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An Analysis
Nauff Zakaria
NELG 40301
Prof. Hasselbach-Andee
31 May 2016
Zakaria 1
The verbless clause1 in Biblical Hebrew (BH) has been the subject of numerous studies
from Semitists, linguists and biblical scholars; research topics have included designation of
clause types based on function, the impact of prepositional phrases, emphasis and topicalization,
word order and many others. It is important to clarify, at the onset, what is meant by verbless
clause; for the purposes of this study, C. Miller’s definition is most helpful: “The term verbless
clause (or nonverbal clause) designates the category on the basis of a syntactic feature that is not
present; that is, predication is achieved without a verb.”2 Tamar Zewi extends this definition by
describing what can be included in verbless clauses; she lists two basic types of verbless clauses
based on their constituents: “(1) simple nominal-clause patterns consisting of just two main
members, subject and predicate, without any additional member to express the predicative
relation, and (2) extended nominal-clause patterns that include a pronominal element. This
representing the predicative relation.”3 Clauses of this type occur almost two thousand times
within the Hebrew Bible. While there are certain syntactical rules that can be deduced, most of
which are indeed beneficial, the flexibility BH demonstrates regarding the word order of verbless
clauses undoubtedly contributes to the ongoing interest in the topic. The present study focuses
on the impact of definiteness on word order in verbless clauses; the corpus for this work is the
book of Genesis.
1
The term verbless clause is not without controversy. In the introduction to the book, The Verbless Clause in
Biblical Hebrew, Cynthia Miller details the issue of nonverbal clauses being designated as nominal or verbless.
Miller, Cynthia L. “Pivotal Issues in Analyzing the Verbless Clause,” inThe Verbless Clause in Biblical
Hebrew: Linguistic Approaches, edited by Cynthia Miller, (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 3-18.
2 Ibid., 8-9
3 Zewi, Tamar, “Prepositional Phrases as Subjects in Several Semitic Languages,” In Language and Nature:
Papers Presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of This 60th Birthday, eds. Rebecca Hasselbach and
Na'ama Pat-El, (Chicago, IL: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2012), 466.
Zakaria 2
Francis Andersen is credited for producing one of the most comprehensive studies of the
verbless clause in the Pentateuch. His work, The Hebrew Verbless Clause in the Pentateuch,
offers an exhaustive collection of the Pentateuchal verbless clauses and his analysis of their
construction and narrative functions. The impact of Andersen’s work has been tremendous; his
conclusions are cited in multiple Hebrew syntax grammars as the authoritative understanding of
clauses oversimplifies the various factors that should be considered when examining these
clauses. Moreover, the exceptions to the rules laid out by Andersen should be studied and
The clauses which break away from the dominant patterns display the elasticity BH allows in
clause structure.
After providing a brief overview of the different approaches to verbless clauses that
preceded him, Andersen explicitly states his goal. “…existing descriptions of the verbless clause
in biblical Hebrew are unsatisfactory. They are uncertain as to what are normal patterns.
Explanations of exceptions to the supposed rule S [Subject] – P [Predicate] are often given in
terms of concepts like emphasis or importance, which have no empirical status.”5 Accordingly,
Andersen seeks to generate normalized patterns in which verbless clauses can be distinguished
and patterned.
4
Examples include Bill Arnold and John Choi’s A Guide to Biblical Hebrew Syntax, p. 165 and Bruce Waltke
and Michael Patrick. O'Connor’s An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax, p. 130. Andersen’s description
of identification and classification clauses is also accepted by scholars such as Tamar Zewi, Cynthia Miller,
Mats Eskhult and others.
5 Andersen, Francis I, The Hebrew Verbless Clause in the Pentateuch, (Nashville: Published for the Society of
verbless clauses. Based on the empirical data he gathers from the Pentateuch, he reaches the
following judgements: “Generalizations emerge when three main degree of definiteness are
distinguished. (i) When the predicate is definite, the preferred sequence is S-P. (ii) When the
predicate is indefinite, the preferred sequence is P-S. (iii) When the predicate is Ns [suffixed
noun] or an expansion, the occurrences of both sequences are of the same order…”6 These
conclusions lead Andersen to the following categorizations of verbless clauses as either clauses
These patterns are so consistent that they may be made the basis of grammatical rules or
of the recognition of two kinds of predication. When both S and P are definite, the
predicate has total semantic overlap with the subject; that is, each has exactly the same
referent. The predicate supplies the identity of the subject. This may be called a clause
of identification. The nuclear sequence is S-P. When S is definite and P is indefinite (in
the typical and commonest case P is and indefinite noun, Ni [indefinite noun]), the
predicate has partial semantic overlap with the subject; that is, it refers to the general
class of which the subject is a member. The predicate states the class of the subject. This
may be called a clause of classification. The nuclear sequence is P-S.7
This presentation from Andersen has become the definitive understanding of verbless clauses in
BH. The conclusions drawn from Andersen are based on an extensive corpus, as the data
gathered by Andersen covers the entirety of the Pentateuch. While the present study examines
only the book of Genesis, the goal of this work is to examine the clauses which do not adhere to
the rules put forth by Andersen; the purpose of doing so is to allow for a consideration of other
factors that may have an impact of the word ordering of verbless clauses.
6
Ibid., 32
7
Ibid., 32
Italics are from Andersen
Zakaria 4
Genesis contains approximately two hundred and thirteen verbless clauses. Of these, one
pronoun. The role of the pronoun in verbless clauses must be addressed before focusing on these
clauses. Because the personal pronoun plays such a critical role in verbless clauses, Tamar Zewi
devotes the first portion of her discussion of the verbless clause to an understanding of its
function. “A correct understanding of the role of the independent personal pronouns in the
biblical nominal sentence as well as in that of many other Semitic languages is crucial for a
proper classification of the nominal sentence patterns.”8 Zewi goes on to propose three
explanations for understanding the personal pronoun in BH verbless clauses; one explicates the
pronoun as a copula, one connects the pronoun with the notion of emphasis, and the third regards
the pronoun as either a subject or predicate depending on its position in the clause and on the
position off the other components of the clause.9 While it would be pleasing to identify
dominant function of the pronoun which may be ascribed to the majority of its occurrences, the
containing an independent pronoun. The data reveals the following regarding word order: 96 of
the verbless clauses containing a pronoun place the pronoun in the first position (70.5%); the
remaining 29.5% of clauses place the pronoun in the second/final position of the clause. When
the pronoun is not the first element of a clause, it may still serve as the subject of the clause;
specifically, this occurs when the clause constituents are a suffixed noun followed by a pronoun.
8
Zewi, Tamar, “The Nominal Sentence in Biblical Hebrew,” in Semitic and Cushitic Studies, ed. by Gideon
Goldenberg and Shlomo Raz, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994), 146.
9 Ibid., 146-148
Zakaria 5
Examples:
There are occurrences, however, when the pronoun serves as the subject of the clause, yet it is
not placed the beginning. In these instances, it seems clear the information being provided by
the predicate is of greater importance to the narrative at the discourse level. This primarily
occurs when the clause construction is a noun in construct with a proper noun followed by a
pronoun. These clauses are clear clauses of identification, as the predicate gives the identity of
the subject and both constituents are definite; however, the order is P – S, not the expected S – P
prescribed by Andersen.
Examples:
ֱֹלהים אַ תָּ ה
ִ֤ נְ ִׂ֨שיא אYou are a prince of God 23:6
Andersen explicitly addresses clauses consisting of a suffixed noun and pronoun; for him,
individual and so is definite. We conclude that a suffixed noun may either identify the
subject in sequence Pr [pronouns] - Ns or classify the subject in sequence Ns - Pr.”10
The sequence pronoun – suffixed noun occurs eight times in Genesis; each time, the designation
of the clause as a clause of identification seems to be the best reading. The inverse construction,
definiteness of the constituents should be considered in any examination of these clauses. There
are sixteen clauses that are constructed suffixed noun – pronoun, in each of these clauses the
order prima facie is S – P; however, as Andersen correctly points out, “When P [the predicate] is
Ns [a suffixed noun] or one of its expansion, a semantic analysis of each case shows that such a
predicate may serve either to identify or to classify the subject. This depends in part on the
referent, in part on the intention of the speaker to highlight either the identity of the character of
the subject. The proper sequence may be chosen for one or the other of these effects.”11
Consequently, it is the context and authorial intent which plays the determining factor in
Thus far, the analyses have focused on verbless clauses in which a pronoun serves as a
constituent. Yet, seventy-seven of the verbless clauses in Genesis do not contain a pronoun. Of
these, the dominant order is S – P; yet there are a couple of clear examples of a P – S word order.
Examples:
הּודה
ָּ ֵ֔ ְ גִ֤ ּור אַ ְריה יJudah is the cub of a lion Gen 49:9
יהם
ֹֽ ֶ כְ לֶ֥י חָּ ָּ ֖מס ְמכרתTheir weapons are tools of violence. Gen. 49:5
10
Andersen (1970), 33
11 Ibid., 32
Zakaria 7
Noteworthy is the fact that in both of these clauses, the first constituent is indefinite while the
second is definite; yet, the expected order of S – P is not found. Furthermore, theses clauses
highlight the difficulty of determining the subject and predicate of clauses lacking any verbal
form. Zewi echoes the trouble of distinguishing the subject from the predicate in verbless
Determining which of the two main components of a nominal clause plays the role of
subject and which that of predicate is difficult, and often controversial. The main point
to consider in this respect is that, except for nominal clauses with adjective or participle
predicates, nominal clauses are in act indifferent to the distinction between logical and
grammatical subjects and predicates., as grammatical agreement between subject and
predicate is regularly not required or marked in them. So many logical subjects and
predicates in a nominal clause can be interpreted and presented as grammatical subject
and predicate.”12
Zewi underscores the flexibility inherent in BH syntax; grammatical rules offer little clarity
when attempting to determine a clear subject and a clear predicate. Modern linguistics offers
some support in this question; Barry Bandstra concisely summarizes the contributions of modern
linguistics in understanding the presentation of information when the subject and predicate are
difficult to discern. “Modern studies in text linguistics and discourse analysis suggest that word
order may be motivated beyond authorial whim. In fact, modern linguistic studies of word order
in various natural languages suggest that word order is one of the devices which code how a
speaker or writer intends the communication to be received. It turns out to be one of the most
important devices for maintaining comprehensibility on the part of the reader or hearer.”13 In
12
Zewi, Tamar, “Prepositional Phrases as Subjects in Several Semitic Languages,” In Language and Nature:
Papers Presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of This 60th Birthday, ed. Rebecca Hasselbach and
Na'ama Pat-El, 465-476, (Chicago, IL: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2012), 466.
13 Bandstra, Barry, “Word Order and Emphasis in Biblical Hebrew Narrative: Syntactic Observations on
Genesis 22 from a Discourse Perspective.” In Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew. (Winona Lake, IN:
Eisenbrauns, 1992), 110.
Zakaria 8
other words, the assumed human processing of information plays a role in the construction of
such as BH must take stylistic choices such as fronting and emphasis into account. Beyond
these, Janet Dyk and Eep Talstra point out other factors that should be considered:
Occasionally the relative length of the S seems to be the reason that the P occurs initially,
since, as is generally true in languages, ‘heavy’ or longer NPs tend to ‘sink,’ that is, occur
later in the sentence. …Stylistic factors, such as chiasm, also determine the word-order,
particularly in poetic portions…. Further, account should be taken of the effect, for
example, of particles like ky that appear to have a preference for a P-S word order…. In
addition, one should allow for the possibility that certain genres may betray a preference
for one word order above another.14
Each of these factors merit a detailed individual study; the goal of this work is to present these
alternatives in addition to attested empirical evidence in order to raise the possibility for deeper
The remaining pages of this study presents the gathered verbless clauses from the book of
Genesis in an attempt to illustrate the dominant orders as well as other attested constructions.
Great care has been taken to categorize these verbless clauses in as much detail as possible; thus,
the constructions are identified by each constituent. As Miller accurately states, this question
... is there a basic, default order of subject and predicate in verbless clauses? This is a
question that cannot ultimately be solved merely by a statistical analysis of the most
frequent word order, since it relates to theoretical issues of language typology and
pragmatics. Nonetheless, how one answers this question is important, for the answer
determines whether a particular order of constituents should be considered pragmatically
neutral as opposed to other orders which are pragmatically marked.”15
14
Dyk, Janet W. and Eep Talstra, “Paradigmatic and Syntagmatic Features in Identifying Subject and
Predicate in Nominal Clauses,” in The Verbless Clause in Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Approaches, ed.
Cynthia L. Miller (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 183.
15 Miller, Cynthia L. “Pivotal Issues in Analyzing the Verbless Clause,” inThe Verbless Clause in Biblical
Hebrew: Linguistic Approaches, edited by Cynthia Miller, (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 13.
Zakaria 9
The evidence from the corpus of Genesis easily buttresses the claim that S – P is the preferred
order for verbless clauses; nevertheless, the data also reveals the variation that occurs. As a
word order and definiteness is not without reproach. Andersen’s claim that when the subject and
predicate are both definite, the clause is one of identification and thus ordered S – P is called into
question by clauses found in 23:6; 24:24; 24:34 and 29:12. Moreover, the order of S – P is not
universally applied to clauses not containing a pronoun, such as the clauses found in 49:5 and
49:9.
Despite the overwhelming literature available on verbless clauses in BH, the need for
further study is undeniable. In order for this to be accomplished, the standardization of these
Data Key
ABBREVIATIONS
N Noun
Def. Definite
Adj. Adjective
Zakaria 11
Def. N – Indef. N [S – P]
(2 occurrences)
19:20
31:48
Prop. N – Def. N
(1 occurrence)
48:14 mənaššeh habbəḵōwr
Manasse is the firstborn
Zakaria 26
Def. N – Adj. [S – P]
(5 occurrences)
8:21 lêḇ hā’āḏām ra‘
The heart of the man is evil
24:16 wəhanna‘ărā, ṭōḇaṯ mar’eh mə’ōḏ
And the youth is very good of appearance
33:13 haylāḏîm rakkîm
The children are frail
37:24 wəhabbōwr rêq
And the pit is empty
43:1 wəhārā‘āḇ kāḇêḏ
And the famine is severe
Suff. N – Adj [S – P]
(2 occurrences)
19:31 ’āḇînū zāqên
Our father is old
27:11 ‘êśāw ’āḥî ’îš śā‘ir
Esau, my brother, is a hairy man
Def. N – Indef. N [S – P]
(2 occurrences)
19:20 hā‘îr hazzōṯ qərōḇāh
This city is near
31:48 haggal hazzeh ‘êḏ
This heap is a witness
Works Cited
Andersen, Francis I. The Hebrew Verbless Clause in the Pentateuch. Nashville: Published for the
Bandstra, Barry, “Word Order and Emphasis in Biblical Hebrew Narrative: Syntactic
Dyk, Janet W. and Eep Talstra, “Paradigmatic and Syntagmatic Features in Identifying Subject
Linguistic Approaches, ed. by Cynthia L. Miller (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999),
133-185.
Miller, Cynthia L. “Pivotal Issues in Analyzing the Verbless Clause,” inThe Verbless Clause in
Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Approaches, edited by Cynthia Miller, (Winona Lake, IN:
Waltke, Bruce K., and Michael Patrick. O'Connor. An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax.
and Nature: Papers Presented to John Huehnergard on the Occasion of This 60th
Birthday, edited by Rebecca Hasselbach and Na'ama Pat-El, 465-476. Chicago, IL:
̶̶̶ ̶̶̶ ̶̶̶ ̶̶̶ . “The Nominal Sentence in Biblical Hebrew,” in Semitic and Cushitic Studies, ed.
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