that Santos Rodriguez Orellana, a captain in the
Honduran Armed Forces, was under investigation for similar charges.
“The Honduran Armed Forces announced shortly thereafter that the two captains under
investigation had been suspended. Maradiaga Izaguirre has denied maintaining links to
organized crime.
“Acccording to La Prensa, the investigation intensified following a recent attack against
several US anti-drug agents during a bilateral security operation in San Pedro Sula. The
officials were driving in an armored car when it came under heavy fire from individuals
suspected of belonging to the Atlantic Cartel….
 “Investigators have reportedly nicknamed the group of almost three dozen suspects ‘The
Pirates of the Caribbean,’ for their ability to skirt maritime and aerial controls.
According to an intelligence report, one of the members of the armed forces under
investigation is suspected of manipulating the country's radar system, which monitors the
movement of drug planes.
“Five Honduran police officers who were extradited to the United States in July on drug
and arms trafficking charges have provided information related to the case to US
authorities, according to La Prensa's source.
“Taken together, La Prensa's report and the US Embassy's statements paint a frightening
picture of the depths of corruption in Honduras. While the newspaper's report has yet to
be confirmed, it is unlikely that the embassy would have made its recent
pronouncements without credible evidence of criminal wrongdoing….
“The reports may also be a sign that the US government's patience with its Honduran
counterparts is waning. The embassy called for a thorough investigation into the murder
of prominent activist Berta Cáceres, and welcomed the arrests of four suspects in May.
But in a bizarre and embarrasing twist, reports surfaced in early October that the case
file for the activist's murder had been stolen. Two of the supects are connected to a
company that is building a dam that Cáceres was protesting, and many believe higher-
level government and company officials are complicit in the murder.
“Other indications of deep-seated elite corruption in Honduras came to the fore last year
following the arrest in Miami of Yankel Rosenthal, the scion of one of Honduras's wealthiest
and most politically connected families. The family is suspected of illicit dealings with
the Cachiros drug trafficking organization.
“And in April, the New York Times released official documents implicating 25 Honduran
police officers, including two former national police directors, in the 2009 murder of the
country's anti-drug czar. The officers are now being investigated for potentially working
with the Atlantic Cartel and Blanco Ruiz, who allegedly ordered the hit on the anti-drug
chief. But the documents suggest a systematic cover-up of the crimes that lasted for years,
the US newspaper wrote at the time….
“Honduran authorities seized over 140 properties belonging to Blanco Ruiz in 2015, but he
is believed to still be operating in the Mosquitia region of the country's northeastern coast.
“For now, La Prensa's report and the embassy's statements raise more questions than they
answer. But the ongoing investigations could peel back yet another layer of high-level
corruption in a country that continues to be beset by revelations of nefarious activity
involving elites and organized crime.”

11. Nina Lakhani, Honduras activists survive attacks months after Berta Caceras
murder, 11 Oct. 2016, available at
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/11/honduran-activists-survive-
assassination-berta-caceres .....
“Two indigenous activists in Honduras have survived separate assassination attempts
this week, seven months after their leader, the environmentalist Berta Cáceres was shot
dead in her home.

“Tomás Gómez Membreño, who took over as leader of the Civic Council of Popular
Organizations and Indigenous Peoples (COPINH) after Cáceres was murdered in
March, was driving home from the organisation’s offices on Monday night when gunmen
opened fire on his vehicle.

“Gómez, who along with Cáceres was forced into hiding in 2012 after false criminal
charges were brought against them, recently reported being followed and intimidated by
military convoys in La Esperanza where COPINH is based.

“In a separate incident, gunmen opened fired at the house of community leader
Alexander García in the early hours of Monday morning. García, the elected COPINH
leader for the community Llano Grande, Colomoncagua, was asleep at home with his
wife and two daughters when shots were fired through the door and window.

“This was the second assassination attempt against García, who has been at the
forefront of community opposition to a mining concession and two proposed dams. An ex-
military officer was detained after García was shot and injured in May. The family have
since reported further threats and intimidation, and say they have been pressured to
charges against the assailant.

“In a press release COPINH condemned the latest attacks as further attempts to silence
their opposition to mega-projects on indigenous Lenca territory.

“These latest incidents are part of a wave of violence against environmental activists
in Honduras since the 2009 coup d’état, after which the new government unveiled a
range of pro-business policies.

“As community leaders including Cáceres fought back against mining, logging and agri-
business projects, Honduras became the most dangerous country for environmental
activists, with at least 118 killed since 2010, according to the NGO Global Witness.

“In June, the Guardian reported that Cáceres’ name had appeared on a military hit-
list along with those of dozens of other activists.

“Cáceres won the prestigious Goldman Environmental Prize last year for her opposition
to one of the region’s biggest hydroelectric projects, a cascade of four dams in the
Gualcarque river basin which is sacred to the Lenca people.

“Six men have so far been detained for Cáceres’ murder but the activist’s family and
colleagues continue to demand an independent international investigation to find the
intellectual authors. The case file was stolen from the judge’s car during an apparent
common robbery last month.”
 12. Luis Fernando Alonso, Honduras extraditions hint at ongoing weakness in
judicial system, 10 Oct 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-extraditions-hint-ongoing-weakness-judicial-system .......

“Five members of the weakened Valles drug trafficking organization are facing
extradition to the United States, highlighting the Honduran government's commitment to
dismantling the once notorious trafficking group but also the ongoing weakness of the
country's judicial institutions.
“Five members of the Valles drug trafficking organization, including the group's alleged
liaison with Mexico's Sinaloa Cartel, are slated for extradition to the United
States, reported El Heraldo. Sources close the Security Ministry say the group was in
charge of many of the Valle organization's drug trafficking operations….
“[A source said that one man], Hidelgrado Gastelum García, was a liaison between
the Valles and Mexico's Sinaloa Cartel. A Mexican-Guatemalan dual national, Gastelum
García is the cousin of the infamous César Gastelum Serrano, who has been crdited with
forging the relationship between the two trafficking organizations. Gastelum Serrano
remained high on the list of most wanted drug traffickers in both Honduras and the
United States before his arrest in Cancún, Mexico in 2015.
“According to the El Heraldo's source, the group of five based themselves out of the port
city of La Ceiba, on the country's northern coast. The group's trafficking operations
occurred mostly in the departments of Colón and Gracias a Dios, particularly the remote
jungle region of La Mosquitia.
“The Honduran government's actions indicate a clear willingness to combat powerful
criminal organizations like the Valles. A joint operation in 2014 involving Honduran
special forces, the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and Guatemalan
authorities saw the capture of much of the group's top leadership, including brothers
Miguel Arnulfo and Luis Alonso Valle, both of whom were subsequently extradited to the
United States.
“However, the impending extradition of mid-level members could suggest that the
government is not confident in its own judicial system and is outsourcing judicial
proceedings to the United States. And while this may ensure that suspected criminals
are swiftly prosecuted and jailed, it does little to incentivize Honduras to strengthen its
own institutions to be able to handle these types of cases.”

13. Luis Fernando Alfonso, 81 Honduran police officers allegedly worked for
MS13 gang, 26 Sept. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/81-honduran-police-officers-allegedly-worked-for-ms13-gang .....................

“An internal investigation alleges that 81 police officers in Honduras, including high-
ranking officials, have been working for an MS13 gang leader and participated in
horrific crime sprees that include the massacre of 12 people at a pool hall.
“None of the officers in question have yet been charged for the alleged crimes. The
report says eight of the officers were active participants in the March 5 mass killing at
the pool hall attributed to the MS13, reported El Heraldo, which obtained a copy of the
investigation filed with police commanders four months ago. The massacre took
place in Comayagüela, which lays across the river from the Honduran capital,
Tegucigalpa.
“The report was drafted by the National Police's Strategic System for the Collection,
Collation, Analysis and Storage of Information (Sistema Estratégico de Recolección,
Cotejamiento, Análisis y Archivo de Información - SERCAA). SERCAA, made up of
around 253 officers, is an elite foreign-trained police intelligence unit established to
combat drug trafficking organizations.
“The group of 81 police officers listed on the report were allegedly employed by
the MS13gang leader David Elias Campell Licona. Security forces recently mounted a
raid to capture Campell Licona in the Rio Piedras neighborhood of San Pedro Sula, but
El Heraldo reported that ‘without any logical explanation, the operation turned out to be
a fiasco.’
“The officers named in the report include several National Police commissioners and
deputy commissioners. Of the 38 higher ranked officers implicated, one is currently in
retirement, 17 were dismissed as part of a recent purge managed by a civilian reform
commission, six had previously been kicked off the force, four have filed for disability but
remain on the force, one is currently suspended, eight are on active duty, and another's
whereabouts are unknown. Of the 43 unranked officers, seven have been dismissed
through the reform commission and the rest are still on active duty, reported El Heraldo.
“The National Police have long been associated with crime, corruption, and
violence in Honduras. However, this is the first time that high-level officers have been
accused of working for the violent street gangs that plague the country.
“Police have been accused of working with drug trafficking organizations in the country.
In 2016 a number of police officers were found to have been involved in high-level drug
trafficking and extradited to the United States to stand trial. Additionally, 18 of the
ranking police officials named as MS13 collaborators have been implicated in the 2010
murder of the nation's anti-drug czar and the murder of his aid two years later, reported
El Heraldo.
“Honduras in recent months witnessed unprecedented reform via the much-lauded police
purge and reform commission that dismissed more than 620 officers and referred more
than 500 of them to the Attorney General's Office for possible criminal prosecution. The
Attorney General's Office responded last week by creating a special unit to review
accusations against police.
“None of these officers has been charged despite the fact that the internal investigation
concluded four months ago and the civilian reform commission was formed back in April
amid credible allegations of hit-squads run out of police headquarters. That the reform
process has not yet passed from the political to the legal realm raises questions about
official willingness to prosecute corrupt officers. Whether the reform effort will result in
sustainable change to the dysfunctional institution remains to be seen.”

14. Mimi Yagoub, Honduras Minor Latest to Inherit Drug Empire in Latin
America? 15 Sept. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-minor-latest-heir-to-father-criminal-throne .........................
“A judge has unexpectedly released the son of a leader of Honduras' Valle Valle drug
clan, who allegedly took the reins of the family business following the capture and
extradition of the group's leaders.
“A juvenile court in the western department of Copán has released the underage son of
drug kingpin Luis Alonso Valle Valle following his arrest on suspicion of murder, El
Heraldo reported. Valle Valle's defendant stated that there was a lack of evidence ... that
the youth participated in the assassination of three people.’
“Unidentified sources told news outlet El Heraldo that the minor is currently the Valle
Valle clan's second-in-command and runs drug trafficking operations in various
locations around the country. The Valle Valle's top leaders -- brothers Luis Alonso and
Miguel Arnulfo -- were arrested and extradited to the United States on drug trafficking
charges in 2014.
“The Public Ministry (Ministerio Público - MP) announced that it will appeal the judge's
call for the temporary suspension of proceedings.
“‘We are surprised by the judge's decision,’ the MP statement reads. ‘For the first time
in a case of its kind, [the judicial official] did not admit as evidence the telephone
recordings, which demonstrate [the suspect's] participation in the crime.’
“Members of the military police and Technical Criminal Investigation Agency (Agencia
Técnica de Investigación Criminal - ATIC) detained the minor, whose identity cannot be
revealed for legal reasons, on September 9 after an arrest warrant was issued against
him. Two other people were captured in the operation in the western department of
Comayagua, and firearms were seized from the suspect's vehicle.
“Although still unverified, reports that Luis Alonso's son has taken the reins of his
father's criminal group are certainly plausible. The Valle Valle's cocaine trafficking
activities were largely a family-run operation, and the youth could be the clan's natural
successor.
“Nor would he be the first son of a powerful crime boss to follow in his father's footsteps.
The sons of Mexican drug lord Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán, Jesús Alfredo Guzmán
and Iván Archivaldo Guzmán, have both been blacklisted by the US Treasury "for their
criminal activities on behalf of their father, Chapo Guzman, and the Sinaloa Cartel."
Jesús Alfredo has been described as one of his father's right-hand men. Iván Archivaldo
was arrested in Mexico for money laundering in 2005, and later released. Both were in
the headlines recently after they were allegedly kidnapped by a rival cartel.
“El Chapo's main partner in the Sinaloa Cartel, Ismael Zambada García, alias "El
Mayo," has reportedly been preparing his sons to take over his business for years. A
number of El Mayo's children have already been arrested, and at least one has
been extradited to the United States for trafficking multiple tons of cocaine into the
country.
“Following the demobilization of the paramilitary umbrella group United Self-Defense
Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia - AUC) in the 2000s, it emerged
that sons and other relatives of extradited paramilitary chiefs were taking over a new
generation of drug trafficking organizations known as "bandas criminales," or BACRIM.
In 2009, for example, authorities arrested Hernán Giraldo Ochoa, alias "Rambo" -- the
son of paramilitary boss Hernán Giraldo Serna -- for being the second-in-command of
"Los Nevados," a trafficking group born out of his father's demobilized paramilitary bloc
in northern Colombia.
“Several sons and daughters of the Rodríguez Orejuela brothers, who ran the now-
defunct Cali Cartel, have also been accused of laundering drug trafficking profits for
their fathers. And Guatemalan kingpin Walther Overdick's son Kevin Paúl Overdick
Barrios was arrested in July 2011 at a "narco-party" on suspicion of being a member of
the Zetas criminal organization.”

15. Gabriel Samuels, Honduras mayor arrested on suspicion of paying assassins to

murder rivals, 13 Sept 2016, available at
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/mayor-honduras-assassins-
murder-organised-crime-a7247096.html ................

“A local mayor in Honduras has been arrested on suspicion of directing a number of

assassins to murder rivals and having connections to organised crime.

“Delvin Salgado, from the town of El Negrito in the north of the country, was detained at
gunpoint as Honduran police continue to tackle corruption and links to organised crime
among mayors and politicians.

“Prosecutors said Mr Salgado had been detained for ‘assassination and illicit
affiliation’, including the hiring of hitmen, and accused him of being involved in two
murders in 2013 and 2014.

“The arrest of Mr Salgado was one of over 100 raids carried out by police across the
country on the same day as a number of suspected drugs traffickers, arms dealers and
human traffickers were taken into custody.

“At least 35 of the country's mayors and deputy mayors have been investigated for illegal
activity and corruption since the police crackdown began last year.
“At the same time, over 300 senior police officials have been fired and over 10,000
investigated for suspected links to a range of crimes. …
“In January, Honduras’s President Juan Orlando Hernandez unveiled a new
international anti-corruption body to deal with criminal networks within the country’s
judicial systems.

“The Mission to Support the Fight against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras was
established after a report detailed how organised crime’s infiltration of weak and corrupt
state institutions had helped make Honduras one of the most violent countries in the
region.

“Honduras is said to have one of the highest murder rates in the world, with 60 killings
per 100,000 inhabitants every year.”
16. Erika Guevara Rosas, Honduras Still a Death Trap for Environmental
Activists Six Months After Berta Caceres Slaying, 2 Sept. 2016, available at
http://www.ipsnews.net/2016/09/honduras-still-a-death-trap-for-environmental-
activists-six-months-after-berta-caceres-slaying/ ….

“Chills ran down Tomás Gómez Membreño’s spine when he first heard about the brutal
murder of his r
enowned friend and ally, the Honduran Indigenous leader Berta Cáceres, six months ago
this week.
“A fellow environmental activist and second in command at the Popular and Indigenous
Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), Tomás feared he would be next.

“Berta’s work was widely and globally acclaimed and had earned her international
awards – if someone could violate the sanctuary of her home and shoot her dead, it was
too frightening to contemplate what could happen to any of the country’s lesser-known
human rights defenders.

“Tomás also knew the hopes to have a proper investigation and to ensure the crimes
against human rights defenders would not be repeated again were slim, in a country
where authorities rarely condone attacks on activists. …

“Six months after two armed men walked into Berta’s home one evening and murdered
her in cold blood, Honduras has become a no-go zone for anybody daring to protect
natural resources such as land and water from powerful economic interests….

“According to a recent survey by Global Witness, Honduras and neighbouring

Guatemala have the two highest rates of murders of environmental activists per capita.
An astounding 65% (122 out of 185) of the murders of human rights defenders working
on issues related to land, territory or the environment registered across the world in
2015 were from Latin America. Eight took place in Honduras and 10 in Guatemala
alone.
“Berta’s killing marked a turning point for what was already a scandalous situation.
But her tragic end was hardly surprising; it was a tragedy waiting to happen.
Months before her murder, she had reported a number of serious threats related to her
outspoken opposition of the construction of the Agua Zarca dam in the community of Río
Blanco, in north-western Honduras….

“Crimes against activists are rarely properly investigated, which perpetuate further
violence. The authorities often blame their country’s weak institutions for the shocking
injustice, but conveniently fail to ignore the fact that the absolute lack of political will to
protect and support these activists is often what puts them in mortal danger in the first
place.

After a great deal of international pressure, the Honduran government initiated an

investigation into Berta’s murder and arrested five individuals – but the process is still
marred with question marks over its fairness and impartiality. Meanwhile, members of
COPINH and Berta’s lawyers continue to be threatened and harassed.

“Tomás fears for what can happen to those linked to Berta. Other activists are so afraid
they do not even dare to speak their names in public or discuss the threats they routinely
face for protecting basic human rights.
“But they say stopping their work is not an option. They are the last line of defence – no-
one else will defend their communities and rights….

“The solutions to this profound crisis are not simple, but they cannot be ignored.

“Investing time and resources in a much-needed overhaul of the Honduran and

Guatemalan justice systems to ensure effective investigations into these crimes and
putting in place proper protection for those at risk would go a long way to prevent the
countries from losing more brave activists like Berta.”

17. teleSur, Honduras is a Giant Graveyard for Human Rights Defenders, 20 Aug
2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Honduras-Is-a-Giant-
Graveyard-for-Human-Rights-Defenders--20160820-0007.html .....
“Honduras has become one of the most hostile and dangerous countries for human rights
defenders.

“Honduras has seen at least eight human rights activists killed in 2016, making it one the
most dangerous countries in the world for human rights defenders, the United Nations
and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, IACHR, warned Friday.

“‘The government of Honduras must immediately adopt and apply effective measures to
protect human rights defenders, so they can carry out their human rights work, without
fear or threat of violence or murder,’ said U.N. Special Rapporteur on Rights Defenders
Michel Forst and the Inter-American Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders José de
Jesús Orozco Henríquez.

“In March Goldman Environmental Prize winner Berta Caceres, an Indigenous rights
and land defender who tirelessly campaigned against a widely unpopular dam, was
assassinated in her home, prompting international outrage. According to Global Witness,
at least 109 environmental defenders were killed in Honduras between 2010 and 2015.

“The experts cited previous U.N. reports which expose that human rights defenders in the
country face extrajudicial executions, disappearances, torture and other violence.

“In their statements on Friday, the U.N. experts also highlighted the dangers faced by
lawyers and prosecutors involved in cases against impunity and corruption. According to
the Honduran Human Rights Commission, 102 lawyers were murdered in Honduras
between 2010 and March of 2016.

“The most recent example includes the high-profile murder of Kevin Ferrera, a lawyer
who worked to empower citizens to denounce instances of corruption.
“We are seriously concerned that this murder was linked to Mr. Ferrera’s legitimate
work in defense of human rights, and urge the government to conduct an investigation to
bring to account both the material perpetrators and the intellectual authors of the
heinous crime,” The experts stated.

“The two high-level officials called on the government to introduce a mechanism to

ensure the safety of human rights defenders, calling for an end to judicial impunity.

“‘Crimes against human rights defenders, especially cold-blooded assassinations, must

not go unpunished. Impunity is the enemy—and the undoing—of any protection scheme in
place, no matter how comprehensive it may be,’ they said.

“According to the Honduran Human Rights Commission, 94 percent of the over 100
deaths of lawyers since 2010 have gone unpunished.

“‘Violence and attacks against human rights defenders not only affect the basic
guarantees owed to every individual. They also undermine the fundamental role that
human rights defenders play in building a society that is more equal, just and
democratic,’ they said.”

18. DW, Honduras purges one-third of its senior police officers, 18 Aug. 2016,
available at http://www.dw.com/en/honduras-purges-one-third-of-its-senior-
police-officers/a-19484636 ......................

“Honduras has fired more than 300 top cops linked to organized crime. The purge comes
following recommendations by a commission that will now turn its focus to more than
10,000 lower-ranking police officers.

“A total of 313 senior officers have been fired from the national police force of Honduras
as part of a purge that began in April, a commission charged with investigating
corruption announced late Wednesday. Before revealing its findings to the legislature,
the panel had evaluated 946 senior officers.

“Following media reports, President Juan Orlando Hernandez declared dirty cops a
‘security emergency’ and appointed the commission to accelerate a five-year police
purge. ‘El Heraldo’ and ‘The New York Times’ reported Security Ministry findings that,
commanded by drug lords, officers ordered narcotics czar Julian Aristides Gonzalez
assassinated in 2009 and former security adviser Alfredo Landaverde killed in 2011.

“Twenty-three of the officers investigated had already been suspended, and 26 others
had retired before the inquiry. In the next stage, the commission will look at more than
10,000 rank-and-file officers.

“The commission is made up of Justice Minister Julian Pacheco, former Supreme Court
President Vilma Morales, the evangelical pastor Alberto Solorzano and the civil society
activist Omar Rivera. They've found that Honduras will need to ‘implement similar purge
processes’ in other areas of the national justice system. The commissioners have also
called on officials to guarantee ‘the continuity and sustainability’ of the process of
transforming the police to an agency that serves in the interest of civil society.

“Hernandez became president in 2014, after a disputed election two months earlier. He
was the second democratically elected ruler following the 2009 coup that ousted Manuel
"Mel" Zelaya. Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state at the time and now the
Democratic vice presidential candidate, had lent verbal support to the legislature, after it
pushed for the coup, which many other world leaders - and even members of her own
diplomatic corps - considered illegal.”

19. John Taylor Ellis, Independent View: The struggle for human rights in
Honduras,18 Aug. 2016, available at
http://www.independentri.com/independents/ind/opinion/letters/article_eae63797-
7e00-5c49-aa89-e45265b0e701.html .................................
“I am just back from a Witness for Peace delegation to Honduras – an inspiring
experience. Witness for Peace is an independent, non-violent and grassroots organization
that advocates for changes in U.S. foreign policy and corporate practices in Latin
America and the Caribbean. I had visited Honduras in the late 1960s as a teenager when
my grandmother lived there for several years. I was curious to see the changes to a
country that seemed dominated by banana production along the coast and an ultra-poor
general population.

“In Honduras in July, initially our delegation met with multiple Gari’funa communities
along the Caribbean coast. These indigenous people are trying to maintain and control
their ancestral lands. The Honduran government and multi-national interests have
planned and started to develop mega-tourism resorts that threaten these communities.

“We also met with an indigenous Lenca community in the mountains who are opposing a
hydro-electric project that would change their river and lands forever – a river that is
key to their spiritual beliefs and cosmic vision. We visited the village of Berta Caceres –
the internationally known Lenca environmental and indigenous activist who led
opposition to that project – she was assassinated in her home March 3.

“These issues are distant, geographically, from problems facing Rhode Islanders, but
may not be fundamentally different. Narragansett tribal members have ongoing issues of
land, resources and rights of their community. People in Burrillville, South Providence
and statewide are questioning and opposing energy projects for environmental, health
and climate reasons. They are facing powerful development interests with government
support it appears.

“In Honduras we met with women’s groups and human rights attorneys who are dealing
with national murder rates, nearly highest per capita globally, with an impunity rate of
96 percent (meaning only 4 percent are solved) as well as massive government
corruption. Human rights leaders – be they women, LGBTQ, indigenous, journalists
(radio, print or social media), small farmers or labor leaders – have been especially
targeted: killed, beaten, threatened and forced to flee or into hiding, but many continue
to risk their lives for change.

“The Honduran military and police (including militarized units of the latter) are trained
and armed by the United States and have a poor human rights record. Armed private
security and paramilitaries work under military protection (or at least willful neglect)
especially since the military coup of 2009, supported by then Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton and the Obama administration.

“Also our delegation participated, as international witnesses/political accompaniment, at

a demonstration over new tolls on highways – people there are protesting the tolls for
their added burden on those already impoverished and as a part of a process of
privatizing the highways and other aspects of Honduran society. Finally, our delegation
met with the U.S. ambassador to Honduras and three of his staff for more than an hour
discussing these issues. There was agreement that Honduras has weak governmental
institutions.”

20. Jonathan Blitzer, Should the U.S. still be sending military aid to Honduras?,
17 Aug. 2016, available at http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/should-
the-u-s-still-be-sending-military-aid-to-honduras ........................

“When the activist Berta Cáceres was assassinated in Honduras, in March, the news was
devastating but not exactly surprising. Honduras has one of the world’s highest murder
rates, and social activists are frequently targets—more than a hundred have been killed
in the country since 2010. Cáceres, though, was someone with a significant international
reputation. Ever since she won the Goldman Prize, a high-profile environmental award,
in 2015, many had assumed that her prominence gave her a degree of protection. The
fact that it didn’t—that her killers didn’t care about any potential fallout from her
murder—was a reminder of the staggering impunity afforded to criminals in a country
where ninety-eight per cent of crimes go unsolved. In the five months since Cáceres’s
murder, two more members of the group that she led, the Council of Popular and
Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), have been killed.

“The relentlessness of the killings in Honduras has raised questions about how deeply
the Honduran state is involved in, and responsible for, the violence. For U.S.
policymakers, the death toll has also spurred a debate about whether the U.S. should cut
off military aid to the regime of President Juan Orlando Hernández. Since 2009, when a
military coup brought the key players in Honduras’s right-wing government to power, the
U.S. has given the country two hundred million dollars in police and military aid. The
money was intended to help Honduran officials combat organized crime, which—it was
hoped—would lower the number of Honduran migrants heading to the United States to
escape violence. But, instead, the money has served to prop up a government that has
increasingly used state security forces to repress dissent.

“In May, when the Honduran government arrested five men suspected of committing
Cáceres’s murder, questions about the state’s involvement only became more pointed.
Two of the alleged culprits worked for a development company called Desarrollos
Energéticos S.A., popularly known as DESA, which is one of several companies currently
building hydroelectric dams across Honduras. These projects, while supported at the
highest levels of the Honduran government, have faced fierce resistance from residents.
At the time of her death, Cáceres was working on behalf of an indigenous community
known as the Lenca, which is fighting a DESA dam in the western part of the country.
(DESA has professed ‘surprise’ at the arrest of its employees, and has said it trusted ‘that
all employees’ actions are within the law.’) Two of the other three men arrested for her
murder were with the Honduran Army—one was an active major, the other a retired
captain. Although these four men were accused of carrying out the assassination, many
suspect that they were acting under orders. ‘It begs credulity that these individuals acted
on their own,’ Tim Rieser, a longtime foreign-policy aide to Senator Patrick Leahy, told
me recently.
“So who gave the order to kill Cáceres? In June, a report in the Guardian suggested
further ties between Cáceres’s death and the military. The newspaper spoke to a recent
deserter from the Honduran Army, a twenty-year-old former sergeant who had fled the
country rather than comply with what he said was an order to kill activists. According to
him, a hit list had been distributed to two élite units of the Honduran armed forces, each
containing the names and photographs of dozens of activists targeted for execution. The
Honduran government has denied the existence of these lists, but the soldier told
the Guardian that he was ‘100% certain that Berta Cáceres was killed by the army.’ One
of the units the soldier claimed had received the hit list was a military-police hybrid force
known as FUSINA, which has received training from the U.S. Marine Corps and the F.B.I.

“Cáceres, who spent the last three years of her life in and out of hiding, said repeatedly
that the military was after her. In 2013, she told Al Jazeera, ‘The army has an
assassination list of 18 wanted human rights fighters with my name at the top.’ In the
months before her death, she reported dozens of threats to state authorities. The Inter-
American Commission on Human Rights (I.A.C.H.R.) had urged the Honduran
government to take ‘precautionary measures’ for her security. The danger she was in was
no secret.

“Earlier this summer, as allegations swirled about who was behind Cáceres’s murder, I
spoke with Maria Luisa Borjas, the former inspector general of the Honduran National
Police. Borjas spent twenty-six years working in Honduran law enforcement, and was
forced out of her post in 2003, after investigating a number of police officers suspected of
running death squads. She has been on the receiving end of death threats herself, and
when we spoke she told me she was certain her phone was tapped.

“‘Berta Cáceres was a victim of the government in association with a private company,’
she told me. ‘In this case, military officers, the material authors of the murder, were used
to eliminate the obstacle that Berta Cáceres posed to the company DESA.’ The Honduran
government has denied any involvement in Cáceres’s murder, and pledged a
thoroughgoing investigation. But Borjas told me that it has become standard practice for
the police and military to be involved in the ‘repression and killing’ of opposition
leaders, union organizers, and activists. ‘The victims tend to be people from diverse
social and economic strata. The principal characteristic they have in common is that they
represent a threat or an obstacle to governmental or business interests,’ she said.

“Members of the Honduran government aren’t simply friendly to the development

agenda of companies like DESA. DESA’s main backers were key supporters of the 2009
coup, and in its aftermath the government awarded the company its dam contract as part
of a law that granted dozens of similar concessions to other development companies
throughout the country. Several national politicians have financial stakes in some of
these companies.

“This might be one reason the government has resisted repeated calls by the U.S.,
Cáceres’s family, and regional human-rights bodies to allow for an independent,
international investigation into Cáceres’s murder. According to Tim Rieser, the
government’s intractability will be an ‘obstacle’ to future aid. The arrests in May did
little to assuage his concerns. ‘It is very unlikely that anyone would have been arrested in
her case without international pressure,’ Rieser told me.
“Last month, a group of Democratic congressmen introduced the Berta Cáceres Human
Rights in Honduras Act. In a Guardian op-ed laying out their rationale, the bill’s
sponsors said, ‘As long as the United States funds Honduran security forces without
demanding justice for those threatened, tortured, and killed, we have blood on our hands.
It’s time to suspend all police and military aid to Honduras.’ This wasn’t the first time
that members of Congress expressed concern about supporting Honduras’s newly
militarized and expanded police force. Last summer, months before Cáceres’s death,
twenty-one congressmen wrote a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry to register their
unease over complaints of human-rights violations committed by government forces that
the U.S. was helping to fund. The U.S. allocated about eighteen million dollars in aid to
the Honduran police and military in 2015; Honduras is also included in the Alliance for
Prosperity, a seven-hundred-and-fifty-million-dollar aid package for the northern
triangle of Central America.

“Last week, the journalist Sonia Nazario wrote an Op-Ed in the Times criticizing
American efforts to cut off aid money. She pointed to a number of programs in Honduras
that have benefitted from aid, and that have had an undeniable impact at a local level,
offering relief to communities beleaguered by gang violence and police corruption. But
her arguments, which center on non-military aid, didn’t address the government’s
systematic abuses. ‘There’s a great deal of evidence that the U.S. is funding violence
creation by the government on a grand scale,’ Dana Frank, a Honduras expert at the
University of California, Santa Cruz, told me. ‘Members of the Honduran élite and the
government officials they work with know quite well that the corrupt criminal-justice
system largely guarantees them impunity, and they continue to test what they can get
away with, including widespread violence by state security forces. They have a long
history of all kinds of astonishingly open criminal behavior.’

“The Berta Cáceres bill hasn’t generated enough support in Congress to have a real
chance of becoming law. But it may not matter: the State Department has to be able to
certify that the governments receiving American aid are making progress on issues like
human rights and corruption. If they’re not, the outgoing aid can be frozen. Rieser told
me that, for the moment, the State Department hasn’t approved the release of the next
tranche of aid money. Senator Leahy, meanwhile, has threatened to oppose further aid
unless the Honduran government agrees to launch an independent investigation into
Cáceres’s death. The Honduran government has still not responded to these stirrings in
the U.S., but it will need to. Berta Cáceres, as ever, looms large.”

21. Lauren Carasik, Blood in Honduras, Silence in United States, 16 Aug 2016,
available at https://bostonreview.net/world-us/lauren-carasik-blood-honduras-
silence-united-states ..............................

“Honduran indigenous and environmental rights leader Berta Cáceres, who was
assassinated by masked gunmen in the spring, had long lived under the shadow of
threats, harassment, and intimidation. The slain leader of the Civic Council of Popular
and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) was gunned down in her home in
La Esperanza on March 3 after months of escalating threats. She was killed, it appears,
for leading effective resistance to hydroelectric dam projects in Honduras, but she
understood her struggle to be global as well. For Cáceres, the fight to protect the sacred
Gualcarque River and all indigenous Lenca territory was the frontline in the battle
against the unbridled transnational capitalism that threatens her people. She felt that as
goes the Gualcarque River, so goes the planet. Her assassination sent shockwaves
through the Honduran activist community: if an internationally-acclaimed winner of the
Goldman Environmental Prize can be slain, there is little hope for anyone’s safety.

“The Agua Zarca Dam, which put Cáceres in the crosshairs, is one of many to have been
funded by foreign capital since the 2009 Honduran military coup. The ousted president,
Manuel Zelaya, had alarmed the country’s elites—and their international allies—with his
support of agrarian reforms and increased political power for laborers and the
disenfranchised. After his removal, the Honduran government courted investors,
declaring in 2011 that Honduras was ‘open for business.’ Among the neoliberal reforms
it undertook, which included gutting public services and cutting subsidies, the
government granted large mining concessions, creating a demand for energy that
heightened the profitability of hydroelectric dam projects. The aggressive privatization
initiatives launched the government on a collision course with indigenous
and campesinocommunities, which sit atop rich natural resources coveted by investors.
The ensuing conflicts between environmentalists, traditional landowners, and business
interests have often turned lethal.

“These killings have taken place in a climate of brutal repression against labor,
indigenous, and LGBTI activists, journalists, government critics, and human rights
defenders. Cáceres, a formidable and widely respected opposition leader, was a
particularly jagged thorn in the side of entrenched political and economic powers.
Miscalculating the international outcry the murder would incite, Honduran officials at
first couldn’t get their story straight: Cáceres’s murder was a robbery gone wrong,
perhaps, or internal feuding within her organization, or a crime of passion. However,
activists within and outside Honduras have successfully resisted all efforts to depoliticize
Cáceres’s killing.

“Unfortunately, Cáceres’s death was not the first violent assault on COPINH leaders,
nor has it been the last. In 2013 unarmed community leader Tomás García was shot and
killed by a soldier at a peaceful protest. Less than two weeks after Cáceres was
murdered, COPINH activist Nelson García was also gunned down, and just last month,
Lesbia Janeth Urquía, another COPINH leader, was killed. Honduran authorities quickly
arrested three people for Urquía’s murder, characterizing it as a familial dispute, but
members of COPINH dispute this. ‘We don’t believe in this [official] version,’ Cáceres’s
successor, Tomás Gómez Membreño, told the Los Angeles Times. ‘In this country they
invent cases and say that the murders have nothing to do with political issues. The
government always tries to disconnect so as to not admit that these amount to political
killings.’
“Urquía was murdered soon after an explosive report in The Guardian in which a former
member of the Honduran military said Cáceres’s name was at the top of a ‘hit list’ of
activists targeted for killing. The list, he said, was circulated among security forces,
including units trained by the United States. The Honduran government vehemently
denies these claims, despite evidence supporting many of the allegations. Cáceres had
previously said she was on a list of targeted activists. At a U.S. congressional briefing in
April, Honduran human rights activist Bertha Oliva Nativí testified that activists had not
faced such dangers since the 1980s. ‘Now, it’s like going back to the past,’ she said. ‘We
know there are death squads in Honduras.’

“After an initial investigation into Cáceres’s murder that was tainted by multiple
missteps, officials arrested four suspects, including an active member of the military, and
later detained a fifth man. But many believe that the orders for her murder were issued
higher up the chain of command, and that the government cannot be trusted to police
itself. However, state officials have refused calls for an independent international
investigation.

“Nonetheless the United States continues to send Honduras security assistance that aids
the government in militarizing the ‘war on drugs’ and enforcing the aggressive
neoliberal policies Washington favors for the region. Some American lawmakers have
been paying close attention, sending letters to the U.S. State Department expressing
concern about the role of state security forces in human rights abuses…. As the bill’s
original cosponsors argued in an op-ed in The Guardian, ‘It’s even possible that U.S.-
trained forces were involved in [Cáceres’s] death,’ since ‘one suspect is a military officer
and two others are retired military officers. Given this information, we are deeply
concerned about the likely role of the Honduran military in her assassination, including
the military chain of command.’

“As the hit list story broke, State Department spokesperson John Kirby maintained at
a June 22 press briefing that ‘there’s no specific credible allegations of gross violations
of human rights’ in Honduras. That assertion is contradicted by the State Department’s
own 2015 human rights report on Honduras, which documented ‘unlawful and arbitrary
killings and other criminal activities by members of the security forces,’ findings echoed
by the United Nations….

“This is not the first time the Obama administration has undermined human rights in
Honduras. In the aftermath of Zelaya’s removal, then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
helped cement the post-coup government. Cáceres herself denounced Clinton’s role in
rupturing the democratic order in Honduras, predicting a dire fallout. As historian Greg
Grandin told Democracy Now, ‘It was Clinton who basically relegated [Zelaya’s return]
to a secondary concern and insisted on elections, which had the effect of legitimizing and
routinizing the coup regime and creating the nightmare scenario that exists today.’ The
election held in November 2009 was widely considered illegitimate….

“Washington is again signaling to Honduras that stability and its own self-interest trump
human rights concerns. Historically the United States has been agonizingly slow to cut
 off support for repressive Latin American governments so long as they advance its
geopolitical and economic agenda. But there have been pivotal moments in history when
the tide has turned against U.S.-allied repressive states, such as the killing of Jesuit
priests in El Salvador in 1989, which spurred international condemnation of the
Salvadoran government and prompted Washington to rethink its support. The death of
Cáceres should be one of those moments. This time, Washington should act quickly to
stop its money from funding human rights abuses in Honduras before more blood is
spilled.”

22. Tristan Clavel, Honduras Police Reformers Release Details of Online

Complaints, 4 Aug 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/top-crimes-of-police-officers-according-to-online-denunciations-honduras-
police-reform-commission .........................

“The Honduras Police Reform Commission has released a first assessment of the new
online denunciation platform in its latest move to try and purge Honduras’ corrupt
police, revealing officers were most often accused of abuse of authority and drug related
faults.
“The commission has received 80 complaints against security forces personnel via the
online denunciation platform launched in June as well as other online
mechanisms, reported La Prensa. Complainants directly identified 46 police officers.
“Of the 80 accusations, 23 percent were related to abuses of authority, 17 percent were
drug related, 16 percent concerned illicit enrichment or fraud, 14 percent
regarded money laundering and another 14 percent denounced acts of extortion. The
next step will be for the Commission to transmit the complaints to the Public
Prosecutor’s Office.
“The commission has evaluated nearly 700 police officers since its creation in April, of
which nearly 40 percent have been dismissed for various wrongdoings, according to La
Prensa. The commission’s latest recommendation to the Secretary ministry (Secretaría de
Seguridad) was to discharge 20 officers, which would bring the total of purged policemen
to 300.
“The Honduran police had become gangrened by corruption to a crippling point.
Recurrent scandals have durably damaged its image, the latest leading to the extradition
of five police officers wanted for cocaine trafficking in the United States.
“There are nonetheless high expectations surrounding the commissioners work, which
seems to be rapidly bearing fruit. Commission members have already gathered evidence
of a myriad of crimes committed by police officers, including which extrajudicial killings,
drug trafficking and extortion.
“The online denunciation platform is the latest of a series of efforts aimed at ending
impunity. But as commendable as those efforts may be, it is highly uncertain that they will
succeed in durably enforcing the rule of law within Honduras’ police force due to
the structural nature of the corruption.
“As InSight Crime previously pointed out, the recently installed, internationally-backed
Support Mission Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (Misión de Apoyo Contra la
Corrupción y la Impunidad en Honduras - MACCIH) should constitute a valuable ally for
the commission, in part by trying to tackle the broader system of corruption in the country,
of which the police force is only one component.

23. Lully (translated by Danelle Hood), Yet Another Environmental Activist is

Murdered in Honduras. When Will It End?, 17 July 2016, available at
https://globalvoices.org/2016/07/15/yet-another-environmental-activist-is-
murdered-in-honduras-when-will-it-end/ ……………

“‘Lesbia Yaneth lives, the fight continues! Berta lives, the fight continues!’

“With those words, the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of
Honduras (Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares e Indígenas de Honduras,
or COPINH) concluded their statement on their blog about the murder of community
leader Lesbia Yaneth Urquía in Honduras on July 7. Her body was found in a garbage
dump; she reportedly had suffered injuries to the head.

“Her death was nationally and internationally condemned as yet another blow to the
environmentalist fight in the region. The news came at a time when the country is still
trying to recover from the loss of Berta Cáceres, the co-founder of COPINH who was
murdered four months ago.

“Authorities are investigating, and there was little mention at first of possible political
motives behind Urquía's murder. Soon after her death, however, it was revealed that an
employee of one of the businesses behind a hydroelectric project, which Urquía had
opposed, was suspected of involvement.

“The controversies are numerous and the indignation is widespread. However, beyond
the debates, Urquía's killing has once again shed light on the grave danger that
environmental and human rights activists face in Honduras.

“The conflicts between indigenous organizations, the government and multinational

companies are rooted in the use of land and rivers. Local populations complain these
resources are often exploited without their consent. The Lenca Indigenous Movement of
La Paz (Movimiento Indígena Lenca de la Paz, or MILPAH) is one of many groups that
have reported that multinational organizations have illegally obtained environmental
licenses without a prior, free consultation. That measure is stipulated in the Indigenous
and Tribal Peoples Convention (known as ILO-convention 169), a binding international
agreement signed by the government of Honduras.

“The communities affected monitor development projects to make sure they don’t
negatively impact their way of life and demand that they be involved in the decision-
making so that residents derive some benefit. They've organized protests and
blockades that hinder construction such as the hydroelectric project in La Paz to make
their voices heard.

“After Urquía's murder, COPINH accused the Honduran government of having her
blood on its hands and the military and police forces of being complicit. Likewise,
COPINH said all governmental institutions are guilty of keeping activists
under permanent threat in the interest of pushing through projects that affect the well-
being of local communities.

“The Honduran government is facing enormous pressure to do something about the

impunity that has created a breeding ground for the country's high number of murders.
As the video shared by news channel Hondured 13 demonstrates, the attendance at
Urquía’s funeral was high [see website for video].

“Environmental organizations like CENSAT Agua Viva (Living Water) called upon the
government to stop the persecution of environmental activists like Cáceres and Urquía:

“‘We repeat the demands of COPINH in search of justice so that the feminicides of
Lesbia and Berta Cáceres don’t remain in impunity. We make an urgent call to the
Honduran state asking that the pertinent investigations move forward in order to punish
those responsible for these acts and in turn, that they allow an Independent Panel of
Experts led by the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights to investigate the
murder of Berta Cáceres.

We demand that the state of Honduras put an end to the persecution and violation of
environmental activists’ human rights, expel and investigate with urgency the police and
military force members involved in crimes against them, and implement all necessary
measures to ensure the institutions comply with the obligation to protect them and to
encourage their legal work of defense.’

On Twitter, the Meso-American Initiative of Female Human Rights Activists (Iniciativa

Mesoamericana de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Humanos) visually recounted the
aggressions against environmental activists that have occurred in the region [see website
for details]…

“Throughout Latin America, environmental activists are targeted for persecution and
violence in countries like Honduras where multinational corporations have allied with
local political or economic powers, seeking to exploit natural resources.

“According to Global Witness, Honduras is ‘the deadliest country in the world to defend
the natural world,’ and according to their report ‘On Dangerous Ground,’ the numbers
are soaring worldwide…
In most cases, the murders remain unsolved. According to the organizations’ article How
Many More:
“‘Each week at least two people are being killed for taking a stand against
environmental destruction. Some are shot by police during protests, others gunned down
by hired assassins. As companies go in search of new land to exploit, increasingly people
are paying the ultimate price for standing in their way.

‘We found that at least 116 environmental activists were murdered in 2014 – that's
almost double the number of journalists killed in the same period. A shocking 40% of
victims were indigenous, with most people dying amid disputes over hydropower, mining
and agri-business. Nearly three-quarters of the deaths we found information on were in
Central and South America.

‘Globally, it’s likely that the true death toll is higher. Many of the murders we know
about occurred in remote villages or deep within the jungle, where communities lack
access to communications and the media. It’s likely many more killings are escaping
public records.’

“The organization's report “Terreno peligroso” (Dangerous Land) reported that there
were 185 deaths of activists recorded in 2015 throughout the world — 60% more in
comparison to 2014. Of these murders, 66% (122) occurred in Latin America.

“Meanwhile, other organizations like the United Nations and the European Union and
individuals on social media continue speaking out. Hondurans are left to wonder: When
will these tragedies end?”

24. Mike La Susa, Honduras Drug Trade Reorganizing after Judicial Assault:
Minister, 13 July 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-drug-trade-reorganizing-after-judicial-assault-minister
....................

“Honduran Security Minister Julián Pacheco says the country's drug trafficking groups
have begun a process of reorganization following recent arrests and extraditions of
powerful underworld players, mirroring a pattern observed in other countries across the
region.
“In an interview with La Prensa, the minister said the 2014 capture and extradition to
the United States of top members of the Valle Valle family, along with the
2015 surrender of the alleged leader of the Cachirosgroup, set in motion a realignment
of Honduras' criminal landscape and its relationship to the legal world.
“‘The capture of the Cachiros and the Valles was a blow that hit the country's economy,
agriculture, banking and institutions like the National Police,’ Pacheco said. ‘It was a
crushing blow, but as drug trafficking is a profitable business, they are seeking to rebuild
the structures anew. They are rehabilitating themselves.’
“At the same time, Pacheco indicated that the Honduran security forces are prepared for
this development….
 “Pacheco also discussed ongoing efforts aimed at combatting corruption within the
police force, including the recent extradition to the United States of several officers
accused of involvement in a cocaine trafficking conspiracy with the son of a former
Honduran president.
“Pacheco said the extradition of the officers validated the work of a special police reform
commission established earlier this year, which he heads.
“‘That the United States asked to extradite these six police is an accolade for the
commission,’ the security minister said. ‘It is tacit support, because the six were
questioned through reports from the police and from other agencies that have been
supporting us. That tells us that it was justified that these officials left the police.’
“At the time the United States announced charges against the officers, only one of them
had been removed from the force. After the US announcement, the commission quickly
moved to fire the remaining suspects.
“Pacheco's comments regarding the reorganization of criminal organizations
in Hondurasafter the downfall of leading underworld figures come as little surprise.
InSight Crime has previously noted similar patterns of
fragmentation in Mexico, Colombia and elsewhere.
“The continued functioning of Latin American criminal groups increasingly depends less on
powerful individual leaders directing large-scale, top-down operations, and more on
horizontal networks working on what Pacheco described as the ‘cellular level.’
“The security minister's claims about the police reform commission, however, raise more
questions. While the commission has indeed made substantial progress in terms of removing
corrupt and unfit officers from the force, it lacks the power to prosecute alleged crimes. And
while it may be taken as an ‘accolade’ that the US authorities are set to carry out
prosecutions of corrupt police identified by the commission, the fact that allegedly corrupt
officers are not being prosecuted within the country remains a concern.”

25. Deborah Bonello, Honduras Police Wanted for Cocaine Trafficking

Extradited to U.S., 13 July 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-police-wanted-for-cocaine-trafficking-extradited-to-us
......................

“Five of the six Honduran National Police officers indicted by the US government
for cocaine trafficking in a scheme involving the son of an ex-president have turned
themselves in and been extradited to the United States for trial.
“Mario Mejía Vargas, Carlos José Zavala, Juan Manuel Ávila, Víctor Oswaldo López
Flores and Jorge Alfredo Cruz voluntarily surrendered at the Palmerola military base
in Honduras on July 11 following a request for their extradition last week, reported
Reuters. They were swiftly flown to New York on a plane chartered by the US Drug
Enforcement Administration.
“The whereabouts of the sixth officer in the case -- Ludwig Criss Zelaya Romero -- are
unknown.
“The five extradited officers maintain they did not take bribes to facilitate the trafficking
of cocaine from Venezuela and Colombia through Honduras on its way to the United
States, as alleged in the US indictment of the six officers (pdf), reported La Prensa.
“Fabio Porfirio Lobo, the son of former Honduran president Porfirio Lobo Sosa, is one
of the drug traffickers with whom the police allegedly worked. Fabio Lobo pled
guilty last month to drug trafficking charges also brought in a US District Court in New
York.
“The indictment and subsequent extradition of the five Honduran police officers comes as
a police reform commission in Honduras works on removing corruption from the force --
a task on which substantial progress has been made so far.
“But to date, the Honduran Attorney General's Office has failed to prosecute officers
accused of serious crimes, and this week’s extradition further demonstrates the
willingness of the United States to act against criminal activities that occur
in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador when authorities of those nations fail to do so.
“For instance, last year the United States brought separate charges against three
members of Honduras' influential Rosenthal family, accused of helping launder money
for drug traffickers….
“Senator Reid introduced a bill at the end of June recommending 50 percent of
financing be withheld unless the nations in question demonstrate they are taking steps
to ‘counter the activities of armed criminal gangs, illicit trafficking networks, and
organized crime,’ as well as to ‘combat corruption, including investigating and
prosecuting government officials, military personnel, and civil police officers credibly
alleged to be corrupt.’
“The United States has proved willing to act in recent years if conditions stipulated for
the granting of aid are not met. In 2015, the US Congress withheld some of its anti-drug
funding to Mexico after the country failed to comply with certain human rights
conditions. A decision on whether 2016 funds might also be held back for the same
reason is yet to be made.”

26. Silvio Carrillo, It happened again in Honduras,11 July 2016, available at

http://fusion.net/story/324017/it-happened-again-in-honduras/ …………

“It happened again in Honduras. Another environmental activist has been murdered.
Yaneth Urquia, a 49-year-old mother of three, was a member of COPINH, an indigenous
rights group that was co-founded by my aunt Berta Cáceres, who was also murdered for
her activism.
“Authorities claim Yaneth’s murder was either a robbery gone awry, an extortion case,
and/or a family dispute. Basically anything to make it seem like it wasn’t a politically
motivated killing.

“Yaneth’s body was found near a garbage dump, with severe injuries to her head.
It seems like a horrible repeat of what happened to my aunt. Hours after Berta was killed
in her home last March, authorities claimed her murder was an attempted robbery. Then
they said it was a crime of passion, or possibly some other type of power struggle.

“None of those theories are true. Today, there are five people in custody for Berta’s
assassination, including at least one member of an elite Honduran Army battalion who
received training from U.S. forces, according to media reports. But the intellectual
authors remain free.

“Similar to my aunt Berta, Yaneth had been fighting against the construction of a
hydroelectric dam that was being built on Lenca land without their consultation or
approval. The dam project is owned by Arnoldo Castro, husband of Gladys Lopez, the
vice president of the Congress and head of the ruling National Party.

“Here are two things that weren’t reported in local and international press. Yaneth’s
murder, which happened in normally peaceful town of Marcala (population 30,000), was
the fourth to occur there in a week. And, the day Yaneth was killed, Honduran President
Juan Orlando Hernandez was in Marcala for a surprise visit—something that some
people in town saw as a sign of official intimidation by the National Party.

“Yaneth’s assassination is part of a well-documented pattern of intimidation and

harassment against those who stand up to business interests promoted by Honduras’
elite. Arnold Castro got his government concession to build the Santa Elena dam an hour
from Marcala without ever consulting the Lenca indigenous people who have lived on the
land for generations. Neither he, nor his wife, have been linked to her killing.

“Notwithstanding the fact that Honduras’ crime rate is one of the highest in the world,
the string of murders is not related to random acts of violence. They are calculated acts
of social control. An acquaintance of mine whose family lives in Marcala and is also an
activist and organizer for indigenous and environmental rights tells me her family’s
house has been shot at several times. It’s a clear message.

“Despite the overwhelming amounts of evidence of collusion and corruption within

Hernandez’ administration, the U.S. continues its unabashed support for this criminal
syndicate that calls itself a government. U.S. Ambassador James Nealon has even
told local media that the U.S. ‘is proud to work with’ President Hernandez.
Well, I am Honduran-American, and that partnership doesn’t make me proud.”

27. BBC, World Anger Over Honduras Activist Lesbia Yaneth Urquia’s Death,
10 July 2016, available at http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-
36756937 ..............................
“The UN, EU and other international organisations have condemned the murder on
Wednesday of a prominent environmental activist in Honduras.

“Lesbia Yaneth Urquia was killed four months after the shooting of award-winning
environmentalist Berta Caceres. Both women had spent years campaigning against a
giant dam.

“More than 100 people have died in Honduras in five years for opposing dams, mining,
logging and agriculture projects, human rights groups say.

“In a statement, the EU said urgent steps needed to be taken to fight impunity and protect
human rights activists.

“‘This killing as well as the climate of violence that continues to prevail over human
rights activists in the country is an extremely worrying development,’ it said.

“The body of Ms Urquia, 49, was found abandoned on a rubbish dump in the
municipality of Marcala about 160km (100 miles) west of the capital, Tegucigalpa.

“A mother of three children, she was a member of the Council of Indigenous People of
Honduras (Copinh) - the organisation founded by Caceres - and had been working to
stop a hydroelectric project in Honduras's western La Paz department.

“Copinh said in a statement on its website: ‘The death of Lesbia Yaneth is a political
femicide that tries to silence the voices of women with the courage and bravery to defend
their rights. We hold the Honduras government directly responsible for this murder.’

“Judicial officials said on Thursday they had opened an investigation into the killing.

“Violence in Honduras has increased since July 2009 when President Manuel Zelaya
was forced from power.

“A new right-wing government licensed hundreds of infrastructure projects including

mines and hydroelectric dams in environmentally sensitive areas.”

28. Annie Bird, Death Squad Revelations and the New Police in Honduras, 6 July
2016, available at http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/36710-death-squad-
revelations-and-the-new-police-in-honduras .................

“On June 21, 2015 the London-based Guardian newspaper published an article
describing the testimony of a soldier who says he deserted the army after his unit was
given an order to kill activists whose names appeared on two lists. He reported seeing
one list given to his Military Police unit that formed part of the Xatruch task force, and a
second for a Military Police unit that formed part of the National Force of
Interinstitutional Security (FUSINA) task force. The second contained the name of Lenca
indigenous leader Berta Caceres, murdered on March 3, 2016.
“On June 22 Honduran Defense Minister Samuel Reyes published a response to the
Guardian article, claiming that the Military Police did not have a seventh battalion, that
the FBI had not trained military forces in Honduras and that the TESON (Troops
Specialized in Jungle and Nocturnal Operations) training course did not have US
military trainers.
“However, the Honduran military has reported to local press that the Military Police is
in the process of creating a series of ten battalions, each with slightly under 500
soldiers. In December 2014 the military reported that the fifth and sixth battalions had
graduated, and by January 2016 it reported that there were 4,000 active Military Police,
making it clear at least eight battalions are in operation.
“The Guardian article referred to reports of training by the FBI and other US agencies
of the FUSINA joint task force in an activity Secretary Reyes himself announced in a
press conference with US Embassy personnel on May 13, 2015, as reported by AFP and
Honduran media.
“The Guardian article referred to two specialized training courses, including the TESON
course described by the soldier, with US and Colombian trainers. The US Special
Operations Command as recently as January 2016 affirmed its support of Honduran of
forces. The US Army Rangers helped create the TESON course and have reported
support since. Graduates of the TESON training course are considered the elite forces
and are spread across military units.
“On May 2, 2016 five men were arrested for Berta Caceres' murder, including Major
Mariano Diaz Chavez. A special-forces officer, Major Diaz participated in joint US-
Honduran military operations in Iraq, and a multilateral peacekeeping operation in the
Sahara, and is reported to have graduated from the TESON special-forces training
course. Major Diaz was a Military Police for Public Order [PMOP] instructor based in
Tegucigalpa. There are two bases in Tegucigalpa which have been used for PMOP
training, the base in La Venta and the base in Tamara. In the three weeks prior to
Mariano Diaz Chavez's arrest, the 53rd Brigade of the Florida National Guard
conducted training operations with soldiers and the TIGRES police unit on the base in
Tamara, potentially working with Major Diaz.
“When the Central American Regional Security Strategy of the System for Central
American Integration (SICA) was announced in April 2011, the Inter-American
Development Bank and US State Department announced creation of a "Group of
Friends" of the initiative. From this time forward, a program of counter-insurgency
policing began to be implemented in Honduras, coupling the creation of "stabilization"
police forces—FUSINA, the elite force TIGRES and the Military Police -- with so-called
"community policing", the stated goal of the constantly failing police reform efforts.
“On August 24, 2013 the law creating the Military Pollice for Public Order (PMOP) was
published, authorizing a military force of up to 5,000 soldiers dedicated to civilian
policing. Upon passage of the PMOP law, the National Defense and Security Council
(CNDS) created the FTCCI, and in February 2014 the CNDS created the National Force
for Interinstitutional Security (FUSINA). The law mandated the Military Police to
operate as part of the Combined Interinstitutional Joint Task Force (FTCCI), with
embedded judges with national jurisdiction, a figure created in June 2011.
“The PMOP law, along with a February 2014 amendment, allows these judges to preside
over proceedings via internet from undisclosed locations even outside of the country. It
also allows them to enter and leave the country bypassing normal immigration processes.
“Just weeks before the creation of PMOP, Congress passed the legislative proposal
creating the elite TIGRES police unit. It mandated the new unit to operate with the
Honduran military as part of inter-agency task forces. The TIGRES law, passed in June
2013, was the second TIGRES proposal. The first proposal failed to pass congress in
2012 under heavy criticism that it was a revival of the counterinsurgency death squads
from the 1980s.
“The failed 2012 version amalgamated military and police into a hybrid, carabinero/
gendarmerie-style security force, whose command could shift between civil and military
authorities. This proposal met with strong opposition, despite announcements that a $65
million loan from the Inter-American Development Bank would be dedicated to
supporting the creation of the new force.
“The response was apparently to divide the proposal into two new agencies, bound to act
together via inter-agency task forces -- what is today the TIGRES of the National Police,
and the PMOP on the military side.
“Over the past three years the Honduran Military has conducted a series of training
courses to create Military Police battalions, with the stated goal of establishing 10
battalions with a total of 5,000 soldiers throughout the country, each specialized in
different operational capacities. The First and Second Battalions, trained in late 2013,
specialize in intelligence operations. In January 2013 it was reported that a total of 4,000
PMOP were in operation.
“FUSINA has also grown quickly. Just two years after its creation, it mobilized
11,000 military, police and other agents in a Holy Week security operation. In June of
2016, the total size of the Honduran National Police forces was 14,500 agents, though
plans were announced to reduce that force by 5,500.
“The planned National Police purge, the latest in a series of failed police reform
initiatives since 2011, is under the guidance of a police reform commission, made up of
four individuals, including the current Minister of Security and former commander of
FUSINA, Julian Pacheco, and lawyer Vilma Morales.
“The commission lacks legitimacy. In addition to the current scandal surrounding
FUSINA, respected police reform advocate and former Chief of Internal Inspections of
the National Police, Maria Luisa Borjas, claims Morales made a deal with former
Minister of Security Oscar Alvarez to bury a case against former police chief Juan
Carlos Bonilla who was facing charges of running a death squad. She was an acting
Supreme Court Magistrate at the time.
“So-called ‘stability operations’ in Honduras will not solve the problems of poverty and
violence whose effects spill over into the United States. Honduras is not in ‘a transition’;
rather Honduras has an entrenched and increasingly militarized political and economic
system that uses institutionalized corruption to control resources for the benefit of a
small, violent, ruling class whose hold on power was clenched in a military coup seven
years ago.
“Only a strong justice system can dismantle this system, yet the State Department is not
supporting efforts to reform the justice system that the Honduran government refuses to
accept, like the offer by the Inter American Commission on Human Rights to sponsor an
independent group of experts to investigate the murder of Berta Caceres.
“But even the strongest efforts for justice system reform cannot combat the root problems
unless the actors that enable it, including the US government that continues to fund
abusive security forces and international business interests that benefit from public funds
channeled to them by development banks like the World Bank, Inter-American
Development Bank and Overseas Private Investment Corporation, cease to reward the
repression and corruption.
“Until this happens, real community policing efforts will continue to fail, and stability
policing agencies will continue to be tools of repression to enforce the interests of the
corrupt economic elite that Berta confronted.”

29. Luis Fernando Alonso, Report Says Justice System Facilitates Corruption in
Honduras, 1 July 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/current-system-facilitating-corruption-in-honduras ..........................

“Corruption cases in Honduras rarely target high-level officials or result in prison

sentences, indicating an ineffective and overly bureaucratic system that allows corrupt
officials to act with relative impunity, a new report shows.
“The report [in Spanish] released June 28 by the Association for a More Just Society
(Asociación para Una Sociedad Más Justa - ASJ) says that the Honduran Attorney
General's Office received 3,471 corruption complaints between 2008 and 2015, but only
283 were presented to the court.
“ASJ analyzed 110 of those cases and found only one conviction that entailed a jail term;
a police officer sentenced to seven years and six months for bribery.
“The report says 56 percent of cases resulted in alternative sentencing that entailed no
jail time, little to no restitution, and allowed the offender to return to public service
without any criminal record. Another 27 percent of the cases resulted in what ASJ
described as ‘impunity,’ meaning they were unresolved after more than three years. A
guilty verdict was handed down in only 17 percent of the study cases, or 9 in total.
“The report noted that few of the defendants were high-level officials and that
prosecutions focused on petty corruption rather than more serious cases.
“Jan-Michael Simon, chief advisor of the Support Mission Against Corruption and
Impunity in Honduras (Misión de Apoyo Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad
en Honduras - MACCIH), said at the report's unveiling that he was surprised that the
 most serious cases -- those involving embezzlement of public funds, falsification of
documents, illegal enrichment and bribery -- have been resolved through conciliation.
“‘These circumstances are unacceptable in a state of law,’ Simon said. ‘There is a perverse
logic at work here. The logic here is not to have a speedy process that is cost effective and
focused on the big corruption cases, but rather one of procedural resolutions with no
payment for the damage that has been done.’
“The ASJ report said Honduras' system for dealing with corruption was hampered by a lack
of coordination between the responsible government institutions, with each operating under
distinct legal frameworks, objectives and leadership prerogatives. The institutions most
often involved in corruption cases were national entities that handle extensive resources and
provide basic public services, including the Ministry of Security and the country's tax
agency.
“ASJ has revealed a criminal justice system which lacks a cohesive plan to combat
corruption and where bureaucratic inefficiency is systemic. These failings allow high-level
corruption to occur with relative impunity, while low-level offenders are paraded through
the court system to create the appearance of justice being served.
“The report highlights bureaucratic barriers, allocation of limited resources, limited
capacity and a lack of shared vision among leaders; in other words, a lack of political will.
Observers, and the OAS-backed support mission itself, hope that MACCIH can
help Honduras overcome this inertia and implement the comprehensive reform and targeted
investment needed to to stop high-level corruption.”

29. Sean Tjaden and Dan Alder, Honduras Police Reform Commission Finds Moe
Crimes, 29 June 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-police-reform-commission-finds-more-crimes ..................

“A member of a commission set up to purge Honduras' National Police said the reform
effort has found more evidence of hit squads and other criminal enterprises within the
law enforcement agency, but it will be up to the courts to bring those cases to justice.
“Omar Rivera, a member of the Special Commission for the Purging and Reform of the
National Police, told La Prensa the commission had found police linked to ‘networks
dedicated to killing, robbery, extortion, to protecting drug traffickers, and to joint action
with gangs that have harmed the population.’
“The reform effort began in April with the review of top-level police officers, including
former directors and police commissioners, and has proceeded to the review of sub-
commissioners. Rivera told La Prensa that 40 percent of 152 mid-ranking officers would
be purged from the institution. That is about the same percentage of top-ranking officers
who were kicked off the force.
“Although the commission has detected extensive police involvement in crime, Rivera
said its work was administrative and ended with the officers being stripped of their
badge, uniform and service weapons, and being removed from the force. Anything
beyond that, he added, was up to the Attorney General's Office.
“Members of the commission, which was formed at the behest of President Juan Orlando
Hernández, have persisted in their work despite being subjected to a steady stream of
death threats.
“President Hernández announced the commission's formation shortly after old police
investigation files implicating top police brass in high profile murders were leaked to the
local press. The files implicated top officers in planning and directing the 2009 murder
of Honduras' anti-drug czar Julián Arístides González, as well as his deputy Alfredo
Landaverde. González's killing was allegedly a murder-for-hire paid for by a drug
trafficker.
“The Guardian reported this month that the Honduran military has also been implicated
in death squad activity. First Sergeant Rodrigo Cruz told the publication that he had seen
murdered environmental activist Berta Cáceres' name on a hit list circulated to US-
trained special forces units of the Honduran military.
“Central American security forces have been accused of a long list of human rights
abuses, stretching back to Cold War conflicts in the subregion and beyond. The failure of
justice systems to hold anyone accountable for those crimes is part of the reason modern
Central American soldiers and police enjoy such a high degree of impunity.
“An apparent lack of judicial action in the Landaverde and González murders is an
indication that the impunity will continue despite the police reform in Honduras.”

30. AP, Ex-Honduras President’s Son and Police Allegedly Conspired to Bring
Drugs to the U.S., 29 June 2016, available at
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jun/29/honduras-police-charged-
importing-drugs-porfirio-lobo-sosa-son ......................

“Six Honduran national police officers have been charged with conspiring with the son
of a former Honduran president to import drugs into the United States.

“US attorney Preet Bharara in Manhattan announced the charges, saying the officers
were accused of participating ‘in a massive drug trafficking conspiracy’ that flooded US
cities with cocaine. None of the officers are in custody.

“Bharara said the officers agreed from 2004 to 2014 to ensure the safe passage of tons of
cocaine through the jungles of Honduras to the US by capitalizing on bribes to public
officials along with leaked information about investigations and law enforcement
checkpoints.

“Prosecutors said the defendants were members of the Policia National

de Honduras when they supported Lobo’s drug activities. They said Lobo in June 2014
introduced two individuals he understood to be Mexican drug traffickers to the six
defendants as he tried to provide security and logistical support for a purported multi-ton
shipment of cocaine that he thought would bring him more than $1m in profits.

“Prosecutors said the officers displayed a map of Honduras at the meeting and pointed
out law enforcement checkpoints and the route the cocaine should take. They said each of
the officers agreed to accept a $100,000 bribe and to pay their subordinates $200,000 in
additional bribes to provide armed security for the cocaine as it made its way to the US.

“In May, the son of former Honduran president Porfirio Lobo Sosa pleaded guilty to
conspiring to import cocaine into the US.”

31. Alex Emmons, State Dept Turns Blind Eye to Evidence of Honduran
Military’s Activist Kill List, 23 June 2016, available at
https://theintercept.com/2016/06/23/state-department-turns-blind-eye-to-
evidence-of-honduran-militarys-activist-kill-list/ ….

“ST AT E DEPART MEN T SPO K ESPERSON John Kirby on Wednesday

repeatedly denied that the government of Honduras kills its own citizens, saying more
than a dozen times that he has not heard ‘credible evidence’ of ‘deaths ordered by the
military.’

His comments came in the wake of a high-profile assassination of Honduran native-

rights activist Berta Cáceres in March, and a report in the Guardian that a high-level
deserter from the Honduran army said he is ‘100 percent certain that Berta Cáceres
was killed by the [Honduran] army.’

“The deserter explained that Cáceres’s name and picture appeared on a kill list
including ‘dozens of social and environmental activists,’ which had been distributed to
two elite, U.S.-trained units.

“Since Honduras’s right-wing regime seized power in a coup in 2009, media and
human rights organizations have compiled overwhelming evidence of Honduran
military and police violence.

“Kirby said he was aware of ‘media reports alleging the existence of a Honduran
activist hit list,’ but noted that ‘at this time, there’s no specific, credible allegations of
gross violations of human rights that exists in this or any other case involving the
security forces that receive U.S. government assistance.’

“Kirby’s comments were even at odds with the State Department’s own human
rights reports on Honduras, which for the last two years have referred to ‘unlawful and
arbitrary killings and other criminal activities by members of the security forces.’

“The U.S. maintains a very close relationship with Honduran military. Since a military
coup deposed leftist President Manuel Zelaya in 2009, the United States has provided
nearly $200 million in military aid to the Central American nation. The U.S. also
maintains a network of at least seven military bases in Honduras, which house a
permanent force of more than 600 special operations troops. In February, the Wall
Street Journal published a video showing American forces teaching Honduran forces
how to conduct night raids….

“Officially linking U.S.-backed Honduran forces with human rights violation would
trigger legally-required reductions in aid – in addition to putting the State Department
in the uncomfortable position of criticizing a client state, and casting doubt on
Clinton’s wisdom in backing the coup.

“After The Intercept asked Kirby to respond to the report that the U.S. trained
Cáceres’s killers, he repeatedly denied the existence of ‘specific, credible allegations.’

“After other reporters joined in the questioning, Kirby expressed frustration that he
had repeat that there was ‘no credible evidence’ of state murders more than a dozen
times. ‘The reason you’re being asked to repeat it is because it’s kind of hard to
believe,’ said Associated Press diplomatic correspondent Matt Lee.

“Kirby also refused to outline the steps the U.S. was taking to follow up on the
allegation. He insisted that the State Department took the report ‘seriously,’ but
admitted that he was ‘unaware’ of any meetings between the Department and
Honduran activists, and that the department had not followed up with The Guardian.

“CNN’s Elise Labott asked: ‘Have you been looking for evidence or you’re just waiting
for it to fall into your lap, in which case you would launch an investigation?’ Kirby
insisted it was the former.

“The murder of Cáceres – a renowned environmental and native rights activist –

drew international condemnation and prompted a U.N.-
supportedinvestigation. Cáceres won the prestigious Goldman Prize in 2015 for
overcoming death threats and organizing opposition to the Agua Zarca dam – stopping
the internationally bankrolled hydroelectric project that threatened the land and
livelihood of the native Lenca people.

“Since 2009, Honduras has seen a sharp rise in political violence. By 2012, Honduran
security forces had assassinated more than 300 people, including 34 opposition leaders
and 13 journalists, according to Honduran human rights organizations. In the lead up
to the 2013 elections, 18 candidates from Zelaya’s party were murdered.

“The A.P. reported in 2013 that in Honduras’s largest two cities, there were more than
200 ‘formal complaints about death squad style killings’ over the previous three years.
Reports included the killing of people at military checkpoints, and even
police assassination of a top anti-drug government official.

“In 2014, more than 100 members of Congress signed a letter to Secretary of State
John Kerry, raising concerns about ‘death-squad style killings by Honduran police’
and urging him to abide by the Foreign Assistance Act, which prohibits aid to any
military unit guilty of ‘gross violations of human rights.’

“In the wake of Cáceres’s murder, Honduran human rights activists have traveled to
D.C. to brief lawmakers about the security situation. At a congressional briefing in
April, Bertha Oliva, founder of the Committee of Relatives of the Disappeared in
Honduras, told lawmakers that ‘it’s like going back to the past’ and that ‘there are
death squads in Honduras.’ Oliva compared the situation to the 1980s, when the
Reagan administration funded, armed, and trained death squads which disappeared,
tortured, and killed hundreds of citizens.

“At the briefing on Wednesday, the A.P.’s Lee asked Kirby how much responsibility the
U.S. would share if it were true that it had trained Honduran government death squads.

“‘We absolutely have a responsibility to … hold them to account for those human rights
abuses, and we do do that,’ said Kirby. ‘Are we going to blame ourselves for the
specific human rights violations of another human being in that regard? That’s a pretty
difficult connection to make.’

“While the State Department turns a blind eye to the Honduran government’s human
rights record, Congress may restrict military aid on its own. Under appropriations
laws, Congress can withhold 50 percent of its Honduras aid budgeted for the State
Department. Last week, Rep. Hank Johnson, D-Ga., also introduced the Berta Caceres
Human Rights in Honduras Act, which would cut off all military and police aid until the
government’s human rights record improves.

“Dana Frank, a history professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz, and a
widely published expert on Honduras, called Kirby’s remarks “mindboggling.”

“‘What State is saying sounds exactly like the Reagan Administration, when the State
Department denied vast horrors committed by Honduran security forces for years, only
to be later exposed for having known all about them and suppressed the evidence,’ said
Frank. ‘This denial of any evidence is a scary and newly aggressive counterattack.’”

32. Sean Tjaden, Honduras Police Reform Commission Reports Death Threats, 23
June 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/honduras-police-
reform-commission-reports-death-threats ..................

“Members of a commission established to purge Honduras’ National Police reported

receiving increased death threats just hours after three police generals were kicked off
the force on the commission’s recommendation.
“Alberto Solórzano, a pastor and member of Honduras' Special Commission for the
Purging and Reform of the National Police, told local media on June 21 that the
increased number of death threats he’s received prompted him to take his family out of
the country to ensure their safety.
 “Carlos Hernández, an adviser to the commission and president of the Association for a
More Just Society (Asociación para una Sociedad Más Justa -- ASJ), has also taken his
wife and children out of Honduras, reported El Heraldo. He told the newspaper that
others working with the commission have done the same.
“Solórzano’s statement came on the heels of his commission's announcement that three
former National Police directors -- José Ricardo Ramírez del Cid, Juan Carlos Bonilla
Valladares and Ramón Antonio Sabillón -- had been purged from the force.
“The commission was formed at the behest of President Juan Orlando Hernández shortly
after old police investigation files implicating top police brass in high profile
murderswere leaked to the local press. The files implicated Ramírez del Cid and other
high-level police officials in the 2009 murder of Honduras' anti-drug czar Julián
Arístides González.
“The files also implicated top police officials in the 2011 murder of González’s one-time
adviser, Alfredo Landaverde. Both men were outspoken critics of police involvement in
organized crime, especially drug trafficking.
“The commission has accomplished a lot in two months, especially given that it has no
official budget and has received limited government support. It dismissed, suspended or
accepted the resignation of about 40 percent of the 272 high-ranking officers it has
evaluated so far.
“Given their reputation for corruption, and the impunity from prosecution that Honduran
police have long enjoyed, it is not surprising that individuals or groups are resorting to
intimidation in an attempt to block the commission's work. It's members began reporting
threats shortly after they were sworn in.
“The effort to reform the police comes as the internationally-backed Support Mission
Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (Misión de Apoyo Contra la Corrupción y la
Impunidad en Honduras - MACCIH) is just getting off the ground. The body will be charged
with assisting in politically sensitive corruption cases.
“If the threats against those tasked with purging the police are any indication, MACCIH is
likely to encounter staunch opposition as it tries to help Honduras root out corruption and
uncover links between Honduran elites and organized crime groups.”

33. Nina Lakhani, Berta Caceres’ Name on Honduran Military Hitlist, Says
Former Soldier, 21 June 2016, available at
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jun/21/berta-caceres-name-honduran-
military-hitlist-former-soldier .......................

“Berta Cáceres, the murdered environmental campaigner, appeared on a hitlist

distributed to US-trained special forces units of the Honduran military months before her
death, a former soldier has claimed.
“Lists featuring the names and photographs of dozens of social and environmental
activists were given to two elite units, with orders to eliminate each target, according to
First Sergeant Rodrigo Cruz, 20.

“Cruz’s unit commander, a 24-year-old lieutenant, deserted rather than comply with the
order. Cruz – who asked to be identified by a pseudonym for fear of reprisal – followed
suit, and fled to a neighbouring country. Several other members of the unit have
disappeared and are feared dead.

“‘If I went home, they’d kill me. Ten of my former colleagues are missing. I’m 100%
certain that Berta Cáceres was killed by the army,’ Cruz told the Guardian.

“Cáceres, an indigenous Lenca leader who won the prestigious Goldman Environmental
Prize in 2015 for a campaign against the Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam, was shot dead
in her home in March. Before her murder, she had reported 33 death threats linked to the
campaign and had warned international human rights delegates that her name was on a
hitlist.

“According to Cruz, Cáceres’s name appeared on a list given to a military police unit in
the Inter-institutional Security Force (Fusina), which last summer received training from
300 US marines and FBI agents.

“Five men have been arrested for her murder, including Maj Mariano Díaz Chávez, an
active-duty major in the Honduran army. Díaz had previously participated in joint US-
Honduran military operations in Iraq, and is reported by local media to be a graduate of
the elite Tesón special operations course which is partly taught by US special
forces. Diaz was a military police instructor when arrested, but has since been given a
dishonourable discharge.

“Annie Bird, director of the group Rights and Ecology which documents human rights
abuses in Honduras, said: ‘Cruz’s testimony suggests death squads are targeting
political opposition, but the justice system is so broken, and directly controlled by figures
implicated in corruption, that there is no one [in Honduras] who can credibly
investigate.’

“The Guardian interviewed Cruz several times by telephone and video call, and spoke
with several people – academics, community leaders and activists – who have
interviewed Cruz and confirmed his identity and military background.

“Cruz enlisted in the army in December 2014, and after three months of basic training,
was transferred to the 7th Battalion of the military police, which was created in 2013 to
replace a civilian police force mired in allegations of corruption and abuse.

“He completed two gruelling specialist training camps, including the Tesón course,
where he received instruction from foreign military advisers including Americans,
Colombians and instructors who spoke a foreign language which Cruz could not identify.
Last year, the Tesón course became the subject of intense controversy when footage
emerged showing a trainee being forced to eat the head of a dog.

“During his training, Cruz was hospitalized twice with dehydration, but he completed the
course and in October last year, Cruz and 15 other men from his battalion were picked to
serve in the Xatruch taskforce – one of two multi-agency forces in Honduras deployed on
specialist counter-narcotics and anti-gang operations.

“The Xatruch force covers the Caribbean coast, which has become an important way
station for drug cartels smuggling cocaine from South America to the US. The second
taskforce, Fusina, operates nationwide.

“In mid-December, Cruz’s commander gathered his subordinates after a Tuesday

evening football match and showed them several sheets of paper with names,
photographs, addresses and phone numbers of each target. One list was assigned to their
unit; the second to a similar unit in Fusina.

“‘The lieutenant said he wasn’t willing to go through with the order as the targets were
decent people, fighting for their communities. He said the order came from the joint
chiefs of staff [and] he was under pressure from the Xatruch commander to comply,’
Cruz said. A few days later, the lieutenant left the base and has not been seen since.

“It was not the first time Cruz had seen the lists. A few weeks earlier in Punta Piedra, a
town on the Caribbean coast, similar sheets of paper had fallen out of his commander’s
vest in the jeep which Cruz drove.

“‘I only had them in my hand for 20 or 30 seconds but I recognised some faces as leaders
from the Bajo Aguán [region]. I didn’t say anything,’ Cruz said.

“The Bajo Aguán region – where the Xatruch taskforce is based – has been the setting
for a string of violent land disputes between powerful palm oil magnates and local
farmers. More than 100 people, mainly peasant activists, have been killed, many at the
hands of state or private security forces.

“Among the names on the hitlist seen by Cruz was that of Juan Galindo, an activist who
had fled the region after receiving threats, but was murdered in November 2014 after
returning home from exile to visit his sick mother.

“Cruz also recognised Johnny Rivas and Vitalino Álvarez, high-profile members of the
United Peasant Movement (Muca). Both men were among 123 activists in the Bajo
Aguán named by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in 2014 as
requiring urgent protective measures.

“Álvarez, 52, who has survived four assassination attempts since 2010, said: ‘There’s
been a systematic strategy to eliminate the most belligerent social leaders. Since they
killed Berta, the rumours are I’m now top of that list.’
“Human rights groups have condemned US support for Honduran security forces amid
mounting evidence implicating police and military in systematic abuses. In April,
activists warned Congress that death squads were targeting opposition activists, much
like they did during the “dirty war” in the 1980s.

“The US has given Honduras an estimated $200m in police and military aid since
2010 as part of its efforts to stem organised crime and undocumented migration,
according to defence and state department figures. In addition, Honduras shares the
$750m Alliance for Prosperity fund approved by Congress last year for Central
America’s violent Northern Triangle.

“Both aid packages include human rights conditions, but neither has been restricted,
even though the state department’s most recent human rights report says that ‘unlawful
and arbitrary killings and other criminal activities by members of the security forces’
remain one of the country’s most serious problems.

“Neither the Honduran defence ministry nor the US state department responded to
repeated requests for comment by the Guardian.

“After Cruz’s lieutenant deserted in mid-December, the other members of his unit were
redeployed separately. Cruz worked for about 10 days with the commander of the
Xatruch taskforce.

“During this brief deployment, Cruz said he was woken up in the middle of the night to
transport black plastic bags to the River Tocoa, in Bajo Aguán, where colleagues
emptied out human remains over the bridge.

“He also described seeing a ‘torture room’ near a military installation in the town of
Bonito Oriental. ‘I didn’t see anyone but there was fresh blood, a hammer, nails, a chain
and pliers in the room.’

“Shortly afterwards, Cruz and his colleagues were all sent on extended leave. Now
increasingly anxious for his own safety, Cruz fled, crossing the border illegally as his
identification documents were still with the army. He is now in hiding and his family have
reported that military policemen have questioned their neighbours over his whereabouts.

“Lauren Carasik, director of the International Human Rights Clinic at Western New
England University, said the US must stop turning a blind eye to the lawlessness.

“‘This is disturbing smoking-gun evidence which reinforces calls that the US must
withdraw military aid from Honduras where there’s been a bloodbath since the 2009
coup.’

“Violence in Honduras increased dramatically after a military-backed coup in July 2009

forced President Manuel Zelaya from power. Environmental campaigners bore the brunt
of the repression after the new rightwing government licensed hundreds of mega-
projects, including mines and hydroelectric dams in environmentally sensitive areas. At
least 109 activists were murdered between 2010 and 2015, making Honduras one of the
world’s most dangerous countries for environmental defenders.

“A growing number of US politicians have expressed concern over the situation….

“Cáceres’s daughter, Bertita Zúñiga, said Cruz’s testimony strengthened the family’s
calls for an independent international investigation to find the intellectual authors.

“‘This shows us that death squads are operating in the armed forces, which are being
used to get rid of people opposing government plans. It shows us that human rights
violations are state policy in Honduras.’”

34. Mike LaSusa, Breaking precedent, Honduras police reform makes progress,
17 June 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/honduras-
police-reform-commission-making-progress-members-say ..........

“A two-month old police reform commission in Honduras has already made significant
progress toward cleaning up the country's notoriously troubled law enforcement
institutions, commission members say.
“At a June 16 event in Washington, DC hosted by the Woodrow Wilson Center, members
of Honduras' Special Commission for the Purging and Reform of the National Police
spoke about their ongoing efforts to root out corruption in the force, as well as some of
the challenges they face moving forward.
“The special commission was formed in early April through a legislative measure
introduced by President Juan Orlando Hernández and approved with broad support in
the Honduran congress. The commission was created following revelations indicating top
officials in the National Police had participated in a plot that led to the 2009 murder
of Honduras' top anti-drug official.
“The legislation (pdf) assigned a time frame of 12 months for the special commission to
complete its mandate, which includes assessing the suitability of police officers and
making recommendations for structural reforms to ensure the integrity of the force.
“Several participants at the Wilson Center event emphasized the importance of the
commission's top-down approach to purging the police. The commission plans to review
the entire police structure, starting with its highest-ranking officials.
“According to a presentation (pdf) given by commission secretary Jorge Machado, the
body has evaluated the 272 highest-ranking members of the police, and it has dismissed,
suspended or accepted the voluntary resignation of 110 of those officers -- about 40% of
those under review.
“However, those who remain on the force have not been given a ‘blank check,’ said
Machado.
 “‘They are going to continue to be evaluated, both with confidence tests and being
subject to public scrutiny,’ he said, referring to a new platform called
‘Honduras Denuncia’ that allows citizens to report police misbehavior directly to the
special commission.
“In situations in which officers are removed from their positions for alleged crimes, the
commission plans to refer those cases to other authorities….
“‘We have to create a mechanism so that the police that are coming out of this institution
are not a danger to the public,’ added fellow commission member Vilma Morales.
“Carlos Hernández, who serves as an advisor to the commission, echoed Morales's
point, calling for the Attorney General's office to create a special unit to handle cases of
officers removed from the force….
‘There is no possibility of successful reform if there is not a purging process first,’ Rivera
said. ‘Because that only feeds the monster, to be investing resources, to be promoting
processes that strengthen the capacities of an organization consisting of people who are
not suitable.’
“Additionally, the participants stressed the importance of successful police reform in
light of the complex security challenges facing Honduras….
“Security Minister Julian Pacheco, who is also head of the commission, said that
reforming the police would also allow the military to step back from
their controversial involvement in public safety operations….
“Although the special commission has only been operational for about two months, and
despite the fact that it has no official budget, it has arguably already achieved more
than Honduras' past several police reform efforts combined. As Machado pointed out in
his presentation, other purges in recent years -- which received millions of dollars in
funding -- focused solely on removing lower-ranking members of the police. And despite
evaluating thousands of officers, only a relatively small handful were actually separated
from their positions.
“It is important to note, however, that Honduras will continue to face challenges related
to its police reform efforts going forward. One important question is how authorities will
replace the officers who have been dismissed from the force.
“According to documents distributed to attendees at the Wilson Center event, the
Honduran government is planning to train more than 22,000 new police agents over the
next six years. Taking into account the ongoing purge and normal attrition rates, that
initiative is expected to nearly double the current number of officers on the force, from
around 14,000 to more than 26,000 by 2022.
“Unsurprisingly, this ambitious recruitment and training effort will be expensive; the
government estimates it will raise the total expenditures of the Security Ministry by $359
million, a 129 percent increase over the 2016 budget. Moreover, other examples of similar
hiring initiatives following police purges have demonstrated that finding and retaining
qualified candidates is often more difficult than it may first appear.
“Also, as the commission members acknowledged, the body's independent authorities are
limited. It can only investigate, not prosecute, cases of police corruption. The commission
will have to rely on the cooperation of Honduran judicial officials, who may be politically
disinclined to pursue certain cases.
“Nevertheless, the special commission's track record so far suggests that the Honduran
government is taking this iteration of police reform seriously. If the effort ultimately proves
successful, it could provide a model for other countries in the region seeking to improve
their public safety institutions.”
35. FIAN International, Honduran state policies erode economic, cultural and
social rights, 7 June 2016, available at
http://www.fian.org/en/news/article/honduran_state_policies_erode_economic_cu
ltural_and_social_rights/ ……………………..

“A Honduran civil society-led report reveals that the country’s national policies conflict
with the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights and leave human rights
defenders extremely vulnerable to criminalization and attacks.
“Ahead of the 58th session of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
(CESCR) kicking off today, the UPR Platform (Plataforma EPU in Spanish), has
presented an alternative report to the State report of Honduras for review by the
Committee. The findings point to existing economic policy and extractive development
models that hinder the enjoyment of human rights, including the right to food and
nutrition; appalling criminalization of human rights defenders; as well as inequality and
violence vis-à-vis women and girls. All this happens within a context of extreme poverty
and imbalanced wealth distribution that leads many to go malnourished.

“According to the alternative report, projects are awarded without prior, free and
informed consent of affected communities, including on indigenous and ancestral
territories, in contravention of the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention
169. According to the report numerous concessions have been granted to hydroelectric
and mining projects in areas which indigenous peoples consider sacred or vital to ensure
the subsistence of local communities.

“Peasant communities suffer a similar fate, increasingly facing forced evictions. The
agrarian conflict of Bajo Aguán exemplifies this situation: For more than a decade,
various peasant communities have been struggling to access and recover lands
irregularly acquired by landowners. Such trends show a development model that hinders
the enjoyment of human rights. These also demonstrate the violence, intimidation and
criminalization that human rights defenders are likely to face.

“As a matter of fact, those who defend the environment, land and food and nutrition
rights are often criminalized and harassed. This was illustrated with the recent murder of
Berta Cáceres, a recognized Lenca indigenous leader, defender of human rights and
general coordinator of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of
Honduras (COPINH), on March 2 this year. Unfortunately, this is not an isolated case
given that Honduras is one of the most dangerous places in the world for human rights
defenders. “This demonstrates that the mechanisms available in Honduras for their
protection do not suffice. The overwhelming majority of the cases go unpunished,” the
report reads.

“Inequality vis-à-vis and violence against women is systematic and structural, preventing
them from exercising their civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and the
enjoyment of a life of dignity. ‘The climate of fear in both the public and private sphere,
and the lack of accountability for human rights violations against women is the rule, not
the exception,’ the report states.

“And all this evolves against a backdrop of extremely high poverty levels and unequal
wealth distribution, with a serious impact on the right to food and nutrition of
Hondurans….”
[Note: The full report is available through above web link, but is in Spanish; an executive
summary in English is promised at unspecified future date.]

36. teleSur, Honduran Activists Unmask Egregious Govt Human Rights Abuses,
7 June 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Honduran-
Activists-Unmask-Egregious-Govt-Human-Rights-Abuses-20160607-0004.html
................

“Berta Caceres' murder is just one example of an onslaught of attacks against activists
and the ‘invisibility’ of basic human rights in Honduras, a new report finds.

“Just over three months after the murder of renowned Indigenous leader Berta Caceres,
Honduran human rights organizations and social movements have found in a new report
released Monday that the right-wing government’s neoliberal policies violate the
economic, cultural, and social rights of Indigenous people, women, campesinos, and
other groups in the country, while making political activists and rights defenders
vulnerable to criminalization and violence.

“The findings point to an ‘invisibility of human rights’ in Honduras in a context of

extreme poverty, widespread malnutrition, and rampant corruption, worsened by
the 2009 U.S.-backed military coup that saw a proliferation of human rights abuses and
aggressively ramped up militarization.

“‘There a strong link between high levels of poverty and inequality and high rates of
violence and insecurity in the country, which remain among the highest in the world,’ the
report reads, adding that these are also key factors fueling massive migration to the
United States. ‘The coup d’etat in 2009 meant an imminent reversal of human rights and
a serious blow to the country’s institutions.’
“The report, compiled by a coalition of 54 organizations in Honduras and released by
the international human rights organization FIAN, comes as an alternative to the official
state report submitted to the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights, which kicked of its 58th session in Geneva on Monday.
“Honduran organizations have previously slammed authorities for blocking the
participation of rights defenders in U.N. reviews of states’ human rights compliance. A
group of Honduran activists have travelled to Geneva to present the alternative report
and meet with international experts to discuss demands for justice in the case of Berta
Caceres.

“The report details the frequent violation of Indigenous peoples’ right to free, prior and
informed consent for all development and resource extraction on their land. Unwanted
mining and hydroelectric projects, promoted by the Honduran government’s neoliberal
policy approach, often lead to conflicts in communities fighting to defend their
livelihoods and ancestral territories and culture.

“It also highlights the recent murder of Berta Caceres, who long resisted unwanted
resource extraction on Lenca land, as one egregious example of the violence Honduran
activists face for fighting neoliberal policies and proposing local alternatives to
extractivism.

“‘This demonstrates that the mechanisms available in Honduras for their protection do
not suffice,’ the report says of Caceres’ case. ‘The overwhelming majority of cases go
unpunished.’
“Meanwhile, campesino communities also face forced displacement and violation of their
rights to food and land in their struggle against corporate land grabs and expanding
industrial agriculture. The report points to northern Aguan Valley, home to a
heated World Bank-backed land conflict in which activists involved in a more than
decade-old movement to recuperate land rights face fierce criminalization and violence,
as an emblematic case of the systemic and state-sanctioned abuse of human rights in
Honduras.

“The findings also reveal structural violence against women, including restriction of
their civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, as well as systematic
discrimination against LGBT people, beginning with a lack of education around sexual
orientation and gender identity that helps perpetuate homophobia and other
heteronormative and patriarchal attitudes.”
37. teleSur, Bertha Caceres Movement Warns of New Death Squads in Honduras,
2 June 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Berta-Caceres-
Movement-Warns-of-New-Death-Squads-in-Honduras-20160602-0003.html ....

“Honduras has again become a killing field for land rights activists and human rights
defenders, akin to the Cold War paramilitary era of the 1980s.
“Members of the Indigenous movement of murdered Honduran environmental leader
Berta Caceres have warned that there are death squads operating in the territories that
the slain activist long fought to defend that are akin to the brutal Cold War-era and CIA-
trained secret army unit in Honduras known as Battalion 316.

“‘We believe that what was the 316 in the 1980s has moved into our territories,’ Tomas
Gomez, leader of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Movements of Honduras,
or COPINH, told the publication Pasos de Animal Grande on Monday.

“He added that that the apparent death squads operate with a hit list that was formerly
topped by Berta Caceres in the years leading up to her murder.

“Gomez recently told teleSUR that the harassment and threats against COPINH and the
Lenca community in Rio Blanco, the site of the contested Agua Zarca dam that Caceres
resisted, have increased since she was assassinated on March 3.

“The forms of intimidation have also intensified with new strategies to pressure local
residents to give up resistance to Agua Zarca, a project by the private Honduran energy
company Desarrollos Energeticos SA, better known as DESA.

“‘One of them (the intimidation tactics) is burning houses,’ Gomez told Pasos de Animal
Grande….

“Other attacks on the Lenca people have included the murder of COPINH member
Nelson Garcia less than two weeks after gunmen shot Caceres dead in her home, attacks
on peaceful protesters, and death threats. Gomez has also been targeted with
intimidation – including shots being fired outside of his home in the night – weeks after
Caceres was gunned down.

“The long-standing and intensifying campaign to eliminate opposition to Agua Zarca and
neutralize COPINH recalls Cold War-era counterinsurgency strategies in the region that
targeted political dissidents with forced disappearances and death.

“Prominent Honduran human rights defender Bertha Oliva has also likened the
conditions surrounding Caceres’ assassination to the 1980s death squads and Battalion
316, according to The Intercept.

“According to the Honduran human rights organization COFADEH, formed in the

1980’s by Oliva and other family members of the disappeared, Battalion 316 was
responsible over for 180 forced disappearances between 1980 and 1988, while they
murdered and tortured many more.

“Targeted assassinations of Indigenous and campesino leaders, journalists, human rights

defenders, and other political activists have spiked once again in the wake of the 2009
U.S.-backed military coup against President Manuel Zelaya. In the immediate aftermath
of the coup, Zelaya told Democracy Now! that Battalion 316 was ‘already operating’ in
Honduras under a different name and using ‘torture to create fear.’

“Caceres is one of many Honduran leaders to be killed since the 2009 coup as a result of
their resistance to the country’s neoliberal policies, extractive model, and dismal human
rights situation. But the fact that her international recognition did not dissuade her
killers has sent a chilling message of just how unscrupulous are the political and
economic powers employing death squads in the Central American country.”

38. AFP, UN: Violence in Honduras ‘alarmingly high’ but ebbing, 18 May 2016,
available at http://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/un-violence-in-
honduras-alarmingly-high-but-ebbing-116052800062_1.html ........

“Violence in Honduras remains ‘alarmingly high’ by global standards, but it has

subsided somewhat in recent years, a UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary
or arbitrary executions has said.

“Cristof Heyns, a South African human rights professor, told a news conference
yesterday that much of the violence and impunity in Honduras is rooted in regional drug
trafficking.

“Heyns did note that while three years ago there were 79 murders per 100,000
inhabitants, the homicide count for early 2016 suggested that rate had dropped to 60
killings.

“He attributed the reduction in murders to reinforced state security measures, the
capture of gang leaders, and the extradition of drug traffickers. Heyns said these
successes mean the problem ‘is not insurmountable.’”
39. teleSur, Honduras Launches Purge Among Police, Maintains Militarization,
18 April 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Honduras-
Launches-Purge-Among-Police-Maintains-Militarization-20160418-0041.html ...
“The president announced the move since his government is under international fire over
the murder of prominent activist Berta Caceres.

“President Juan Orlando Hernandez gave more details about a recently-created

commission meant to "purge" the police of officers involved in corruption and human
rights abuses, as security forces have been widely criticized for participating in the
country's violence with total impunity.

“The commission will be able to dismiss police officers ‘without justification,’ and even
after being dismissed, the police officers could still remain under investigation,
Hernandez told Radio HRN.

“However, the president did not abandon his militarized approach, even if many human
rights reports have linked militarization of national security with a significant increase in
human rights violations, especially in Honduras, Colombia and Mexico, where the
military receives a heavy financial support from the United States.

“In the interview, Hernandez repeated that impunity and insecurity in Honduras was
above all rooted in drug-trafficking, which ‘consumed state institutions, including the
police, between 2006 and 2009.’

“‘Honduras was obviously drug traffickers' favorite operating place around 2007 and
2009,’ he said. He was referring to the presidential term of Manuel Zelaya (2006-2009),
who was ousted from power by a military coup in June 2009 after he aligned himself and
the nation with the Bolivarian left and against the ruling elite. A few months after the
coup, a parliamentary/military junta appointed Hernandez as the new president of the
national congress.

“He eventually was elected president in 2013 after an electoral campaign promising ‘to
put a soldier in every corner.’

“However, human rights organizations have repeatedly condemned a spike of human

rights violations after the 2009 coup, with many forced disappearances and extrajudicial
executions of land-right activists, LGBT advocates, and journalists, among others.

“The president announced the move since his government is under international fire over
the murder of prominent activist Berta Caceres when she was under police protection.”
40. teleSur, Berta Caceres Supporters Attacked in Peaceful March in Honduras,
16 April 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Berta-Caceres-
Supporters-Attacked-in-Peaceful-March-in-Honduras-20160416-0017.html
...........................

“The attack, alleged linked to the company accused of ordering Berta Caceres' murder,
is the latest in years of repression against Honduran social movements.
“Repression of Honduran social movements continues over a month after the murder
of renowned Indigenous leader Berta Caceres, as participants in an international
gathering in memory of her life and struggle have suffered attacks allegedly at the hands
of the private Honduran company behind the hydroelectric megaproject she and her
community have tirelessly resisted for years.

“At least four people were injured by rocks, machete cuts, and other blows when armed
agents attacked a group of peaceful demonstrators, including Honduran and foreign
activists and children, on Friday afternoon, reported the Canadian delegation, which
includes Rights Action Director Grahame Russell, who spoke with teleSUR on Saturday.
“According to a statement released by COPINH, the Indigenous resistance movement
that Caceres co-founded over two decades ago, the armed attackers were affiliated with
the dam company DESA. The corporation has previously been linked to threats and
harassment targeting movement leaders and accused of being involved in Caceres’
assassination.

“‘Our Canadian delegation was eyewitness to the type of repression that the Lenca-
descendant peoples of western Honduras have being suffering since 2013, including the
assassination of Berta Caceres, as they resist the illegal, violent imposition of the DESA
Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam project,’ said Russell.
“Russell added that such repression is also characteristic of what ‘Hondurans have
suffered across the country since the 2009 U.S. and Canadian-backed military coup when
they resist the illegal and violent imposition of large-scale mining, dam, tourism and
African palm production projects.’
“The violence against the peaceful march reportedly happened in the presence of
Honduran police and military personnel, who failed to intervene in the
attack. Honduran human rights defenders have repeatedly denounced collusion between
state and private security forces to repress Indigenous and campesino movements.
“The attack came during the third and final day of a gathering that brought together
some 1,300 members of Honduran social movements and international delegations from
22 different countries to demand justice in for Caceres and other victims of repression
against activists.

“The attack comes after DESA released a statement in the lead-up to the international
gathering that was interpreted as a direct threat by members of COPINH, who have long
rejected DESA’s work as illegal and illegitimate.
“COPINH said the attackers threatened leader Tomas Garcia, saying ‘let’s attack him.’
Caceres was the fifth activist involved in resisting the Agua Zarca dam to be
assassinated. The organization holds DESA and the Honduran state responsible for the
attack. The group also condemned United States complicity in the ongoing human rights
crisis in Honduras.
“Family members and supporters have called for an internationally-led investigation,
similar to probe headed by foreign experts into the case of 43 forcibly disappeared
Ayotzinapa students in Mexico but Honduran authorities have not responded to these
demands….

“In the closing declaration of the international gathering, groups committed to

continuing to fight for truth and justice for Berta Caceres, against the ‘neoliberal project
of death,’ and for an end to repressive militarization in Indigenous and campesino
territories.”
41. Elisabeth Malkin and Alberto Arce, Files Suggest Honduras Police Leaders
Ordered Killing of Antidrug Officials, 15 April 2016, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/16/world/americas/files-suggest-honduras-
police-leaders-ordered-killing-of-antidrug-officials.html ................

“More than a dozen conspirators gathered at the headquarters of the Honduran National
Police just after 9:30 p.m. One of them clicked open a briefcase, and bundles of
American dollars were distributed among the police officers — payment for the next
day’s hit job.

“After everyone else filed out of the room, the three highest-ranking officers stayed
behind to make a call.

“‘Keep watch over the news tomorrow, sir,’ one of them said, according to case files
gathered by Honduran investigators. ‘We’ll do it all in the morning, good night, sir.’
They kept their word.

“A day later, on Dec. 8, 2009, the top antidrug official in Honduras — the retired
general Julián Arístides González Irías — dropped off his daughter at school and was
heading to work when he found his usual route blocked. A motorcycle carrying two men
pulled up to his Nissan SUV. The one riding at the back pulled out a gun, killing the
general.

“Outrage at the assassination swept Honduras. The country was still in turmoil after the
coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya and turned Honduras into an international
outcast. In a country riddled with corruption and division, the retired general was
distinguished for his rectitude and efficiency. The authorities promised a swift
investigation. But the case quickly went cold.

“At least that is how it appeared to the public. Behind the scenes, according to the case
files, the police investigators took just three weeks to solve the murder. The chief suspects
were a cell of high-ranking police commanders working hand-in-hand with drug
traffickers. The conspiracy reached all the way to the chief of police.

“The man at the other end of that evening’s phone call was Winter Blanco, the head of a
drug cartel based on the Caribbean coast, according to the investigators’ files. Five
months earlier, the antidrug czar had foiled the trafficker’s plan to use the police to steal
143 kilograms of cocaine from a rival. The assassination was payback, investigators
concluded.

“Two years later, the antidrug czar’s top adviser, Alfredo Landaverde Hernández, was
assassinated in exactly the same way, days after he publicly accused police commanders
of allowing criminal gangs to infiltrate the police force. Once again, an investigation
concluded that the chief suspects were the same commanders, aided by lower-ranking
officers. A full report was sent to the police chief. But in public, the case remained
unsolved.

“Now, the details of the investigations — witness testimony, descriptions of videos, and
phone call records — are emerging in Honduras, shaking the country once again. In
terse language, the documents paint a chilling portrait of impunity at the very top of
Honduras’s police hierarchy: the unchallenged power to carry out assassinations and
force a cover-up of the investigation.

“The suspicion that the police were part of the murders has long nagged at Hondurans.
But with the release of the case files — parts of which were published in the Honduran
press before being obtained by The New York Times — the country is now confronted
with a glaring example of top-level government corruption and collusion with drug
traffickers.

“The revelations come at a pivotal time in Honduras, just as an international commission

backed by the Organization of American States is setting up in the country to help
investigate corruption. At the same time, the Obama administration is in the process of
sending about $750 million in aid to the region, hoping to address the chronic violence
and lack of opportunity that has fueled a mass exodus of desperate people to the United
States.

“The effort to suppress the results of two of the country’s most high-profile murder cases
came to light only this month, when the newspaper El Heraldo revealed parts of the
investigation’s conclusions and published excerpts from the files, without naming any of
the most powerful suspects.

“Since then, the Honduran president, Juan Orlando Hernández, has vowed a mass purge
of the police force in response to the evidence, which helps peel back the layers covering
the deeply entrenched networks of corruption feeding the country’s violence and poverty.

“Last year, Oscar Chinchilla, the Honduran attorney general, asked the United States for
help in solving the assassinations and Washington provided advisers, Joseph Crook, a
State Department spokesman, said.

“But the newly obtained case files point to a cover-up. They include cover pages from the
inspector general’s office of the Security Ministry, which oversees the National Police. So
if Mr. Chinchilla carries out a wide-ranging investigation to show that the government is
serious about fighting corruption, it could end up ensnaring some of the president’s allies
in the National Party, which has been in office since the beginning of 2010.

“‘There was a type of pact of silence,’ said Thelma Mejía, a Honduran journalist. ‘These
files passed through various police chiefs and they did nothing. They were known by
various security ministers and they did nothing.’

“The early fallout of the scandal is beginning. Foreign Minister Arturo Corrales, who
had also served as the country’s security minister, resigned late Thursday. The first
announcements of police firings are expected as early as this weekend. A civilian
commission in charge of weeding out corrupt officers has asked for background on the
nine top-ranked active generals in the police force, including José Ricardo Ramírez del
Cid, a former police chief in 2011 who is named in the case files as the mastermind
behind the assassinations.

“According to the documents, Mr. Ramírez del Cid was one of the three who stayed
behind the night before the antidrug czar was killed in 2009 to place the call to the drug
lord. Another was José Luis Muñoz Licona, who was appointed police chief in 2010.

“In interviews broadcast after the El Heraldo report, both officials denied any
involvement in the assassinations. So did the police chief at the time of the antidrug
czar’s killing, Salomón Escoto Salinas, who is also named in the documents.

“The case files leave little doubt that inside the police, at least, the results of the
investigation were known. In May 2012, an official in the inspector general’s office sent a
copy of documents to the police chief at the time, Juan Carlos Bonilla, noting that he was
acting under the orders of the security minister. At the end of 2013, Mr. Bonilla’s
replacement as police chief, Ramón Sabillón Pineda, ordered special guards to protect
the case files on both assassinations, as well as documents on other high-profile killings.

“In remarks to the Honduran news media, four of the security ministers in office since
2009 said that they were not aware of the documents. The fifth refused to comment.

“Washington will be watching the police purge closely. It spent millions of dollars on the
last effort to overhaul the Honduran police, which began in 2011, before finally giving up
two years later when it was clear that only a handful of officers had been fired.

“‘Despite good intentions, I think our own officials, especially in the past, have
sometimes been naïve in the way they have supported the Honduran government’s
actions and inactions,’ Senator Patrick Leahy, who follows events in Honduras closely,
said in written responses to questions….

“The current Honduran president, Mr. Hernández, has had his own approach to police
corruption, creating a military police force that has supplanted much of the National
Police force on the ground. The coming police purge is likely to strengthen its power.
“The international anticorruption commission sponsored by the Organization of
American States arrives this week to begin its work. Known by its Spanish initials,
Maccih, it is a response to months of anticorruption protests last year across the country.

“The demonstrators, who marched at dusk bearing torches in a challenge to the

president, demanded a prosecutors’ commission modeled after the one in neighboring
Guatemala, which uncovered a customs bribery ring that brought down that country’s
president last year.

“Mr. Hernández resisted an accord that would create a panel with the same powers, and
the commission he agreed to will not have independent investigatory authority. But the
president may find that his control is limited.

“In an interview, the director of the incoming group said that it would be up to his team,
not the Honduran government, to choose the cases it will work on alongside Honduran
prosecutors.

“‘There should be no doubt that the mission will be involved in cases where there are
networks of corruption that harm the country,’ said Juan Jiménez Mayor, the former
Peruvian justice minister who is leading the commission.

“Within days, the commission will start work on its first case, the assassination last
month of Berta Cáceres, a prominent environmental and indigenous rights activist who
was fighting a powerful Honduran company over a dam project on community land.
Facing an international uproar, the government turned to the commission for help.

“Even Hondurans who had been skeptical of the limits on the commission were hopeful
that it will ultimately lead to widespread investigation into the police and their
protectors.”
42. UN News Centre, UN expert urges Honduras to end impunity in murder of
human rights defender, 11 April 2016, available at
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=53659#.WDTEA-YrKUk …

“More than a month after the killing of Berta Cáceres, a female human rights defender,
eight United Nations experts have jointly reiterated their appeal to the Government of
Honduras to provide justice and reveal the truth in her murder, and to ensure the security
and protection of all people defending the environment and human rights in the country.
“Berta Cáceres, founder of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations
Honduras (COPINH), was shot to death on 3 March 2016 in spite of the 2009 decision by
the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights requiring Honduras to protect her.
“Despite repeated acts of intimidation, including gender-specific attacks, arrests and
violence that she suffered over the years, she continued to defend the rights of the Lenca
community of Rio Blanco, denouncing and opposing the exploitation of indigenous
natural resources, especially via the hydroelectric project of ‘Agua Zarca.’
“‘The murder of Berta Cáceres, which is believed to be directly linked to her work and to
the fact that she was a woman and indigenous, sadly illustrates an appalling backlash
against women human rights defenders and, especially against environmental activists,’
the joint appeal stated.
“Women human rights defenders are generally further exposed to retaliation, harassment
and violence as they usually challenge the patriarchal culture and deep-rooted gender
stereotypes about the role of women in society.
“‘Honduras must intensify its efforts to end the persistent climate of impunity and
insecurity for women human rights defenders, indigenous leaders and ecologists,’ it said.
“The UN experts were pleased to see the Honduran Government’s decision to finally
allow the return of Gustavo Castro Soto to Mexico. They also noted the arrest of a
suspect in the murder of another member of COPINH, Nelson García, and recalled the
necessity to investigate who ordered this crime.
“They expressed hope that those responsible for Berta Cáceres’ murder will be shortly
brought to justice.
“‘We reiterate our call for a fully independent, impartial, transparent investigation of
Berta Cáceres' assassination and in this regard we support the request made by the
relatives of the victim that a group of experts be established under the authority of the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights,’ they recommended.
“The UN human rights experts welcomed the decision of the investors of the ‘Agua
Zarca’ dam project to suspend their funding after the recent murders and attacks.
“The experts are Eleonora Zielinska, Chairperson of the Working Group on the issue of
discrimination against women in law and in practice, and seven Special Rapporteurs;
Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, on the rights of indigenous peoples; Michel Forst, on the situation
of human rights defenders; and Maina Kiai, on the rights to freedom of peaceful
assembly and of association; David Kaye, on the promotion and protection of the right to
freedom of opinion and expression; Dubravka Šimonovic, on violence against women, its
causes and consequences; John Knox, on the issue of human rights obligations relating
to the enjoyment of a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment; and Baskut
Tuncak, on the implications for human rights of the environmentally sound management
and disposal of hazardous substances and wastes.
“Independent experts or special rapporteurs are appointed by the Geneva-based Human
Rights Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific human
rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they
paid for their work.”
43. Jon Mark, Honduran Court Allows Berta Caceres Murder Witness to Return
to Mexico, 2 April 2016, available at
http://www.inquisitr.com/2954768/honduran-court-allows-berta-caceres-murder-
witness-to-return-to-mexico/ ……………
“Sources are saying that the witness to Berta Cáceres’ murder has been released and
allowed to fly back to Mexico, after the Honduran court system decided to hold him while
they conducted an investigation into her assassination.

“Gustavo Castro Soto, a coordinator for the organization Other Worlds Are Possible,
was also wounded in the attack, taking a bullet in the cheek and hand.

“Other Worlds Are Possible published details about his release, and also mentioned that
they as an organization will continue to work on getting justice, and to hold those
responsible for Berta Cáceres’ assassination. …

“The report by Other Worlds goes further to detail how his rights were violated, right
after Berta Cáceres was killed.
“‘As a Mexican citizen and as a witness and victim of attempted murder in Honduras, he
has had the right all along to collaborate with the Honduran justice from his own
country, in accord with the Treaty for Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters in
effect between Honduras and Mexico.

“‘However, this right was violated by the Judge Victorina Flores Orellana who on
March 7 issued the migratory alert for thirty days against Gustavo Castro, and by the
Honduran General Attorney’s Office that took 24 days to revoke this measure. During
this period, Gustavo has only been required to undertake two more procedures in the
context of the investigation which, as mentioned earlier, could have taken place from
Mexico.’

“The article goes further to say that the Mexican government did not do enough, if
anything at all, to negotiate with the Honduran government to have him released sooner.
Berta Cáceres was the co-founder and coordinator of Council of Popular and Indigenous
Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), which she started in 1993.
“The group was meant to stand for the rights of indigenous people of Honduras, where
they stood against illegal logging, or the presence of U.S. military on Lenca land.

“In a web exclusive on Democracy Now!, the article points out that the Honduran
government has given the go-ahead to various dam building projects, which has resulted
in an increase of targeted assassinations, even mentioning the connection made between
police forces and death squads.

“The Inquisitr reported back in 2013 that the national police denied using death squads,
when local gangs accused them of killing their members or kidnapping them.
“It also refers to an article on Huffington Post which quotes Assistant Secretary of State
for Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs William Brownfield,
who talks about the U.S. working with the Honduran national police. …

“Berta Cáceres was not the only member of the COPINH group murdered as only weeks
after her death, on March 16, Nelson Garcia was reportedly shot in the face four times by
unidentified gunmen, following a violent eviction of an indigenous Lenca community
carried out by Honduran security forces according to The Guardian.

“Telesur is also reporting that Berta Cáceres’ family is asking the Organization of
American States to send a ‘renowned and experienced prosecutor or judge’ following a
call for an independent and internationally led investigation, as they do not trust the
Honduran government to follow through.”

44. UN News Centre, Honduras risks becoming ‘lawless killing zone’ for human
rights defenders – UN expert, 18 Mar 2016, available at
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=53486#.WDS_xOYrKUl ….

“An independent United Nations expert on the situation of human rights defenders today
urged the Government of Honduras ‘to take immediate and concrete actions, or risk
turning the country into a lawless killing zone for human rights defenders.’
“UN Special Rapporteur Michel Forst’s appeal came after the killing of yet another
outspoken leader of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations
Honduras (COPINH), Nelson García, reportedly occurred on 15 March.
“Earlier this month, Berta Cáceres, COPINH founder, prominent indigenous leader and
environmental and women human rights defender, was slain.
“García was allegedly killed shortly after he had witnessed a forced eviction carried out
by security forces in the Río Lindo area, South of San Pedro Sula. ‘This new tragedy
points once again to major faults in the protection of rights defenders in the country,’ Mr.
Forst said in a press release.
“‘Amid unrelenting attacks against environmental and indigenous defenders, it is high
time the Honduran authorities take concrete steps to ensure safety for all human rights
defenders in the country, and their families,’ he stressed, recalling States’ obligation to
guarantee security and protection for all human rights defender or activists within its
borders.
“‘I urge the Honduran Government to publicly condemn the assassination of Nelson
García and ensure an immediate, independent and impartial investigation into his death,’
he said. ‘This cycle of violence will only stop when impunity is addressed and
perpetrators of such attacks are put to justice.’
“According to numerous reports received by the special rapporteur, Honduras has
become one of the most dangerous countries in the world for human rights defenders,
particularly those promoting rights related to environment and land issues.
“On 5 March, after the death of Berta Cáceres, the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights decided to call for precautionary measures for all members of COPINH as
they were suffering an escalation of threats and harassment. ‘However, this has
regrettably not prevented Mr. García’s murder,’ Mr. Forst concluded.
“Independent experts or special rapporteurs are appointed by the Geneva-based UN
Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific
human rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are
they paid for their work.”
45. AP, Honduras: Activist’s Colleague Is Killed, 16 March 2016, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/17/world/americas/honduras-activists-
colleague-is-killed.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=0 ……………..

“Gunmen have killed Nelson García, a colleague of the environmentalist leader Berta
Cáceres, who was slain almost two weeks ago in similar circumstances, the Honduran
authorities said Wednesday. Two men shot Mr. García on Tuesday in Rio Chiquito, 120
miles north of Tegucigalpa. A police statement called the killing an isolated act of
violence unrelated to the murder of Ms. Cáceres. But the organization that both Ms.
Cáceres and Mr. García belonged to described his death as part of ‘the government’s
constant harassment’ of Indian groups. Both activists were Lenca Indians and belonged
to the Indian Council of People’s Organizations of Honduras. The United States Embassy
condemned the killing, saying that ‘coming so close to the murder of his colleague Berta
Cáceres, his death is cause for particular concern.’”

46. teleSur, CEPR: Hillary Paved Way for Rampant Impunity in Honduras, 11
Mar. 2016, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/CEPR-Hillary-
Paved-Way-for-Rampant-Impunity-in-Honduras-20160310-0063.html .....

“A member of the United States Congress, Betty McCollum, sent a letter to Secretary of
State John Kerry condemning the country’s continued financial support of the Honduran
government in spite of a catalogue of horrifying human rights abuses committed by
officials.

“And as the spotlight turns to the U.S. involvement with the Central American country,
the human rights group Centre for Economic Policy Research told teleSUR former
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton needs to explain her position regarding her role in the
2009 coup in Honduras, which paved the way for rampant impunity.

“‘It appears she'd rather people not know this history,’ CEPR's international
communications director, Dan Beeton, told teleSUR.

“McCollum's letter mentioned the current outrage in Honduras at the assassination of

renowned activist Berta Caceres, whose family claims responsibility lies with the state.
Caceres had been outspoken about the U.S. and Clinton’s role in the military coup.

“‘The recent murder of the internationally renowned Indigenous activist Berta Caceres
only highlights the fact that violence, lawlessness, corruption, and human abuses by
members of the military and police make Honduras the most dangerous country in the
Western Hemisphere,’ the Democrat representative for Minnesota's 4th congressional
district wrote.
“The Leahy Law: McCollum ‘respectfully’ asked Kerry to answer questions regarding
U.S. funds from the Department of State and the Department of Defense to the Honduran
government, including with people linked to human rights abuses.

“‘I respectfully request that the Department respond to me with regard to the enclosed
correspondence and provide me with your assessment of the current status of U.S.
assistance and full implementation of the Leahy Law,’ she wrote, referring to the human
rights law banning the U.S. Department of State and the Department of Defense from
giving military assistance to foreign military units that violate human rights with
impunity.

“McCollum called for a thorough investigation into U.S. assistance to the government of
Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez.

“‘Part of this review must be a guarantee that the Leahy Law is being fully enforced and
no U.S. funds are being used to support or train any security forces or individuals linked
to human rights abuses,’ she added.

“Attached to the letter was a list of ‘credible evidence regarding individuals and units
that have committed human rights abuses in Honduras, which fall under the scope of the
Leahy Law,’ provided by prominent U.S. human rights nongovernmental organizations,
including the Honduras Accompaniment Project, Witness for Peace and CEPR.

“The disturbing document includes abuses by the Honduran military, military police, and
regular police, which have never been prosecuted.

“The document cites the case of current General Commissioner of the National Police,
Hector Ivan Mejia and members of the Choloma and San Pedro Sula police. In August
2009, the testimony says, four members of the police kidnapped and gang-raped Melissa
Irma Villanueva, while she was taking part in a protest.

“‘Now bitch, now you’re gonna see what happens to you for being where you shouldn’t
be,’ the police told her.

“Mejia was the director of the San Pedro police at the time. None of the police officers
were ever prosecuted, and after trying to report the event, Villanueva was kidnapped
again, alongside her sister, and both were gang-raped in front of their husbands. Mejia
was later prosecuted, and acquitted.

“Other examples include torture, extrajudicial killings and brutally oppressing peaceful
protesters.”

47. Reuters, Men in Police Garb Kill 10 in Honduras, 6 March 2016, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/06/world/americas/men-in-police-garb-kill-10-
in-honduras.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=0 ………………………..
“TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — At least 10 people were shot dead by men dressed in
police uniforms in an attack in the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa on Saturday,
security and hospital forces said.

“Five men arrived in a vehicle at a billiards hall in the violent northeastern

neighborhood and wielded AK-47 assault rifles.

“The men wore police clothing when they attacked, killing eight people and injuring
others, said a security ministry source who asked not to be named.

“Two other people later died at the Hospital Escuela Universitario, according to a
hospital spokesman, Miguel Osorio.

“There are 16 homicides on average in Honduras every day, mostly in connection with
drug cartels and territorial disputes by violent gangs that are dedicated to extortion.”

48. Elisabeth Malkin and Alberto Arce, Berta Cáceres, Indigenous Activist, Is
Killed in Honduras, 3 March 2016, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/04/world/americas/berta-caceres-indigenous-
activist-is-killed-in-honduras.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=0 ……….

“MEXICO CITY — An indigenous activist in Honduras who won a prestigious

international environmental prize for fighting a dam project despite continued threats
was assassinated on Thursday in her hometown, officials said.

“Gunmen broke down the door of the house where the activist, Berta Cáceres, was
staying in La Esperanza, in western Honduras, and shot her early Thursday, human
rights groups said.

“Ms. Cáceres, 44, had led a decade-long fight against a project to build the Agua Zarca
Dam along the Gualcarque River, which is sacred to the Lenca people. The campaign
involved filing legal complaints against the project, organizing community meetings and
bringing the case to the Inter-American Human Rights Commission. Last year, she won
the Goldman Environmental Prize, which is awarded to grass-roots leaders who build
community support to protect the environment.

“The killing of one of Honduras’s most prominent environmental activists casts attention
on the country’s dismal human rights record. It comes just after President Juan Orlando
Hernández traveled to Washington and Mexico City last week to argue that his
government was turning the corner in combating the violence that makes Honduras one
of the most murder-plagued countries in the world.

“Although the Inter-American Human Rights Commission had ordered protective

measures for Ms. Cáceres, she was not under the protection of the Honduran security
forces on the day of her death, Julián Pacheco Tinoco, the Honduran security minister,
said at a news conference in Tegucigalpa, the capital. He said she was not in the place
she had reported as her home when she was killed.

“Her brother Gustavo Cáceres told media outlets in La Esperanza that her death could
have been avoided. ‘The police were responsible for providing security for my sister here
in the city,’ he said. ‘She wasn’t hiding.’

“The killing brought widespread condemnation from international human rights

organizations and American lawmakers. Mr. Hernández, the president, called the killing
of Ms. Cáceres ‘a crime against Honduras, a blow for the people of Honduras,’ and
promised an investigation with help from the United States.

“There are no immediate suspects, officials said. Conflicts between local communities
and large companies in Honduras often draw in several armed groups, including the
army.

“‘Everyone is saying that the government or the company did it, but you’ll never know,’
said Ms. Cáceres’s nephew, Silvio Carrillo, in a telephone interview from Oakland,
Calif., where he lives. ‘It’s the art of obfuscation.’…

“Over the past month, the threats against Ms. Cáceres and her organization had
mounted after security forces detained more than 100 people during a peaceful protest on
Feb. 20.

“Since a 2009 coup in Honduras, journalists, judges, labor leaders, human rights
defenders and environmental activists have been assassinated in targeted killings, with
their murders often going unsolved. Twelve environmental defenders were killed in
Honduras in 2014, according to research by Global Witness, which makes it the most
dangerous country in the world, relative to its size, for activists protecting forests and
rivers.

“In accepting the Goldman prize, Ms. Cáceres described what it had been like to live
under siege.’They follow me and threaten to kidnap and kill me,’ she said. ‘They threaten
my family. This is what we have to face.’”

49. Yahoo News, Mayor, ex-cop arrested for suspected gang links in Honduras,
23 Feb. 2016, available at http://news.yahoo.com/mayor-ex-cop-arrested-
suspected-gang-links-honduras-000605368.html .................

“Tegucigalpa (AFP) - Police in Honduras on Tuesday arrested eight people, including a

mayor of a town close to the capital and a former policeman, on charges of links to one
of the country's most feared criminal gangs, officials said.

“They were taken to maximum-security holding cells pending prosecution on charges of

criminal association, extortion and murder, the head of the police investigation unit,
Ricardo Castro, told a news conference.
“The suspects were thought to be connected to Mara Salvatrucha, a gang that counts
among the most vicious in the country.

“Authorities also seized 42 properties, 13 companies, 53 vehicles and a clinic owned by

the suspects on suspicion they came from gang-related activities.

“Honduras' government has been waging a hardline campaign against gangs that make
the country, along with neighboring El Salvador and Guatemala, among the most
dangerous nations in the world.

“The crackdown has shown some signs of success in the past couple of years, but
violence is still rife, and the gangs are widely feared.

“The country has a murder rate of around 60 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, more
than 10 times that for the United States.”

50. Yahoo News, Honduras gets anti-corruption commission, 22 Feb. 2016,

available at http://news.yahoo.com/honduras-gets-anti-corruption-commission-
232356884.html ...............................

“Tegucigalpa (AFP) - The Organization of American States on Monday established an

ambitious new corruption-fighting commission in Honduras aimed at replicating the
success of a similar, UN-backed body in Guatemala that brought down that country's
government.

“The Support Mission Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras, known by its
Spanish initials MACCIH, will target graft and organized crime through a corps of
judges, prosecutors and police officers.

“Its task will be a big one. Honduras ranks 112th out of 168 countries on a global
corruption index put out by Transparency International, a watchdog.

“MACCIH is led by a Peruvian lawyer, Juan Jimenez Mayor, who attended the
inauguration ceremony with dozens of civil servants, leaders of unions and associations,
and diplomats.

“He noted that the OAS considers corruption to be ‘a risk factor for democracy’ and said
Honduras was now on a ‘new path’ by seeking to combat it….

“Last year, the president of that Central American nation was forced to stand down as a
scandal over officials taking bribes to cut import duties for some companies engulfed his
administration….

“In Honduras…MACCIH was agreed to under a convention signed a month ago in

Washington by Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez and OAS Secretary
General Luis Almagro.
“Its text set out four areas of action: preventing and fighting corruption, reforming the
criminal justice system, political and electoral reform, and public security.

“Although helping to create MACCIH, Hernandez could end up ruing its existence.

“The president has admitted his electoral campaign that brought him to power two years
ago took $94,000 of some $330 million embezzled from the country's social security
agency. However, he maintains that he did not know the origin of the money at the time.”

51. Telesur, Honduran Security Forces Accused of Massive Human Rights

Abuses, 18 Feb. 2016, available at
http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Honduran-Security-Forces-Accused-of-
Massive-Human-Rights-Abuses-20160218-0037.html ............................

“Allegations of human rights abuses by the armed forces of Honduras have skyrocketed
as the government has increased militarization of police across the country.

“In light of the massive human rights abuses committed by the militarized police in
Honduras and the high rate of impunity with which they operate, the Inter-American
Commission for Human Rights on Thursday demanded the government put an end to
these problems, which only exacerbate violence in a country that already tops the list of
being one of the most dangerous in the world.

“The international human rights body released a report in which they highlight the fact
that over 80 percent of homicides reported in Honduras remain unpunished, increasing
violence and worsening human rights conditions in the country.

“The IACHR reports goes further by accusing the militarized police of acting in
complicity with organized crime groups, creating a climate of excessive insecurity.

“Since 2013 when the government deployed about 900 armed forces police equipped with
military gear, including masks, the army has been given an increasing role in public
security and land conflicts, which is detrimental to safety, the report added.

“In Honduras, the militarization of police has been widely condemned by various human
rights groups.

“‘Civilian security should be managed by civilian police exclusively, properly organized

and trained,’ said the IACHR Special Rapporteur for Honduras Francisco Eguiguren.
‘Armed Forces lack the adequate training required for civilian security ... and their
involvement in a wide range of public functions represents a risk for the rule of law,’ he
added.

“The IACHR also called on the Honduran government urging them to strengthen the
autonomy of the country's judicial system.
“‘The state should grant judges and prosecutors increased job security so they don't feel
their positions will be threatened or that they will be removed due to their rulings or
decisions,’ IACHR expert Jose de Jesus Orozco said.

“Militarization of civilian security in Honduras was increased after 2009 military coup
under the pretext of the war on drugs, while President Juan Orlando Hernandez, who
took office in 2013, continued the strategy saying he would put ‘a soldier at every
corner.’

“Analysts and human rights groups have criticized the war on drug saying the
government has used it as pretext to attack those who oppose the government increase
the criminalization of political dissent. They argue the government uses gang violence as
a smokescreen to conceal wider social issues such as political violence, repression, and
impunity.

“Between 2012 and 2014, Honduran soldiers were accused of at least nine murders, over
20 cases of torture, and about 30 arbitrary detentions, according to Reuters.

“Honduras is the most violent country of the world with a homicide rate of 85 per
100,000 inhabitants.”

52. Oliver Sheldon, Fighting corruption and impunity in Honduras, 8 Feb. 2016,
available at http://globalriskinsights.com/2016/02/fighting-corruption-and-
impunity-in-honduras/ ………………………..

“The Mission to Support the Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras has
been tasked with rooting out graft within the country’s social security administration and
police. Questions are already being asked about its ability to carry out this task, and
whether too much is being expected of it.

“On 19 January, President Juan Orlando Hernandez of Honduras, signed into being the
Mission to Support the Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH)
after a summer of protests against corruption scandals throughout Central America.

“A scandal involving the country’s public health administration and evidence pointing to
stolen funds being used in President Hernandez’s 2013 election campaign caused
nationwide protests in the summer of 2015. At the same time in neighbouring Guatemala,
protesters were taking to the street demanding the resignation of President Otto Perez
Molina after the UN-backed Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG)
uncovered evidence of a huge customs-fraud scheme within the highest levels of
government.

“A combination of popular grassroots mobilization as well as pressure from the United

States has forced the Honduran government into giving its support to the creation of the
MACCIH.
“The Mission to Support the Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras is an
anti-impunity body backed by the Organization of American States (OAS). Its primary
aim will be to support the Honduran judicial system, ‘in the prevention and fight against
corruption and impunity in the country’.

“The MACCIH will supposedly have the power to investigate judges, politicians, and
members of the security forces. It will be led by the former Peruvian Prime Minister,
Juan Jimenez, and has an initial mandate of four years and a budget of US$32 million
from the OAS.

“The MACCIH has inevitably already faced comparisons with the CICIG in Guatemala.
It is important to note, however, that the MACCIH will have substantially less powers. In
an interview with Global Risk Insights, Adriana Beltrán of the Washington Office on
Latin America (WOLA) stated that, ‘the MACCIH is not as robust as the CICIG’. She
added that the CICIG has the, ‘capacity to carry out independent investigation as well as
participate as private prosecutor in the judicial processes’.

“By contrast, the MACCIH will operate under the current prosecutor and Supreme
Court, as opposed to independently of them, like the CICIG in Guatemala, and thus
concerns have been raised about a possible lack of independence for the body.

“Corruption and impunity are rife in Honduras. In the summer of 2015, a corruption
scandal was uncovered within the country’s social security institute. US$200 million was
allegedly stolen from the institute, with US$150,000 ending up in Hernandez’s 2013
presidential campaign.

“Furthermore, the state of Honduras’ police force is in dire need of reform. Honduran
journalists have uncovered evidence of systematic police brutality and corruption.
Hardline aggressive policing strategies promoted by Central American governments,
known as “Mano Dura” have exacerbated crime and led to an increasing militarization
of society, specifically the police forces, which has resulted in increased abuse.

“The governing establishment in Honduras will be all too aware of the astounding
impact CICIG has had on neighbouring Guatemala. The vice president and president are
behind bars. The CICIG was able to help bring to court the previously untouchable
former dictator Efrain Rios Montt, and the impunity rate is down, with organized
criminal structures being targeted.

“It is important to remember that the MACCIH will only be as effective as the judges
elected to Honduras’ Judiciary. The CICIG was fortunate in that it operated alongside an
extremely competent attorney general’s office, with Claudia Paz y Paz in particular,
standing out as a fearless prosecutor who sought to tackle corruption and impunity head
on. Her efforts landed her a Nobel Peace prize nomination in 2012, and ultimately led to
her exile from the country.
“Therefore, the onus is on Honduras’ elected lawmakers to elect competent and
independent judges who can go about their work with the support and protection offered
by the MACCIH. As Adriana Beltrán explained, success ‘will be dependent on the level
and degree of independence of the MACCIH and how the mandate is implemented’.

“Fifteen new judges should have been elected to the Supreme Court on the 25 January,
however at the time of writing, the National Congress has failed to do so. Concerns have
already been raised by the American Bar Association (ABA) that some of the judges
being considered do not meet international standards.

“Furthermore, if one is comparing the MACCIH with the CICIG, it is worth noting that
the latter was established in 2007, and it took several years of effort before there were
results to show for its work. The four-year mandate will likely have to be renewed if the
MACCIH is to enjoy success as will the funding apportioned to it.

“Ultimately, the biggest challenge for the MACCIH could be the demand for immediate
results and having to operate in the shadow of its more illustrious neighbour, the CICIG,
and its enormous success in dismantling power structures of corruption at the highest
levels. Large sectors of the Honduran populace expect immediate results in the light of
‘La Linea’ scandal and the countries’ elite will be only too happy to help dismantle the
MACCIH if the people demand it. Adriana Beltran warned that there would be, ‘people
that don’t want to see themselves being put in front of a judge’.

“The first six months of the MACCIH’s existence will give a greater insight into how the
body will operate. It is certain, however, that the mission will come under intense
scrutiny. Adriana Beltrán explained that civil society is, ‘demanding serious
investigations that try to get at the heart of the endemic levels of corruption and impunity
in the country. So they’re going to be watching and monitoring the work of the
MACCIH’.

“Since the announcement of the MACCIH, there has been speculation as to whether
similar bodies could be set up in El Salvador and even Mexico where both countries face
problems of institutionalized corruption. On 25 January, the United Nations announced
the creation of a US-financed anti-corruption programme in El Salvador.

“If there is strong leadership and support, internationally backed supervisory bodies may
succeed in stemming the chronic violence, criminality and corruption, which have
become so entrenched in Central America. The success of these missions could then
eventually help develop a framework for other countries to adopt in the future.”

53. Michael Lohmuller, Honduras' OAS-backed Anti-Corruption Body Takes

Flight, 19 Jan. 2016, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-
briefs/honduras-oas-backed-anti-corruption-body-takes-flight .............
“Honduras President Juan Orlando Hernández traveled to Washington DC to officially
bring into existence his country's new international anti-impunity body, beginning the
latest chapter in Honduras' fight against corruption.

“On January 19 Hernández will sign an agreement with the Organization of American
States (OAS) to establish the Support Mission Against Corruption and Impunity in
Honduras (Misión de Apoyo Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad en Honduras –
MACCIH).

“The MACCIH is intended to strengthen Honduras' judicial system ‘in the prevention
and fight against corruption and impunity in the country.’ It will do so ‘through active
cooperation, technical advice, supervision and oversight of the State institutions
responsible for preventing, investigating, and punishing acts of corruption.’

“Once established, the next step will be announcing the team of prosecutors who will
staff the MACCIH, and setting up the body at a physical location in Honduras' capital-
city Tegucigalpa, reported El Heraldo. Honduras Attorney General Óscar Fernando
Chinchilla said his office would name at least 100 lawyers for the MACCIH to select
from in forming its elite unit, assigned to investigating corruption networks.

“According to sources cited by El Heraldo, the MACCIH will be given access to police
archives and may assume control of anti-corruption purges in the police and military.

“Supported by the OAS and United Nations, the MACCIH will receive international
funding to guarantee its independence and autonomy. During its approved four-year term
the MACCIH will receive $32 million, or a budget of roughly $8 million annually.

“In an article for Spanish daily El País, OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro hailed the
MACCIH as an ‘initiative without precedent’ in Honduras. The OAS asked ordinary
Hondurans to give the MACCIH their ‘vote of confidence’ ahead of its implementation,
reported La Vanguardia.

“InSight Crime Analysis: The MACCIH arose in response to widespread protests in

Honduras during 2015 over official corruption. Many protestors called for the
resignation of President Hernández, as well as the creation of an international anti-
corruption body similar to the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity in
Guatemala (Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala - CICIG).

“The MACCIH, however, faces a long road ahead if it hopes to replicate the CICIG's
success at tackling Guatemala's entrenched corruption networks, work that led to the
resignation and arrest of ex-President Otto Pérez Molina.

“For one, Honduran elites involved in corrupt activity are likely well attuned to
developments in neighboring Guatemala, and may take measures to ensure Honduras
does not experience a similar string of high-profile anti-corruption takedowns.
“Yet perhaps a more practical limitation for the MACCIH will be a lack of strong data
and information from which to draw reliable conclusions. While the MACCIH will have
access to Honduras' official public records and archives for its anti-corruption battle,
this information may be limited or incompetently organized -- something InSight Crime
experienced during a recent Honduras gang study.”

54. Vicky Baker, The human rights crisis in Honduras, 18 Dec. 2015, available at
http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/campaigns/voicesindanger/the-human-
rights-crisis-in-honduras-a6778551.html ..........................

“Journalists, gay-rights activists, student protesters, indigenous campaigners and

farmers on disputed territories all have something in common in Honduras: speaking out
about their work puts them in extreme danger.

“‘Impunity, threats, attacks, harassment and criminal defamation charges are all risks
faced by those who try to work in sensitive areas, exposing corruption, militarisation,
human-rights abuse and narco-trafficking,’ says Dina Meza, an investigative reporter in
the country, who has also seen a rise in threats made against her this year.

“Meza, a renowned reporter started her own news site in April, Pasos de Animal Grande
(Steps of a Big Animal), which seeks to give a platform to the issues often overlooked by
mainstream media. Many stories go unreported in Honduras and self-censorship is rife.
The country’s murder rate was the highest in the world, discounting war zones, in 2014.
It looks set to take the title again this year, or be a close second to El Salvador. Last week
a footballer for the Honduras national squad, Arnold Peralta, was gunned down in a
shopping centre, and although this high-profile case is currently being investigated, the
vast majority aren’t.

“Meza says she has personally tallied 36 security incidents against her between January
and October this year. On the eve of her visit to London earlier this month – where she
met with UK human-rights campaigners and briefly met with Labour leader Jeremy
Corbyn – she says she was being followed by a black-windowed vehicle. She has also
received multiple death threats, and her children have also been followed and
photographed. Once, just minutes after posting a story on Facebook about the murder of
a political activist, she received an anonymous phone call warning her ‘not to mess
around’. Her colleague, a young journalist Cesario Padilla, has had armed men turn up
to his house….

“Four students were killed earlier this year in protests about a lack of education funding
and proposals for the school day to end at 7pm – a dangerous hour for young people to
be on the streets. One protester, Soad Ham, a 13-year-old student leader of the Central
Institute of Tegucigalpa, was found tortured, her dead body hidden inside a plastic
bag. In November, hundreds of students from the National University clashed with riot
police in the capital, Tegucigalpa, in a demonstration against government corruption.
“‘When student leaders are identified, they are filmed and threatened to try to weaken
the movement,’ says Meza. ‘There are armed guards on campus and the university’s own
publications denounce the protests. [The authorities] are so closed to dialogue, the
situation is likely to explode.’

“‘It’s not just journalists and social communicators who are being targeted, but also
anyone working in a minority field,’ she adds. Murders this year include journalist and
LGBT defender Juan Carlos Cruz Andara, who was stabbed multiple times in June and
indigenous rights campaigner Luís de los Reyes Marcia, who had his throat slit in April.

“Other human-rights protesters and reporters under threat in Honduras include Julio
Ernesto Alvarado, a television presenter who has, in an unprecedented step, been barred
from practicing journalism as part of a criminal defamation conviction. Feminist activist
Gladys Lanza has also been convicted of defamation after defending a woman who
accused a Honduran government official of sexual harassment.

“‘These cases set a dark precedent, adding to a climate of self-censorship. The justice
system does not work. Honduras is not keeping its international commitments. We are in
a deep crisis for human rights,’ says Meza.

“This is echoed by Peace Brigades International, which has been accompanying Meza on
the ground for added protection. In its recent report on the country, the organisation
wrote: ‘Weak institutions, corruption and lack of judicial independence have led to a
situation of extreme vulnerability for individuals, communities and organisations that
defend human rights.’

“Despite years of intimidation against Meza and international support, including a prize
from Oxfam Novib/PEN International and a past nomination for an Index on Censorship
Freedom of Expression Award, no progress has been made in investigating her case and
she still hasn’t been allowed access to her official records, despite numerous requests.

“Honduras began 2015 with 100 murders in its first 10 days. Unless serious action is
taken, nationally and internationally, 2016 is looking similarly bleak.”

55. Juan Jose Martinez d’Aubuisson, Poor ‘hood, Mean ‘hood: The Violent
History of Rivera Hernandez, Honduras, 9 Dec. 2015, available at
http://www.insightcrime.org/investigations/gang-history-rivera-hernandez-
honduras .........................

“In the neighborhood of Rivera Hernandez in San Pedro Sula, the State's absence is felt
everywhere. Six gangs fight for control of one of the poorest sectors of Honduras'
industrial capital. This is the story of that neighborhood. This is the story of the people
who live here, who fall like dominos, one after another, in an endless battle. …

“Melvin Clavel finally returned, several years after he left home. Like many young men
in San Pedro Sula, he left to try his luck at the nearest sea port, Puerto Cortes. That is
where he became a sailor and spent several years getting on and off fishing boats….
After a while, he…planted himself back upon solid ground, back where he grew up in
Sinai, a district located in the enormous neighborhood known as Rivera Hernandez, the
most dangerous neighborhood in San Pedro Sula….

“After several years of hard work on board these floating factories, he managed to save
enough money to build a big house and start a family. He became perhaps the richest
man in Sinai, a district located deep within the vast wretchedness of Rivera Hernandez.
His sacrifice at high sea even allowed him to start a grocery store, based out of a room in
his house. The Clavels' grocery store was formidable. Melvin personally attended to the
store and oversaw the construction of a large cement shelf in front of his house. He also
had steel bars and a window installed in order to better attend his clients. Then came the
boxes of butter, candies, gas cylinders, cases of Coca Cola and everything else that was
needed to build up the best business in the neighborhood….

“But Melvin Clavel knew where he lived and that he was in the middle of an ecosystem of
violence, so prevalent in Sinai and Rivera Hernandez. To protect himself, he bought a 12-
gauge shotgun and a pistol….

“At the time (2010), Sinai was dominated by a group of thugs known as ‘The Ponce.’…
The thugs did what all gangs do in these areas: claim territory, battle neighboring gangs
to the death, and extort people… Melvin had grown up with the leader of the Ponces, a
young man called Cristian Ponce who was known throughout the neighborhood for his
use of violence. They were neighbors for many years; their mothers knew each other, and
Cristian and Melvin were close basically their whole lives.

“Nonetheless, Melvin's rapid prosperity earned attention from Cristian and other
members of the Ponces. After two years, the story began to play out as it usually does: a
boy visited Melvin's store and told him that he must pay the war tax like all the other
businesses in Sinai. If Melvin refused, the gang would have to kill him. Outraged, Melvin
refused, brandished his shotgun and chased the boy out of the store, with a message for
Cristian Ponce: if he wanted the money, he would have to come get it himself. Calling the
police was never an option for Melvin…

“The gang killed Melvin at the end of 2012, while he was unarmed and had his back
turned. They shot him in the head three times as he was taking down some boxes of
butter. He… died in San Pedro Sula's public hospital. The killer chosen by Cristian was
Cleaford, a youth that Melvin didn't associate with the group and who therefore could
approach him without drawing suspicion.

“That same night…Cristian Ponce and his gang entered Melvin's store and took the
candies, the gas cylinders, the boxes of Coca Cola, as though they were collecting the
spoils of war...

“People in Sinai say that the Ponces worked throughout the night. After they were done
with the merchandise, they started moving the furniture out of the house, the clothes, the
television. The house was completely emptied. But the Ponces wanted more and, like a
whirlwind, they tore off the roof, tiles, door frames, toilets, lamps…. His wife and two
daughters never returned. They were terrified of Cristian and his band of killers and
thieves, so they sought refuge and fled the area, the furthest away they could get from
Sinai and Rivera Hernandez. As months passed, Cristian took over the house, which
became the headquarters for the Ponces. From there they were able to wage war with
neighboring gangs: the Vatos Locos, the Barrio Pobre 16, the Tercereños, the Mara
Salvatrucha 13, and the feared Barrio 18, the most violent gang in Rivera Hernandez.
This was how the house of Melvin Clavel became a den for thieves….

“Almost all of the founders of Rivera Hernandez are dead. And several of the old men
who tell these stories were their killers. Mr. Salomon, the man who replaced Jose
Caballero as head of the neighborhood board, was killed with a machete by Mr. Andres,
a battered old man who now complains about the five bullets he once received from
Salomon, more than 30 years ago, before dying from wounds he suffered from a blunt
machete.

“At some point before these deaths, Carlos Rivera, the president of the first
neighborhood board in this area, was killed on the steps of San Pedro Sula's Attorney
General's Office. In his honor, they named the area and a school after him. The name of
the neighborhood was also taken from Hernandez, one of the first owners of these lands.

“The conflicts in Rivera Hernandez seem to follow a pattern. They are small wars fought
over resources or land. Not large estates, but small plots, the majority of which are a few
square meters that could barely fit a tent.

“Juan Ramon is among those who talked to us about those violent years when the
neighborhood was founded. We found him by asking a question all anthropologists want
to ask before dying: "Can you take me to the oldest man in the neighborhood?" Juan
Ramon is small and dark-skinned, an evangelical pastor for the last 30 years. He isn't
technically the oldest man in Rivera Hernandez, but he is one of the most respected
members of the community. He likes to talk, tell stories about all those deaths he
witnessed when Rivera Hernandez was established. He knows about all of the deaths….

“The kids who are now fighting over this same territory are the grandchildren of those
who were involved in the bloody founding of Rivera Hernandez. Just like their ancestors,
the gang members water this poor neighborhood with their blood on a daily basis, in
order to maintain territorial control….

“Eventually, the residents were able to keep their territory, and the neighborhood
became an enormous sprawl known for its wars between rival gangs and criminal
groups.

“Rivera Hernandez has always been known for its violence. It's an area with many
people living in tight quarters, in poor conditions with few resources, where what little
there was, was fought over with machetes. The elderly remember a long list of dead and
injured as a result of small disputes. The cemetery is full of young men and women who
were murdered by their neighbors. Nonetheless, it was a primarily one-on-one style of
violence, with little structure or involvement of large groups. Most fighting occurred
between families over the death of one of their relatives.

“The first gang to arrive in this area was the Barrio Pobre 16, which was established at
the end of the 1980s… Veterans of the gang say members included deportees from the
United States. The Barrio Pobre 16 was a Latin gang formed by Mexicans that originated
in southern California. Originally the gang's name was Barrio Pobre 13, but in San
Pedro Sula, they want to differentiate themselves from the Mara Salvatrucha, or MS13,
and of course, from the 18th Street, or Barrio 18, so they chose a number in the middle.

“Barrio Pobre 16 was a revelation for the youths of Rivera Hernandez. Those who had
been deported from the US had tattoos, spoke English, wore flashy clothes, and were
seen as the definitive, real-life image of modernity. In just a few years, a young man from
Rivera Hernandez transformed the Barrio Pobre 16 into a group of feared killers
and extortionists who dominated the neighborhood. This young man was called El
Yankee -- dark-skinned, strong, violent, all that is left of him is graffiti on a wall. …

“Gang histories are almost never written down -- gang members carry the memories to
the grave, or they write it out on their skin in ink. Other stories are captured on the walls
of slums and shantytowns. Like a Mayan monument, this particular concrete wall tells an
interesting story. Above the memorial for El Yankee, someone, several years later,
crossed out "BP XVI" with black paint and instead painted a formidable "MS X3." The
small Barrio Pobre gang could not survive an assault by the two largest gangs in the
Americas: the MS13 and the Barrio 18. A veteran of the Barrio Pobre XVI said that El
Yankee died in a rain of bullets before his family….

“Melvin Clavel's house was nothing more than rubble. Of all the objects that had once
filled the house just a few months earlier, nothing was left except for the roof, the floor
and the cement-colored walls….

“Something similar would happen to the Ponces' leader -- Cristian Ponce would
eventually be assassinated by the Olanchanos, one of the most violent gangs in Rivera
Hernandez. The Olanchanos are a strange mix of drug traffickers and thugs…. In some
ways, the death was caused by Cristian's younger brother -- he allowed the Olanchano
hitmen to enter Cristian's house and gun Cristian down. Afterwards, Cristian's little
brother fled to the United States as an undocumented immigrant, and nothing else has
been heard from him since. The Ponces that stayed behind behaved like a group of
lawless thugs, betraying and killing each other….

“At the beginning of 2013, other gangs began coveting the neighborhood that the Ponces
had dominated for years. One section was stalked by the MS13, perhaps the largest gang
in Rivera Hernandez. On the other side were their life-long enemies, the Olanchanos.
Two streets down, the Vatos Locos cast a greedy eye. Two other small but ferocious
gangs were also fighting to take over Sinai: the Parqueros and the Tercereños. These
gangs made their own attempts to finish off what remained of Cristian Ponce's group. On
top of all this, just one kilometer away, lurked the most feared and violent gang in the
entire neighborhood: the Barrio 18.

“[S]everal Ponce members deserted and joined the MS13. After this loss, Sinai was
controlled by no more than five Ponce members. The other gangs had them cornered, but
the Ponces would survive another year in the middle of the crossfire. By January 2014,
the Ponces had increased their ‘war tax,’ charging their neighbors exorbitant amounts.
They followed the same logic that Cristian had taught them: anyone who didn't pay, paid
with their life.

“One of these extortion operations targeted the Argeñal family, who owned a small store.
The Argeñals were unable to pay the ‘tax’ and tried to negotiate. But there was no room
for leniency, and a few days later the Ponces kidnapped Andrea Abigal, the family's 13-
year-old daughter. The police made a timid attempt to search for her and carried out a
few raids. Afterwards, the girl's mother was left on her own, knocking on doors, begging
for Andrea. The Ponces held Andrea captive for several days and after raping her, they
cut her into pieces and buried her in the patio of Melvin Clavel's house. They say that
while she was being mutilated, one of the Ponces called Andrea's mother on the phone,
so that she would hear the shouts and the sounds of the machete….

“By doing this, the gang signed its own death warrant. The Olanchanos, upset with all
the attention from the media and police, captured two of the Ponces and, after torturing
them, killed them both. One appeared in a sack on the side of the road and the other was
found by a local farmer several meters below ground. That left only two members of the
Ponces. The entire family of one Ponce member was killed by the MS13, and the gang
took all that was inside of the house as their bounty -- the same that had happened to the
Clavel family….

“While we were conducting field research for this report, between February and June
2015, the houses of all the Ponce members were like vestiges of an ancient war.
Vegetation was growing inside them. The ceilings and the doors had been removed
months ago. Inside, all that remained were the walls, painted with the graffiti of dead
gang members. One of the houses had a room flooded with greenish water swarming with
mosquitoes. It was like a big factory for chikungunya, the malaria-like illness plaguing
Rivera Hernandez….

“Nevertheless, another force has taken over Melvin Clavel's old store. In the midst of so
much confusion, and while Rivera Hernandez's gangs riddled the neighborhood with
bullets, another silent house has steadily been taking over Sinai since mid-2013. This
force is called Daniel Pacheco, and ever since he proclaimed his authority over Sinai, the
gangs withdrew. Sinai has a new boss now.

“‘El Polache,’ followed close behind by ‘El Colocho’ and ‘El Gato,’ leaves one of the
houses with a metal gate. They look at us suspiciously…. We are a strange group,
perhaps the most exotic that has passed through these parts: a Salvadoran anthropologist
and an artist from Tegucigalpa would probably go unnoticed anywhere else, but here we
stick out like two martians….

“Very few foreigners are seen in the streets here and they observed us from head to toe.
They were members of the MS13, and their mission is clear: to control the area and
defend it from incursions by other gangs. Suddenly a lanky, dark-skinned young man
appeared. They call him ‘El Calaca.’ His simple clothing contrasted with the power we
knew he wielded. He is like a king of the slum… He asked a few questions, and after
talking we realized our answers sounded as though we came from a different world. This
was when our guide, Daniel Pacheco, talked on our behalf. Everything was smoothed
over and the young men invited us into their house.

“Daniel Pacheco is an evangelical pastor…. Everything in their family revolves around a

small church, ‘Rosa de Saharon.’ In these neighborhoods, being a pastor has a different
connotation than elsewhere in Honduras. In Rivera Hernandez, pastors are among the
few people who command power, or respect, besides the gangs. Pastors are a type of
‘holy men’ -- people go to them when they are in need of help, when they have no food to
give their children, or when a gang has kidnapped a family member. The near total
absence of the State, non-governmental organizations, and other institutions means these
local pastors accumulate a significant amount of prestige and power. They are looked at
as though they give off a divine aura.

“There are many pastors, as well as small churches. There is one on almost every block.
However, only a few pastors are truly venerated. The community is constantly
scrutinizing them…. A pastor cannot cheat on his wife, cannot have debts. Nor can he be
seen smoking a cigarette in the corner store… Only those that follow these rules pass the
test. Only then will the community bestow absolute trust upon them. These holy men
usually pass on their status to their children, who begin their training in preaching and
healing at an early age. Thus, small dynasties of pastors are created. Daniel Pacheco is
the son and grandson of popular pastors and he is training his children the same way he
was taught.

“Within this small of group of holy men, Pacheco stands out for one thing: Daniel talks
and negotiates with the six gangs that govern Rivera Hernandez.

“Inside the house, the pastor reminded the MS13 gang members of the time he got them
out of the police cell and talked on their behalf before the authorities. He also reminded
them that he has known ‘Zuich’ and ‘Stark’ -- the MS13 generals in this area -- since
they were young….

“Pacheco told us that the gang members are virtually fasting. And he told us about the
missions they carry out, about how the gang leadership barely gives them food to eat.
‘These guys go hungry,’ the pastor said. ‘At times they have to be on watch all day
without food. When I see them like that, I bring them a plate of food to share because I
feel bad.’
“Soon, the gang members started… talking about the war against the other five gangs.
They told us about what, according to them, was the betrayal of the Ponces and how the
Maras exterminated them. Calaca pointed at someone and said without hesitation:
‘He was a Ponce before. Now he belongs to the Marota,’ he said, making
the MS13symbol with his hands. The man looked silently at the floor….

“‘El Crimen,’ a young and scrawny youth … told us about how he survived seven
gunshots, two stabbings, and five machete blows. The others told more anecdotes and the
conversation drifted towards more thorny issues.

“Later, our guide, Pastor Pacheco, signaled to me and German and told us that we could
go into Barrio 18 territory, but we must do it carefully. According to Pastor Pacheco, the
police chief responsible for this sector of Rivera Hernandez, and everyone else we've
spoken with, this Barrio 18 faction is violent. They have earned their reputation through
violence and are known for their rigid control of the community.

“The pastor offered to bring us to Kitur, a sector in the heart of Barrio 18 territory. We
left Sinai at 9:00 p.m. in Pastor Pacheco's truck, carrying musical instruments for an
evangelical vigil. ‘El Malvado’ the leader of the Barrio 18 faction in this area, told
Pastor Pacheco over the phone that we needed to turn off all lights before entering the
territory. …

“Every time we passed a border that the gangs had marked with blood and bullets,
Pastor Pacheco let us know. The rain grew stronger and the dirt streets of Rivera
Hernandez were now small streams. No one was on the streets and only a few houses had
their lights on. A malnourished horse wandered before us, sloshing water with its legs,
the only way we could guess where the path leads.

Suddenly, a far-off light indicates which direction we should drive…. It was the Barrio
18's sign. The lights changed direction, and at the end of an alley a large group of
shadows were waiting for us. Among them was El Malvado…. A pistol hung from his belt
and his hand gripped his cellphone as though it were an extension of his body.

“El Malvado dominates various sectors of Rivera Hernandez, from Ciudad Planeta to
Asentamientos Humanos and through Cerrito Lindo, where we were meeting him. He was
surrounded by at least eight kids, most of them boys, who quickly lost interest in us and
instead started calling the look-outs, or ‘banderas.’ None of the gang members were over
20 years old.

“Malvado talked very little, and said canned phrases like, ‘The 18 are always pure,
sincere and respectful.’ Later, he told us how he respects everything that comes from
God. After a little small talk, he asked us to take him someplace else, and without waiting
for an answer, El Malvado got into the front seat of our truck…..
“Hardly a minute went by without El Malvado making or answering a phone call.
‘Mmm.. stop a white car that's heading for the red light. That's not a local,’ he said into
his phone.

“The tour was coming to an end. We left him in the same place we picked him up, and
there he met with his second-in-command. Both went into the shadows, but not before
telling us that we could drive their territory without worrying, since they had already
alerted all the Barrio 18 members in Rivera Hernandez of our presence.
“The next morning there was bad news for El Malvado and his gang. The police had
captured four of their members and had them in custody at the police station….

“Eventually, the boys who were arrested left the police station. They were four boys. All
of them were younger than 17. All of them lowered their gazes when they saw their
mothers. The biggest of all of them tried to calm the women and said defiantly, ‘Calm
down, this is not the end of the world! We are going to resolve this.’

“The gang member who told the police, "This is our fate" was just a boy. He was 14
years old, but he looks younger. He was dark-skinned and had large, light-colored eyes.
His clothes were very simple, the same as his mother's and father's. This boy was not
afraid. He had a smile on his face and even appeared to be lapping up the attention.

“Then the boys were herded into a police vehicle, to be taken down to a courthouse in
San Pedro Sula….

“The boys were accused of carrying an illegal weapon, drug trafficking and carrying ill-
gotten money. We asked El Malvado about the arrests, but he told us there was no
problem, that they were all ‘banderas,’ the lowest-ranking members of the gang
hierarchy.

“Later on, we visited El Malvado's enemies. We went to the boundaries of Sinai and
waited there for the MS13. They were happy because a boy who they thought was going
to die had left the hospital. They called him ‘Bocha,’ and in fact, his name had already
been graffitied onto a wall, as a type of obituary. According to gang protocol, seeing
someone's name on this wall is like seeing it on a tombstone. We spend the afternoon with
the MS13in their territory… After a while, El Calaca explained that we had to leave,
since they were at war and could not be so careless….

“Meanwhile, Bocha ate slowly and looked at German and Calaca with a zombie-like
expression. His chest was wrapped in bandages; the doctors in the public hospital left
him with a large, vertical scar…. Bocha had been shot by El Malvado's people for
entering their territory. Bocha was unarmed and managed to run to the nearest police
station, where the officers reluctantly mounted him on a stretcher and brought him to the
hospital. Investigating the incident appears to not be an option….
Everyone then headed off towards the bowels of the neighborhood. El Calaca…was killed
weeks later. Bocha was also unable to carry out his revenge, since he was killed by
the Barrio 18 days after Calaca's death.

“Melvin Clavel's house now looks different. At least on the outside. Pastor Daniel
Pacheco, using what little salary he earns as a carpenter, was able to buy paint and,
along with the young children from his church, painted the house one Sunday
afternoon…

“Inside the house, Pastor Pacheco's volunteers washed away Melvin's blood stains. The
pastor and his team took out the trash, planted flowers, and threw away everything that
one would expect to find a gang hideout: empty liquor bottles, cigarette containers, torn
women's clothing, and rusty machetes. The pastor also built a large sink that the children
from the neighborhood use as a pool. At night the community hosts small soccer matches,
and on Sundays they hang piñatas and organize games for the children. Other days the
house is filled with evangelicals and their singing. It is the closest thing that Sinai has
ever had to a neighborhood center-- something that is normal elsewhere, but not here. It
is an oasis of peace in Rivera Hernandez….

“There is no regular State presence here, only an occasional police or military patrol,
which usually only comes during a fumigation campaign against mosquitoes carrying
chikungunya or to inspect the gang-infested schools. The violence here is difficult to
understand. It is so present in everything, so immersed in everyday life, that it is difficult
to decipher. The people live with the violence without thinking about it, like how the
Eskimos spend their days without thinking about the snow that surrounds them. This is
life in Rivera Hernandez, the poorest neighborhood in San Pedro Sula.”

56. Louisa Reynolds, Honduras’s Aborted Mission for Political Reform: Restive
Hondurans fear a historic opportunity for groundbreaking political change is
about to pass them by, 28 Oct. 2015, available at
http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/10/28/honduras-guatemala-corruption-oas/ ….

“GUATEMALA CITY — A deadly combination of drug wars and gang violence have
turned Honduras — the original banana republic — into the most violent country in the
world outside a war zone. The institutions responsible for providing public security are
largely ineffective and remain mired in corruption. And violence has escalated since the
2009 coup that deposed left-leaning president Manuel Zelaya.

“Last June, revelations emerged that Mario Zelaya (no relation to the ousted president),
the former head of the Honduran Institute of Social Security, used embezzled social
security funds to boost the coffers of the ruling National Party during the 2013
presidential elections. In total, some $350 million has allegedly been stolen. The news
gave rise to a massive anti-corruption movement known as the Indignados (‘The
Outraged’), whose ranks include the grassroots organizations and political parties that
fought to restore Manuel Zelaya after his ouster, along with ordinary citizens who had
never taken to the streets before. Since then, the hits have kept on coming. On July 4, a
Honduran judge placed Lena Gutiérrez, the vice president of congress and a member of
the ruling National Party, under house arrest with several members of her family,
following allegations that they embezzled from the state by selling it poor quality
medicine at inflated prices. These revelations incensed protestors, and intensified their
demands for President Juan Orlando Hernández to step down.

“On Sept. 28, Tegucigalpa heeded their call, announcing the creation of the Mission to
Support the Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH), an anti-
corruption commission supported by the Washington-based Organization of American
States (OAS), which seeks to strengthen peace, democracy, free trade, and human rights
in Latin America. Just a few weeks after the sudden fall of Guatemalan President Otto
Pérez Molina following a corruption investigation, it seemed a Central American Spring
had arrived.

“But far from quelling the protests, the announcement has fanned the flames of
discontent. What the Indignados wanted was Honduras’ own version of the International
Commission Against Impunity In Guatemala (CICIG), whose investigations brought
down Pérez Molina and other top leaders. That body, the Indignados point out, holds
investigatory and prosecutorial powers with real muscle. MACCIH’s mandate, by
contrast, resembles a plan put forward by Hernández — a putative target of any
corruption investigation — centered largely on offering recommendations on justice
system reforms.

“MACCIH, as a result, has left the Indignados feeling cheated. And its creation suggests
that Honduras, unlike its neighbor to the west, is in danger of missing a historic
opportunity for groundbreaking reform.

“With its initial two-year mandate, MACCIH will oversee investigations conducted by the
attorney general’s office, ensure compliance with OAS anti-corruption treaties, and
create an observatory of academics and civil society representatives to promote judicial
reforms. While it’s still unclear what specific changes MACCIH will propose, its
recommendations are likely to include legal reforms to prevent congress from removing
judges for political reasons, and other measures to strengthen judicial independence.
This is the first time the OAS has supported an entity of this sort. ‘Our hope is that the
justice system will become an effective tool in the fight against impunity that can earn the
respect of the Honduran people and can play a key role in this democracy,’ OAS
secretary-general Luis Almagro said when MACCIH was announced.

“But so far, MACCIH seems more like a tool to appease the masses rather than an
effective tool for reform. President Hernández, for one thing, has embraced the mission
— hardly a surprise, given that its basic framework mirrors a proposal he put forward in
June, in response to protesters’ calls for his immediate resignation. The Indignados, as a
result, say MACCIH will lack any real power.

“For the Indignados, MACCIH feels like a mere Band-Aid on a gaping wound, explains
economist Hugo Noé Pino of the Central American Institute of Fiscal Studies. What
protesters want is a complete overhaul, starting with a commission identical to
Guatemala’s, which investigates organized crime, trains local prosecutors, and has
fearlessly taken on drug kingpins — and former President Pérez Molina himself, who
now awaits trial on charges of corruption. According to Pino, Hernandez is playing out
the clock, loading MACCIH up with a series of lengthy assessments and
recommendations to stall for time until the 2017 elections.

“‘The Honduran people don’t want any more diagnostics. We’re very clear about the fact
that this country is plagued by rampant corruption and impunity,’ Indignados
spokesperson Ariel Varela told Honduran news site Criterio on Sept. 28. What they want,
Varela explained, is for Hernandez to face justice. On the same day, he told AFP that the
Indignados would continue to fight for their own CICIG. The movement has called for
another paro cívico, or an unofficial strike and nation-wide demonstration, to be held on
Nov. 4.

“The restive Indignados also increasingly realize that no matter how much noise they
make, they’re likely to remain shut out of the reform process.

“On Sept. 7, an OAS mission led by Chilean negotiator John Biehl arrived in Honduras.
He invited the protestors to participate in talks with government and civil society
representatives to work towards solving the political crisis unleashed by the social
security scandal. But when the five-day talks concluded, the protestors realized that their
demand for a CICIG-style commission had been discarded when Biehl and Hernández
announced MACCIH’s creation. The more moderate members of the Indignados felt
short-changed, and have grown increasingly mistrustful of international institutions and
foreign mediators, said Tomás Andino, a political analyst and one of the leaders of the
Indignados….

“Hernández, for his part, insists that MACCIH ‘has a broader scope’ than CICIG, since
it will focus on strengthening the judiciary and the attorney general’s office. ‘It’s time to
work together to build a new Honduras where we can fight impunity and we have all the
necessary tools,’ he tweeted early in the process….

“On Oct. 12, OAS named a team of experts who will select MACCIH’s director, as well
as the foreign judges and prosecutors who will be hired by the commission in an advisory
role. A deadline has yet to be set for the commission to begin its work. Meanwhile, the
Indignados say they will continue to take to the streets until MACCIH is scrapped.

“But not everyone in Honduras is pessimistic about MACCIH. Political analyst Juan
Ramón Martínez believes the Indignados, who have brought the country to a standstill on
a number of occasions, are a force to be reckoned with, and have the power to ensure the
commission produces tangible results. The young, media-savvy protestors have used
Facebook and Twitter to organize simultaneous protests in Tegucigalpa and other major
cities, including San Pedro Sula and Comayagua. Hondurans living in New York, Miami,
Washington, and other cities, have also joined the protests, posting photos with banners
demanding a CICIH on social media. Their torch-lit marches and vigils have become
known as la marcha de las antorchas (the march of the torches).

“‘I don’t think the Indignados have failed. I feel optimistic that activists will exert
pressure on the commission and will demand immediate results even if in the long term
the results achieved are not as spectacular as those achieved in Guatemala,’ said
Martínez.

“But the Indignados’ anger is palpable. Three days after the government announced the
creation of MACCIH, Tegucigalpa turned into a fierce battleground between riot police
and protesters who blocked the city’s main avenues and barricaded themselves behind
burning tires. ‘We no longer trust multilateral organizations. All we can do now is to
exert greater pressure. Marches are not enough; we need to start blocking roads and
occupying government buildings,’ Andino said.

“Although it is difficult to predict where the Indignados movement might go from here, a
repressive government response, and a failure to heed their demands will only stoke their
anger. With an increasingly angry and radicalized Indignados movement, emboldened by
events in Guatemala and more determined than ever to make its voice heard, a Honduran
Spring may still be in the cards.”

57. Ashley Miller and Harold Trinkunas, Why is Honduras So Violent?, 19 Oct.
2015, available at http://www.insightcrime.org/news-analysis/why-is-honduras-
so-violent ....................

“Times are tough in Honduras. Worse, many of the country’s challenges are
transnational in origin and are beyond the capacity of Hondurans to solve alone. They
have nonetheless had a corrosive effect on Honduran society and its institutions. After the
success of Plan Colombia and Mexico's crackdown on drug trafficking under President
Felipe Calderon, Honduras became a major transshipment point for illicit drugs flowing
to the United States.

“It remains one of the most violent countries in the world due to a serious organized
crime problem associated with drug trafficking and gangs. This has produced both
internal displacement and a wave of undocumented immigrants to the United States
(including unaccompanied minors). Drug trafficking has contributed to corruption,
impunity, and insecurity in Honduras. President Juan Orlando Hernandez, who took
office in 2014, responded with a crackdown on crime and the militarization of law
enforcement, but faces serious criticism over corruption in government and human rights
abuses by the security forces.

“This week, the Honduran government accepted a proposed Organization of American

States (OAS) mission to counter corruption and impunity, the MACCIH (Mision de Apoyo
en Contra de la Corrupcion e Impunidad en Honduras). President Juan Orlando
Hernandez also announced at the United Nations General Assembly that he had secured
support for a permanent UN human rights monitoring mission in Honduras.
“These are welcome signals from the government of a highly troubled country. But
whether the international community can have a positive effect on the situation in
Honduras depends on how these external missions are implemented and led, and the
degree to which the Hernandez administration has the political will to take what will
undoubtedly be difficult steps to overcome fierce resistance from entrenched political and
economic interests.

“Honduras has seen some improvement in recent years. President Hernandez was
elected in 2013 on a platform of reducing violence, combating organized crime, and
increasing prosperity. Since he took office, the rate of intentional homicide has
been reduced from 79 per 100,000 to 68 per 100,000, according to the Observatory of
Violence at the National Autonomous University of Honduras. And according to US
officials, drug trafficking is down significantly as well.

“While trend lines appear to be headed in the right direction, the situation in Honduras
remains dire. As a result, Honduras, together with El Salvador and Guatemala, has
appealed for international support in the form of a proposed Alliance for Prosperity in
the Northern Triangle of Central America, a proposal developed in conjunction with the
Inter-American Development Bank and the US government. Clearly the Honduran
government is seeking to secure international support to address its domestic crisis.

“President Hernandez’s efforts (and lack of progress) have not been uncontroversial in
Honduras. Protesters have been on the streets of Tegucigalpa for months calling for his
resignation and an end to government corruption and human rights violations.

“The proposed MACCIH seeks to help address citizens’ concerns. It appears to emulate
some, but not all, key aspects of the CICIG (International Commission Against Impunity
in Guatemala), the UN-led commission to combat impunity in Guatemala. The
MACCIH will include independent judges and prosecutors to ‘supervise and lend
specialized technical support’ to their Honduran counterparts; a role for the Justice
Studies Center of the Americas in proposing reforms to Honduran legislation; an
internationally supported review of the effectiveness of the public security system in
Honduras; and a civil society observatory to evaluate and measure progress towards
reform. …

“Critics in Honduras and the United States have correctly pointed out that Honduras has
had a terrible track record on fighting impunity and corruption. There are undoubtedly
entrenched, corrupt interests in Honduras that will oppose reform. The Hernandez
administration would be wise to take advantage of greater transparency and scrutiny to
pursue actions recommended by OAS and UN-led missions to their fullest extent, some of
which will undoubtedly cut close to the interests of Honduras’ elites.

“If the government tries to deflect the efforts of the international bodies whose support it
has invited, this will quickly become apparent to all. That would provide ammunition for
its critics at home and further increase political pressure for change in this troubled
country.
“Even if the international community is unable to help Honduras fully address its most
troubling challenges (organized crime, corruption, human rights violations), at the very
least the enhanced level of scrutiny will put the government on notice to deliver on its
commitments to improve -- or have its shortcomings exposed for all to see.”

58. Andrew Kelly, OAS to establish anti-corruption body in Honduras, 28 Sept.

2015, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/us-honduras-corruption-oas-
idUSKCN0RS2PF20150928 .....................

“The Organization of American States (OAS) said on Monday it will create a mission to
tackle graft in Honduras, where protestors have been pushing for an anti-corruption
body like one that helped bring down the president of neighboring Guatemala.

“OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro unveiled the planned Mission to Support the
Fight Against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH) alongside Honduran
President Juan Orlando Hernandez, whom the protestors have been urging to resign.

“The MACCIH will be led by a legal expert and would establish an international panel of
judges and prosecutors to supervise, advise and support Honduran authorities
investigating corruption, the Washington-based OAS said in a statement.

“A U.N.-backed anti-graft body known as the CICIG has played a key role in uncovering
corruption in Guatemala, which this month led to the resignation and arrest of President
Otto Perez, whom prosecutors accuse of involvement in a customs scam.

“Perez has denied any wrongdoing.

“Hernandez's opponents in Honduras have called on him to stand down over his links to
a $200-million corruption scandal at the Honduran Institute of Social Security, where
companies, some formed by institute officials, overcharged for services.

“Hernandez has admitted his 2013 presidential campaign took some $150,000 from
companies involved in the scandal, but said he and his party were unaware of where the
money came from.

“The OAS said the announcement of the MACCIH came in response to a request from the
Honduran government on Sept. 14 for its support in strengthening the country's justice
system.

“The MACCIH's remit will include the creation of a ‘Justice Observatory’ made up of
Honduran academic organizations and civil society groups to assess reform of its justice
system.

“The OAS did not say when the mission would be set up but that it would send a
delegation to Honduras ‘shortly’ to begin the process.
“The United States, from which Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador have been
seeking economic aid to curb illegal migration, has been a strong backer of the CICIG in
Guatemala.

“The country's ex-president Perez accused Washington of seeking to extend the anti-graft
body to El Salvador and Honduras after his arrest.”

59. Hugh Bronstein, Honduras says U.N. rights office to monitor drugs
crackdown, 27 Sept. 2015, available at http://www.businessinsider.com/r-
honduras-says-un-rights-office-to-monitor-drugs-crackdown-2015-9
...........................

“UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - The United Nations will open a human rights
monitoring office in Honduras this year to guard against possible violations by security
forces as they crack down on drug gangs, President Juan Hernandez said on Sunday.

“The militarization of the Central American country has helped stem gang bloodshed
Hernandez said, while disputing claims that his policy to ‘put a soldier on every corner’
has resulted in a spike in rights violations.

“Nonetheless, he told Reuters, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon had agreed to place
a human rights ombudsman's office in Honduras before the end of the year.

“‘The secretary confirmed this with me yesterday,’ he told Reuters on the sidelines of the
U.N. General Assembly….

“His predecessor President Porfirio Lobo rolled out the military in 2012 to fight gangs,
and Hernandez upped the offensive.

“He said his country's murder rate has dropped to about 55 per 100,000 residents from
more than 86 two years ago.

“Hernandez said he did not believe violations had increased under his government.
‘What I'm sure of is that with the police force we had before, there were more rights
violations and impunity,’ he said.

“Poverty and chronic violence in Honduras were among the main factors behind a surge
in illegal migration from Central America to the United States last year that caused a
major political headache for President Barack Obama.

“From 2012 to 2014, Honduran soldiers were accused of being involved in at least nine
murders, over 20 cases of torture and about 30 illegal detentions, according to data
compiled by Reuters.
“‘Clearly, in this kind of work there can always be imperfections and inappropriate
methods used, but we have been emphatic that in the struggle against violence we will not
tolerate rights violations,’ Hernandez said.

“Honduras' Interior Minister Rigoberto Chang has acknowledged there had been cases
of military abuses, but said they were isolated incidents and he promised justice.

“More boots on the ground has played well politically for Hernandez. But he dodged
questions about any plans he has for changing the constitution to allow him to run for a
second term.

“‘Today, my obligation is to perform my duties well, and attack the problems of violence
and poverty,’ he said when asked if he wants to seek another term.”

60. Reagan Jackson, Why isn’t the world talking about the Honduras corruption
scandal?, 18 Sept 2015, available at
http://www.seattleglobalist.com/2015/09/18/honduras-corruption-scandal-
ihss/41567 ................................

“Everyone in Honduras is talking about Guatemala. It’s been two weeks since Otto Perez
Molina resigned as Guatemalan president after a crackdown on corruption by the United
Nations-backed International Commission against Impunity.

“Just southeast of Guatemala, many citizens in neighboring Honduras are requesting

that similar investigations take place in their country, after Honduras President Juan
Orlando Hernandez admitted that his campaign ended up with money from the
national health system, resulting in patients’ deaths.

“Hours after arriving in the Honduran capital of Tegucigalpa, I found myself in a plaza
downtown. It was filled with people walking in all directions and several street preachers
proselytizing from makeshift PA systems. Across the square from the Metropolitan
Cathedral of Tegucigalpa was an encampment of tents roped off with a sign indicating
that the residents were participating in a hunger strike.

“Not only were there activists, five strikers and a political street artist, but supporters
were guarding the camp and providing water to the strikers.

“The activists said the supporters were needed to protect them from disruption from
police.

“‘Last night they wanted to try it here. They were going to come here and fuck with us
last night, people sent by Mr. President. He’s been sending people here that attack us,”
said 54-year-old Oscar Maldonado, one of three men on 14th day of the hunger strike.
‘But we realized what their plan was and we denounced them on Radio Globo and on
other radio stations too.’
“Two of the five men had been on strike for 36 days only drinking water with a little
honey and some juice to survive. They spent 28 days on the corner in front of the
Presidential Palace before deciding to relocate to the more populated square.

“‘Well we’re more or less healthy,’ said Hernan Ayala, 42. ‘It’s logical that we’re weak
and tired, but our purpose is to pressure the government until they install the
Commission here.’ They plan to stay there indefinitely.

“‘The last straw was our actual president who is governing our country,’ explained
Marco Tulio Medense, 69, a member of a group he referred to as La Gente Indignado —
the Indignant People. ‘Why? Because this man, when he began to govern this country,
took money from the State Department and in the first place from the Social Security
fund. He took money for his political campaign.’

“In a press conference at the end of May, President Juan Orlando Hernandez admitted
that his campaign fund mysteriously ended up with about $3 million lempira (about
$140,000 USD) from an account that funds the national health plan in Honduras.
However, he argued that he didn’t know about it and therefore should not be held
accountable, according to international news network teleSUR.

“The network reported that allegedly more than $350 million USD in total was
embezzled by the managers of the Social Security Institute, some of which was funneled
into the current president’s campaign fund.

“The result has been catastrophic, particularly to impoverished communities.

Activists say that more than 3,000 people have died because the hospitals could not
afford to stock medicine or in some cases substituted actual medicine for placebo pills
made from flour or common diuretics.

“Thousands took to the streets carrying torches symbolic of shedding the light of truth on
the dark corruption of the government. Demonstrations were held simultaneously in
Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula, Choluteca, and Comayagua. The protests were bipartisan.
Even members of the president’s own National Party joined in. Though the president
committed to returning the misappropriated funds, the protests have continued every
Friday.

“‘For that reason we are walking the streets indignant,’ Medense said. ‘Because he can
return the money, but he can’t bring back the dead. And we are demanding that he
leave office, and that the Commission against Impunity come and not only investigate
him, but also the gang of delinquents that are running this country.’

“Maldonado said Hernandez’ presidency has been corrupt, with allegations of nepotism
as well as embezzlement.

“‘They are thieves completely. That’s what they are. They want to lie to the people. They
don’t want anyone to realize that they’re stealing so they make these secret laws. Why?
So that no one questions them. Because if you ask questions they kill you. They send
you to be killed,’ Maldonado said.

“While his words may seem dramatic, dissent appears to be dangerous in Honduras.
Four students were found fatally shot after participating in protests of education cuts,
according to the BBC. UNICEF has demanded an investigation into these murders.

Yet so far the cries of the Honduran people have gone unanswered. In the face of
demands for international intervention, the President Hernandez formed his own
commission on corruption called the ‘Sistema Integral Hondureño para combatir la
impunidad’ — the Integral System of Honduras to Combat Impunity with the goal of
having open dialogue.

“As the subject of investigation it might seem inappropriate for Hernandez to be leading
the effort to expose corruption, but no one else has proposed a solution.

“Moreover, solutions are not forthcoming from the countries that capitalize on
Honduras’ many natural resources — a point Medense made by wearing little more
than a loin cloth, a wig and shackles chained to his wrists.

“‘The shackles represent our in independence that was born in 1821 when the Spanish
left us in 1821, he said. ‘In 2015 we have 195 years of supposed independence, but the
‘truth is that we have never been independent because in 1862 foreign mining companies
began entered Honduras to exploit our minerals.’

“‘We liberated ourselves from the Spanish to become occupied by the American and
other countries’ companies here,’ said Midense.

“For example, after 1998’s devastating Hurricane Mitch, the Honduran government
lowered regulatory standards in the mining industry, and now Canadian companies
control the majority of mining rights in Honduras.

“While happy to participate in the development of Honduras and to reap the benefits of
the various natural resources, the government of Canada has also been notably silent on
the issue of corruption.

“What about the U.S.? When I asked, U.S. Embassy officials in Honduras and D.C.
wouldn’t tell me what role the U.S. has in supporting Honduran citizens during this latest
political clash.

“I was incredulous. So, money from the U.S. can build a soccer field or fund all the
community centers we want, but when people literally are dying because of government
corruption suddenly the U.S. is adopting a hands-off approach?

“‘This land and those who have governed have entered into corruption to rob of us our
resources which are the minerals, the waters … foreign companies have come to exploit
us. In few words they have always kept us enslaved. And we want to free ourselves
already,’ Medense told me.

“But will freedom come? Even if the International Commission against Impunity decides
to try President Hernandez, who will take over? And with all the foreign involvement in
Honduras, whose hands are clean enough to take the lead on an international
intervention? Clearly not ours.”

61. Fulton Armstrong and Eric Hershberg, Is a “CICIH” the answer to

Honduras’ Crisis?, 15 Sept. 2015, available at http://aulablog.net/2015/09/15/is-a-
cicih-the-answer-to-honduras-crisis/ ……………………………..

“The success of the Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG)

in driving anti-corruption efforts there – culminating in the resignation of President
Pérez Molina – has stoked debate in neighboring Honduras on the wisdom of creating a
‘CICIH’ with the same mission to root out the rot that permeates state institutions and
perpetuates the misery of the citizenry. President Juan Orlando Hernandez has stated
categorically that no such entity is needed in Honduras given advances in the country’s
own institutions and his own putative commitment to good governance. Some civil
society organizations are at least implicitly concurring by taking part in accountability
initiatives involving collaboration with the government. Other voices from civil society
are objecting vociferously, however. Most notable among them are the indignados, a
largely youth-based movement that insists that the President himself and virtually the
entire institutional system in Honduras is so rotten that only an international body can be
trusted to root out endemic corruption. The argument rages on, with the indignados
staging regular demonstrations and the government – occupied simultaneously with
promoting its credibility at home and abroad and maneuvering to secure authorization
for presidential re-election – holding fast to its opposition to any such international
role. The debate will continue for the foreseeable future. We sketch below our
understanding of the competing arguments.

“Arguments in favor of a CICIH: By nearly all accounts, corruption has rendered the
public and private sectors chronically ineffective – from the President (who admitted that
millions from Social Security made it into his campaign coffers and who engaged in
nepotism), through the government ministries and even the judicial bureaucracies (where
political pressure, intimidation, and bribery are rampant), and companies large and
small (for whom payoffs are merely an added budget item). The country has topped the
charts in non-war homicides, including targeted killings, and other violence for several
years, further discouraging investigations and prosecutions. The flood of narcotics and
cash through Honduras has thrown fuel onto the flames. Only an independent, UN-
endorsed entity like a CICIH – with its unique ability to train, protect, and motivate
judicial personnel, issue indictments, and put powerful people in jail, and shame local
government into taking action – can help the country climb out of this deep hole, this
argument goes.
“Arguments against: Steven Dudley of InSight Crime notes that the call for a CICIH
comes at a time that the Attorney General’s office is showing some signs of life. Its anti-
corruption efforts have led to the indictment and arrest of the former head of the Social
Security Institute on charges of embezzlement and illegally financing political parties
(although some charges were dropped). Combating crime, cheaper homemade solutions
are showing results in Honduras in terms of training and cases resolved. Organizations
like the Asociación para una Sociedad más Justa (ASJ) are doing groundbreaking work
to keep homicide levels down in some of the worst neighborhoods at a fraction of the cost
of a CICIH. Expense is another important factor. In Guatemala the CICIG costs
between $12 million and $15 million annually, which even that country, far wealthier
than Honduras, cannot afford. CICIG has provided valuable assistance and training to
Guatemala’s Attorney General’s Office, but its foreign investigators, who move around
in armored vehicles with armed bodyguards, leech massive resources that might
otherwise go to fortify local prosecutors’ offices. Moreover, according to this argument,
the investigators don’t need foreign prosecutors to tell them what they’re doing wrong.

“Skeptics further contend that international donors and pro-reform Hondurans arguably
will not get the quick fix and public relations victory they want from a CICIH. It took
over a decade for CICIG to set up in Guatemala and nearly eight years to get the right
mix of cases. Its greatest strategic goal – fortifying Guatemala’s justice system –
remains a work in progress. The Guatemalan Attorney General’s Office has not yet
executed a complicated, forensic investigation leading to a high-level
prosecution. Honduras’s greater reliance on foreign assistance, according to this
argument, suggests a CICIH would actually enable its dependency, rather than break it.

“The weakness and rot within Honduran institutions and the venality of national
leadership strongly suggest that neither approach – a foreign-backed entity like CICIH
or a home-grown solution – could quickly reverse the tsunami of corruption and violence
that the isthmus’s poorest country has been experiencing since the 2009 coup. Ideally,
the best of Honduras’s own efforts could be buttressed by a Honduran version of the
CICIG model, but the knack of the country’s leaders for overwhelming even the best of
intentions, as they did the ‘Truth Commission’ charged with determining accountability
for the coup and rights abuses carried out in its aftermath, argues for extreme caution in
forming expectations. The debate therefore may boil down to the moral argument of
whether the international community, witnessing Honduras’s descent into utter
lawlessness and destitution, can stand idly by or should at least offer its help in what
form it can, such as a CICIH. Even if a CICIH is not a panacea, it at least would send a
powerful message to Honduran elites that the world is watching.”

62. teleSur, US Lawmakers Call for Suspension of Police Aid to Honduras, 20

Aug. 2015, available at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/US-Lawmakers-
Call-for-Suspension-of-Police-Aid-to-Honduras-20150820-0034.html ........

“A total of 21 U. S. Democratic lawmakers demanded on Wednesday that Secretary of

State John Kerry suspend and re-evaluate the ‘training and support to the Honduran
police and military units ... until human rights abuses are adequately addressed by the
Honduran government.’

“The letter handed to Kerry insists widespread state repression and human rights abuses
have significantly increased since the 2009 right-wing coup against President Manuel
Zelaya.

“The legislators referred to the growing participation of military officials in the national
laws of Honduras, despite constitutional restrictions, and the attempts by President Juan
Orlando Hernandez to amend the Constitution and extend police militarization.

“They quoted various reports from human rights organizations and press agencies
mentioning ‘assassinations and intimidation of opposition leaders, land activists and
peaceful demonstrators.’

“The lawmakers highlighted local media reports in May on the U.S. training provided to
500 troops for the security agency Fusina revealing ‘allegations regarding the agency’s
repeated involvement in human rights violations.’

“‘This ministry merged civilian and military security institutions under the direction of
Julian Pacheco Tinoco … who only resigned his commission in January 2015 after
objections were raised by several local and international actors, including human right
defenders,’ the letter said.

“A federal bill, called the Leahy amendment, prohibits the White House from providing
support to ‘any unit of the security forces of a foreign country if the Secretary of State
has credible information that such a unit has committed a gross violation of human
rights.’…

“In May 2014, over 100 lawmakers wrote a similar letter to the secretary of state, urging
him to evaluate Washington's support and training for Honduran security forces, citing
the 2013 human rights report on this country issued by the State Department.

“U.S. President Barack Obama proposed to invest $1 billion in next year's budget in the
North Triangle of Central America in order to fight corruption and violence, and address
the migratory humanitarian crisis that affects the United States, despite criticism that this
plan will not address root the causes of inequality and migration.”

63. Brianne Berry and Laura Valentina Natera, Honduras Breaks the Silence:
Protests Persist Against Corruption, 26 July 2015, available at http://www.truth-
out.org/news/item/32062-honduras-breaks-the-silence-protests-persist-against-
corruption ........................

[Note: Article has numerous footnotes, eliminated in excerpt below.]

“Since the coup against the democratically elected President of Honduras in 2009,
Honduras has been experiencing a period of continuous crises. Despite deteriorating
conditions, there had been only a limited organized outcry against the corruption,
impunity, and lack of employment facing the country until two months ago, when weekly
protests began crowding the streets of the nation's capital, Tegucigalpa. The last straw
for Honduran citizens came in May, when it was revealed that private businesses had
embezzled $330 million USD from the country's social security institute, the Instituto
Hondureno de Seguirdad Social (IHSS). Ninety four million USD of the embezzled funds
had been funneled directly into the campaign of Juan Orlando Hernandez, who, though
he admits to receiving the funds, claims to have been unaware of their source. In addition
to the injustice of stealing money from the citizens, lack of funding to the hospitals
brought about grave consequences. As a result, since the start of the embezzlement, 3,000
patients died due to a lack of appropriate medical assistance, which would have been
available if the $330 million USD, previously designed for this purpose, had not been
stolen and used to finance the individual interests of a few people. Despite Hernandez's
claim that the money will be paid back to IHSS, the damage is irreversible as money
cannot reimburse the lives taken from scandal victims and the pain caused to Honduran
families.

“After the exposure of the scandal, demonstrations began in Tegucigalpa after a group of
young Hondurans protested against Hernandez. The protestors, outraged by the scandal,
adopted the name of los indigados (the outraged) and created the March of the Torches,
gathering hundreds of people to march in the streets of the capital, illuminating the night
with lit torches. Every week, more and more people, the latest numbers totaling more
than 60,000, join the protest ranks outside La Casa Presidencial, Hernandez's residence,
to voice their opposition to the injustice committed to the 3,000 victims. The protestors
are citizens of all ages, classes, and political parties including human rights defenders,
as well as indigenous groups and political figures such as Amable Hernandez, the mayor
of Colinas, in the department of Santa Barbara. Although the majority of protestors
gather once a week, a group of hunger strikers have stationed themselves permanently at
the steps of the president's house. All of the protests have been peaceful, despite the
incessant efforts of the police and military forces to violently silence the protestors' cries.

“Honduras is not alone in standing up against their government's ceaseless corruption.

Right across the nation's northern border, Guatemala is also fighting against similar
cases of corruption and fraud that have plagued their government in recent years. The
former Guatemalan president, Pérez Molina, and his government are being questioned
after a UN mission against impunity revealed in April that they were associated with a
network of bribes at customs, earning millions in profits behind the scenes. As a result,
Guatemalan citizens' have taken to the streets in protest, refusing to stop until Molina is
removed from office. Similar intentions exist for Honduras. The Indigados protestors in
Tegucigalpa are demanding the resignation of President Hernandez. Although there is no
formal indication that these leaders will resign, it is certain that both the Honduran and
Guatemalan governments will need to increase their transparency and accountability if
they intend to remain in power.
“Realizing that the resignation of President Hernandez is unlikely, the Honduran
protestors are also demanding the creation of an independent judiciary to protect against
the widespread corruption and to increase transparency within their government. The
Honduran people understand that corruption is heavily entwined in Hernandez's
administration and thus are calling for international assistance, just as Guatemala did
previously in 2007 when they pressured the government to establish the U.N. anti-
impunity body CICIG. Honduras is proposing a similar accountability legislation called
the Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Hunduras (CICIH). CICIH would
investigate cases of fraud within the government and ultimately would help to decrease
the nation's high levels of impunity and corruption. In order for the United Nations to
institute the CICIH, President Hernandez would have to make an official request.
Protestors refuse to stand down until Hernandez agrees with the creation of the anti-
impunity body. In addition to the indigado protestors, Manuel Zelaya and his Libre
Party, the traditional bipartisan opposition Liberal Party, and the newly formed Anti-
Corruption Party are all in agreement that CICIH is a necessity for Honduras. However,
the current government feels that international assistance is not needed and claim that
alternative options that will keep the situation confined within domestic boundaries and
will be more effective. Yet, previous government attempts to tackle corruption during the
term of former president Porfirio Lobo Sosa, the predecessor of Hernandez, have fallen
short. Given the controversy of this issue, Zelaya proposed to hold a referendum in order
for the country as a whole to decide if CICIH should be implemented.

“In the midst of the chaos, the continuous protest against corruption and impunity have
proven to be a positive and historic display of constituent power by the Honduran people.
Even if the protests don't reach their exact goals, the fact that Hondurans have taken a
strong stand on this issue indicates progress in the fight for government accountability.
Nevertheless, the crucial point of this debate suggests that if societal protest continues,
Honduras is irreversibly destined to see a change in its political system.”

64. Reuters, Military helps cut Honduras murder rate, but abuses spike, 9 July
2015, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/us-honduras-military-insight-
idUSKCN0PJ0E920150709 .............................................

“The militarization of Central America's violent Honduras has helped to stem gang
bloodshed in a land known for the world's highest murder rate, but it has created another
problem - an apparent spike in abuses blamed on soldiers.

“Former President Porfirio Lobo rolled out the military in 2012 to fight drug gangs and
his successor Juan Hernandez upped the offensive, pledging to "put a soldier on every
corner".

“While that may help Honduras shake off its reputation as the world's deadliest country,
a litany of murder, rape and torture accusations by some victims and human rights
groups against the military is haunting a country struggling to find its feet after a 2009
coup that sparked a surge in violence.
“Poverty and chronic violence in Honduras were among the main factors behind a surge
in illegal migration from Central America to the United States last year that caused a
major political headache for President Barack Obama.

“Between 2012 and 2014, Honduran soldiers were accused of being involved in at least
nine murders, over 20 cases of torture and about 30 illegal detentions, according to data
compiled by Reuters.

“The figures assembled by Reuters come from the U.S. State Department's 2014
Honduras human rights report, three major human rights organizations and three
newspapers.

“Reuters could not independently verify every incident of abuse blamed on the military,
but confirmed two in interviews with victims. There is no official tally of abuses by
soldiers.

“In 2010 and 2011 there were no reported cases implicating soldiers in such crimes. The
military was accused of abuses in 2009 related to protests following the ouster of former
President Manuel Zelaya in a coup.

“‘The number of human rights violations by the military is rising, and the threat is
greater and growing because military police operate with their faces covered and without
visible identification, which fans impunity,’ said Juan Almendarez, director of CPTRT, a
center for the treatment of torture victims and their relatives.

“Honduras' Interior Minister Rigoberto Chang acknowledged there had been some cases
of military abuses, but said they were isolated incidents and promised justice would be
served.

“‘Those soldiers that violated the behavior code have been handed over to the courts,’
Chang, whose brief includes justice and human rights, told Reuters in May when asked
about the abuses. ‘But the presence of soldiers in the streets will continue until security is
reestablished.’

“Colonel Antonio Sanchez, the spokesman of the Honduran armed forces, declined to
comment for this story when asked about a spike in military abuses. He said, however,
that all soldiers were trained in human rights and any accused of wrongdoing would be
judged in court.

“‘If anyone has a different idea over how the state can fight against insecurity in
Honduras, let them propose it,’ he said.

“Since taking office in early 2014, Hernandez, a military-trained politician, has deployed
a new military police force known as the PMOP that is set to grow by 40 percent this
year. Hernandez has also increased the defense budget by a fifth.
“Supporters of greater military presence say it has helped lower the country's murder
rate, which the United Nations put at over 90 per 100,000 people in 2012….

“According to the respected National Autonomous University of Honduras' Observatory

of Violence program, the 2014 murder rate fell to 68, down from 79 in 2013. As a result
neighboring El Salvador took over last year as the country with the world's highest
murder rate.

“But there are also currently at least 24 soldiers being investigated by authorities on
charges related to nine murder cases, according to the data compiled by Reuters, with
more detained on suspicion of crimes ranging from torture to rape….

“Last February, Luis Betancourt was working at his fruit stand in the Honduran capital,
Tegucigalpa, when a group of masked men who claimed to be from the police's
intelligence unit forced him into an idling car.

“During the journey, the men revealed they were soldiers, and Betancourt said they told
him there was a 120,000 lempira ($5,525) price on his head.

“‘They told me that if I didn't pay anything, they would kill me and my family as well,’ he
said.

Some of Betancourt's family witnessed the incident, and called the police, who rescued
him. Four members of the PMOP were arrested and have been charged with his
kidnapping.

More boots on the ground has played well politically for Hernandez, who says he is
considering the idea of changing the constitution to allow him to run for a second term
while also grappling with a $200 million corruption scandal at the Honduran Institute of
Social Security that marred his election campaign.

“The United States has said it respects the decision to use soldiers for policing, while the
United Nations has urged Honduras to put a date on ending the military's security role….

65. teleSur, 6 Years After Honduras' Coup, 27 June 2015, available at

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/telesuragenda/6-Years-after-Honduras-Coup-
20150627-0016.html .......................................

“Six years after the destitution of democratically-elected president Manuel Zelaya, the
perpetrators of the coup are still in power, while human rights violations are more
common than ever. The current government has ignored the ongoing protests by social
organizations and movements. Only a few months after the Zelaya was ousted, the World
Bank awarded a US$15 million loan to the Honduran corporation Grupo Dinant,
indirectly legitimizing the 2009 coup.
“Meanwhile, violence and poverty rates have skyrocketed in the country: 60 percent of
Hondurans live below the poverty line, making it one of the poorest nations in the region.
It is also the most deadly, with about 85 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. Murders
target vulnerable populations like children (alomst 1,000 died in 2014, partly explaining
why so many flee north to the United States), women (the femicide rate has reached
epidemic levels – one woman is killed every 14 hours), and activists: Honduras is the
most dangerous place for environmentalists (over 100 killed between 2010 and 2014) and
journalists (29 killed since the coup) and rural leaders.

“However, the political elites are more delegitimized than ever, after the explosion of a
corruption scandal. Tens of thousands of citizens have taken to the streets demanding the
president's dismissal and he finally admitted that his 2013 presidential campaign had
received funds from the companies linked to the scandal. …

“Since the coup, the human rights situation in Honduras has deteriorated drastically,
earning the monicker of the ‘murder capital of the world.’ In the northern Aguan Valley
region alone, close to 150 campesino activists have been killed since 2010. Last month,
Honduras was deemed the most dangerous place in the world for environmental activists,
who often face harassment, violence, death threats, and even murder.

“According to a recent report, 15 assaults per month are perpetrated against journalists,
human rights defenders, and political opposition. Meanwhile, gender-based violence is
out of control with the femicide rate surpassing epidemic levels.

“Under a reign of impunity, perpetrators of extrajudicial killings, political violence, gang

wars, and rampant femicide go unpunished. In the wake of the coup, left-wing activists,
journalists, indigenous people, campesinos, human rights defenders, and women are
among those who have suffered the greatest abuses….

“President Juan Orlando Hernandez came to power in 2013 under highly suspicious
circumstances, with widespread calls of electoral fraud and political repression against
the opposition LIBRE party candidates. The post-coup election of his National Party
predecessor President Porfirio Lobo was widely condemned for taking place under a
coup regime with rampant violations of human rights. While the election was not
recognized internationally by Latin American regional leaders and organizations, such
as Mercosur and Unasur, President Barack Obama endorsed President Lobo's election.

“The national popular resistance movement, from which the LIBRE Party was born, also
strongly condemned both post-coup elections, claiming the resultant governments were a
continuation of the coup regime.

“Discontent with the Honduran government has boiled over in recent weeks as
widespread government corruption and embezzlement schemes have come to light,
leading ousted President Manuel Zelaya to call for permanent protests to force President
Orlando Hernandez out of office.
“Last week, media reported the Social Security Institute funneled more than US$200
million to the ruling right-wing National Party, which Zelaya alleges was used in
Hernandez' 2013 presidential campaign.

“Under post-coup National Party President Porfirio Lobo, directors of the Social
Security Institute allegedly embezzled more than US$350 million.

“The corruption scandals have reinvigorated popular outrage, bringing tens of

thousands to the streets in five consecutive weeks of torchlit anti-corruption marches
calling for the resignation of the president and an independent investigation into
government fraud and impunity.

“The corruption scandal follows a Honduran Supreme Court decision last month to
change the constitution to eliminate presidential term limits to allow for re-election.
Libre Party opposition members condemned the change as illegal, saying only the
Honduran people have the power to change the constitution. Former President Zelaya
said the move signaled Honduras is living under a ‘permanent coup.’

“The controversial constitutional change came six years after Zelaya was ousted for
planning to hold a non-binding poll, which coup-backers used to justify the ousting,
claiming he was trying to convene a constituent assembly to seeking re-election.

“In the wake of the 2009 coup, tens of thousands of popular resistance activists took to
the streets in Honduras to condemn the unconstitutionality of the coup regime and
demand a constituent assembly to rewrite the Honduran constitution.

“While demands of tens of thousands of Hondurans today are different, calling not for a
refounding of the state but for independent investigations and the president’s resignation,
popular discontent and utter outrage with the government still is palpable.”

66. Brian Sheppard and David Landau, Why Honduras’s Judiciary Is Its Most
Dangerous Branch, 25 June 2015, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/26/opinion/why-hondurass-judiciary-is-its-
most-dangerous-branch.html?_r=0 ………………….

“In April, Honduras’s Supreme Court invalidated the country’s rigid presidential term
limit — and drastically undermined its Constitution.

“The Honduran Constitution — which limited presidents to a single four-year term —

includes an extraordinary provision that makes the term limit unamendable by any
process whatsoever and mandated harsh penalties for any politician who tried to change
it.

“The Constitution’s drafters specifically wrote the text to safeguard the country from
military dictators or caudillos who refused to leave power, of which there is a sordid
history in Honduras and throughout Latin America.
“But what has occurred is precisely what the Constitution’s drafters feared. A seemingly
unassailable portion of the document, intended to guard against political manipulation,
has been subverted by judges at the behest of politicians. Now, politicians from the
conservative National Party who brought the case — and any future political leader —
are in an ideal position to hang on to power indefinitely.

“While an independent and capable judiciary can be a great support to liberal

democracy, courts without these characteristics may pose a serious threat, particularly in
countries with fragile democracies and ineffective civil society groups, like Honduras.

“In 2009, the left-leaning president, Manuel Zelaya, apparently tried to circumvent these
protections by attempting to initiate a referendum on whether the Constitution should be
rewritten. The military deposed Mr. Zelaya in a coup and forced him onto a plane to
Costa Rica. Congress supported Mr. Zelaya’s removal and appointed a successor, citing
the term limit law. And despite overwhelming condemnation of the coup from the
international community, the Supreme Court blessed the actions of the military.

‘Not only does the court’s recent decision contradict Congress’s reasoning in the
aftermath of Mr. Zelaya’s removal, it is also illogical. Constitutional judges around the
world recognize that a proposed amendment may be unconstitutional if it clashes with the
basic values of the original text. But the Honduran court’s judgment gutted a portion of
the 1982 Constitution.

“The decision’s questionable reasoning also appears to be the result of a strategy on the
part of the National Party, which opposed Mr. Zelaya. After taking control of the
executive and legislative chambers, the party abruptly dismissed four Supreme Court
justices in 2012 and replaced them with judges who would back their agenda.

“The decision sends a message that politicians can take advantage of the judiciary’s
relatively low profile by getting the courts to do dirty work that would otherwise invite
scrutiny. This is exactly what National Party leaders did. While both the actions of Mr.
Zelaya and those who removed him provoked condemnation from the international
community, the court’s recent decision abolishing presidential term limits has largely
slipped under the radar, domestically and internationally.

“The relative silence of the international community this time may be unsurprising, but it
is dismaying. Although opposition groups have been protesting the decision, their efforts
are largely ineffective without support from the United Nations and other countries.

“Honduran constitutionalism faces a number of important weaknesses. The Zelaya

episode demonstrates that the Constitution cannot adequately address institutional crises
or human rights violations. Furthermore, the existing text has proved unable to
ameliorate the country’s severe economic inequality or its concentration of political
power.
“A transparent political effort to change Honduras’s term-limit provision might have
started a broader discussion of other needed constitutional reforms. But any chance of
legitimate constitutional change has been squandered by the judiciary, which gave
political leaders exactly what they sought without any public deliberation.

“The Obama administration is currently trying to pass an aid package for Central
America. Some of this money is aimed at improving governance, including judicial
performance. Honduras needs this money badly. For several years it has endured the
highest homicide rate in the world; the country’s violence was a major contributor to last
year’s child-migrant crisis at the United States border.

“But the administration should oversee how the money is allotted. It should earmark
funds so that they are spent on measures that might prevent a Honduran congressional
majority from stacking the court with its own members again. And it should push for the
enactment of a sensible presidential term limit — one that will be resistant to political
manipulation — to fill the void left by the court. In the absence of any term limit,
Honduran democracy stands vulnerable to the threat posed by would-be authoritarians.

67. Staff, Corruption Scandals Deepen in Honduras, Guatemala, 18 June 2015,

available at http://latindispatch.com/2015/06/18/corruption-scandals-deepen-in-
honduras-guatemala/ …………………

“Corruption scandals in Honduras and Guatemala continue to grow amid protest

movements calling for the ouster of both countries’ presidents. On Wednesday,
Guatemalan prosecutors announced corruption claims against the lawmaker leading a
probe of President Otto Pérez Molina — himself accused of corruption. In Honduras,
President Juan Orlando Hernández announced that due of a massive corruption scandal
at the country’s Social Security Institute, soldiers will be taking over public hospitals and
medicine storage facilities to ensure the supply of drugs to patients….

“Honduras has also faced a scandal at its social security agency, where investigators
say corrupt officials siphoned off as much as $200 million. Hernández himself admitted
that his 2013 re-election campaign took money from businesses involved in the
corruption scandal, but has denied any involvement, promising instead a crackdown on
corruption.

“Wednesday’s announcement that the Honduran army would be taking over medicine
distributors is seen as part of Hernández’s promised focus on corruption. The president
has said that the move was intended to disband ‘the mafias that have controlled the
system of storage, distribution, delivery and acquisition of medicines.’

“Both Hernández and Pérez Molina have maintained that they are in no way involved in
their countries’ respective corruption cases, but protesters have nevertheless called for
both to resign.”
 68. Elisabeth Malkin, Wave of Protests Spreads to Scandal-Weary Honduras and
Guatemala, 12 June 2015, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/13/world/americas/corruption-scandals-driving-
protests-in-guatemala-and-honduras.html?_r=0 …….

“MEXICO CITY — In Guatemala, angry citizens marched under pelting rain, undeterred. In
Honduras, they carried torches at dusk. A wave of protests against corruption scandals that
is sweeping across Latin America has reached Central America.

“The presidents of Guatemala and Honduras face allegations that people close to them have
conspired to siphon money from threadbare public health systems or maneuvered to cheat
the state out of tax revenue.

“Although neither President Otto Pérez Molina of Guatemala nor President Juan Orlando
Hernández of Honduras has been directly accused, growing numbers of protesters are
demanding their resignations.

“Central Americans are no strangers to such malfeasance, of course. Former presidents and
their associates in Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Guatemala have been tried for corruption by
their successors. An inquiry in Panama into former President Ricardo Martinelli’s
government is drawing a wide net around his allies, and he has fled the country.

“But the street protests in Honduras and Guatemala are directed at presidents who are still
in office — and they are being driven by grass-roots groups.

“Many of the protesters are from the middle class, deeply plugged into social media and
aware of the anticorruption protests shaking presidents in Brazil, Chile and Mexico….

“The leaders of Guatemala and Honduras have become targets of a broader frustration fed
by the conviction that there is little to stop well-connected business groups and politicians
from conspiring to skim off their states’ scant resources.

Thelma Mejía, a Honduran journalist, said: ‘People want resounding answers. They don’t
want half-answers. The peak of tolerance for corruption has reached its limit. Citizens are
just fed up.’

“Protesters filled the streets of Tegucigalpa, the capital, and other Honduran cities Friday
evening and poured into the colonial central plaza in Guatemala City on Saturday….

“In Honduras, protesters have focused on a corruption scheme in the Honduran Social
Security Institute in which the former director and top officials have been accused of
assigning inflated contracts worth some $200 million to phantom companies. Some of that
money went to Mr. Hernández’s National Party….
“In Honduras, a reporter revealed last month that copies of checks were written by the
phantom companies to the campaign commission of Mr. Hernández’s National Party, money
that appears to have funded his 2013 presidential campaign.

“The Honduran Congress set up a multiparty commission to investigate the case, but diluted
the impact by adding past allegations of corruption against politicians in other parties.
Meanwhile, the prosecutor on the social security case received death threats and was given a
diplomatic post in Paris.

“A congressional report, released last week, found checks for $190,000 made out to the
national party from companies involved in the social security scandal. Mr. Hernández
appeared to admit that the National Party had received the money by promising reporters
that it would be returned. But he said that he had not known about the campaign checks.

“Honduran society has been deeply divided since a 2009 military-civilian coup. As president,
Mr. Hernández has moved to consolidate his control over many of the country’s institutions,
replacing four members of the Supreme Court as well as the attorney general.

“Dana Frank, a historian at the University of California, Santa Cruz, who is a critic of the
Honduran government, said the protests were a response to the degeneration of the rule of
law since the coup, which has led to broad impunity for corruption in the government and the
police.

“It is too early, analysts say, to know how the scandal will hurt Mr. Hernández, whose
handpicked Supreme Court judges overturned a ban limiting presidents to one term. But the
scandal appears to have increased support for opposition parties, particularly an
anticorruption party led by a former television host, Salvador Nasralla.

“Protesters want a Honduran version of Cicig, a demand that Mr. Hernández has rejected.

“‘What we don’t know is who will channel the indignation to transform it into change,’ said
Ms. Mejía, the Honduran journalist. ‘You don’t see a government interested in dialogue. The
government isn’t listening to the clamor of the street.’”

69. Sorcha Pollak, Death valley: the land war gripping Honduras, 9 May 2015,
available at http://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/death-valley-the-land-war-
gripping-honduras-1.2205506 ........................
“With a murder rate 65 times higher than Ireland’s, Honduras is one of the world’s most
violent countries. And few parts are more dangerous than the Lower Aguán Valley,
where local farmers claim that big business has illegally taken over their land.
“Guadalupe Gallerda can still remember the sound of gunfire echoing through her
village, in the Lower Aguán Valley, in Honduras, the day her husband was murdered.
More than four years later she stills struggles for words when speaking of his death….
“The village of Guadalupe Carney, not far from Honduras’s Caribbean coast, was
shaken to its core when in November 2010 five farmers were shot dead while attempting
to occupy a local African-palm plantation belonging to Miguel Facussé, a millionaire
industrialist who is chief executive of Dinant Corporation.
“Gallerda’s 48-year-old husband, Raúl Castillo, left his home in the early hours of the
morning to join nearly 160 local farmers, members of the Peasant Movement of the
Aguán, and reoccupy the El Tumbador plantation. The group had been battling in court
for the land, part of a former military training area, since the 1990s.
“As the group approached El Tumbador, they say, they were fired on by security guards
hired by Dinant and members of the Honduran military. Survivors say the farmers
carried only machetes; Dinant claims the local men were heavily armed and initiated the
gunfire.
“Jumi Judith Ordoño Acosta, who also lost her husband that day, said she waited all
night, praying he would return home. “You could hear the noise, but I never imagined it
would be him,’ she says as tears stream down her face. ‘We’ve had no support or help.
Now I have to work in the mountains like a man, grab my machete and go to work. We
need Miguel Facussé to give us access to our land, so our children can grow up on it,
and go to school, and so we can move forward with our lives.’
“Francisco Ramírez, who still shows the scars of a bullet that passed through his face
during the occupation, says that local farmers continue to feel harassed and that, even
though Dinant security guards have stopped shooting people, their continued presence is
highly intimidating to families and children.
“Five security guards were charged with homicide for the Tumbador killings; none was
convicted. A lack of evidence meant that they were given ‘provisional dismissals’;
prosecutors were given five years to come up with more evidence.
“The case of El Tumbador is just one of numerous violent land disputes in the Lower
Aguán Valley. The roots of the conflict stretch back to the 1970s and 1980s, when the
Honduran government introduced a process of agrarian reform through collective land
ownership. Under the scheme the government distributed an estimated 120,000 hectares
in the Aguán Valley to peasant co-operatives.
“The land reform began to be reversed in 1992, after the introduction of a law that
reduced restrictions on the sale of collectively owned land and promoted privatisation.
This allowed wealthy landowners, such as Facussé, to buy the vast majority of arable
land in the Lower Aguán Valley for the production of African palm oil, one the world’s
cheapest edible oils and a key ingredient in many foodstuffs and cosmetics.
“Local farmers claim that many of the sales were the result of bribery, threats and
coercion, and they say that they are still the rightful owners of the land. They also say
that the large-scale cultivation of palm oil has led to impoverishment and hunger.
“In 2008 Manuel Zelaya, the country’s reformist president, announced steps to address
the land conflict, but these ground to a halt the following year, when Zelaya, who had
been democratically elected, was ousted in a military coup.
“Since then farmers say they have been victimised by the police, army and private
security guards working for palm-oil companies, as the Aguán region has become
increasingly militarised. The government, meanwhile, has failed to ensure that local
police and security guards respect citizens’ basic human rights.
“With 79 murders per 100,000 people, Honduras is considered one of the most
dangerous countries in the world. (The Republic of Ireland has 1.2 murders per 100,000
people.) This small Latin American nation of 8.4 million inhabitants made headlines in
2013 when its second city, San Pedro Sula, was named the most violent city in the world
outside the Middle East and other war zones, with more than 1,200 killings a year.
“This culture of violence and impunity has also spread to rural areas like the Aguán.
According to the Permanent Observatory for Human Rights in the Aguán, which was set
up in 2011 in response to escalating violence in the region, 123 people have been killed
and four people forcibly disappeared, presumed dead, in the area between 2008 and
2013. These victims include 90 peasants, 10 security guards, one police office and one
soldier.
“Since the coup Honduras has witnessed a rise in inequality between rich and poor, and
today it has the most unequal distribution of wealth in Latin America, with 40 per cent of
the land belonging to only 2 per cent of landowners.
“In 2012 Marca – the Authentic Peasant Reclamation Movement of the Aguán – which
represents Trinidad, another Aguán village, succeeded in winning back ownership of
three farms from the Oleopalma African palm company thanks to the work of a lawyer,
Antonio Trejo Cabrera….
“But this period of peace and relative prosperity was short lived. Soon after Trejo won
the land-dispute case he was shot dead in the Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa.
“In May 2014 a group of security officials from the Oleopalma company and the local
military arrived in Trinidad to evacuate the 90 families living on the land. Caracamo
says that the palm-oil company had threatened to evict them but that they had no idea
when it might happen.
‘There were about 150 soldiers and security guards,’ he says. ‘They gave us 15 minutes
to collect all our belongings and leave our homes. Then they burned down our houses,
our belongings, our food, clothes and beds. They even burned our corn harvest. They
held my arms behind me, and started to kick me while using tear gas in my face,’
Caracamo says, adding that he was locked up for 26 hours after the evacuation. ‘The
people didn’t want to abandon their land. This is where we live. We had the
documentation to show we own this land.’
“Last month the Marca group decided to reoccupy the land on which it had previously
lived and worked. The entire Trinidad community, including young children, arrived at
the plantation in the early hours of the morning armed with machetes and poles. They are
adamant that they were carrying no other weapons.
“A short time later security guards representing Oleopalma and the army arrived at the
scene, armed with AK-47s and other rifles. The head of security for Oleopalma, César
David, claimed that security guards stationed on the land had fled after farmers arrived
shooting into the air and that they later returned with reinforcements.
“This reporter saw an unarmed group of farmers facing intimidating balaclava-wearing
soldiers across a ditch while Martha Arnold, a local member of the human-rights
observatory, tried to mediate.
‘Only the previous week the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights had called on
the Honduran government to protect Arnold – and her five children – from ‘violence and
harassment’ while carrying out her human-rights duties.
“‘The role of the observatory is to observe and document,’ she says. ‘We are here to
make sure peace is maintained between the farmers and the military. We’re also here to
mediate with the farmers, to make sure they don’t insult or provoke the military.’
“In April 2014 the Honduran attorney general’s office created a unit to investigate
killings and disappearances in the Aguán Valley, in an attempt to end the culture of
impunity that has come to define the region’s agrarian conflict. A year later the unit has
yet to file its first report.
“Javier Guzmán, who is leading the investigation, says farmers lack confidence in the
authorities and refuse to co-operate. He argues that the unit doesn’t have enough
evidence to bring those responsible for the 2010 deaths to justice, adding that the
investigation has been unable even to access the weapons used during the El Tumbador
killings.
“Roger Pineda, Dinant’s director of corporate relations, says the palm-oil company is
happy to co-operate with the investigation but has yet to be approached by the unit. ‘Our
position has always been to collaborate and never cover up for anyone,’ he says. ‘If
someone from our company misbehaves we will be sure to hand them over to the
authorities.’
“Last month Dinant said the company had removed firearms from security guards at ‘all
plantations, manufacturing plants and extraction mills’. Asked about the El Tumbador
deaths, Pineda says the security guards allegedly responsible had been hired through a
third-party contractor.
“If the Honduran government wants to gain the trust of the Aguán people it needs to
avoid promoting monocultures such as that of African palm oil, which threatens the
ability of poor families in the region to feed themselves, according to Jennifer Cornally,
Trócaire’s director in Honduras….
“Rigores is one of the Aguán communities suffering from this lack of food security, in
large part because of an eviction four years ago. In June 2011 police and soldiers
arrived to throw its people off the land they had called home for more than a decade.
Residents were given two hours to collect their belongings before their homes were set
alight. Bulldozers destroyed many buildings in the village, including a school and two
churches.
“Santiago Maldonado describes the pain of watching helplessly as his home and crops
were destroyed. After they burned their homes, he says, the authorities scattered poison
over the fields. ‘As a small farming community we couldn’t do anything, just stand by and
endure the destruction.’
“Juana Esquivel, who runs Fundación San Alonso Rodríguez, a charity that supports the
basic human rights of people in the Aguán Valley, says that land is the lifeline of these
communities. ‘If you ask a local farmer what land means to them they will tell you it
means life. On this land they have their home, their food, all their basic needs.’
“Esquivel came to Dublin in March to ask the Irish Government to ask Honduras about
human-rights abuses in the Aguán Valley. These questions, submitted through the United
Nations’ Universal Periodic Review, which examines the human-rights performance of
all of its member states, were put to Honduran representatives this week at a meeting in
Geneva.
“‘The state has failed to respond to the continued violence and militarisation of the
Aguán Valley,’ says Esquivel. ‘This is about a peaceful struggle for social justice, so that
peasant families have access to agrarian reform to ensure their economic, political,
cultural and human rights.’”
70. Lisa Haugaard, Sarah Kinosian & William D. Hartung, Can the Violence in
Honduras be Stopped?, 22 February 2015, available at
http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/02/20/can-the-violence-in-honduras-be-
stopped/ ……[●]
[Note: Lisa Haugaard is the executive director of the Latin America Working
Group (LAWG); Sarah Kinosian is the lead researcher on Latin America at the
Security Assistance Monitor (SAM) at the Center for International Policy; and
William D. Hartung is a senior advisor to SAM. This article draws upon a new
LAWG/CIP report, Honduras: A Government Failing to Protect Its People.]
“Honduras is one of the most violent nations in the world. The situation in the country’s
second largest city, San Pedro Sula, demonstrates the depth of the problem.
“For the fourth year running, San Pedro Sula has been one of the most dangerous places
on the planet outside of a war zone. Its murder rate in 2014 was an astonishing 171 per
100,000. The city, which is caught in the crossfire between vicious criminal gangs, has
been the largest source of the 18,000 Honduran children who have fled to the United
States in recent years.
“The vast majority of killings in Honduras are carried out with impunity. For example,
97 percent of the murders in San Pedro Sula go unsolved.
“Corruption within and abuses by the civilian police undermine its effectiveness. A
controversial new internal security force, the Military Police of Public Order (Policia
Militar del Orden Publico, or PMOP), does not carry out investigations needed to deter
crime and is facing a series of allegations of abuses in the short time it has been
deployed. There are currently 3,000 PMOP soldiers deployed throughout the country, but
this number is expected to grow to 5,000 this year. The national police feel that the
government is starving them for funds and trying to replace them with PMOP.”…
“But putting more guns on the street is unlikely to sustainably stem the tide of violence in
Honduras. What would make a difference is an end to the climate of impunity that allows
murderers to kill people with no fear of consequences.
“‘This country needs to strengthen its capacity and will to carry out criminal
investigations. This is the key to everything,’ said an expert on violence in Honduras who
spent years working in justice agencies there, and who spoke on condition of anonymity
for reasons of personal safety.
“The Honduran government faces three key challenges: It must reform a corrupt and
abusive police force, strengthen criminal investigations, and ensure an impartial and
independent judiciary.
“Police reform appears to be stalled. There was some hope after the surge of civilian
pressure for reform that followed the 2011 killing of the son of the rector for the
Autonomous National University of Honduras and a friend. The Commission for the
Reform of Public Security produced a series of proposals to improve the safety of the
Honduran citizenry, including recommendations for improving police training,
disciplinary procedures, and the structure of pubic security institutions.
“Unfortunately, the Honduran Congress dissolved the commission in January 2014,
during the lame duck period before President Juan Orlando Hernandez took office. Few
of its recommendations have been carried out.
“‘They could have purged and trained the police during this time. But instead they put
5,000 military police on the street who don’t know what a chain of custody is,’ lamented
the expert on violence.” …
“[E]ven when police are removed, they are not prosecuted; some are even allowed to
return to the force. This is no way to instill accountability.
“Meanwhile, the independence of the Honduran justice system is under attack. Since
November 2013, the Judiciary Council has dismissed 29 judges and suspended 28
without an appropriate process, according to a member of the Association of Judges for
Democracy. ‘This means that judges feel intimidated. They feel if they rule against well-
connected people, against politicians, they can be dismissed.’”…
“Providing security for justice operators is a particularly daunting problem. From 2010
to December 2014, 86 legal professionals were killed, according to information received
by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
“Although the state provides some protection, the funding allocated for this purpose is
inadequate. ‘In a country with the highest levels of violence and impunity in the region,’
noted the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, ‘the State necessarily has a
special obligation to protect, so that its justice sector operators can carry out their work
to fight impunity without becoming victims in the very cases they are investigating.’”
71. Lisa Haugaard and Sarah Kinosian, Honduras: A Government Failing to
Protect Its People, March 2015, available at:
http://www.lawg.org/storage/documents/Honduras-Failing-To-Protect-Its-People-
Final.pdf …………………
“In December 2014 the Latin America Working Group Education Fund (LAWGEF) and
Center for International Policy (CIP) traveled to Honduras to investigate how the
country is responding to the needs of its citizens. What we found was a security apparatus
and criminal justice system in desperate need of reform and a population with little faith
in its government. Issues of violence, impunity, and corruption that have plagued the
country for years are intensifying. …

“Since Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández took office in January 2014, gun-
toting soldiers have become a fixture in the daily lives of Hondurans. The military is now
in charge of most aspects of public security in the country, and it does not go unnoticed.
On the television, advertisements for the military featuring President Juan Orlando
Hernández are frequent. Soldiers with rifles draped across their chests are present in
most public spaces.

“Each Saturday 25,000 kids receive training from troops at military installations and
militarized parks and plazas as part of the ‘Guardians of the Homeland’ program. The
government says the program is designed to keep youths ages 5-23 from joining the ranks
of warring street gangs that control entire sections of the country’s most violent cities. In
towns like Cofradía on San Pedro Sula’s outskirts, the military will set up bouncy houses
and other family style entertainment.

“The most prominent example of militarization is the Military Police of Public Order
(PMOP or Policía Militar del Orden Público), whose members have been on the streets
since October 2013. The body seems to be the ‘favored child of this government,’ as one
local crime reporter put it. There are currently some 3,000 PMOP soldiers deployed
throughout the country, but this number is expected to grow to 5,000 this year. The
national police feel the government is not investing in them and is trying to replace them
with PMOP, according to civil society experts and journalists. The military squad has
better equipment, higher salaries and more benefits than the civilian police. A special
law is in place preventing the Attorney General’s regular prosecutors from investigating
and prosecuting PMOP soldiers. The National Council of Defense and Security,
controlled by the armed forces, appoints the prosecutors and judges that accompany the
military police.

“Instead of crediting the national police with its successes in capturing high-profile gang
members and drug traffickers, the government and media attribute these wins to
FUSINA, a task force made up of representatives from the country’s various security
units, led by the military. FUSINA manages bodies such as an anti-extortion unit that
controls phone intercepts, but as a stand-alone law enforcement agency, it does not exist.

“There have also been increasing cases of the military police engaging in murder,
torture and extortion. In one incident, soldiers opened fire on a public bus in
Tegucigalpa. In another soldiers in San Pedro Sula killed a man, shot his pregnant wife
and tried to cover it up. Local press freedom groups relayed several accounts of the
military police intimidating journalists and judges….

“‘This militarization is the biggest threat to democracy that we have lived,’ said Víctor
Meza, a former minister of the interior and an expert on security. It was the top concern
of nearly every civil society organization, journalist and citizen we interviewed. President
Hernández does not have an exit strategy for using Honduras’ military as police – or
seem to want one. Instead, he has campaigned non-stop to lock the military police into
place by adding them to the country’s constitution.

“Despite Honduras’ Congress voting in January 2015 against enshrining the PMOP into
the country’s constitution, the president has resolved to put it to a public referendum in
2017. Until then, the government will continue to channel resources to the PMOP
through a classified budget funded by a security tax categorized as ‘Ultra Secret.’ This
prevents citizens from knowing how much money the PMOP receives and for what
purpose it is being used.

“While the PMOP is the most visible example, added to the mix is the U.S.- backed
TIGRES (Tropa de Inteligencia y Grupos de Respuesta Especial de Seguridad), a SWAT-
style militarized police force. Most recently members were found guilty of stealing some
$1.3 million of $12.5 million confiscated in an operation targeting the powerful Valle
Valle cartel. But this militarization is more than soldiers on the streets and militarized
policing; it is top-down and becoming institutionalized.

“For the first time in the country’s history, an active military officer, General Julian
Pacheco, was appointed head of the security ministry, which as of 2013 oversees both the
armed forces and the police…. Pacheco has since retired from the military, perhaps with
some encouragement from the U.S. Embassy. More and more powers once reserved for
police are migrating to the DNII, which is controlled by the military-led National Council
of Defense and Security. One top security expert expressed concern that the agency is
increasingly functioning as a Big Brother-like figure while no one is looking. DNII’s
functions now include hosting units focusing on antiextortion, telecommunications
regulation and so-called ‘confidence tests,’ in addition to the U.S.-funded Major Crimes
Unit. At the moment, around 200 people work for the DNII, but the government hopes to
expand this to around 1200.

“Military officials have been placed in several civilian posts under President Hernández,
including the head of the penitentiary system, director of civilian aviation, and the chief
of customs, among others. President Hernández himself attended military school and is
an Army reservist. His brother, Amilcar, is an active colonel in the Army.

“The Honduran human rights group Centro de Investigación y Promoción de los

Derechos Humanos (CIPRODEH) has an excellent rundown of recent militarization in
this September 2014 report. Civil society groups, activists and scholars all expressed
concern that the country was slipping back to the 1980s, when the military enjoyed
almost unchecked power. It was not until the mid 1990s that civilians assumed control of
most state agencies. Former Supreme Court Judge Guillermo López says that while
militarization of public security is a grave concern, the militarization of the justice system
is even more troubling. Not only are soldiers policing prisons, but high-profile organized
crime cases are now being prosecuted in military barracks, where prisoners are
sometimes also held.

“The government touts a decline in the murder rate in the last few months. However, this
is difficult to evaluate, as the government has restricted information flows to the
independent Violence Observatory of the National Autonomous University of Honduras,
which has served as the main source for these statistics. Corpses in plastic bags, tied up
and strangled, continue to be found throughout the country, according to a source in a
city morgue. Some analysts reported that the presence of the Military Police may
temporarily scare criminals away from patrolled neighborhoods. But, they cautioned,
criminals return when the patrols move on.

“And the Military Police is no answer to proper police investigation. Crime reporters
and security analysts told us that the Military Police have little or no training in chain-
of-custody and investigative techniques. The head of the Violence Observatory in SPS
told us, ‘It doesn’t matter how many soldiers are on the streets if there aren’t
investigations and impunity continues.’ Security specialists say that the emphasis should
be on getting a reformed, fully purged, civilian police force back on the streets and
ensuring an effective and independent judiciary.

“As crime remains at crisis-levels in cities like San Pedro Sula, surveys show public
support for the armed forces is relatively high compared to other government institutions.
But as list of abuses grows, the central problem with this tactic becomes clearer: these
soldiers are educated for war, not peace, and putting them on the streets turns each
citizen into a potential enemy….

“Human rights defenders, members of the LGBTI community, and journalists in

Honduras continue to face an astounding level of violence. Threats and attacks sharply
curtail freedom of expression and association. All of these groups face the same
underlying problems: • The lack of serious investigations and prosecutions of the threats
and attacks against them; • The allegations of participation of local and national
governmental officials and/or members of official security forces in some of these threats,
intimidations and attacks; and • The lack of governmental policies to protect them.
“49 journalists have been killed in Honduras since 2006, 46 since the June 2009 coup,
according to the press freedom group C-Libre. In addition, journalists face threats and
intimidations, including from public officials, members of the security forces, and
organized crime; internal displacement due to threats; and improper use of the legal
system to intimidate journalists. Journalists note that they receive pressure from
government officials and editors to limit their coverage, and report that the dangers they
face result in self-censorship. Reporter Alex Sabillón endured 11 acts of intimidation and
harassment from local officials, police, company officials and unknown sources between
2011 and 2014 as he sought to cover local corruption and use of natural resources,
among other topics, in the city of Choloma, Cortés department. ‘Every day I receive text
message on my cellphone in which they say that they are going to kill me,’ he told C-
Libre. ‘All I ask is that the government guarantee for me the free exercise of my
profession and my physical safety… Carrying out ethical and truthful journalism is what
has put me on the wrong side of local politicians.’ Journalists say that if they do report
on corruption, government officials accuse them of defending the narcotraffickers.

“22 human rights defenders have been killed in Honduras since 2010, according to the
Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared (COFADEH). COFADEH also
documents two disappearances, 88 thefts of information, 15 kidnappings and 3,064
improper uses of judicial system to intimidate defenders. At least 31 trade unionists have
been killed in Honduras from June 2009 until February 2014, according to the AFL-CIO
Solidarity Center. Trade union leaders suffered threats and intimidations, and threats
directed against their family members.

“174 LGBTI Hondurans, including some leading LGBTI activists, were killed from June
2009 – December 2014. Members of the LGBTI community also report arbitrary
detention by police; discrimination; and attacks and harassment. Transgender women
are singled out for abuse. ‘In Honduras, instead of fighting for marriage equality, as our
LGBTI counterparts here in the U.S. are doing, we are fighting for the basic right to not
be murdered,’ said LGBTI activist Nelson Arambú.

“109 environmental and land rights activists have been killed in Honduras from 2002
through 2013, with 100 killed between 2010 and 2013, according to Global Witness—
more than any country in the world except Brazil. Efforts to gain or protect land rights,
as in Bajo Aguán, and opposition to mining, forestry, dams, and other large-scale
projects are among the risks related to this violence. Forced evictions by members of the
police, military and private security are a widespread and serious concern.

“Criminalization of social protest is an enormous obstacle to efforts by communities to

protect their rights. According to one humanitarian aid worker, ‘Almost all of the
activists we work with in Bajo Aguán have charges against them.’ An Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights delegation that visited Honduras in December 2014
‘received alarming information concerning killings, acts of violence, and death threats
against indigenous leaders, particularly those who defend their territories and natural
resources, in the contest of the development of mega-projects without prior and informed
consultation.’
“86 legal professionals have been killed from 2010 to December 2014, according to
information received by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. While the
government provides some protection, budgets are not adequate. Moreover, sometimes
the kind of protection offered does not meet their needs. As one prosecutor told the
commission, ‘Sometimes having personal protection tends to raise your profile and make
you a much more sought-after target. Plus they say, ‘Let’s get one of his children’…. It
doesn’t do any good to have security for me while my family is at home, by themselves.’
…

“Protection measures offered by the government are completely inadequate. According

to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, ‘the Commission has observed
serious deficiencies in the State’s response and a low, sometimes nonexistent, level of
effective implementation’ of precautionary measures the Commission has issued. The key
to protection, of course, is actual progress in investigating and prosecuting threats and
attacks. And that is sorely lacking. To give just two examples, according to the National
Human Rights Commissioner of Honduras (CONADEH), 95% of cases of killings of legal
professionals remain in impunity. Despite efforts by the U.S. government to encourage
Honduran authorities to make progress on cases of violence against members of the
LGBTI community, of 141 violent deaths of LGBTI Hondurans from January 2010
through October 2014, according to LGBTI organizations, only 30 cases have been
prosecuted, of which nine have resulted in convictions and four in acquittals. ‘The
authorities often throw blame at the victim,’ noted one journalist. ‘They say, you were out
walking in the street, it was your fault you were attacked. They say, he was a homosexual
or drug addict or whatever, even before the body gets cold.’ …

“Police reform appears stalled. Following the 2011 killing of the son of the rector of the
Autonomous National University of Honduras and his friend by police agents, a civil
society movement galvanized momentum for police reform. The Commission for Reform
of Public Security produced a series of proposals to improve citizen security, including
recommendations for improving police training, disciplinary procedures, and public
security structure.

“However, in January 2014, during the lame duck period before President Hernández
took office, the Honduran Congress dissolved the commission, and most of its
recommendations remain unfulfilled. ‘They could have purged and trained the police,
during this time. But instead they put 5,000 military police on the street who don’t know
what a chain of custody is,’ lamented the expert on violence. The government contends
that over 2,000 officers have been purged since May 2012, a significant percentage of the
police force. However, the lack of transparency makes it difficult to evaluate numbers or
determine reasons why police have been dismissed. Moreover, human rights groups point
to the lack of prosecutions—police are removed but not prosecuted. Some even return to
the force. Human rights advocates stress that police reform should be transparent and
eliminate corrupt elements from the top to the bottom, not the other way around.
One bright spot may be a new police curriculum, revised with input from civil society
organizations. …

“The independence of Honduras’ justice system is under assault. Politicization of judicial

appointments, an obstacle to impartial justice, starts from the top down. The election of
the Attorney General by the Honduran Congress was moved up from March 2014 to
August 2013 in order to prevent consideration by the more politically diverse Congress
that was elected in November 2013, according to some analysts. Four members of the
Supreme Court were dismissed, reportedly over disagreements regarding use of
polygraphs for police, in December 2012. The Judiciary Council since November 2013
has dismissed 29 judges and suspended 28, without an appropriate process, according to
a member of the Association of Judges for Democracy. ‘This means that judges feel
intimidated, they feel if they rule against well-connected people, against politicians, they
can be dismissed.’ To try to improve investigations and prosecutions, special units have
been created to investigate specific types of crimes, such as the Special Victims Task
Force created in 2011 to tackle crimes against vulnerable groups, including journalists
and members of the LGBTI community, and a new unit for crimes in Bajo Aguán. This
strategy, which has been championed and funded by the United States, has potential, but
the results are still unclear, as is whether success could translate to broader judicial
system improvements.

“A long-standing concern regarding Public Ministry was its reliance on police

investigators rather than having its own investigative staff. This has been especially
problematic for investigation of crimes in which police or other state actors were
implicated. The Public Ministry in 2014 opened the Agency for Criminal Investigation,
with its own investigators for major crimes. This could prove to be an advance. On the
negative side of the ledger, human rights organizations are roundly denouncing the fact
that special prosecutorial teams which accompany the Military Police on their rounds
will be the only officials permitted to investigate cases involving members of the Military
Police. The Attorney General’s regular prosecutors are now barred by law from
investigating and prosecuting the Military Police.

“Finally, security for justice operators is a daunting and tragic problem. From 2010 to
December 2014, 86 legal professionals were killed, according to information received by
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. While some protection is provided by
the state, protection budgets are not adequate. ‘In a country with the highest levels of
violence and impunity in the region,’ noted the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights, ‘the State necessarily has a special obligation to protect, so that its justice sector
operators can carry out their work to fight impunity without becoming victims in the very
cases they are investigating or deciding.’ …

“For the fourth year running San Pedro Sula, Honduras’ second-largest city, has earned
the title of most dangerous place on Earth outside of a war zone, with a 2014 murder rate
of 171 per 100,000 people. Entire blocks of the city are abandoned for fear of gangs.
Nearly every citizen is forced to pay what has come to be known as a ‘war tax,’ or
extortion fees to the various street gangs that have overtaken the city. The morgue says
staff can barely perform autopsies fast enough to keep up with the number of bodies
coming in. There is a tremendous backlog of work and a lack of equipment, staff and
training make carrying out the heavy caseload nearly impossible. Many corpses end up
in mass graves, either because they cannot be identified or their loved ones fear gang
reprisal if they claim them. The morgue has a room with a wall covered with the faces of
those disappeared.

“While most victims have been shot, more and more bodies are being found tortured and
tied up in plastic bags. Those killed tend to be young men, but more female victims are
coming in this year than before. The violence in San Pedro Sula has overwhelmed local
institutions, making the city a hub for impunity. Poorly trained police with limited
resources cannot keep up with the skyrocketing murder rates. An estimated 97% of all
homicides in San Pedro Sula go unsolved, not including the crimes that go unreported. A
forensic analyst told us that crime scenes are often not preserved and investigations fall
short. The grave situation in San Pedro Sula is largely a result of criminal violence
between the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18 street gangs. The Honduran
newspaper La Prensa reports the city is split relatively evenly between the two.

“According to the San Pedro Sula Violence Observatory, Mexican cartels from the
Sinaloa and Michoacán states complicate matters by contracting some of the city’s
smaller gangs waging war on the MS13. The problem started around 2000, when the
government criminalized gang membership, causing the bigger crime syndicates within
Honduras and in Mexico and Colombia to offer protection, absorbing many of the
members of smaller gangs. The toll that this violence takes on the city is profound. Many
children are orphaned because their parents were killed or left to the United States to
find work or flee the gangs. These children become prey for the gangs, who patrol
schools to extort teachers, sell sex and recruit children to join their ranks.

“Last year’s child migrant humanitarian crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border is a symptom
of this dynamic. The majority of the more than 18,000 Honduran children apprehended
at the border attempting to enter the United States were from San Pedro Sula. Upon
return, the crime they intended to flee is typically waiting for them. For the most part,
they are offered no protection, according to the nongovernmental child protection agency
Casa Alianza, which is able to offer refuge to only a tiny fraction of those in danger. Two
hundred children died from beatings, suffocation, or gun violence between January and
September 2014, the city morgue’s forensic pathologist told the UN High Commissioner
on Refugees.

“According to LGBTI activists, transgender sex workers are targeted routinely by the
gangs, pressured to sell quotas of drugs. When they don’t reach the gangs’ quotas they
are threatened or harmed, causing many to flee and undergo a dangerous journey made
even more treacherous by being transgender.

“A recent survey on perceptions of security suggests Hondurans are getting used to the
sky-high levels of crime and violence submerging their neighborhoods – about 66.4% of
Hondurans responded to feeling safe in their community compared to some 51% of
respondents in Costa Rica, a country that registers much lower levels of violence and
murder.

“Contributing to the migration and devastating violence is a gross distortion in income

distribution. A recent report released by the World Bank found Honduras is among the
ten countries on earth with the worst income inequality. The richest 10% of the
Honduran citizens own more than 40% of the country’s wealth and continue to get
wealthier. Two-thirds of the population of Honduras lives on $2.50 a day. In San Pedro
Sula, there are few economic opportunities outside of the maquila industry that once
boomed. Although unions’ campaigns are gradually achieving small advances in
workers’ rights, there are often too few or no bathroom or water breaks. Pregnant
women are often harassed, and many workers are paid for their output, resulting in
wages below the minimum wage.

“According to a local crime reporter, the government touted the introduction of the
Policía Militar or Military Police (PMOP). As the PMOP patrolled the streets in an area
that citizens had abandoned due to fear, families began to filter back in, but then the
Military Police were rotated out. The families fled again once violent crime returned.
Because the Military Police is not the institution that could investigate or prosecute
crime, underlying problems in San Pedro Sula’s worst neighborhoods are generally left
unsolved. Local civilian police forces’ salaries are low, and their rundown cars cannot
keep up with the new, polished vehicles driven by organized crime members. At end of
their shifts they are required to leave their weapon at the station.

“Last March, gang members viciously murdered a 34-year-old transit policeman, a

father of two. His body was discovered decapitated. Without adequate funding, the
muscle of civilian forces continues to dwindle, often leaving them defenseless against
marauding cartels. Although police in Honduras have long histories of corruption and
abuse, the frustration within civilian forces is palpable. Both the Military Police and
civilian police face allegations of abuses and excessive use of force in San Pedro Sula.
Military Police responding to shots fired allegedly shot and killed a man, and wounded
another man and a pregnant woman. The pregnant woman lost her baby. The survivors
asserted that one of them had fired shots in the air to scare away thieves attempting a
robbery as they were preparing favors for a baby shower in their house. Then the
Military Police opened fire on them. After the shooting, the Military Police allegedly
picked up the shells to clean up the scene of the crime before the regular police arrived.
The problem in San Pedro Sula does not just lie with law enforcement.

“The Honduran government is not investing in services that help its citizens. Not even
primary schooling is available to all citizens. Fees for books and other services keep
poor children from completing grade school. To try and target the problems driving this
violence, the Honduran government, along with Guatemala and El Salvador, has
released its Alliance for Prosperity plan, designed to increase infrastructure and entice
foreign investment. The Obama Administration just announced it would ask Congress for
$1 billion for Central America to help fund the initiative, but details about security
strategy are scarce. It remains to be seen exactly how this money will be spent. Looking
at San Pedro Sula, a dramatic change in political will would be needed for any initiative
of this nature to be successful. Funding could be helpful but only if there is a government
willing to reform its police, push for justice and invest in education, jobs programs,
violence prevention, health, child protection services, and community development
needed to protect its poorer citizens.”

72. Reuters, Honduras: Police at U.S. Embassy Are Suspended Over Missing
Money, 16 February 2015, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/17/world/americas/honduras-police-at-us-
embassy-are-suspended-over-missing-money.html?ref=todayspaper&_r=1 …[●]
“Twenty-one police officers assigned to the United States Embassy in Honduras have
been suspended pending an investigation into whether they skimmed part of $12.5 million
seized in a drug cartel raid, a government spokesman said Monday. After the raid in
October, $1.3 million vanished. It was later found buried in a mountainous region in
western Honduras during an operation that led to the capture of Miguel Valle Valle. The
head of the powerful Valle Valle cartel, he was extradited to the United States in
December. The police force in Honduras, which has the world’s highest murder rate, is
widely seen as corrupt and has been accused of extrajudicial killings.”
73. Sarah Kinosian, San Pedro Sula, Honduras: Nearly a War Zone, 13 February
2015, available at http://securityassistance.org/blog/san-pedro-sula-honduras-
nearly-war-zone ......... [●]
“For the fourth year running San Pedro Sula, Honduras’ second-largest city, has earned
the title of most dangerous place on Earth outside of a war zone, with a 2014 murder rate
of 171 per 100,000 people.
“Entire blocks of the city are abandoned for fear of gangs. Nearly every citizen is forced
to pay what has come to be known as a “war tax,” or extortion fees to the various street
gangs that have overtaken the city.
“The morgue says staff can barely perform autopsies fast enough to keep up with the
number of bodies coming in. There is a tremendous backlog of work and a lack of
equipment, staff and training make carrying out the heavy caseload nearly
impossible.”…
“While most victims have been shot, more and more bodies are being found tortured and
tied up in plastic bags. Those killed tend to be young men, but more female victims are
coming in this year than before.
“The violence in San Pedro Sula has overwhelmed local institutions, making the city a
hub for impunity. Poorly trained police with limited resources cannot keep up with the
skyrocketing murder rates. An estimated 97% of all homicides in San Pedro Sula go
unsolved, not including the crimes that go unreported. A forensic analyst told us that
crime scenes are often not preserved and investigations fall short.
“The grave situation in San Pedro Sula is largely a result of criminal violence between
the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) and Barrio 18 street gangs. The Honduran newspaper La
Prensa reports the city is split relatively evenly between the two.
“According to the San Pedro Sula Violence Observatory, Mexican cartels from the
Sinaloa and Michoacán states complicate matters by contracting some of the city’s
smaller gangs waging war on the MS13. The problem started around 2000, when the
government criminalized gang membership, causing the bigger crime syndicates within
Honduras and in Mexico and Colombia to offer protection, absorbing many of the
members of smaller gangs.
“The toll that this violence takes on the city can be felt. Many children are orphaned
because their parents were killed or left to the United States to find work or flee the
gangs. These children become prey for the gangs, who patrol schools to extort teachers,
sell sex and recruit children to join their ranks.
“Last year’s child migrant humanitarian crisis at the U.S.-Mexico border is a symptom
of this dynamic. The majority of the more than 18,000 Honduran children apprehended
at the border attempting to enter the United States were from San Pedro Sula. Upon
return, the crime they intended to flee is typically waiting for them. For the most part,
they are offered no protection, according to the nongovernmental child protection agency
Casa Alianza, which is able to offer refuge to only a tiny fraction of those in danger. Two
hundred children died from beatings, suffocation, or gun violence between January and
September 2014, the city morgue’s forensic pathologist told the UN High Commissioner
on Refugees.
“According to LGBT activists, transgender sex workers are targeted routinely by the
gangs, pressured to sell quotas of drugs. When they don’t reach the gangs’ quotas they
are threatened or harmed, causing many to flee and undergo a dangerous journey made
even more treacherous by being transgender….
“Last March, gang members viciously murdered a 34-year-old transit policeman, a
father of two. His body was discovered decapitated. Without adequate funding, the
muscle of civilian forces continues to dwindle, often leaving them defenseless against
marauding cartels. Although police in Honduras have long histories of corruption and
abuse, the frustration within civilian forces is palpable.
“Both the Military Police and civilian police face allegations of abuses and excessive use
of force in San Pedro Sula. Military Police responding to shots fired allegedly shot and
killed a man, and wounded another man and a pregnant woman. The pregnant woman
lost her baby. The survivors asserted that one of them had fired shots in the air to scare
away thieves attempting a robbery as they were preparing favors for a baby shower in
their house. Then the Military Police opened fire on them. After the shooting, the Military
Police allegedly picked up the shells to clean up the scene of the crime before the regular
police arrived.”
73. Lisa Haaguard, The Key to Everything: Investigations and Injustice in
Honduras, 12 February 2015, available at
 http://www.securityassistance.org/blog/key-everything-investigations-and-justice-
honduras ......... [●]
“‘This country needs to strengthen its capacity and will to carry out criminal
investigations. That is the key to everything,’ said an expert on violence in Honduras who
had spent years working in justice agencies. In a December 2014 visit to Honduras by
the Latin America Working Group Education Fund and the Center for International
Policy, we heard the assessment everywhere we turned.” …
“Police reform appears stalled. Following the 2011 killing of the son of the rector of the
Autonomous National University of Honduras and his friend by police agents, a civil
society movement galvanized momentum for police reform. The Commission for Reform
of Public Security produced a series of proposals to improve citizen security, including
recommendations for improving police training, disciplinary procedures, and public
security structure. However, in January 2014, during the lame duck period before
President Hernández took office, the Honduran Congress dissolved the commission, and
most of its recommendations remain unfulfilled.”…
“The government contends that over 2,000 officers have been purged since May 2012, a
significant percentage of the police force. However, the lack of transparency makes it
difficult to evaluate numbers or determine reasons why police have been dismissed.
Moreover, human rights groups point to the lack of prosecutions—police are removed
but not prosecuted. Some even return to the force. Human rights advocates stress that
police reform should be transparent and eliminate corrupt elements from the top to the
bottom, not the other way around.” …
“The independence of Honduras’ justice system is under assault. Politicization of judicial
appointments, an obstacle to impartial justice, starts from the top down. The election of
the Attorney General by the Honduran Congress was moved up from March 2014 to
August 2013 in order to prevent consideration by the more politically diverse Congress
that was elected in November 2013, according to some analysts. Four members of the
Supreme Court were dismissed, reportedly over disagreements regarding use of
polygraphs for police, in December 2012.
“The Judiciary Council since November 2013 has dismissed 29 judges and suspended 28,
without an appropriate process, according to a member of the Association of Judges for
Democracy. ‘This means that judges feel intimidated, they feel if they rule against well-
connected people, against politicians, they can be dismissed.’
“On the negative side of the ledger, human rights organizations are roundly denouncing
the fact that special prosecutorial teams which accompany the Military Police on their
rounds will be the only officials permitted to investigate cases involving members of the
Military Police. The Attorney General’s regular prosecutors are now barred by law from
investigating and prosecuting the Military Police.
“Finally, security for justice operators is a daunting and tragic problem. From 2010 to
December 2014, 86 legal professionals were killed, according to information received by
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. While some protection is provided by
the state, protection budgets are not adequate. ‘In a country with the highest levels of
violence and impunity in the region,’ noted the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights, ‘the State necessarily has a special obligation to protect, so that its justice sector
operators can carry out their work to fight impunity without becoming victims in the very
cases they are investigating or deciding.’”
74. Dana Frank, Who’s Responsible for the Flight of Honduran Children?, 8
Sept. 2014, available at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dana-frank/whos-
responsible-for-the-honduras_b_5530518.html .........................
“Suddenly, all eyes are on the 47,000 unaccompanied minors from Central America who
have been apprehended at the U.S. border since the beginning of this year, the largest
number of whom are from Honduras. Quite rightly, most discussions have underscored
that gangs and violence are the immediate cause of their flight.
“Missing from the discussion about Honduras, though, is the post-coup regime governing
the country that is largely responsible for the vast criminality that has overtaken it.
Equally absent is the responsibility of the United States Government for the regime. Yes,
gangs are rampant in Honduras. But the truly dangerous gang is the Honduran
government. And our own tax dollars are pouring into it while our top officials praise its
virtues.
“This June 28 marks the fifth anniversary of the military coup that deposed
democratically-elected Honduran President Manuel Zelaya. Since then, a series of
corrupt administrations has unleashed open criminal control of Honduras, from top to
bottom of the government. Current President Juan Orlando Hernández, who entered
office in January, was himself an enthusiastic supporter of the coup, reports from the
Honduran congress establish, and in 2012 led the illegal 2012 ejection of four members
of the Supreme Court and the illegal naming of a new attorney general to a five-year
term.
“The Honduras police are overwhelmingly corrupt, working closely with drug traffickers
and organized crime. Last August, even a Honduran government commission overseeing
a cleanup of the police force admitted that 70 percent of the police are ‘beyond saving.’
InSight Crime concludes: ‘a series of powerful local groups, connected to political and
economy elites...manage most of the underworld activities in the country. They have
deeply penetrated the Honduran police.’
“Hernández's answer to police corruption, though, has been dangerous militarization.
Not only does the regular military now patrol residential neighborhoods, airports, and
prisons, but Hernández's new 5,000-strong military police force is fanning out across the
country. The judiciary and prosecutors are often corrupt as well. The U.S. Department of
State's Human Rights Report for 2013 on Honduras speaks of ‘widespread impunity’
caused by a weak justice system. ‘Perpetrators of killings and other violent crimes are
rarely brought to justice,’ reports Human Rights Watch. As a result, post-coup Honduras
now boasts the highest murder rate in the world, according to United Nations figures.
“Worse, the police and military themselves kill and beat people with impunity. Human
Rights Watch has documented widespread allegations of killings of land rights activists
by security forces, and reports that ‘impunity for serious police abuses is a chronic
problem.’ Until last December, the national chief of police was Juan Carlos ‘El Tigre’
Bonilla, who according to documents obtained by the Associated Press (AP) participated
in death killings in 1998-2002. More recently AP has documented at least five alleged
death squad killings by the Honduran police. On May 13, the new military police
surrounded, tear gassed, brutally beat up, and forcibly ejected from the main hall of
congress all 36 congressmembers of the center-left opposition party LIBRE.
“At the same time, the post-coup government is rapidly destroying much of what is left of
the Honduran economy. In the two years following the coup, 2010-12, spending on public
housing, health, and education all dropped, according to the Center for Economic and
Policy Research, while extreme poverty rose by 26.3 percent. ‘Through neoliberal
privatizations, cutbacks, and reorganizations they're wiping out unionized public sector
jobs,’ observes German Zepeda, Secretary-General of Honduras' Federation of
Agroindustrial Workers. In May, for example, the entire agency charged with children's
interests was eliminated and all its asset liquidated. The AFL-CIO reports that labor
laws are rarely enforced, assassinations and threats against trade unionists are not
investigated, and a much-touted private-sector ‘jobs creation’ program breaks apart full-
time, permanent jobs into part-time precarious ones, eliminating access to the public
health system and eligibility for unionization, along with a living wage.
“In this overall scenario, children indeed die. With few jobs and without a functioning
criminal justice system, truly terrifying gangs have proliferated, and drug trafficking
engenders spectacular violence, including multiple massacres of children in April and
May splayed all over the papers. According to Casa Alianza, the leading independent
advocate for homeless children in Honduras, in May 2014 alone 104 young people were
killed; between 2010 and 2013, 458 children 14 or younger were assassinated.
“On May 6, José Guadalupe Ruelas, the director of Casa Alianza, charged that police
are operating operate ‘social cleansing’ death squads killing children.
“Two days later, stationary car was rammed by a government security vehicle and he
was brutally beaten and arrested by the military police, according to Amnesty
International.
“Yet despite overwhelming evidence, the U.S. government continues to support, even
celebrate the regime. Two days after the military police attacked the opposition members
in congress, U.S. Ambassador Lisa Kubiske baldly praised President Hernández, lauded
the TIGRES -- a dangerous new special forces unit he has promoted--and said that the
U.S. wants to invest ‘more and more in the Honduran police.’ Commander John Kelley of
the U.S. Southern Command, visiting Honduras on May 19, praised Hernández for his
‘impressive’ and successful work against drug traffickers. Now, as a response to the
influx of unaccompanied minors at the border, the White House has authorized $18.5
million in additional funds for the corrupt Honduran police.
“The U.S. is indeed pouring funds into the Honduran police and military, in the name of
fighting drug trafficking. Exact figures are unavailable, but according to the
Congressional Research Service approximately $25 million flowed to Honduran security
forces in 2013. Other U.S. funds support Honduran forces through USAID, the Inter-
American Development Bank, and the Central American Regional Security Initiative
(CARSI).
“At the same time, U.S. policies are contributing directly to the destruction of the
Honduran economy -- hence the lack of viable jobs. The Central America Free Trade
Agreement (CAFTA), for example, has forced small and medium-sized producers to
compete with U.S. agribusiness and other corporations. In Honduras as elsewhere,
neoliberal policies enforced through the U.S.-funded International Monetary Fund (IMF)
and World Bank promote the elimination of public-sector jobs, privatization, and the
reduction of social services A June 13 statement from the IMF Executive Board, for
example, advocates ‘reducing the wage bill’ of the Honduran government.
“The U.S. Congress, though, is loudly and clearly challenging U.S. policy. On May 28,
108 Members of Congress, led by Rep. Janice Schakowsky (D-Illinois), sent a letter to
Secretary Kerry questioning U.S. support for the regime. The 2014 Consolidated
Appropriations Act places human rights conditions on a substantial chunk of U.S. to
Honduran security forces.
“As young Hondurans risk spectacular dangers crossing borders to try to escape their
country's horror, the U.S. should take responsibility for that nightmare, and cut its ties
with gang of oligarchs running Honduras, stop pouring funds into their police and
military-including funds for police training. At the same time we need to treat the
arriving children with vast care and respect, observing legally mandated procedures. We
need to provide them with lawyers, allow independent observers to inspect all facilities in
which are held, and, if their parents are here make every effort to reunite them with their
families in the U.S.”
75. teleSur, Violence in Honduras Since the 2009 Coup, 17 July 2014, available
at http://www.telesurtv.net/english/analysis/Violence-in-Honduras-Since-the-
2009-Coup-20140717-0132.html ...........................
“Today Honduras is recognized as one of the most violent countries in the world, with
the highest per capita murder ratio in the Western hemisphere. Homicides, feminicides,
political persecution, disappearances and targeted assassinations have escalated since
the 2009 military coup against elected President Manuel Zelaya.
“Women: The national homicide rate for women is 14.6 per 100,000 inhabitants, making
Honduras one of the most violent and dangerous places for women in the world
according to the community based Jesuit station, Radio Progreso.
“The Women´s Rights Observatory in Honduras determines that one of every two deaths
are registered as feminicide. Just from January to April 2014 more than 152 violent
deaths against women were documented involving disappearances and sexual violence.
In 2013, 3,000 cases of sexual violence against women and 200 disappearances were
documented. Every 18 hours a woman is killed in Honduras.
“Journalists: The Radio Progreso reporter, Carlos Mejía was the victim of a violent
death in May 2014. His death, like so many politically motivated assassinations in
Honduras, has received little to no institutional investigation.
“International journalists have been detained, including reporters for teleSUR, while
others have received death threats or have been murdered.
“Social and Political Leaders: Politically motivated assassinations have affected all
sectors of Honduran civil society from rural farm workers, indigenous peoples and
populations of African descent, women, youth, queer LGBT communities, left party
LIBRE candidates and other communities.
“LGBT: approximately 176 LGBT Hondurans have been murdered since the coup d´état.
“Repression by State Forces: Last year, the Honduran government under recently elected
President Juan Orlando Hérnandez created a new police unit known as the Intelligence
Troop and Special Security Group, or TIGRES (Tigers, in Spanish). The TIGRES are
trained by U.S. special forces and the Colombian Jungle School in intelligence, mountain
operations and rural operations as reported by anti-militarization organization, School
of the Americas Watch.
“On May 28, the Fraternal Black Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH) denounced the
‘indiscriminate violence’ used by the security forces in the region against community
members from Puerto Castilla demanding back their ancestral land. The confrontation
between security and the community ended up with six children hospitalized in Trujillo as
the security forces used tear gas to control the demonstrators.
“On May 13, the Military police and COBRAS launched tear gas and beat with batons
several LIBRE party congresspeople as they protested during a congressional session.
People demonstrating outside Congress were also attacked with tear gas. Several LIBRE
members were taken to the hospital because of tear gas inhalation and Military police
physical attacks.
“On May 25, police tortured two Rio Blanco residents where the indigenous Lenca
people have been resisting a hydroelectric dam. The two organizers were taken to a home
and beat. Their heads were forced under water, almost drowned and placed in rubber
hoods that prevented them from breathing.
“These cases are few examples of hundreds in Honduras. And yet, despite all the violence
the people continue to resist, demand justice and an end to impunity.”
76. Sonia Nazario, Children of the Drug Wars: A Refugee Crisis, Not An
Immigration Crisis, 13 July 2014, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/13/opinion/sunday/a-refugee-crisis-not-an-
immigration-crisis.html?_r=0 ……………[●]
“Asking for help from the police or the government is not an option in what some
consider a failed state. The drugs that pass through Honduras each year are worth more
than the country’s entire gross domestic product. Narcos have bought off police officers,
politicians and judges. In recent years, four out of five homicides were never
investigated. No one is immune to the carnage. Several Honduran mayors have been
killed. The sons of both the former head of the police department and the head of the
national university were murdered, the latter, an investigation showed, by the police.

“‘You never call the cops. The cops themselves will retaliate and kill you,’ says Henry
Carías Aguilar, a pastor in Nueva Suyapa. A majority of small businesses in Nueva
Suyapa have shuttered because of extortion demands, while churches have doubled in
number in the past decade, as people pray for salvation from what they see as the plague
predicted in the Bible. Taxis and homes have signs on them asking God for mercy.”
77. InsightCrime, Honduras (2014 Report), available at
http://www.insightcrime.org/honduras-organized-crime-news/honduras …[●]

“Honduras' police force is one of the most corrupt in the region. In addition to
demanding bribes, passing information to criminal groups, and allowing drug shipments
to pass unchecked, some Honduran police have reportedly participated in, and even
directed, violent criminal operations.”…
“Honduras' prospects are not good. The country’s political and economic systems are
permeated with illicit funds. The criminal groups have penetrated to the highest levels of
the government. Gangs control the prisons. There is no confidence in the police and
corruption is rampant.”

78. Jeanette Charles, teleSUR Investigation: The Human Rights Crisis in

Honduras, 6 Nov. 2014, available at
http://www.telesurtv.net/english/telesuragenda/teleSUR-Investigation-The-
Human-Rights-Crisis-in-Honduras-20141023-0023.html ............

“Five years have passed since the coup that militarily removed democratically-elected
president Manuel Zelaya. Human rights abuses have risen as the privatization of land,
exploitation of resources, political persecution and the militarization of communities
becomes more widespread.

“On October 29, Tomas Gomez Membreno, 15, member of the Civil Council of Popular
Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) was found dead on the shore of Rio Gualcarque.
He had been reported missing for approximately four days. COPINH, largely
represented by the Lenca indigenous nation, works to defend indigenous rights and has
challenged Honduras' growing mining and hydroelectric enterprises that threaten their
communities' livelihood.

“Gomez's death came three weeks after the assassination of two members of the
Honduran resistance Freedom and Re-foundation Party (LIBRE) on October 7. The
violent deaths of Jose Benito Lopez Martinez, coordinator for the San Francisco del
Ceibon, Cortes along with the murder of his son Jose Rolando Martinez, echoed the call
for international solidarity since the coup d'état.

“The deterioration of human rights in Honduras has received widespread international

attention since the coup in 2009. Since then, popular movements have strengthened their
resistance. Entire communities have organized against state sanctioned violence,
economic and land exploitation as well as growing organized crime networks. The
intimidation and assassinations of human rights defenders, resistance leaders and
members of the resistance inspired political party are steadily on the rise.

“Human Rights Context: Honduras has been under the control of a coup government that
seized power in 2009 after unconstitutionally removing president Manuel Zelaya and
subsequently designating Roberto Michelleti as president. The (s)elections of right wing
candidates Porfirio ‘Pepe’ Lobo Sosa and Juan Orlando Hernandez have continued the
coup's tradition.

“The National Popular Resistance Front (FNRP) has denounced both elections as
undemocratic and illegitimate. In 2009, the FNRP called for a boycott of the elections
and the results were not recognized by most of the civil society and contested
internationally.

“In 2013, international observers reported widespread elections fraud on account of

irregularities in vote counts as well as the buying of votes. LIBRE delegate Rixi Moncada
also said in 2013 that, ‘there are irregularities that need to be analyzed and a great
quantity of information that do not coincide with what our party received [at the polls].’

“Not surprisingly, the political situation in Honduras has led to drastic increases in
homicides, corruption and impunity. Currently, the United Nations estimates that
Honduras has the highest murder rate in the world. Since 2011, Honduras has become
the world's most violent country outside of a war zone.

“Honduras is also one of the region's most impoverished countries with 45.3 percent of
people living in extreme poverty.

“Karen Spring, the Honduras-based coordinator for the Honduras Solidarity Network,
explains, ‘The focus of the Honduran government since the coup has been a rush of
neoliberal policies and pro-neoliberal governments. The military coup is an ongoing
problem.’

“The coup opened Honduras for business, and the country has steadily been stripped of
its natural resources for mining, oil exploration and mega tourism projects by foreign
investors.

“The conditions facing Hondurans are not endemic to the Central American nation,
rather a combination of U.S. intervention and the Honduran government's protection of
foreign business interests.
“Hondurans and U.S. based solidarity organizations have denounced the United States
role in the 2009 coup and ongoing intervention. Hondurans have long-struggled against
U.S. economic, political and military intervention dating from the derogatorily dubbed
‘Banana Republic’ to being the base of U.S. operations in the 1980s against indigenous
guerrillas in neighbouring Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua.

“Honduras’s current landscape is a country co-opted by foreign business,

constitutionally violated and militarily intervened.

“Militarization and Privatization of Rural Lands in Honduras: This year, El Corpus,

Choluteca made headlines as 10 miners were trapped after the Cuculmeca de San Juan
Arriba gold mine collapsed. Two miners survived.

“While all the miners involved are artisan miners, it is suspected that much of what they
find is bought by a transnational also working in the area. Spring explains, ‘It’s a way of
life for many people in a country where there are not many economic opportunities and
job employment.’

“On Oct. 2, three miners from the same community were detained and tortured by
Honduran military. Honduran local media shared the frightening images of military
officers torturing a young man and pouring water over his face, wrapped tightly with a t-
shirt. None of the victims were killed.

“However, the four military officers involved are currently suspended and are under an
investigation by the Public Ministry. There is little expectation that these officers will be
held responsible considering the high impunity rate especially for crimes committed by
Honduran state forces.

“The current case exemplifies the growing climate of fear that Hondurans face as state-
sanctioned violence continues to proliferate in the country. Indigenous communities and
farmers continue to face increased militarization as agribusiness takes over their lands
for hydroelectric projects, African palm expansion and privatized cities.

“According to Rights Action, 109 people have been killed in land disputes from 2009 to
early 2013 and another 4,500 farmers have participated in legal proceedings.

“Prominent peasant leader Margarita Murillo was violently murdered on Aug. 27. She
was shot in El Planon, Villanueva in south San Pedro Sula while working the land. She
was the president of Las Ventanas Farming Cooperative and a founding member of the
FNRP and LIBRE party.

“The Aguan Valley Regional Agrarian Platform reports that 140 farmers have been
murdered over the last four years and their deaths have gone without investigations and
unpunished. Operation Xatruch forces along with paramilitaries and privately contracted
security officers plague the Bajo Aguan, in northern Honduras, in the name of Miguel
Facusse's African palm agribusiness.
“The International Finance Corporation, a private lending arm of the World Bank,
began to audit US$ 30 million of its loans to Facusse's Dinant corporation in light of
allegations of Dinant's role in these human rights abuses in the Aguan Valley.

“The degrees of separation between politicians, organized crime, militarization and

foreign investment are few, emphasize many Honduran activists.

“Gendered Violence: Gender-based violence plagues the nation: 176 members of the
Lesbian Gay Bisexual Trans and Intersex community, with a special focus on trans
women have been murdered at alarming rates since 2009.

“Additionally, the Women's Rights Observatory in Honduras estimates that one of every
two deaths is registered as feminicide. The number of violent deaths of women has risen
263.4 percent between 2005 and 2013.

“The United Nations Rapporteur on Violence Against Women Rashida Manjoo visited
Honduras between July 1-8, 2014 stating, ‘The climate of fear, in both the public and
private spheres, and the lack of accountability for violations of human rights of women, is
the norm rather than the exception.’

“Educators and Lawmakers Targeted: Defenders of truth and justice have been
systematically targeted since the coup. Public prosecutors Marlene Banegas and Olga
Patricia Efragio were killed on Friday Oct. 10 in San Pedro Sula. Local Honduran media
reports that both prosecutors were ‘honest and combative’ and had 26 years of shared
experience between them.

“Banegas had received death threats before as the coordinator of the Prosecution Office
for Crimes Against Life. Until recently she was under police protective services. Efragio
was the coordinator of the Prosecution Office for Crimes Against the Environment.

“The number of assassinated lawyers has risen to 83 in the last 57 months, with two
public prosecutors murdered in San Pedro Sula just last week. Honduras ranks as one of
the top countries for murder rates of journalists, just behind Brazil and Mexico, as 33
journalists have been killed between 2010 and 2013. In 2014, seven journalists have been
killed with three murders happening within one month's time.

“In addition, human rights groups estimate that one teacher is murdered at least every
month in Honduras. From 2009 to 2014, 83 teachers have been killed.

“The Inter-American Court of Human Rights is expected to visit Honduras in December

to investigate the human rights situation.”

79. Honduras Accompaniment Project – PROAH: Summary of Human Rights

Issue and Events in Honduras, Oct, Nov and Dec 2013, available at
http://honduras-forum.ch/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/PROAH-HR-
Report-Okt.-Dez..pdf ..................
 [Note: This 26-page report contains numerous footnotes, deleted from excerpts
below, and also many fine details of killings, attacks, harassments in connection
with 2013 elections, including analyses of events in different cities/regions.]

“The human rights landscape in the last quarter of 2013 was dominated by the elections
on November 24, with an increase in killings and other attacks on political activists,
particularly LIBRE. The stigmatization of human rights defenders was particularly acute
in the Bajo Aguan and extended beyond the elections. There was some good news
regarding criminalization of human rights defenders, with the provisional dismissal of
one set of charges against the COPINH leadership, and the entry of AZUNOSA in
conciliation negotiations with campesinos and the CNTC. However, there was no let-up
in the killings and persecution of particular target groups including journalists, lawyers
and members of the LGBTI community. Honduras also featured prominently in the 149th
period of sessions of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), from
24 October to 8 November (see annex for more details).

“PERSECUTION OF POLITICAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS IN THE

CONTEXT OF THE ELECTIONS: The general elections took place as planned on
November 24, with a broadly peaceful atmosphere on the day and strong voter turnout, of
60%. Juan Orlando Hernández of the ruling National Party was declared victor in the
presidential race. Although the elections were described as 'transparent' by the observer
missions of the European Union (EU), the Organization of American States (OAS), and
by the US State Department a range of serious irregularities were reported by
independent groups of international and national observers, including a 'dissident'
member of the EU observer mission.

“The EU report itself had pointed to serious systemic problems potentially opening the
way to fraud, such as the fact that 30% of the people on the electoral roll had either died
or emigrated. The TSE (Supreme Electoral Tribunal) rejected LIBRE's call for a recount
of over 3,000 ballot boxes, while the Supreme Court of Justice rejected a legal challenge
to the results which the party filed. The OAS in its press statement on its observer mission
made no mention at all of the climate of violence and militarization in the country in the
run-up to the elections, while the EU in its report stated that all candidates were able to
operate ‘without any greater security problems than those experienced by citizens in day-
to-day life.’

“During the 90 days of campaigning, it recorded 25 cases of intimidation or violence

against political candidates (without giving more details), with LIBRE the party most
affected with 9 cases, followed by PAC (Anti-Corruption Party) with 6, but concluded
that it was impossible to ascertain if the attacks were politically-motivated, since the
victims did not report them and/or the authorities failed to investigate them.

“Both Honduran and international human rights organizations, on the other hand, issued
declarations expressing deep concern at the pre-election climate, which was
characterized by an increase in assassinations of opposition activists, and other acts of
persecution, including threats and police raids. US Congressmen Grijalva, Honda, and
Hank Johnson sent a letter to John Kerry, head of the State Department, urging him to
speak out against the militarization of civil society ahead of the elections, in particular
the use of the newly-formed Public Order Military Police (PMOP), the creature of Juan
Orlando Hernández (see PROAH human rights summary for July to September). They
also expressed concern at the attacks on members of the LIBRE Party, and the fact that
the ruling National Party now dominated all the key institutions of the government,
including the country's electoral authority and the military, which controls the ballots,
particularly given allegations of widespread fraud during the primary elections in
November of 2012.

“In addition, they referred to reports by the FIDH (International Federation for Human
Rights), based on its mission to Honduras in September (see PROAH human rights
summary for July to September), which expressed great concern at the ‘absolute
dysfunction’ of the Honduran justice system, the ‘politicization of justice for electoral
ends, and the concentration of power. The government's response to the human rights
organizations – both Honduran and international – was to embark on a campaign of
demonization, and a number of candidates and other figures joined in, in a surge pre-
election 'patriotic' fervor…

“Killings and Attacks: On October 21, Rights Action published a report listing killings
and attacks linked to the political campaigns in Honduras12, from May 2012, 6 months
prior to the November 2012 primary elections, based on data from COFADEH. Rights
Action acknowledges that the list is incomplete, as it relies almost entirely upon reports
from the Honduran media that generally under-report human rights abuses and are likely
to under-report politically-motivated violence. Furthermore, as Bertha Oliva of
COFADEH stated (see our summary for July-September), a significant number of LIBRE
activists and their families failed to report such violence because they feared further
persecution if they did so. Nonetheless, the report concludes that LIBRE party pre-
candidates, candidates, their families and campaign leaders suffered more killings and
armed attacks than all other political parties combined, indicating that many of the
killings have been politically motivated. …

[Note: For more detailed, updated information about Honduras political corruption
documented by PROAH, see: https://hondurasaccompanimentproject.wordpress.com/]

80. Lauren Carasik, “Banana Republic” Honduras Open for Business After
Tainted Election, 3 Dec. 2013, available at http://www.truth-
out.org/opinion/item/20388-banana-republic-honduras-open-for-business-after-
tainted-election ....

“Few observers are surprised at widespread allegations of fraud, violence and

intimidation in the November 24, 2013, election in Honduras, a country notorious for
corruption; stark and longstanding social, political and economic inequality; and
extremely fragile democratic institutions. After all, electoral mischief is what we have
come to expect from the pejoratively termed ‘banana republics,’ countries in the global
south characterized by iron-fisted oligarchic rule, the exploitation of resources and labor
for international corporations and misery for the masses. But although we may want to
distance ourselves from the suffering in Honduras, grinding poverty, inequality and anti-
democratic principles do not occur in a vacuum: What happens in contemporary
Honduran politics is inseparable from its colonial legacy and present-day economic and
geopolitical importance to its powerful neighbors to the north and the interests of
transnational companies.
“Both Juan Orlando Hernandez of the ruling conservative National Party and Xiomara
Castro of the left-leaning LIBRE (Liberty and Refoundation) Party claimed victory
shortly after the polls closed. Allegations of fraud and irregularities surfaced during the
election and continued to accumulate. On November 29, Castro, wife of democratically
elected President Mel Zelaya, who was ousted in a military coup in 2009, denounced
fraud and refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the election, demanding a vote-by-
vote recount (although there is no clear mechanism for vote review),
meticulously documenting her claim of electoral fraud and encouraging peaceful social
protest.
“In response to Castro's complaint, the electoral authority announced December 2 that it
will recount the vote tally sheets that were transmitted to them. Given the context, it is not
clear if this would even address any problems, because one of the allegations is that some
tally sheets were altered before being transmitted. And it certainly does not address vote
and credential buying, intimidation, etc. So this could make the electoral authority look
responsive to complaints about fraud without providing real and meaningful review or
redress.
Tampering With Democracy
“Some critics allege a brilliantly orchestrated campaign to ensure and legitimize
Hernandez's victory. Fraud, intimidation and violence before and during the election
have a cumulative impact: dirty elections are stolen one vote at a time, through a variety
of tactics that start well in advance of voting day. Hernandez's control over all the
apparatus of government power, including the Congress, judiciary, military and electoral
authority, facilitated the ease of influencing the outcome. The Honduran elite also control
the media and its messaging to the electorate - and command a deep well of financial
resources to inundate the airwaves and print media, with no public scrutiny of campaign
financing. The poorly resourced LIBRE was vastly outspent by the National Party.
“Efforts to influence the outcome included vote buying, discount cards and jobs offered
by the National Party, tampering with registered voter rolls to disqualify some voters and
include others who could not legally cast a vote, credential buying that compromised
multiparty oversight of voting tables, media manipulation, malfeasance in the calculation
and transmission of the vote tabulation sheets, and intimidation and violence, including
the criminalization of resistance leaders and targeted attacks and killings.
“In addition to the inaccuracies outlined by the LIBRE Party, evidence of fraud in the
vote count is mounting. After accessing the TSE database, the electronic activist
group Anonymous provided documentation of electoral malfeasance. Allegations of fraud
were compounded by concerns previously identified by the Organization of American
States about the penetrability and reliability of vote tallying software. Although the TSE
remedied some of those vulnerabilities and weaknesses, others remained uncorrected on
Election Day.
Reports of Fraud, Intimidation and Violence Minimized
“On Election Day, LIBRE and Salvador Nasralla of the newly formed Anti-Corruption
Party claimed electoral foul, identifying discrepancies in the transmission of votes. But it
was not just those who stand to benefit who questioned the election's legitimacy. A
number of delegations, including the National Lawyers Guild (in which I participated),
the Honduran Solidarity Network, the International Federation for Human Rights and a
litany of respected dignitaries expressed grave concern about the process and cautioned
against the premature endorsement of election results, urging a careful review of vote
counting, improper influence and the climate of fear and intimidation in which the
elections were held. Leo Gabriel, a member of the European Union Electoral observation
mission, claimed serious disagreement existed among delegates about its preliminary
statement validating the process, despite irregularities they found troubling. Gabriel
claimed certain observers in the European Union mission were concerned about the
social and economic repercussions of impugning the integrity of the results, since the
European Union is invested in whitewashing the tarnished image of post-coup Honduras.
“Despite the concerns, the press accounts subsequent to the election were largely
uncritical, reflecting a biased narrative. Reports recounted that most international
observers commended the transparency of the process while noting some anomalies, but
they gave short shrift to the credible claims of widespread malfeasance.
“The ruling party launched a media campaign to disparage the presence of certain
international observers, presumably to discredit future criticisms, and engaged in
intimidation tactics such as confrontations by immigration authorities demanding
documentation from certain credentialed observers (not surprisingly, those singled out
did not hail from the United States, Canada or the European Union). Yet the Hondurans
denouncing the meddling of international observers perceived no irony in their
simultaneous welcome of transnational corporations and investments that extract and
export not only resources but also profits from the country.
“Media bias was evident in the post-election spin, domestically and internationally.
Misinformation abounded, such as a Washington Post editorial that erroneously
claimed that Zelaya was ousted in response to a referendum intended to allow him to
circumvent the one-term limit for presidents. In reality, the vote in question was a non-
binding poll about constitutional reform that would have been voted on formally months
later, at the same time as Zelaya's successor was elected, making it impossible for him to
extend his term as president. The article made no mention of Zelaya's modest land
reforms, wage increases and other initiatives that did not inure to the benefit of the ruling
elite that many argue contributed to his removal. The editorial also cited the unanimous
verdict that claims of fraud were not substantiated, despite the concerns raised by
numerous election observers.
Political and Endemic Violence
“With the highest murder rate in the world, Honduras is plagued by violence and
impunity. Much of the mayhem is attributable to drug and gang violence and the crime
that often accompanies desperate poverty, but repression against resistance activists has
taken an incalculable toll and sent an unmistakably chilling message.
“Attacks on journalists make Honduras the most perilous country in Latin America to
report in, with journalists critical of the government singled out for
persecution, according to Hector Becerra of C-Libre, a journalist's group. The death toll
from a bloody land struggle in the Lower Agaun has taken 110 lives, and 18 Libre
activists were killed between May 2012 and late October 2013, with four more dead in
recent days, including two people assassinated the night before the election just outside
of Tegucigalpa and a beloved LIBRE leader gunned down Saturday. Lawyers, human
rights defenders, indigenous activists and members of the LGBT community also have
been killed.
“The drug-trafficking and gang-related violence occurs in an international context, and
current US policies contribute to the escalating disorder. Honduras serves as conduit for
drugs destined for US consumers - the US State Department estimated that 87 percent of
the cocaine from South America transits through Honduras, motivating the United States
to invest personnel, equipment, logistical support and millions of dollars and in the
militarization of counternarcotics efforts. A joint US-Honduran drug interdiction
operation gone awry ended with the death of four civilians and the injury of three others
in La Moskitia, causing critics to implore the United States to rethink its ‘war on drugs,’
where the US consumption of drugs fuels bloodshed south of its border. Aggressive US
deportation efforts fuel gang violence, as do the burgeoning unemployment and poverty
that reflect Honduras' position in the global economic order.
“In response to the violence, Castro supports community policing. In contrast,
Hernandez supports the militarization of policing, and he shepherded through congress
the authorization for a military police force of 5,000 - 1,000 of whom already have been
deployed in Tegucigalpa and Honduras' second-largest city, San Pedro Sula.
Hernandez's law-and-order platform garnered support from some weary of the violence,
who welcomed an iron-fist approach to crime. But the move provoked consternation
among many sectors that point out the perils of employing soldiers trained in combat for
the more delicate role of policing, which entails crime prevention, investigation and
assistance with prosecution, a particularly important task in a country where impunity
reaches above 90 percent. Yet mistrust for the National Police is pervasive.
Compounding concern about corruption within its ranks, a story by The Associated Press
in 2013 claimed that the US-funded National Police, under the command of Juan Carlos
"El Tigre" Bonilla, were engaging in social cleansing against gangs, despite the Leahy
Law that prohibits US funding of forces involved with human rights abuses.
International Political and Financial Interests
“After the 2009 military coup, the Lobo regime announced that Honduras was ‘Open for
Business,’ and ushered a package of laws through Congress with little public debate that
were designed to generate and guarantee profits for transnational corporations and the
economic elite - but not the desperately poor, who make up the majority of the Honduran
population. These laws made Honduras friendlier to resource extraction, biofuel
production, ‘eco-tourism’ developments and hydroelectric dam projects that are
dispossessing campesinos and indigenous peoples and engendering repression against
those defending their land, their livelihood and their lives. Legislation creating ‘model
cities’ - unregulated free enterprise enclaves that opponents claim abridge a host of
protections for workers, the environment and Honduras' sovereignty - initially was found
unconstitutional before the illegal removal of four of the Supreme Court judges who
invalidated the law. This initiative most certainly will be pushed forward under
Hernandez.
“While the Lobo administration's adherence to the neoliberal agenda has provided a
windfall to the interests of the country's elites and transnational corporations, his tenure
has been a disaster for ordinary Hondurans. A report by the Center for Economic and
Policy Research documented the deterioration of economic conditions for ordinary
Hondurans under the Lobo administration's policies. Adding to its distinction as the
world's murder capital, Honduras now claims the title of being the most economically
unequal country in Latin America and the second-poorest country in the hemisphere.
Even a member of one of Honduras' elite ruling families, Adolfo Facusse, lamented the
country's deterioration under Lobo's leadership.
“Castro's opponents cast her as a militantly anti-business socialist bent on imposing
Venezuelan-model reforms. But Castro has made it clear that she supports business
development, although her economic plan aims to benefit more than just the elite and
interests of transnational capital. Observers expect that Hernandez will continue Lobo's
neoliberal economic policies and rush through unpopular austerity measures aimed at
satisfying the concerns of international financial institutions such as the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank that Honduras is safe for investments.
“After the United States and Canada prematurely gave their imprimatur to the widely
discredited November 2009 election, won by Lobo, even before the polls closed, various
organizations and members of the US Congress urged the Obama administration to
exercise caution this time. Yet while waiting for an official declaration from the
Honduran electoral authority before formally recognizing Hernandez's victory, US
Ambassador Lisa Kubiske lauded the transparency, peacefulness and fairness of the
process. Other governments, including Colombia, Guatemala and Panama congratulated
Hernandez very early in the vote-counting process.
“The United States has a vested interest in the election's outcome. Honduras has long
been strategically important to the United States, including serving as a staging ground
for the coup against democratically elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz in
1954 and in support of the Nicaraguan contras in the 1980s. Waning US influence in the
region has heightened the perceived importance of supporting governments friendly to its
geopolitical and economic interests that serve as a bulwark against the rising
independence of more left-leaning nations.
Anxiety About Election's Aftermath
“Palpable foreboding permeates Honduras as many questions remain about the
election's aftermath. The social movement that mobilized in response to the 2009 coup
was not initially monolithic in its support of forming LIBRE - some favored organizing
grass-roots resistance to participating in the electoral process. It is unclear whether the
movement will fragment or unify in its support of the next steps, such as whether to focus
on forming a viable opposition block in Congress or mounting massive social resistance.
“Despite official results that bitterly disappointed many rooting for a more democratic
and egalitarian civil society, Castro has not conceded defeat, and some hope can be
salvaged from this contested process. The emergence of the LIBRE Party as a political
contender helped break the longstanding stranglehold of the conservative National and
Liberal parties. With the TSE giving Hernandez just less than 36 percent of the vote, he
commands a weak mandate at best. Without a majority of seats in Congress, the National
Party will have to cobble together a coalition to govern, presumably with the center-right
Liberal Party. Voter participation of over 60 percent was a significant increase from
2009, an indication that the post-coup disillusionment with the electoral process is
fading.
“But Honduras is at grave risk of spiraling into even-more-brutal repression. Peaceful
student protests on November 26 were met with a violent crackdown. Exacerbating fears
of escalating repression against resistance protagonists is the news from human rights
groups and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) that a hit list is
circulating, containing the names of prominent human rights defenders, lawyers, union
leaders, indigenous rights activists, teachers and opposition party members targeted for
death, reminiscent of the 1980s, when death squads were lethally employed to silence
dissent. Those reaping the economic and geopolitical benefits of Honduras' status quo
will not cede ground easily. In the oft-cited words of Frederick Douglass, ‘Power
concedes nothing without a demand.’ And so courageous Hondurans fighting for a more
just, equitable and democratic society march on, with the winds of history blowing at
their backs.”

81. Karen Spring, Violence targets Left ahead of elections, 2 Nov. 2013, available
at https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/honduras-violence-targets-left-ahead-
elections ..........................

“Candidates from the left-wing Freedom and Refoundation (LIBRE) party, their families
and campaign leaders have suffered more killings and armed attacks since May last year
than all other political parties in Honduras combined, an October 21 report by
Canadian-based Rights Action has found.

“LIBRE was formed by opponents of the military coup that overthrew president Manuel
Zelaya in a 2009. The disproportionate number of killings of LIBRE candidates seems a
clear indication that many of the killings have been politically motivated.

“As the November 24 general elections approach, a discussion of human rights

violations is paramount in understanding the political context in which the elections will
take place.

LIBRE targeted
“The Rights Action report is intended to promote that discussion by providing a list of
killings and armed attacks against candidates, party and campaign leaders, and their
families since May last year. The purpose is to draw attention to the context of violence,
insecurity and apparently politically motivated killings taking place before the elections.

“Although the list is undoubtedly incomplete, the report found that, out of 36 killings that
have been suffered by all parties, 18 were directed at LIBRE. Of 24 armed attacks, 15
have been directed at LIBRE.

“In other words, LIBRE party pre-candidates, candidates, their families and campaign
leaders have suffered more killings and armed attacks than all other political parties
combined.

These incomplete results highlight the terror, violence and impunity in which the
elections will take place. Regardless of the political affiliations of the victims, it remains
unclear how ‘clean, credible, and reliable’ elections on November 24, as US Ambassador
to Honduras Lisa Kubiske has called for, can occur.

Historic context

“Honduras has maintained a two-party political system for decades. However, in the
wake of the June 28, 2009 military coup, a strong new political force emerged, the
National Front for Popular Resistance (FNRP, which sought to oppose the coup through
peaceful means.

“After Zelaya returned to Honduras, the FNRP decided to take part in this year’s
elections. For the first time in modern Honduran history, a major third political party
was created: LIBRE.

“There are eight presidential candidates taking part, including LIBRE’s Xiomara Castro
de Zelaya. The elections will involve nine political parties.

“Though President Porfirio Lobo's post-coup regime has been promoted internationally
as a government of ‘unity and national reconciliation’, it includes none of the key actors
forcibly removed from power during the 2009 coup.

“The Canadian and United States government, as well as the European Union, have
backed the Lobo government’s false claims of reconciliation and unity.

“Lobo's term in office has been marked by unprecedented levels of violence: Honduras
today has one of the highest homicide rates in the world, coupled with a high impunity
rate.

“The Lobo government has tried to persuade the international community that it is taking
effective action against the country's rampant violence — as Honduran Vice-President
Maria Antonieta Guillen tried to do at the United Nations General Assembly on
September 27.

“But such attempts have been followed by continued massacres and killings in Honduran
streets and the on-going systematic targeting of political opponents and social activists.

“Since the 2009 coup, international human rights groups, including the Inter-American
Commission of Human Rights, the UN Human Rights Commission, and the Committee to
Protect Journalists, have noted gross human rights abuses. These have particularly
targeted certain sectors of Honduran society, such as lawyers, journalists, human rights
defenders and opponents of the post-coup military regime.

Crucial elections

“The elections will take place in an on-going context of gross human rights abuses
committed by the Lobo government and the five-month de facto government of Roberto
Micheletti that preceded it in 2009.

“A lot weighs on the results of the elections, whether it is the US government and OAS
hoping for a seemingly clean, democratic poll, or sympathisers of the LIBRE party,
hoping for a transformation of Honduran society along the lines of the FNRP’s
principles.

“Honduran society has been polarised by the coup and its repercussions over the past
four years. On one side are those hoping to change the status quo and reject the political
and economic interests behind the 2009 coup — largely the FNRP and the LIBRE party.

“On the other side are those perpetrated or supported the coup and hope to maintain the
status quo — largely business elites, the two traditional political parties (the National
and Liberal parties) and its allies.

“This list of those killed or attacked is undoubtedly incomplete. It relies almost entirely
upon reports from the Honduran media, which generally under-reports human rights
abuses and are likely to under-report politically motivated violence.

“The list lacks background and circumstantial details regarding each case. It also does
not include reports of politically motivated attacks in the form of death threats, attempted
kidnappings, persecution, criminalisation and attacks often classified by the Honduran
state and Honduran National Police as ‘common crime’.

“It also does not include individuals that are not candidates or regional party leaders,
but may have been deeply involved in the campaigning. It does, however, include killings
of, and attacks on, family members and campaign activists, which are a less visible
manifestation of political violence.
“Without a doubt, many other cases are not documented because the victims and their
family members, for fear of persecution, have not come forward to publically denounce
the attacks.

Bertha Oliva, a prominent Honduran human rights defender at the Committee of the
Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared (COFADEH), has noted that there has been
significant under-reporting of politically-motivated attacks and murders of LIBRE
activists due to fear of further persecution.

Impunity

“The Honduran judicial authorities' failure to carry out investigations of these cases
appears to stem in part from a lack of political will.

“This makes it impossible for family members, the victims and human rights groups to
understand the reasons and roots of the armed attacks and killings. Without a proper
investigation it is difficult to determine which attacks had political motives.

“However, the failure of authorities to investigate, accompanied by the targeting of

political opponents — as major international human rights groups have noted of the
Honduran state — raise further doubt that these killings are simply “common crime”.

“Some of the victims who appear on this list have been deeply involved in social
movements, such as: Antonio Trejo, lawyer for the land rights movement and candidate
for the Broad Front of Political and Electoral Resistance (FAPER); Erick Martinez,
LGBTI activist and congressional pre-candidate for LIBRE; and Joni Rivas,
Congressional candidate for LIBRE and leader of the United Campesino Movement of
the Aguan.

“The attacks against these individuals may also be related to their involvement in human
rights and social justice causes. In these cases, the relationship between social issues
they championed and their electoral participation are inextricably related, though it adds
another degree of complexity to the attacks.

“An extra complex subject of debate is the role that drug-related crime may play in some
of these attacks.

“These accusations have surfaced, for example, in relation to the assassination attempts
reported against current mayor and candidate for re-election for the National Party in
Jutiapa, Atlantida, Noe Guardado Rivera.

“Attempts against Guardado reportedly began many months before the electoral
campaign was launched, with a total of five reported attacks. Guardado claims he has
charged police officials with slander for statements associating the attacks with
trafficking.
“Similarly complex is the situation in San Esteban, Olancho, where Liberal Party
congressperson Fredy Najera was charged on October 11 last year with the murder of
National Party member Claudio Mendez Acosta.

“In August, Najera was absolved in court, arguing he was incapable of carrying out the
attack as he had been injured in an attack that killed fellow Liberal Party candidate
Gerson Orlando Benitez on October 6. Just a few days before this, Liberal Party vice-
mayor candidate in San Esteban, Carlos Padilla Guillen, was murdered.

“The intent of the incomplete list is to encourage a discussion of the circumstances in

which the Honduran elections will occur. To date, there has clearly been a
disproportionate number of killings and attempted killings targeting LIBRE candidates.

“A thorough investigation of each case is a difficult, if not impossible, task before

November 24. But Rights Action hopes this incomplete list raises significant questions
about how democratic and fair voting and election campaigning can be held in a context
of on-going terror, violence and impunity affecting candidates and their families
throughout the country.”

82. Jeremy Relph, Postcards from Honduras: On the Eve of the Election, Nov
2013, available at, http://www.newyorker.com/project/portfolio/honduras-
election ......................

“Rafael Alegria is the regional director of La Via Campesina, an international peasant

organization, and a candidate for Xiomara Castro’s new Libertad y Refundación Party
(known as Libre). ‘We’re very close to a failed state,’ Alegria said in an interview in the
Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa. ‘I don’t know what will happen if we don’t win.’….
‘Their plan,’ he said, referring to the ruling National Party, ‘is to create chaos and more
crises in order to arrive at that point of a failed state.’ Alegria believes that some pretext
will be found to prevent Libre from winning, and he speaks ominously of a possible
‘North American intervention.’ Many Hondurans view the United States as untrustworthy
and aligned with the National Party; the American reaction to the 2009 coup was muted.
Three-quarters of all U.S.-bound cocaine passes through Honduras, and the U.S. has
three forward-operating bases in rural and coastal Honduras, used for training the Army
in drug interdiction. The results have been uneven.

“The most recent polls show a close race between Libre and the National Party, whose
Presidential candidate, Juan Orlando Hernández, has promised to put ‘a soldier on every
corner.’ The murder rate in Honduras is a shocking eighty-six people for every hundred
thousand (by contrast, the United States has four murders per hundred thousand
inhabitants), and the military and police are widely viewed as corrupt and
unaccountable.

“At least seventeen Libre Party candidates or activists have been killed in the past
eighteen months; sixteen people from the other two major parties have also been
murdered. It’s not clear how any party plans to address the catastrophic violence. In San
Pedro Sula, a small city of under a million people, in northwest Honduras, dubbed ‘the
most violent place in the world’—with more than a hundred and fifty homicides per
hundred thousand residents—the morgue at Mario Catarino Rivas, a public hospital, was
crowded with families and friends of the recently deceased. The day’s murder victims
included a lawyer, who had recently returned to the country to be with his family after
having left to avoid death threats; the owner of an auto dealership, who was shot in his
car; and a student who had been killed while waiting at a bus stop. ‘Society is
disarticulated, and we have no state,’ the student’s father, Juan Jose Dubon Murcia,
said. ‘The problem here is that they’re killing young men. We need an S.O.S. in
Honduras.’

“At another morgue, in San Pedro Sula, Moises Cerros was waiting with a casket for the
body of his brother-in-law, a thirty-four-year-old community leader named Darwin
Franco. ‘I was putting the kids to sleep, and I heard the gunshots,’ Lizeth Cerros,
Franco’s wife, said. He had been warned to leave the municipal land where he was
squatting with his family, and to stop helping others squat there, too. Franco had
supported the National Party, but he recently shifted his allegiance to the Liberal Party,
because its local Congress candidate supported his efforts.

“His family hadn’t yet decided whether they would leave town to protect themselves.
‘God gives us wisdom to deal with these things,’ Moises Cerros said. ‘Running away is
not being a coward.’

“A few days later, in Correderos, about a two-hour-long drive up into the mountains
outside of San Pedro Sula, Franco’s family held a wake before his burial. The disputed
land where he was encouraging others to settle is a short walk away—up a slick red-dirt
path into the hills. There are at least nineteen bullet holes in the tarp that served as a
wall in Franco’s small shack; inside, the blood has been washed from the table. Beside
his home, string has been tied between trees, marking out more plots to be settled. A day
after the funeral, Moises Cerros said that the first threats had arrived: ‘They sent a kid to
tell Lizeth that if they don’t leave they’ll kill them, too.’

“Back in Tegucigalpa, a group of young men at the El Ove skate park don’t have much to
say about the upcoming election. Jorge Moreno, a twenty-three year-old skater, was
filming his friends; he’ll post the videos and photos on Facebook, on YouTube, and on
Tumblr. Moreno, who now works at an organization that focusses on sexual and
reproductive health, was selling tie-dyed shirts and doing some translation work for a
church group. ‘I don’t think I’m Honduran, because I feel that I’m from the world,’
Moreno said. Most Hondurans have very little faith in their politicians; there are
widespread rumors of candidates handing out cash to voters, and of planes full of
cocaine landing in the capital. Moreno’s friend, Violeta Mora, a twenty-two-year-old
who used to work for the U.N., wondered if there was any point to the election: ‘They
don’t understand that you don’t want to vote not because you don’t care but because you
care too much.’ A few of the other skaters climbed up into a tree to smoke some
marijuana, hoping to avoid being spotted by the police. ‘Silence is my revolution,’ Mora
said. ‘It’s my right.’”
 83. Karen Spring, Context of Honduran Electoral Process 2012-2013: Incomplete
List of Killings and Armed Attacks Related to Political Campaigning in
Honduras, 21 Oct 2013, available at
http://rightsaction.org/sites/default/files/Honduras-Violence-Political-
Campaign.pdf ....................

“As the November 24, 2013 General Elections approach in Honduras, a discussion of
human rights violations surrounding the electoral process is paramount in understanding
the historical and political context in which the elections will take place. This report is
intended to promote that discussion by providing a list of killings and armed attacks
against candidates, party and campaign leaders, and their families since May 2012, six
months prior to the November 2012 Primary Elections.

“The purpose is to draw attention to the context of violence, insecurity and apparently
politically motivated killings that are occurring in the lead up to the 2013 General
Elections…. According to the list below, which is undoubtedly incomplete, LIBRE party
(‘Libertad y Refundación’ Party) pre-candidates, candidates, their families and
campaign leaders have suffered more killings and armed attacks than all other political
parties combined. The disproportionate number of killings of LIBRE candidates seems a
clear indication that many of the killings have been politically motivated. To date, the
information on the list indicates that each political party has suffered the following: [see
table at weblink with info by Political Party, Armed Attacks, Killings, National Party] …

“These incomplete results highlight the terror, violence and impunity in which the
November 24 General Elections will take place. Regardless of the political affiliations of
the victims of these attacks, it remains unclear how ‘clean, credible, and reliable’
elections on November 24, as U.S. Ambassador to Honduras Lisa Kubiske has called for,
can occur if so many attacks against candidates, campaigners and their families
continue. …

“Honduras has maintained a two party political system for decades. However, in the
wake of the June 28, 2009 military coup a strong new political force emerged, the
National Front for Popular Resistance (FNRP) which sought to oppose the coup through
peaceful means. After overthrown president Manuel Zelaya returned to Honduras, the
decision to participate in the 2013 General Elections was taken by the resistance
movement and the FNRP, and the first major third political party in the modern history of
Honduras was created: the Libertad y Refundación (Freedom and Refoundation) party,
or LIBRE.

“Including LIBRE candidate Xiomara Castro de Zelaya, there are eight presidential
candidates participating in the November elections involving nine political parties, as
one, new, non-traditional party formed an alliance with the existing Unión Democrática
(UD) party.

“Though President Porfirio Lobo’s post-coup regime has been promoted internationally
as a government of ‘Unity and National Reconciliation’, it includes none of the key
 actors who were forcibly removed from power during the 2009 coup. The Canadian and
United States government as well as the European Union have stood behind the false
projection of reconciliation and unity projected by the Honduran government.

“Lobo’s term in office has been marked by unprecedented levels of violence: Honduras
today has one of the highest homicide rates in the world coupled with a high impunity
rate. The Lobo government’s efforts to persuade the international community that the
government is taking effective action against the country’s rampant violence - as
Honduran Vice President María Antonieta Guillén attempted to do at the UN Assembly
on September 27, 2013 - has been followed by continued massacres and killings in
Honduran streets and the on-going systematic targeting of political opponents and social
activists.

“Since the 2009 coup, international human rights organizations including the Inter-
American Commission of Human Rights, the UN Human Rights Commission, and the
Committee to Protect Journalists, have noted gross human rights abuses particularly
targeting certain sectors of Honduran society – lawyers, journalists, human rights
defenders, and opponents of the current post-coup military regime.

“The 2013 General Elections will occur in a historical and on-going context of gross
human rights abuses committed by the current government and the 5-month de facto
government of Roberto Micheletti that preceded it, June – November 2009. A lot weighs
on the results of the General Elections, whether it’s the US Government and OAS hoping
for a seemingly clean, democratic and reliable election, or the sympathizers of the LIBRE
party, hoping for a transformation of Honduran society as per the promises and
principles of the FNRP. The coup and its repercussions over the last four years have
polarized Honduran society. At odds are those hoping to change the status quo and reject
the interests behind the 2009 coup – largely the FNRP and the political party that grew
from that movement, the LIBRE party - and those that perpetrated and/or supported the
coup and hope to maintain the status quo - largely business elites, the two traditional
political parties (the National and Liberal Parties) and its allies….”

84. Alex Main, Honduras Elections: Violent Attacks Against Opposition

Candidates Provoke Increasing Concern, 22 Oct. 2013, available at
http://cepr.net/blogs/the-americas-blog/honduras-elections-violent-attacks-
against-opposition-candidates-provoke-increasing-concern ............................

“Members of the U.S. Congress are keeping a close watch on Honduras’ upcoming general
elections. In June of this year, 24 U.S Senators signed a letter expressing concern about the
human rights situation in Honduras and requesting that Secretary of State John Kerry
‘make every reasonable effort to help ensure that Honduras’ upcoming November 2013
elections are free, fair and peaceful.’ On October 15th three members of the House of
Representatives chimed in with their own letter to Kerry stating that: ‘the freedom and
fairness of [the November 24] election is very much at risk, as human rights abuses under
the existing government continue to threaten basic civil liberties, opposition candidates do
not enjoy a level playing field, and state security forces are taking on an increasingly
central, and ominous role in context of the election.’
“The House letter, signed by Representatives Raúl Grijalva (D-AZ), Hank Johnson (D-GA)
and Mike Honda (D-CA), noted that the U.S. Embassy in Honduras ‘had not spoken
forcefully about the militarization of the police under the impetus of one of the candidates
[or] expressed concern with the National Party’s concentration of institutional power
through illegal means.’ The letter focused in particular on ‘the acts of violence and
intimidation against leaders of opposition parties, especially members of LIBRE’, a new
left-leaning political party that sprung from the movement of resistance against Honduras’
2009 coup. Grijalva and his three colleagues requested that the Department of State ‘speak
forcefully’ against these attacks and noted that:
According to COFADEH, Honduras' leading human rights group, at least sixteen activists
and candidates from LIBRE have been assassinated since June of 2012. Furthermore, it has
been brought to our attention that the Honduras government has failed to effectively
investigate and prosecute those responsible for these assassinations.
“A few days later Agence France Presse (AFP) published an article that included an initial,
albeit anonymous, U.S. government reaction to the Grijalva letter. Unnamed State
Department officials told AFP that they were also concerned about the police militarization
taking place in Honduras, in the form of the new Military Police, launched with great
fanfare by National Party presidential candidate Juan Orlando Hernández, in his capacity
as president of the Honduran Congress. The Military Police actually appears as one of
Hernández’s five key electoral proposals on his campaign web page. ‘In our view’, said
one of the anonymous officials, ‘the creation of a military police distracts attention from
civilian police reform efforts and strains limited resources.’ The State Department stated
that it was not providing assistance of any kind to the new force.
“The State Department officials also ‘called on all candidates, as well as party and
electoral officials, to ensure that Hondurans’ democratic engagement is fully respected
through a fair and transparent electoral process.’ They did not, however, take into account
the House members’ request to ‘speak forcefully’ against the attacks and intimidation
directed at Honduran opposition leaders.
“The U.S. government has so far failed to denounce attacks against Honduran opposition
figures, though these attacks have been documented by various media outlets and human
rights organizations. On October 21, the same day that AFP published the anonymous
officials’ statements, the human rights organization Rights Action released a detailed
compilation of documented killings and attempted killings targeting political candidates,
their families and campaign leaders throughout the country. Rights Action’s report
indicates that attacks against LIBRE candidates far outnumber those targeting candidates
of other parties.
“The report, authored by Karen Spring and entitled ‘Incomplete List of Killings and Armed
Attacks Related to Political Campaigning in Honduras,’ shows that since the beginning of
this election cycle’s campaign season, LIBRE’s candidates, pre-candidates, candidates’
close relatives and campaign leaders have suffered 18 killings and 15 armed attacks. In the
same period – from June 2012, six months prior to the November 2012 party primaries, to
today – the number of killings of all eight other parties combined total 17 and the number of
armed attacks total nine. The report notes that the lack of judicial action makes it difficult
to say for sure how many of these killings and attacks are politically motivated:
The Honduran judicial authorities’ failure to carry out investigations of these cases, which
appears to stem in part from a lack of political will, makes it impossible for family members,
the victims and human rights organizations generating [this] type of list […] to understand
the reasons and roots of the armed attacks and killings. Without a proper investigation it is
difficult to determine which attacks had political motives.
“But the attacks against LIBRE leaders fall into a disturbing pattern of targeted repression
observed by human rights organizations in the months and years following the 2009 military
coup which deposed democratically elected president Manuel Zelaya, husband of LIBRE’s
presidential candidate Xiomara Castro. Castro is currently leading in most polls but, as
Spring points out, these attacks raise ‘significant questions about how democratic and fair
voting and election campaigning can be held in a context of on-going terror, violence and
impunity affecting candidates and their families throughout the country.’
“Spring also emphasizes the fact that the list of attacks and killings that she has compiled is
‘undoubtedly incomplete,’ and that the real number of attacks targeting party activists may
be much higher.
“[The list] relies almost entirely upon reports from the Honduran media that generally
underreport human rights abuses and are likely to under-report politically motivated
violence. The list lacks background and circumstantial details regarding each case and
does not include reports of politically motivated attacks in the form of death threats,
attempted kidnappings, persecution, criminalization and attacks often classified by the
Honduran state and Honduran National Police as “common crime”.
“Many other cases are not documented because the victims and their family members, for
fear of persecution, have not come forward to publically denounce the attacks. Bertha
Oliva, a prominent Honduran human rights defender at the Committee of the Relatives of
the Detained and Disappeared (COFADEH) has noted that there has been significant
underreporting of politically–motivated attacks and murders of LIBRE activists due to fear
of further persecution.
“Despite these limitations, Spring’s report provides abundant evidence that violence is a
significant problem in these elections and that the violence is disproportionately affecting
candidates from the LIBRE party. The U.S. Congress is beginning to react with concern –
when will the Obama administration do the same?”

85. Rory Carroll, Honduras: “We Are Burying Kids All the Time,” 12 Nov. 2010,
available at http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/nov/13/honduras-maras-
gangs-deaths-kids .............. [●]

“Casa Alianza estimates that in Honduras inter-gang clashes account for 40% of
killings. Imagine Lord Of The Flies with cocaine and Glocks. Private security guards are
estimated to account for 25%. These are poorly paid men – in some cases moonlighting
police – who guard buses, liquor stores, supermarkets and other gang targets. In the
crime-weary capital, shooting a suspect is more likely to earn applause than prosecution,
so guards tend towards the trigger-happy.

“Contract assassins – ‘sicarios’ – account for 15%. For just a few hundred dollars,
sometimes less, they will pump bullets into your problem. Some are gang members, some
are police. Targets range from wealthy businessmen who have crossed a colleague to
drug-sniffing kids bothering a neighbourhood. The fundamental problem, Capellín says,
is the state's inability to deter and investigate crime. ‘There is total impunity.’ Of the
thousands of youth murders in the past decade, fewer than 50 had been solved.”