THE REMEMORY OF BLACK OPPRESSION: FORGING A

RASTA IDENTITY WITH SPECIFIC REFERENCE TO THE

TOWNSHIP OF DAVEYTON, 1994 TO THE PRESENT.

Midas Harold Chawane

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the

Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in Fulfilment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Johannesburg, 2008
 ii

ABSTRACT

The black township of Daveyton, on the East Rand, was established in 1955. Like
residents of other townships on the Rand, its residents found themselves faced
with social, economic and political problems, even after the liberation in 1994.
The emergence, acceptance and spread of Rastafarianism as a way of life was in
direct reaction to these problems. Rastafarianism originated in the Caribbean
island of Jamaica as a direct reaction to slavery. Its emergence in Africa was in
reaction to colonialism, while in South Africa it was due to colonialism and
apartheid. In Daveyton, the organisation came into being in 1997 and was
formalised in 2002. The reason for the formalisation of the Movement after 1994
was to present a united force against the government and society who seemed
reluctant to recognise the Rastafarian freedom of worship. Accordingly,
Rastafarianism is millennial in nature given the reasons for its emergence.

Instead of choosing to suppress their experience of oppression and suffering,

Rastafarians have chosen to incorporate these experiences and make them part of
their worldview. These memories of oppression become evident in the way they
have chosen to express them namely by forging their group identity. This is
reflected in the nature of their organisation, belief systems and practice that differ
from other organisations. This unique identity makes Rastafarianism unpopular
with the government, some religious movements and some members of the
community. However, in spite of this unpopularity, the Movement is becoming
more acceptable owing to its dynamic nature and concern with contemporary
problems facing society. This is shown by a change in the way the Movement is
perceived by some members of society. In addition, more people have accepted
their lifestyle. Therefore, Rastafarians have managed to shape a separate identity
and a culture based on past and present experiences.

The research methodology followed in gathering information for this study is the
integration of secondary sources and written primary sources with oral history
and participant observation. However, the bulk of information was gathered
through participant observation.
 iii

Declaration

I declare that this thesis is my own work. It is submitted for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy in University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg.
It has not been submitted before for any other degree or
examination in any other university.

Midas Harold Chawane

Place Date
 iv

Dedication

To my late brother George Rawley Marolen

With lots of memories
 v

Acknowledgement

I would like to thank everyone who assisted me in various ways during the period
of my study.

A special word of gratitude goes to my mentor Professor Cynthia Kros for her
encouragement and guidance. If it was not for her patience and support, this
study could not have materialised.

Special thanks to the Rastafarians of the House of Fire for allowing me the
opportunity to observe their activities and for answering most of my questions.

Thanks also to Rina van der Merwe of the former Vista University library for
making important information available for me. I also like to thank my friend and
colleague Riggie Leburu for helping me at times when my language was letting
me down. Thanks also to Patrick Odwora Jaki for editing and proofreading my
work.

Finally, I would like to thank my wife Finest and my family for giving me space
and time to undertake this study.
 Table of Contents
Pages
Abstract ii
Declaration iii
Acknowledgement iv
Table of Contents v
Glossary vi

CHAPTER ONE : Introduction 1

1.1 Introduction 1
1.1.1 Rastafarianism 3
1.1.2 Daveyton 8
1.2 Conclusion 10

CHAPTER TWO: Literature Review 11

2.1 Interdisciplinary literature 12
2.1.1 Identity 12
2.1.2 Culture 17
2.1.3 Subculture 18
2.2 Historical Literature 20
2.3 Literature on Rastafarianism 24
2.4 Literature on Daveyton 28
2.5 Electronic and other Sources 29
2.6 Conclusion 30

CHAPTER THREE: Methodology and Central Conceptual Tools 31

3.1 Research Methodologies 32
3.2 Approach followed in this study 39
3.3 Exposition of concepts 44
3.3.1 Rastafari 45
3.3.2 Identity 46
 vii

3.3.3 Culture 52
3.4 Conclusion 59

CHAPTER FOUR: The Establishment of Daveyton and Origin of

61
Rastafarian Movement
4.1 The establishment of Daveyton 62
4.2 The emergence of Rastafarianism in Daveyton 76
4.3 Conclusion 81

CHAPTER FIVE: Rastafarians Of Daveyton 83

5.1 Rastafarian Orders 85
5.1.1 The House of Fire of the Nyahbinghi Order 86
5.1.2 The Moden House of the Bobo Ashanti/Dread 96
5.1.3 The Milchezedec Order 99
5.1.4 The Rastafarian Orders in Context 100
5.2 Biographical Information: An analysis 103
5.2.1 Social and Economic Background 104
5.2.2 Correlation between Orders and Place 106
5.2.3 Gender presentation, Age-youth Ratio, and Marital Status 106
5.2.4 Economic, Social and Political Perceptions 107
5.2.5 Joining the Movement 112
5.2.6 Diet 114
5.2.7 Rastafarian Populace in Daveyton 114
5.3 Conclusion 116

CHAPTER SIX: Gatherings 118

6.1 Groundation 119
6.1.1 Churchical or Ises 122
6.1.2 Reasoning 131
6.1.3 Governmental 136
6.2 The Dance and Dance Halls 138
 viii

6.3 Regional, Provincial and National Gathering 142

6.4 Family Gatherings and Visits 145
Rastafarian concept of Salvation: consideration of
6.5 147
millenarianism
6.6 Conclusion 151

CHAPTER SEVEN: Identity Formation Among the Rastafarians of

Daveyton 153
7.1 The Emergence of Rastafarian Cultural Identity 154
7.2 I-tal livity: Rastafarian Lifestyle 157
7.3 The Colours of Marcus Garvey and Other Symbolism 161
7.4 Iry Talk and Reggae Music 163
7.5 Dreadlocks 167
7.6 Ganja, its Use and the Controversy Surrounding it 170
7.7 Rituals and Celebrations 175
7.7.1 Burials and Sanctifications 175
7.7.2 Earthday and Marriage Celebrations 178
7.8 Conclusion 179

CHAPTER EIGHT: Rastafarian Worldview 181

8.1 Underlying Philosophy 182
8.2 Iration, Livity and Passing-on 186
8.3 Chanting Down Babylon 189
8.4 Rastafarianism and the Community 193
8.5 Conclusion 198

CHAPTER NINE: Conclusion 199

9.1 Rastafarianism as a way of life 201
9.2 Its persistence and “place under the sun” 204

APPENDICES 208
Appendix A 208
 ix

Bibliographical Information 208

Appendix B 226
Appendix C 232
SOURCES 246
LIST OF MAPS

1 69
2 70
3 71
4 71
5 75
LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS
1 120
2 132
3 139
4 139
5 141
6 142
7 143
8 144
9 145
10 159
LIST OF TABLES
1 74
2 75
3 112
 x

Glossary

Babylon —Rastafarians distinguish between what they call Babylon and Zion. The
word refers to bad things, people or oppressors.

Babylon sticks — cigarettes

Bun — burn as for fire.

Chanting Down Babylon — fighting evil or oppression.

Churchical (chants) — songs that are sung during congregation.

Downpression or oppression the attempt of wider society to impose its values on

Rastafari - said values being in direct contradiction to the word and will of
Jah or Jah people.

Earthday — birthday.

Elders —The term given to individuals of long standing commitment in the Rasta
Movement. In everyday speech, the status of male individuals as elders is
often acknowledged by the use of the term “Bongo” as honorific.

Flash — meat.

Ganja — dagga or marijuana.

Grounation (groundation) — the entire process of congregation or meeting.

House – church or a branch.

Imanity — humanity.

Iration — creation.

Iry talk — Rastafarian language.

Iseness — business.
 xi

Ises — for praises also referring to churchical session.

Issemble — assemble which means the gathering Jah children.
I-tal livity — refers to living in a simple, pure and organic way in harmony with
the natural environment, which is exemplified in their physical
appearance, commitment to the yard, use of herbs, process of reflection,
and artistic forms.

Ithiopia — as an antithesis of Babylon, Ithiopia represents the transcendence of a

negative self-image, racism, religious hegemony and economic and
political domination. It (Ithiopia), therefore, pertains to a transformative
vision of dignity, religious communion, equal rights and justice.

Nyahbinghi — a way of life based on Old Testament practices which covers

nutritional practices, personal presentation and dress code. It is also a
chant meaning death to black and white downpressors. It can also mean
when Rastafarians come together to drum and chant.

Nyam (flash) — eat (meat).

Order/House — a sect or denomination or a branch of the same sect.

Reasoning — is the democratic process of verbal engagement on philosophical

matters in order to reach a conclusion on a specific matter.

Zion or Ethiopia — is the Biblical name for Africa. It refers broadly to Africa and
more especially to Ethiopia as the ancestral homeland of all black peoples.
The symbols of Rastafari culture identify with this domain in its various
spiritual, cultural and political connotations. It is both the place of
salvation and the promise land, heaven.
 1

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

1.1 Introduction

This focus of this study is the origin and development of Rastafarianism in the
Township of Daveyton from 1994 to the present. Daveyton is situated on the East
Rand side of the town of Benoni that was established in 1955. Like the townships
of Meadowlands and Diepkloof that came into existence because of the forced
removal of blacks from Newclare, Martindale, Sophiatown and Pageview,
Daveyton was inhabited by people who were removed from an informal
settlement at the Apex Industrial area in Benoni.

Despite the National Party (NP) government’s attempt, for various reasons
discussed later, to make Daveyton more habitable than other contemporary
townships, the social, political and economic conditions in many areas of the
township were still far from desirable in the eyes of its residents. On this basis, the
link between the general conditions and the subsequent development of
Rastafarianism are explored. In addition, an important aspect of the study is to
establish the extent to which the Rastafarian movement is a response to
impoverishment of the environment.

The study of Rastafarianism calls for other factors that should be taken into
account. Rastafarianism is an established and growing phenomenon in most
South African townships, especially after 1994 when hopes for its recognition and
acceptance by the new government and society became high. The Rastafarian
movement has come to enjoy attention from the media, mainly for its more
sensationalist aspects. An uncertain question that requires an answer in this
connection is, to what extent does the media advance the Rastafarian cause?
From 1994, radio stations (of the South African Broadcasting Corporation)
 2

started to feature programmes that not only played reggae music but also
explained to the listeners the establishment of Rastafarianism. Examples include:
Radio Thobela FM (broadcasting in Sepedi) hosting Lesiba “Ronaldo” Maubane
between 14h05 and 15h00 on Saturdays; Radio 2000 presented Roots Reggae
every Sunday between 13h00 and 15h00 hosted by Bongani Radebe; Phala Phala
FM (broadcasting in TshiVenda) had a reggae slot on Saturdays between 06h00
and 10h00 presented by Tshianeo; Munghanalonene FM presented every
Saturday between 19h00 to 20h00 hosted by James.1 During some of these
programmes, reggae music was played, but also prominent Rastafarians were
interviewed. In addition, listeners could phone in to either comment on the
programme or the Movement. The latter point is new and does mark a change,
for prior to 1994 African radio stations only played reggae music without talking
about the Movement itself. Today, Rastafarians take part in television talk shows
in which they discuss their beliefs.2 Unlike the period before 1994, newspapers
and magazines are becoming more interested in publishing stories on Rastafarian
issues such as dreadlocks and ganja. 3 The year 1994 is thus a transitional point for
the Movement.

For Daveyton, I have gathered oral evidence to suggest that the Movement has
been growing since 1994 and continue to attract new members (mainly the
youths) as well as other people who are Rastafarians but who did not belong to
any formal organisation prior to 1994. The importance of organised
Rastafarianism at a national level is the role they played in the establishment of
Rastafarian “churches” or houses on the East Rand. For example, new houses such
as those found in Germiston/Primrose, Thembisa, Kwa-Thema/Springs and

1
Radio Motsweding also used to hosts a Rastafarian programme every Saturday afternoon before its
presenter was suspended.
2
These are usually those television programmes that debate the question of whether ganja should be
legalised or not and whether Rastafarianism should be recognised by the government as a religious
movement or not. Television programmes such as 3 Talk hosted by SABC 3 sometimes feature
Rastafarians explaining their movement. Viewers phone and ask questions concerning the movement.
3
Civil society is also reminded of the existence of Rastafarianism during September, the Black History
Month that has come to be associated with it. During this month some magazines such as Design
Indaba Magazine publishes an article on Rastafarianism. Newspapers and magazines continue to
write stories on Rastafarianism during visits by Reggae singers from Jamaica or when there was court
hearing on ganja such as that of Prince Gareth as we shall later see.
 3

Wattville/Benoni emerged after 1994. This is evidence that the Movement was
becoming popular in Daveyton as well as in other townships not discussed in this
thesis. For example, the Movement was introduced by two members with only
one house which broke up into two new houses. This study seeks to establish the
reasons and the extent of the appeal of Rastafarianism in the post-apartheid
period by examining its manifestations in Daveyton. It is hoped that exploration
that is more general can be extrapolated where appropriate.

1.1.1 Rastafarianism

Although the study focuses on Daveyton, it is imperative to know the general

origin of Rastafarianism in order to understand its manifestations in South Africa
more broadly, and Daveyton in particular. As documented, the Rastafarian
Movement originated in the Caribbean island of Jamaica in the 1930's. The
Movement stems from the oppression and exploitation of black people in Jamaica
and elsewhere. The main reason for its emergence in the 1930’s was that Haile
Selassie the Rastafarians’ god was crowned king of Ethiopia. This coronation
coincided with Marcus Garvey’s prophesy when he told people to ‘look to Africa
when a black king shall be crowned, for the day of deliverance is near’. From
Jamaica, the Movement spread to other parts of the world where people felt
oppressed and exploited and especially to those countries where there were
people of African origin (Johnson-Hill, 1996:4). Although Rastafarianism started
as a religious movement with a handful of supporters, it developed into a social,
cultural and political movement that became more inclusive, attracting adherents
from different ethnic groups and economic strata, as Johnson-Hill (1996) points
out. The emergence and growth of the Rastafarian movement in the Caribbean
was thus a direct result of slavery, which had attempted to destroy attempts by
slaves to forge their own cultural identity. In the South African context and
particularly in post-apartheid South Africa, there are factors that need to be
highlighted that appear to have contributed to the emerging popularity of the
Movement. These may be related to the process of creating either new or
alternative forms identity construction.
 4

Using secondary accounts of the origins of Rastafarianism, the thesis retraces its
origins to Jamaica where it subsequently spread to South Africa. In addition, in
this thesis, the extent of its acceptance in Daveyton is explored and evaluated.
Since it originated as a religious movement, scholars such as Witvlei (1985)
describes it as a ‘liberation theology’ or ‘Black theology’, but differentiates it from
other religions; this marks it as unique.

This thesis touches on some theological principles, but is essentially a historical

study. It is historical in the sense that it is located in a particular context,
delimited in time, geographical space and is based on documentary as well as oral
evidence. While not wishing to underplay the importance of the spiritual
dimension, the thesis will limit the discussion to spiritual expressions and
manifestations of the participants’ experiences of particular material conditions
and their perception of their life-choices. In addition, the thesis will evaluate
Rastafarians’ responses to the perceived failures of the post-apartheid regime and
accompanying changes in order to understand the forces that shaped South
Africa’s social, economic and political history.

There is a substantial literature on the so-called millenarian movements. These

tend to explain them through detailed reference to social inequalities, economic
deprivation and political oppression, which are manifest in the religious
messages. These messages, visions and metaphors are read for their socio-political
commentary. Social historians such as Edgar (1977) and Peires (2003) have set
precedents of this kind of approach in South Africa. In his work entitled The Fifth
Seal: Enoch Mgijima, The Israelites and the Bulhoek Massacre, Edgar (1988) studies the
‘Israelites’ and the Bulhoek massacre of May 1921 in the Bulhoek location near
Queenstown in the Eastern Cape. He situates the religious message and the
government’s response within a particular historical context. He argues that the
‘Israelites’ were resisting land dispossession (1913 Land Act) by camping illegally
at Bulhoek under the leadership of their prophet.
 5

Similarly, Peires’ (2003) work may be located in the social history that was
prevalent in certain parts of academia in the 1970’s and 1980’s. He sought to
understand the Great Cattle Killing in terms of a materialist explanation. He
describes and interprets Nongqawuse’s vision and the various messages delivered
by the ancestors, but his work is more focused on the history of land dispossession
and loss of autonomy suffered by the Xhosa of the Eastern Cape over the course
of the 19th century. He explains the divisions within Xhosa society and different
responses to Nongqawuse’s vision by looking at the route taken by lung sickness,
which resulted into mass cattle killing. Those chiefdoms untouched by lung
sickness were less likely to respond to the ancestors’ call for cattle to be killed. In
his book, The Dead will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing
Movement of 1856-1857, Peires traces the origin of the cattle killing on the Eastern
frontier to well before the 1850's. He maintains that, in order to understand the
nature and cause of the cattle killing, it is important to return to the British
occupation in 1806 and the subsequent ‘total war’ imposed on the Xhosa that had
serious social, economic and political repercussions for many years afterwards.
Peires examines the religious as well as the historical context of Nongqawuse’s
prophecy (arguing that the visions repeated Xhosa ancestral beliefs mixed with
Christian beliefs related to the resurrection and the final judgement). He
maintains that the vision became powerful in the context of the ‘total war’,
extreme dispossession and racial segregation (as they were pushed back across the
Fish River) suffered by the Xhosa. The visions seemed to explain their misfortune
with reference to those who had been practising witchcraft, and to offer hope for a
new order without whites as they were to be driven into the sea.

In this thesis, Rastafarianism in South Africa are studied within the political and
social contexts with attention paid to questions about the impact of apartheid,
land issues and political inequalities, especially in the Daveyton context. Observe
that Rastafarianism in the South Africa context developed a unique South
African identity (with respect to its rituals, social composition, structure and
organisation, methods of recruitment, aims and attitude towards other religions
and towards the wider society) whilst maintaining something of its original
 6

identity (Jamaican), which this thesis will attempt to capture. Writings on

Rastafarianism in South Africa tend to pay little attention to what are its uniquely
South African features. Therefore, this study endeavours to establish what are
uniquely South African varieties of Rastafarianism, how these adapt to the
township environment, and the nature of the elements that they retain from
mainstream Rastafarianism. This thesis also attempts to outline both the general
and specific characteristics of the Movement in Daveyton. This is done with the
aid of various authors writing about identities, cultures and subcultures. The
question remains: How is Rastafarianism classified in terms of these concepts?

This thesis will explore reasons for the Movement’s popularity in Daveyton
Township. This popularity is evident by the number of students wearing
dreadlocks as a fashion or as a manifestation of their religious beliefs. The
existence of Rastafarians in schools has opened new topics of debate, which is a
sign of its growth as well as influence on the community. The existence of
Rastafarians and their fight for recognition in South Africa has become a
controversial issue. Of interest is that Rastafarianism persists and is becoming
even more popular in Daveyton despite the unwillingness (as perceived by
Rastafarians) of the government to recognise it. The Movement has become even
more resilient under the new government. Despite international recognition of
Rastafarianism (by the United Nations Organisation and countries such as
Britain), constitutional recognition (that is freedom of religion, belief and opinion
as in Section15 (1) of the Constitution) (The Jamaican Observer, 24th November
1996), and the popularity that it enjoys amongst the youth, the Movement is
faced w i t h opposition in South Africa. This opposition arises from the
government, some members of civil society, the police, the judicial system and
other religious movements. This thesis will demonstrate that, in spite of the
negativity and opposition it is facing, Rastafarianism is has a place in the South
African religious, social, cultural and political spheres, a force not to be ignored.

This is a case study based on Daveyton, but it is envisaged that it may serve as a
basis for other extended studies of the situation in South Africa. This thesis
 7

explores the position of the Movement in the post 1994 period in South Africa; it
shows how this Movement is both similar to and different from the one in
Jamaica. Hence, Daveyton is a case study that explores these differences, arguing
that there are Rastafarian conditions that are specific to South Africa.

According to Johnson-Hill (1996), the Rastafarian movement has grown in its

number of adherents and is becoming one of the most popular youth movements
internationally and in South Africa, especially after the first democratic election
of 1994. Johnson-Hill maintains that since its origin in Jamaica, Rastafarianism
has spread to urban centres throughout the Caribbean and Latin America,
Europe, North America, Africa, Asia, Australia, New Zealand, and it has
appeared in remote islands in the South Pacific. He argues:

It has had a special appeal for black youth, especially Afro-Jamaicans and other
youth of African descent who inhabit some of the world’s poorest and most
populous urban communities (Johnson-Hill, 1996: 3).

The text suggests the relationship between being poor and being black is the basis
for accepting Rastafarianism. In the case of South Africa, its growth amongst the
poor black urban youth, as elsewhere where it has spread through reggae music,
is due to increased visits and performances by reggae musicians. South African
youths respond, it is argued, because they have a lot in common with youth from
other countries where Rastafarianism is a popular movement. These similarities
include being from a poor background and inhabiting the most populous urban
centres. In many countries such as Jamaica, the United States of America and
Great Britain, the Movement has attracted much attention from scholars in the
fields of cultural and social history, religious studies, social psychology,
anthropology, politics and sociology. It is possible that the Movement enjoys
recognition in these countries due to the availability of information to the public.
In the case of South African, little academic research has been undertaken on
Rastafarianism. This partially explains why the Movement is often viewed
negatively. There are three possible explanations for this situation. The first is that
prior to 1994 the activities, cultural and religious beliefs, and way of life of
Rastafarians were in conflict with the NP government’s policies. Rastafarians
 8

were therefore seen as subversive elements in the same way members of other
organisations that fought apartheid were (Interview, Bongane, 20th April 2003). This
made it impossible for them to organise themselves into formal groups that could
be studied easily. The second reason is that Rastafarians tend not to allow
strangers to interview or attend their gatherings.4 Thirdly, despite the apartheid
government’s view, Rastafarians were not active during the struggle against
apartheid because they believe in non-violence. Hence, the majority of people
involved in the liberation struggle seem not to have taken cognisance of them.

Research undertaken in South Africa on this topic has been confined to the areas
of the Western Cape and Natal, but no work has been done on Gauteng in
general let alone Daveyton in particular. It is hoped that the study of
Rastafarianism in the township of Daveyton may promote an understanding of
general trends in the development of this Movement in South Africa.

1.1.2 Daveyton

The reason for the choice of the township of Daveyton as a focus of this case
study is that although it shared features with other townships, it was notable for
being a supposedly model township, proclaimed as such by members of the
National Party government. The NP intended it to be a model township in terms
of facilities and infrastructure. The NP’s vision was that a model township would
make a benevolent impact on its residents’ behaviour. The fact that Daveyton can
be seen as part of the government’s instruments for social control ought to be seen
against the background of promises made to the white electorate of controlling
the influx of black people into urban areas. Ironically, as a model township,
Daveyton attracted a significant number of people with particular consequences
for its development, and for the ethnic divisions that were established as a
hallmark of apartheid in the 1950's when it was legally constituted. Daveyton
may provide an exemplary model for what Vail (1989) has said. Explaining the

4
This is still the case even today (after 1994). Rastafarians are still suspicious of non-Rastafarians and
they always feel that strangers come with evil intentions of gathering information on their activities
and pass this to Babylon.
 9

negative impact of ethnicity, he sees it as type of a ‘false consciousness’ since it is

not a natural cultural residue but a consciously crafted ideological creation
imposed by the government (Vail, 1981:5-7). Daveyton offers the researcher an
opportunity to establish what relations exists (if any) between apartheid’s created
or imposed ethnicities, class formation and particular religious expressions. It is
interesting to attempt to establish what residents made of these ethnicities later
on, namely, how they perceived new identities that were formed in the process of
their encounter with apartheid created ethnicities.

In planning for its establishment, the NP government made sure that unlike
Wattville (a township in Benoni) which was encircled by an industrial area and
white residential areas, Daveyton was established on the outskirts to allow for
future expansion. As has been mentioned previously, the NP government wanted
to avoid a repetition of what had happened in the Western areas of Johannesburg
where the residents had to be resettled at great cost and inconvenience in
Meadowlands and Diepkloof. Thus, great care was taken in the planning of
Daveyton. Initially it had to accommodate about 40 000 inhabitants in 8 000
houses. According to the plan, it was meant to be the cleanest township in the
country (Malinga, 1997:109). As a result, Daveyton became attractive to people
looking for a place to stay; this resulted in overpopulation. 5

In other ways, Daveyton is similar to many other South African townships. It was
divided into eight distinctly separate areas for different ethnic groups (the division
was clearly demarcated with sections given names according to ethnic groups
occupying them), which was a norm for this period (Sowetan, 6 May 2002). A
rapid increase in population led to the expansion of the township during the early
1970s. This expansion led to the government ordering the inclusion of Extension
1, 2 and 3 catering for the middle class. This also demonstrates the government’s
strategy of class stratification. Low-income groups were catered for by the
creation of Etwatwa West (Extension 4, 9 and 10), while Etwatwa East
(Extension 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 11 to 15) was the result of a forceful invasion

5
For more information on the growth of population in Daveyton see page 71 of this work.
 10

during the late 80’s without proper planning (see maps on pp 74, 75). This in general
meant that like other townships, Daveyton became divided into three parts. These
were the old and the new, which consisted of modern houses for the middle class,
and squatter settlements for low-income earners. Most Rastafarians are found in
the latter and it will be interesting to establish if there is a correlation between
Rastafarianism and class. This thesis thus attempts to provide insights into
important features of South Africa’s social change, class and ethnic formations.

1.2 Conclusion

The study that follows is an attempt to map the origins of Rastafarianism in

Daveyton, the nature it took when it was introduced its acceptance, growth,
popularity and modification. This is done by first discussing the origin of the
township of Daveyton and the origin of Rastafarianism in Daveyton. In order to
understand how the Movement was introduced and received in Daveyton, it is
important first to trace its general origin in Jamaica and its subsequent
introduction in South Africa.

An analysis of how Rastafarians of Daveyton gather for the purposes of worship

and the description of those outstanding characteristics that best describe them
helps in understanding how their identity as Rastafarians emerged and the extent
to which these characteristics mark them out from the rest of the society. Taking
into account the features of millenarian movements (see Chapter Four) attempts
will be made to establish the extent to which the Rastafarian movement can be
seen to be millennial. Keeping in mind the nature of sub-cultural groups and
theories relating to the process of identity formation, endeavours will be made to
answer the question of whether Rastafarians constitute what can be called a sub-
culture and of why and how they managed to form and maintain their own
separate identity. Interdisciplinary literature is used in the study to answer these
questions. The implication of this is the need for contextualising Rastafarianism
in South Africa; hence, the need for a more thorough methodology.
 11

CHAPTER TWO

2 Literature Review

This thesis draws on various precedents in the historical literature, particularly of

South Africa. The topic requires that the researcher also draw on various
disciplines s u c h as psychology, sociology, anthropology and theology.
Essentially, this research is a historical study (see p. 4), for the following reasons:

a) Employs a specific methodology grounded in professional practices

related to collecting and analysing various kinds of evidence, both
documentary and oral,
b) Follows dominant historical practices of situating data collected in
specific material conditions, while acknowledging the impact of
change whether from above or below,
c) Attempts to understand causality by examining a number of possible
related factors, and
d) Pays attention to questions concerning human agency.

The thesis provides an analysis of these conditions focusing on the dynamic

nature of culture and identity. The use of diverse literature drawn from a number
of disciplines will help to understand that these concepts are contested and
controversial in post-apartheid South Africa. These diverse literatures will also
assist in assessing whether or not there is cohesive group identity, and if there is,
how is it maintained, at what point does it break down and how does it relate to
the dominant culture. The literatures also help in determining the extent to which
the Rastafarian Movement can be classified as a cultural or subcultural group,
and the abilities of Rastafarians as individuals or a group to constitute what can
be called a personal and group identity. However, it should be reiterated that
 12

though this thesis borrows from various disciplines, it is grounded in historical

work and takes primarily a historical view of identity formation. The review of
relevant literature below is divided into two parts: those works that are derived
from other disciplines (psychology, sociology, anthropology and theology) and
those that are historical in nature. General literatures on Rastafarianism and the
establishment of the township of Daveyton were also used to inform the thesis.

2.1 Interdisciplinary Literature

Various disciplines are useful when dealing with issues of identity and culture.
Fortunately, there is much work done on these concepts. Literatures under these
divisions are those dealing with identities, their formation and nature, those that
deal with culture and subculture, and those that deal with identity with specific
reference to the Rastafarianism. With this background, part of the methodology
used in this study cuts across boundaries. For this reason, this makes it difficult to
classify these literatures into specific genres.

2.1.1 Identity

Literature dealing with both identity and culture may be divided into those that
are general in approach and those that are specific to Africa and South Africa.
One of the most important references dealing with the nature of identity in
general is the book by Sarup, (1996) entitled Identity, Culture and the Postmodern
World. This book is relevant to the topic because of the angle from which it
approaches the subject of identity. Drawing on various contemporary theories,
Sarup tackles identity as heterogeneous. He sees it as a multidimensional space in
which varieties of arguments blend and clash (Ibid). His major argument is that
identity has to do with more than one human aspect, particularly his physical
appearance. It has also to do with who one thinks one is, what one believes and
what one does. According to him, our identities are not entirely determined,
because there are counter-identifications at work as well. Hence, identities are not
homogeneous or simply collective; we have several contradictory selves (Ibid).
 13

Anderson, (1991) in his book Imagined Communities, examines the history of

nationhood, and provides a good theoretical background with regard to the
development of group identities. In his answer about when and how nations
evolved, Anderson maintains that nations have not always existed. He argues that
they only came into existence relatively recently, for various material and
ideological reasons, which he explores in detail. He famously defines nations as
‘imagined political communities’, imagined in the sense that they are both
inherently limited and sovereign. They are imagined because the members of
even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet
them, or even hear of them, yet in the mind of each lives the image of their
community. Nations are also considered limited because even the largest of them
has fixed but flexible boundaries beyond which lie other nations.

The relevance of Anderson’s work in this study is that he sees nations as having
(to a certain extent) originated from religious communities (the imaginary), in
other words, of a religious community. Anderson argues that before the idea of
nations came about, there was a sense of community based on other kinds of
connections, for example religious affiliation. In this connection, Rastafarianism
also traces its origin to the Jewish and Christian religious communities. The
question here may be whether Rastafarianism is fundamentally a religious
community or whether there is a sense of ‘nationhood’ in Anderson’s sense of an
‘imagined political community’.

Another relevant literature on identity, which cites South African as an example,

is entitled Between Camps: Race, Identity and Nationalism at the end of the Colour Line
by Gilroy (2000). Gilroy argues against the idea of race and campaigns for its
abolition, perhaps drawing inspiration from Anderson. He sees the idea of race as
entirely imagined and argues that it is meaningless and with very destructive
consequences. Drawing on the biblical stories of nation building he shows how
disorganised and internally divided groups were formed into coherent units
capable of unified action and worthy of special status. He uses the examples both
of the history of the Children of Israel and that of the Afrikaners to demonstrate
 14

how groups have used religious myths to legitimate their claims to possessing a
unique racial mission. For Afrikaner history, he says:

Their ethically minded ideologues systematically modified an Afrikaner identity

during the period that saw the rise of fascist movements elsewhere. They
provided their political community with its own version of Christianity and a set
of myths that were the basis for the elaborate political drama that summoned
their historic nation into racialized being (Gilroy, 2000:102).

Gilroy takes the issue of identity in South Africa a step further by describing how,
after the demise of apartheid President Nelson Mandela worked towards forging a
new identity for the new South Africa. He observes:

Working to produce an alternative content for the new non-racial, postcolonial,

or perhaps antiracial political identity that might draw together the citizenry of
the reborn country on a new basis beyond the grasp of racializing codes and
fantasies of favoured life as people chosen by God (Ibid:110).

Here, Gilroy is emphasising the proposed secular rebirth of the nation against the
background of Afrikaner nationalism having cultivated a supposedly privileged
relationship with God.

The questions remain whether Rastafarianism is essentially religious, how this

relates to the tenets of the secular nation established and envisaged from 1994
onwards, and whether or not the Rastafarians’ relationship with God is based on
the same kind of exclusive premise as Afrikaner Calvinism. It is striking that post
1994 South Africa is trying quite hard to reconstitute itself as a secular state, in
that it includes religious presentations in various public rituals. More directly
relevant to this thesis in the work of Gilroy is his reference to the role that Bob
Marley played in popularising Rastafarianism with its militant identity of
Ethiopianism by propagating Rastafarianism through reggae into a globalised
popular culture (Ibid). Gilroy observes

Just as soul and reggae were gifts to overground youth cultures in earlier period,
today these styles have become the heart of globalised pop culture creating an
unmarked-upon intensity of potentially race transcending feeling in the pre-
packaged, body-transcending cultures of teen consumer everywhere (Ibid:196).
 15

Gilroy argues for a change in the appeal of reggae music through global media,
which may be transcendent in some ways. It is through the media and recently
the internet that Rastafarians of Daveyton learn more about language or new
reggae songs and keep themselves generally informed.

The most important genre of references that deal with identity are those that focus
on the African continent after colonialism or South Africa after apartheid. An
example of such a source is the book edited by Werbner and Ranger, (1989)
entitled Postcolonial Identities in Africa. It provides a background overview of
identity formation and its problems in post-colonial Africa. Although it is
concerned with Africa as a whole, arguments put forward on the issue of identity
are also applicable to the South African situation. For example, identity crises
that most African states experienced after colonialism is a reality in South Africa
as well.6 One dominant feature of the apartheid government was that the process
of forming one common identity among blacks was consciously prevented
through the ideology of ethnic and race divisions and the segregation legislation.
When apartheid was abolished, many blacks found themselves in a state of
confusion, because they had to consider what an African identity might
constitute. However, this new identity could not escape the influences of
colonialism, apartheid and the general conditions of the late 1920’s. As a result,
blacks in South Africa found themselves engaged in a process of identity
formation without understanding the type of identity they wanted to articulate.

Manganyi, (1981) Looking through the Keyhole: Dissenting Essays on the Black
Experience, is a collection of previously unpublished essays - particularly relevant is
the essay on ‘Culture and Identity’. Manganyi argues that identities are usually
constructed during times of crisis and shows how the experience of colonialism in
South Africa supports his line of argument (Ibid: 65-66). Referring to the early
years of colonialism, he argues that at the beginning of the colonial encounter
there were guns, assegais and Bibles, English Readers and culturally distinct
rituals. This suggests a confused legacy that was marked with black-white conflict
6
Identity crises imply having to reconcile the colonial identity with the African one or having to
substitute colonial identity with a new one.
 16

and the result of this is that our so-called heroes are not accepted across cultural
and racial lines (Ibid: 67). The importance of Manganyi’s work also lies in the
fact that he goes on to suggest solutions for problems associated with the process
of identity formation. One of the solutions for him lies in the adoption of a new
language for new meanings, which he calls Africanisation. He asserts that it is
useful, not only to questions of culture and identity, but also to matters affecting
the character of universities and curricula (Ibid: 70-71).

Thornton, (1997) in an article entitled “The Potentials of boundaries in South

Africa: Steps Towards a Theory of the Social Edge” outlines how the process of
identity construction has become difficult in post-apartheid South Africa but
unlike Manganyi, he does not make a suggestion as to the probable solutions.

Other important works on the question of identity are The South African Society:
Realities and Future Prospects (1987) by the Human Science Research Council and
Bonnin, et.al, (1998) “Identity and the Changing Politics of Gender. The
importance of the first work is that even though it does not state it explicitly, it
highlights the complexity of identities in South Africa arising from the segmented
or divided composition of the country’s population that were expressed in terms
of race and ethnicity. The latter sources deal with women (and also gay and
lesbian) identities in post-apartheid South Africa. The importance of this latter
work is its emphasis on the formation of gender identities. In the opinion of the
authors, women are still subordinated to men in South Africa. They argue that
the transformation is incomplete (Ibid: 35). As most of the research reveals,
Rastafarianism seems to be predominantly male, and this is an observation that
requires exploration. As will be demonstrated further in this study, in Daveyton
among male Rastafarians egalitarian attitudes towards women seem to be
developing when compared to the feelings of other South African Rastafarians.7
For example, they do not like reggae songs that undermine women such as those
sung by Lucky Dube (South African reggae musician), which says over my dead

7
Even though women cannot do some of the things that are done by men, Rastafarians of Daveyton
always insist that they must respected and refer to them as Queens.
 17

body will I make tea for a woman. During reasoning, Lucky Dube is always criticised
for this attitude (Observation, 06th April 2002).

2.1.2 Culture

Literature on cultural studies is also important in describing the process of

identity formation. The book: An Introduction to the Study of African Culture by
Ayasi, (1992), shows the complexities of the concept culture. He bases his
argument on the fact that no culture is exclusive and peculiar to a specific society,
which implies that no culture is pure. Of relevance to this study is his
consideration of family, marriage and festivals/celebrations as important
components of culture.

The book entitled In Township Tonight! : South Africa’s Black City Music and Theatre
Coplan, (1994) is also important, both for the author’s conception of culture and
for his explanation of method. Coplan traces the evolution of black urban culture
and music from the slave culture in Cape Town to the urban centres of Kimberly
and Johannesburg. Coplan argues that African culture and music in urban areas
is the product of the slum yards and adjacent slum locations, where apartheid
denied the formation of social identity amongst blacks by oppressing the growth
of stable social institutions and values. This performance culture eventually
became integrated into the new urban culture. Using participant observation as
his method of gathering information, Coplan provides a rich analysis of the origin
and development of black performance culture. His book, he argues, is attributed
to the cultural and spiritual vitality of black South Africans, who humanised a
wasteland of oppression and neglect, and produced a rich expression of both the
conditions and aspirations of their lives (Ibid: 6). Coplan (1985), was concerned
with the interpretation of songs and performance or dance and music. Explaining
his methodology, which includes the interpretation of historical messages
contained in songs, he stresses the importance of language by arguing that
“language as culture, its categories and the way they are used shape the style of
historical construction,” (Coplan, 1994: 11).
 18

In his revised version of In Township Tonight (2007) Coplan surveys the

development of black urban culture into the 1990s. Coplan argues that contrary to
expectations township culture was not suburbanised nor did it embrace
reconciliation ideology. Instead, there was an African renaissance led by the ‘still-
marginalised youth.’ (Coplan, 2007:419). He goes on to suggest that township
music is helping to define ‘emerging South African identities.’ (Coplan,
2007:420). He concludes by saying that there is ‘now for the first time an urban
history the chance (for township artists) to play their own song, enact their own
story intheir own way and in their own name’. (Ibid).

2.1.3 Subculture

There are also literatures dealing with subcultures. These are however vast, only a
selection of the relevant ones are considered. The most important one is The
Subcultures Reader edited by Gelder and Thornton, (1987). This work attempts to
provide a definition of the concept of subcultures and traces the origin of the
concept. In addition, it looks at how particular social groups emerged and
developed as subcultures separate from the mainstream culture as well as
highlights the attitude of authorities and society towards a subculture. Another
important work dealing with subculture is Subculture: The Meaning of Style by
Hebdige, (1987). Apart from outlining the relationship between Rastafarianism
and Christian mythology, Hebdige endeavours to find the connection between
Rastafarianism and other subcultures or youth culture like the Punks and
Skinheads. He concludes that the two cannot be compared: while the latter are
purely youth organisations in Rastafarianism, young and old are part of the same
defensively organised collective, bound together by the idea of centuries of naked
oppression.

Other contributions in this Reader are: On the Importance of Subcultural Origins,

Stratton (1987); Subcultural Conflict and the Working-Class Community, Cohen

(1987); Subcultures, Cultures and Class, Clarke, et al (1987); Symbols of Trouble,

Cohen (1987); Black Hair/Style Politics, Mercer (1987); and Diaspora, Utopia, and

the Critique of Capitalism, Gilroy, (1987). The common argument is that most
 19

subcultures (except the Hippies) developed in working class communities;

Rastafarianism appears as a central example in the argument. Rastafarianism

seems to have developed and still develops in working class communities, despite

what has been said above about universal identification through the global media.

In their book: Youth Cultures: A Cross-Cultural Perspective, Amid-Talai and Wulff

(1995) provide a critical anthropological analysis of how youth cultures have been
perceived and studied. An important contribution in this book is entitled
“Introducing Youth Culture in its own Right: The State of the New Possibilities”,
by Wulff, H. According to her, the earlier writings on youth culture in terms of
socialisation, education or human development portrayed youths as objects of
adult activity, problems, victims or resisters. She argues that there has been no
analysis of youth cultural reproduction, globalisation and creolisation (Ibid: 1-2).
She means that there is silence about how youth cultures reproduce themselves,
have become global phenomena, and have devised their own language, an
intrinsic characteristic of youth culture. Some of her observations point to aspects
of Rastafarianism that should be studied and explained; however, note that
Rastafarianism is not exclusively a youth culture.

Another important contribution in Amid-Talai and Wulff’s is by Caputo,

“Anthropology’s Silent ‘Others’: A Consideration of some Conceptual and
Methodological Issues for the Study of Youth and Children Cultures”. Caputo
touches on two important issues of relevance to this study, namely the use of
participant observation and the role of music (a vital Rastafarian practice) in
understanding youth culture. She argues that there are positive aspects of the
participant observation method – it gives researchers the opportunity to
experience at close hand aspects of the youth’s world (Ibid: 30).

A recent work on sub-cultures is Beyond Subculture: Pop, Youth and Identity in a Post
Colonial World by Huq (2006). Huq looks at youth culture and music and attempts
to understand the relationship between the two. In examining this relationship, he
 20

investigates a number of musically centred global youth cultures in order to

establish the possibility of labelling one genre of music as the main voice of the
youth, taking into consideration today’s diverse and globalised world. This thesis
therefore endeavours to understand the relationship between Rastafarianism and
reggae music.

2.2 Historical Literature

Several historical works also inform this thesis such as The Dead will Arise:
Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7 (Peires, 2003). In
keeping with the pioneering academic work of his time, Peires makes a point of
using oral sources. Through his interviews and the documented oral sources,
Peires’ work represents an attempt to hear ‘the Xhosa’ side of the story although
he is faced with many problems in this attempt. He realises, for instance, that
there is more than one Xhosa side. The division between those who believed in
Nongqawuse’s prophesy and those who did not account for some of the
differences. Peires realises that he needs to distinguish between those who
believed in the prophecy and those who did not and to understand the emotions
the different responses to the prophecy evoked.

His argument about the causes of the Cattle-Killing episode is essentially that it
was a reaction by some Xhosa chiefdoms to extreme dispossession over the
course of the nineteenth century as British colonial control encroached onto their
territory. He argues that the Xhosa were desperate by the 1850s, under the impact
of the new experience of ‘total war’ waged on them periodically by the British,
devastating land loss, and the undermining of the power of the chiefs by
Governor George Grey’s administrative system of Indirect Rule caused many
Xhosa to put their hope in millenarian prophesies.

In his explanation, Peires argues that the ground was prepared for Nongqawuse’s
vision half a century prior to the prophecy because there was a series of prophets
 21

who were war leaders or spiritual prophets among the Xhosa. According to
Peires, the ‘form’ that the killing took was determined by the lung sickness
epidemic that had caused the colonial authorities to order widespread culling.
The idea of contamination and sacrifice came from a synthesis of Christian and
indigenous religion that had been evolving over the course of this century to
which Peires pays detailed attention. From this brief synopsis, Peires’s argument
about the cattle killing is many faceted. Essentially, he grounds his argument for
why the Xhosa resorted to millenarianism in an explanation of their deteriorating
material (and concomitantly psychological) conditions.

Peires has been criticised for undermining the significance of lung sickness and for
overplaying or underplaying Nongqawuse’s prophesy as the main immediate
cause of the killing. Julian Cobbing even went to the extent of saying “because of
his faulty emphasis, Peires fails to ask some important questions. Might the
killings have been for quarantine or for consumption as occurred among the
Ndebele during the lung sickness epidemics of 1862?” The distinction between
killing and dying of cattle is left unexplored (Cobbing, 1994:2).

Another critic, Randall Packard, charges that many of Peires’s personalities and
participants involved in the incident, particularly Africans, have either received
inadequate coverage or been presented in ways that reflected the ethnocentric and
racial prejudices of contemporary observers Parkard, (1991:576). Peires is also
criticised for providing a thorough material explanation for the Xhosas’ belief in
this period; he may be seen as undercutting their spiritual beliefs - putting them
down to a desperate measure instead of respecting their beliefs as a way of seeing
and critiquing the world. This point to the kind of difficult balance one has to
maintain when trying to assess religious beliefs in a material context, for without
care one might easily swing into a reductionist argument, that is, one that gives
no credit to the ideas themselves.

Other important works dealing with millenarianism are Edgar ( 2000) and Cohn,
(1957). All these suggest that the reason some Xhosa were attracted to prophet
 22

Mgijima’s millennial message was the mounting economic and political pressure
on rural Africans. Mgijima’s prophecies promised a reversal of roles where the
outcasts were to become God’s chosen and blessed ones; this was obviously
extremely attractive. In his message to his followers called the ‘Israelites’,
Mgijima claimed to have heard a message from God who told him of a
catastrophic war on earth which was going to destroy all sinners, a common
theme of final judgement and apocalypse (Edgar, 1988:11,13).

In their most recent publication Edgar and Sapire (2000), Edgar argues that
Nontetha’s (a prophet from the Eastern Cape) prophesies were a result of the
world’s most devastating influenza epidemic which tore through Southern Africa
after World War I, leaving hundreds of thousands of people dead in its wake. In
its aftermath, many revivalist and millenarian movements sprang up seeking a
meaning and an answer to the question of why the calamity took place (Ibid: xix-
xx). Nontetha claimed to have heard a voice telling her that the influenza was just
a taste of what God was bringing, a judgement day in which everyone will be
flying in the sky (Ibid:10). This was interpreted as a threat by the segregationist
government that incarcerated Nontetha for life. The government feared
Nontetha’s prophecy in the light of the Bulhoek massacre. She told her disciples:
“They had to ask God to liberate them and allow them to rule their country
according to their own nationhood” (Ibid: 72).

Edgar based his earlier analysis on the premise that the Israelites were not an
isolated example of Xhosa millennialism, and refers to other similar movements
within Xhosa society such as the Wellington Movement, under Dr. Wellington
Buthelezi, a Garveyite disciple in the 1920’s, who predicted an African-American
liberator would free South Africa from white oppression. Other prophecies
include that of Enoch Mgijima of the Israelites8 and Nontetha, Nxele or Makana,
Ntsikana and of Mlanjeni who used their prophetic powers to rouse and mobilise
resistance against European presence (Edgar, 1988:11, 13). Edger concluded,

8
Similar to Rastafarian movement, the Israelites observed Saturday as their Sabbath and sung By the
Rivers of Babylon as one their hymn. There are also great similarities between the Wellington
movement and Rastafarianism.
 23

“Although their messages and style of leadership differed, these movements

shared much common ground and integrated Christian idiom into their
message.” (Edgar and Saphire, 2000: x-xi). In Nontetha’s case, for example, her
illness and her dream both incorporated Xhosa beliefs, tenets, Christian symbols,
the emphasis on regeneration, renewal, and resurrection, which are explicable in
terms of Christian beliefs (Ibid:10-11). The significance of this is that those
millenarian movements seem to originate because of contact between traditional
beliefs and Christianity. The Christian idiom tends to foster ideas about the end of
the world and the resurrection of the just. Having emerged because of contact
between traditional beliefs and Christianity, and believing in the end of the
existing order and its replacement with a new one, Rastafarianism can be seen as
millenarian. However, when other characteristics of millenarian movements are
taken into consideration, it cannot strictly be classified as one.

There are also international literatures on millenarianism, but these are not
examined in detail in this thesis. These literatures are useful in answering
questions such as what constitutes a millenarian movement. A very useful
example of international literature is Cohn (1957). He provides a detailed study of
millenarian movements in the world over time. He describes both Jewish and
Christian communities as millenarian in nature. It should be noted that
Rastafarianism draws most of its belief systems from Jewish and Christian
religions. Cohn also gives a comprehensive explanation of what causes people to
resort to millenarianism, explores its nature, and concludes that millennial
movements tend to be similar in many respects.9

Placed in a bigger context, this thesis attempts to establish in detail how

Rastafarian thoughts and actions differ from those of other religious movements
in relation to the spiritual, secular, and power hierarchies within the institution
(such as preaching and proselytising). In addition, another issue to be probed is

9
For examples of these comprehensive explanations of what causes people to resort to millenarianism
see pages 186-187 of this work.
 24

how Rastafarianism differs from other social movements in relation to views

concerning gender, family, abortion, homosexuality, food, clothing and music.

2.3 Literature on Rastafarianism

This type of literature is varied. It ranges from theological (those dealing with the
nature of the movement) to historical (those that deal with the origin and
development), and includes both secondary and primary sources. These works
range from those focusing on Rastafarianism in Jamaica and Britain to a few that
deals with the Movement in South Africa.10 These sources provide valuable
information on the origin, spread and general characteristics of the Movement.
The most important reference in this regard is the work edited by Chevannes
(1998a). His work provides a clear understanding with regard to the conditions
under which the Movement emerged, its belief system, social organisation and
the origin of those symbolic features that have come to be the hallmark of the
Movement. Another work of significance is Chevannes (1998b) Rastafari. This is
important because it discusses the theological ground upon which Rastafarianism
was founded and throws some light on how the spirit of resistance in the form of
slave revolts contributed to its emergence.

An important article highlighting the existence of the Movement in South Africa

is Johnson-Hill (1996). He argues that, in spite of negative connotations attributed
to Rastafarianism, the Movement is becoming popular in South Africa, and that if
the government recognises it, there are a number of both social and educational
contributions it can make. An example of the educational contribution from the
Movement is grounding or reasoning which emphasises dialogue as a means of
communicating knowledge, which could be adopted to replace the traditional
method of transmission-mode teaching (Ibid:4). Like Bosch, Johnson’s aim is to
try to argue the point that Rastafarians can make a positive contribution to
society’s development. Although he characterised the Movement as millenarian,
he argues that, unlike the adherents of most classic millenarian movements,
10
It should be noted here that these sources only provide background information to this study as a
great deal of it is based on oral sources.
 25

Rastafarians disavow allegiance to a single charismatic leader (Ibid). For him, the
Movement is millenarianism because he sees its emergence as a reaction to
cultural oppression which slaves were subjected to in Jamaica. He describes the
actual oppression by saying that:

Once the former identity had been severely undermined, there were attempts to
instil in the slaves a new value system based on British language, law and mores,
as well as missionary Christianity (Ibid: 5).

The importance of Johnson’s work is its focus on the social role that
Rastafarianism could play in the period after 1994.

Given the government’s concern to develop a ‘culture of learning’ the self can be
encouraged to raise questions and experiment with new ideas - especially
regarding major social problems related to nation-building such as economic
disparity, institutional racism and the spread of AIDS. The Rastas’ emphasis on
affirming the creative intellectual capacity of each person suggests the need for
radically new approaches to education. The linguistic innovations associated
with I-words in Rastafari may well prefigure parallel linguistic developments in
South Africa between, for example, English, Afrikaans and African languages.
Tomorrow’s schools may therefore need to consider curricular reforms in the
light of emerging hybrid languages, especially among the urban youth (Ibid: 27).

As indicated already, empirical research on the topic in South Africa has been
limited to Durban and Cape Town with only one piece of research done for each
area. Bosch (1996) and Oosthuizen (1990) are very important because they both
deal with the Movement within the South African context. This literature helps
throw some light on the position of Rastafarians in South Africa. Although
Bosch’s work is an Honours study, it does a lot to introduce the topic of
Rastafarianism in South Africa. She attempts, not only to trace the origin of the
Movement in South Africa, but also to counter misconceptions about
Rastafarians; for instance, that they are a dirty group of people who have
constructed a separate identity for no reason other than to smoke ganja. She
maintains that in the past Rastafarians were mainly concerned with the struggle
for the articulation of black identity, but today it seems that struggle has been
reduced to a struggle for the recognition of ganja as a holy herb and their right to
smoke it freely without prosecution (Bosch1996: 5). This is, however, a
controversial assertion. As this thesis will demonstrate, the smoking of ganja is the
most important component of Rastafarian identity.
 26

Bosch further outlines the background out of which the Movement emerged both
in Jamaica and in South Africa. She argues that the emergence of Rastafarianism
in South Africa, as in Jamaica was the result of the particular socio-economic
context of the poor (Ibid). For her, the popularity of the Movement in South
Africa was the result of Bob Marley (in Zimbabwe) and Peter Tosh’s (in
Swaziland) concerts in 1986 (ten years after the Soweto riots in South Africa).
This signalled a shift in emphasis in the lyrics of the Movement from
preoccupation with Haile Selassie and Ethiopia to the battles for liberation in
Southern Africa. Bob Marley’s concert celebrated Zimbabwe’s independence,
with the subsequent release of a new album: Africa Unite. Peter Tosh’s concert in
Swaziland was a direct challenge to the apartheid government evident in the
songs such as Fight against Apartheid.

However, Rastafarianism in South Africa, according to Bosch, acquired more of

a cultural than a political form, as it remained an expression of, and struggle for,
black identity (Ibid: 9). This is perhaps one reason Rastafarians as such were not
involved in the struggle against apartheid. A problem with Bosch’s work is that
although a video camera was used to document information, there is no detailed
description of the activities such as when, why and how the Rastafarians meet for
congregation. This is very important when conducting a study of this nature.

The book Rastafarians by Oosthuizen (1990) is perhaps the most all-encompassing

source on Rastafarianism in South Africa. Explaining how he gathered
information, Oosthuizen indicated that his work is the result of the utilisation of
both reliable historical material and able field-workers. He explains that in
conducting his survey, field-workers with questionnaires were sent to gather
information in the townships of Soweto and Umlazi, in the Durban area. About
twenty adherents in all with an average age of nearly twenty-six and an average
schooling of just above Standard 6 were interviewed. The fact that most of the
adherents are not educated is an indication of the social background from which
most of them come. The significance of Oosthuizen’s work is that it gives answers
the questions: How do Rastafarians communicate with Jah? Why and how is the
 27

Movement joined? What are their activities and practices? What is the place of
the bible in the Movement? What are their social and political responsibilities?
What is the meaning of their colours, salutations, and of Zion? Written from a
theological perspective, Oosthuizen’s study provides an analysis of Rastafarian
beliefs and practices in South Africa. He does not draw any conclusions about the
socio-economic position of those who were interviewed.

Apart from tracing its origin to Jamaica and its historical roots in South Africa,
Oosthuizen describes in detail the phases leading to the Rastafarian process of
self-identity. During the first of these phases, the youths become aware of race
discrimination and the new symbolic meaning that it brings to black people.
Secondly, they lost belief in the faith of their parents and society in general,
together with the structure that they apparently supported. The third step is that
they start to associate with Rastafarians. Lastly, they accept Rastafari as the
divine redeemer of black people (Oosthuizen, 1990:21-22). Oosthuizen concludes
his work with an argument that Rastafarianism cannot be ignored in South
Africa, and that it deserves attention from all who are interested in the forces that
influence black youths, and especially those which give them a sense of belonging
(Ibid: 22). He maintains that there is a relationship between the Movement and
the social and political situation and that the youths are the ones who are mostly
attracted to the Movement.

The problem with Oosthuizen’s work, however, is that a greater part of it focuses
on the general aspect of the Movement with little information on its activities in
South Africa. This might be attributed to the fact that it is based only on person-
to-person interviews. Researchers cannot obtain information about how certain
aspects of the Movement, such as praying, preaching, singing and dancing are
enacted without sustained observation. Further, Oosthuizen does not break down
the interviews into those of Umlazi and those of Soweto.
 28

2.4 Literature on Daveyton

There is a general lack of sources that deal with Daveyton. The available sources
do not directly relate to this topic. There are no published secondary sources
available on Daveyton; therefore, information is limited. Malinga’s Masters
Dissertation The Establishment of the Black Townships in South Africa with Particular
Reference to the Establishment of Daveyton on the East Rand (1997) is informative on
the origin and development of Daveyton. Malinga’s study outlines not only the
origin and development of the township but also the social and economic
problems faced by residents from its inception to the nineties. It shows vividly
that, in spite of the government’s aim to make it a habitable township, lack of
housing and services became serious problems working against Daveyton’s
success as a model township.

Other informative works are by Mashabela (1988), Bonner (2001). Mashabela’s

work is a profile of thirty-two black townships in the Gauteng province including
Daveyton. It provides a background against which black townships originated.
The book by Bonner and Nieftagodien, although it focuses on the Near East

Rand Townships of Katlehong, Thokoza and Vosloorus is also useful for

Daveyton. It allows ordinary people to tell their stories, and these become
instruments for mapping the changing patterns of township life. Its importance is
in the range of interviews that the authors conducted. The book describes in detail
the prevailing economic and political conditions on the East Rand prior to 1994.
It also gives an account of people’s ‘whole’ experiences during the wars of the
early nineties by looking at the role of various gangs, civil rights movements,
student organisations, individuals as well other organisations, such as those in the
hostel and taxi industry.

The problem with the available literature on Daveyton is that it is mainly

concerned with economic, social and political development with little or no
mention made of the religious beliefs of its inhabitants. The reason for this in
Bonner and Nieftagodien's case is that this publication is not an academic work
 29

but a popular one commissioned by the communities on the East Rand, which
put some pressure on the authors to tell an ‘official’ history. Their orientation as
social historians might also have caused them to overlook religious beliefs,
although Bonner did some important work in the eighties on the millenarian
aspect of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union. Though focusing on an
early period, another work done on the East Rand in general is by Bonner (1988)
entitled Family, Crime and Political Consciousness on the East Rand, 1939-1955. This
article outlines the early attempts to control influx of blacks in the town of Benoni
under J Mathewson, the Non-European Affairs manager (Ibid: 339).

2.5 Electronic and other Sources

Electronic sources form an important part in exploring both the issues of identity
formation and Rastafarianism. The focus here is mainly on those electronic
sources that are scholarly in nature. These include Van der Vyver (2000) and
Abdi (1999). These works show how South Africans have come to develop their
identities over time. Van der Vyver explores the constitutional perspective of the
Church-State relationship of both the periods before and after apartheid in South
Africa. This reference shows how the introduction of foreign religions
(Christianity and Islam) destroyed traditional African religion that led to the
emergence of independent Christian churches, which is in contrast with Peires’s
analysis that emphasises synthesis. Of interest in this source is an outline on the
establishment of religion under the current constitution in South Africa. The
significance of Lotter (1998) “Personal Identity in Multicultural Constitutional
Democracies” lies in the way he explores the formation of personal identities in
multicultural democracies. The central argument here is that “awareness of, and
respect for differences of gender, race, religion, language, and culture have
liberated many from the hegemony of white, Western males.” (Ibid: 6).

According to Denis-Constant (1995) in the work: “The Choices of Identity”,

identity is an ambiguous concept that cannot be defined but can be understood by
contrasting it with other identities. Making use of the linguistic innovation (the ‘I-
 30

lect’,that is, manners of speaking in the first person) created by the Rastafarians,
he shows how Rastafarians managed to create boundaries separating them from
non-Rastafarians to enable them to maintain their identity.

There are also other valuable electronic sources dealing with the Rastafarian
Movement. These are important because they cover not only the origin and
nature of the Movement but deal with Rastafarianism today. These sources
include Napti (2003), Kebede and Knottnerus (1998), Stanglin and Eddings
(1996).

2.6 Conclusion

Although historical in nature, this study draws on various literatures that are not
historical. These literatures mainly deal with the nature and formation of identity,
culture and subculture. There is a large body of historical literature that focus on
millenarianism, which is useful in determining whether Rastafarianism is
millenarian or not. Though not sufficient, there are also literatures that deal with
the establishment and prevailing conditions in the township of Daveyton. This
provides the background against which Rastafarianism emerged.

Due to the limited nature of written sources or research on Rastafarianism in

South Africa and the fact that the study is an attempt to document contemporary
history, it is mainly based on established historical methodology, namely
participant observation and oral interviews. The next chapter examines the
approach followed and defines important concepts used.
 31

CHAPTER THREE

3. Methodology and Central Conceptual Tools

In this chapter, I describe and reflect on my methodology and central conceptual

tools. This locates this study in the field of Social Sciences, but with an historical
bias (see introduction for breakdown of how this is interpreted). This chapter
largely borrows from approaches used by scholars working in the field of social
history, with emphasis on cultural and religious manifestations such as Belinda
Bozzoli (1991), David Coplan (1994), Deborah James (1999), Isabel Hofmeyr
(1994), Jeffrey Peires (2003), Tim Keegan (1998), and Robert Edgar (1988). These
scholars work from certain perspectives and in the broad area of social history.
The social history school endeavours to study ‘ordinary’ people as key to
understanding the past using oral evidence. Keegan, James and Bozzoli’s
methodologies are mainly based on oral interviews where informants were asked
questions about their life experiences and information obtained is then used to
reconstruct their life stories. Coplan’s approach is based on participant
observation.

The approach followed by Peires (2003) and Edgar (1988), both of whom draw
on oral testimonies, is of studying events or incidents in the light of prevailing
conditions and establishing relations between these and the prevailing conditions.
This chapter thus looks at various approaches followed in similar studies, and
assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these approaches. It also looks at the
concepts that are central to this study and describes in detail the research
methodology followed. These concepts are Rastafari, identity and culture, and are
defined in various ways by various authors without reaching any consensus.
 32

3.1 Research Methodologies

As indicated, the approach followed includes mainly participant observation and

oral interviews. This methodology is not without problems. For example, if
informants become aware that they are under observation they may alter their
behaviour. The same goes for interviews. Interviewees are likely to paint very
rosy pictures if the information they have to provide is about them, as was
sometimes the case in this study. In most cases, this results in a one-sided account
of information not representative of the population at large or any particular
segment of it (Grele, 1998: 41). The theoretical literature on oral history also
points to how informants perceive the researcher and the research. This in itself
poses another serious challenge if informants are suspicious and do not trust the
researcher or what the research is to be used for, and they are likely to withhold
relevant and important information. It is important, therefore, as in the case of
Belinda Bozzoli’s work, to explain fully the purpose of the interview and what the
information will be used for (Bozzoli, 1991: 150). For example, informants in this
study were initially worried that the research should not be used to discredit
Rastafarianism. From the above it may be noted how difficult it is to assess the
representativity or reliability of information. Recent literature, however, suggests
deeper readings of what informants say. It is by identifying remarks, patterns,
inflexions or metaphors that the researcher can discover the significance of the
story being told (Ibid).

In spite of the above challenges, evidence obtained for this thesis is used to
determine whether there is any relationship between the political, social and
economic conditions and Rastafarianism (in terms of reasons for origin, activities
and aims). Evidence obtained in this way helps in the following ways:

 To appreciate the significance of rituals

 To interpret lyrics and language that is obscure
 To explore and elaborate on core values
 To understand how Rastafarianism functions as cohesive units
 33

 To discover reasons for a split between houses

 To establish correlations between socio-economic conditions, political
perception and Rastafarianism.

Jorgensen describes the usefulness of participant observation as follows:

Through participant observation, it is possible to describe what goes on, who or

what is involved, when and where things happen, how they occur, and why - at
least from the standpoint of participants – things happen as they do in particular
situations (Jorgensen, 1999:12).

The reason for participant observation as an appropriate methodology is that

Rastafarianism can be best understood in this way. This methodology is
appropriate in cases where little is known about the phenomenon. There are
important differences between the views of insiders as opposed to outsiders, the
phenomenon is somehow obscured from the views of outsiders, or the
phenomenon is hidden from public view (Ibid). This methodology is also
appropriate where procedures are not fixed or stable as in the case of grounation
(the first session during gathering or congregation).

Following the established historical methodology set by Keegan (1988) and

Bozzoli (1991), oral interviews were used to obtain information about life
histories of informants. Keegan examines the lives of four ordinary men and uses
their life stories to investigate and explain the general social and economic
transformation that took place in rural South Africa. Explaining why he used
ordinary men as his sources, he argues that:

In the narratives of ordinary people’s lives we begin to see some of the major
forces of history at work, large social forces that are questionably the real key to
understanding the past, which an exclusive focus on the lives and activities of
great men not only makes it difficult to understand, but also misrepresent
(Keegan, 1988:168).

This is representative of social history principles. It works on the principle that

through lives of ordinary people, historical forces are illuminated. However, there
 34

is always the question of which people we choose, and how the researcher decides
how to tell their narratives. Keegan organises the narrative according to turning
points, themes, life stages or common experiences, as does Bozzoli. The latter is
aware of the fact that particular methodological weapons, such as the structured
attitude survey, the questionnaire, or the rigid interview are poor tools for
analysing a person’s consciousness. Yet, ordinary life cannot be told in an
unmediated way. Researchers need to be conscious of their own biases,
perspectives or degree of intervention (Bozzoli, 1991: 12).

This study also attempts to document and interpret some of the songs sung by
Rastafarians during gatherings, their anthem and creed. This method of
interpretation is based on the work of James (1991). She focuses on a Bapedi
speaking migrant women’s dance group, and attempts to establish how images of
home are created through musical performance. She shows how migrant women,
scattered in the suburbs as domestic workers managed to construct a migrant
identity through performing ‘traditional’ music and dance (Ibid: 186). In a more
systematic way than Coplan (1985), she states that she developed a three-pronged
methodology. The first was participant observation, which involved long hours of
observing performance, and asking participants and audiences about the nature
and significance of various aspects of music and dance. The second entailed
discussions (often leading to intense arguments among participants) with
individual performers or groups about the significance of music and lyrics. The
last approach involved discussions, sometimes recorded and subsequently
transcribed, with particular informants aimed at collecting life histories (Ibid: 5-6).
James concluded, based on this three-pronged approach, that the culture and
tradition of women migrants, which they claimed to be loyal to, had mostly been
invented in the urban areas, since it bore precious little resemblance to performing
arts in the rural areas. She also argues that their identity was shaped by:

Their assumption of new roles conceived of as similar to those of men, their

ability to exist as relatively autonomous breadwinners, and their aspirations to
educate themselves or at least their younger siblings and children do indeed
appear as emancipated. They have created an identity by selecting and
interweaving elements from the shifting terrains of manhood and womanhood
(James, 1991:190,193).
 35

Similarly explaining his research methodology, Coplan (1985) says:

I spent my time among musicians, talent scouts, producers theatrical directors

and actors, journalists, managers, social workers, educators shebeen (tavern)
patrons, students, and eccentric hangers-on like myself. For the next year, I
moved about Johannesburg and other cities, observing and participating in
performances and other family and community events, attending rehearsals,
recording sessions, plays, clubs, and concert, interviewing past and present
members of the performance community (Ibid:1-2).

From the above quote, it is clear that Coplan was less precise about his
methodological approach than was James, but immersed himself in the
community he was studying, which was compatible with his understanding that
culture is characterised by dynamism and agency. By becoming part of the society
that he was studying, Coplan was able to collect songs during the actual
performances. It is true that his approach was a bit haphazard in the sense that he
could not calculate beforehand how many performances he would attend; what
kind of representative sample they would add up to. By using participant
observation, he sought to understand the social experiences and process of class
formation among black urbanites: how and why they came to the urban areas,
and how they created new institutions, communities and cultural forms. He did
this by placing contemporary black performance culture in the context of
historical processes and social forces that had shaped it (Ibid: 2).

Coplan adopted the same methodology for his later book In the Time of Cannibals;
The Word Music of South Africa’s Basotho Migrants (1994) where participant
observation performances were followed up by interviews on the spot or after the
performance. He hunted down performers, taped them, then transcribed,
translated and interpreted text (Ibid). His fieldwork concerned itself with the
interpretation of the Basotho migrants’ songs to establish if there was any
continuity between rural and urban performance. Coplan’s evaluation of
continuity/discontinuity of tradition, just as in the case of James, raises the issue
of interpretation. Their interpretations are based on their particular
understandings of history and of migrant experiences. Like James, Coplan was
not only interested in the texts of songs, but also in the performances and the
music that accompanied them. For him, the music had meaning apart from the
 36

words and this means that it became the task of the researcher to explain this
meaning. He contends that interpretations of songs and performances require the
application of analytical concepts and procedures, not only from cultural
anthropology, but from sociology and history as well (Ibid: xvii).

Coplan’s methodology involves “the interpretation of a sample of such

performances and genres. So certain Basotho, migrant men and women, respond
to their situation with complex, evocative word-music, creating a cultural shield
against dependency, expropriation, and the dehumanising relations of race and
class in Southern Africa” (Ibid: 8). The relevance of this methodology is in its
appreciation of culture as embedded in historical experience capable of complex
evolution and modification interwoven in the character of words, music,
performance and oral testimony.

Moodie (1994) is useful for this thesis. The authors tried to understand the
experiences of migrant workers within their social context and to achieve this
they used their own interpretations of a number of accounts. Their work is as a
result an interpretation of evidence from participant observation, old men’s
stories, young men’s reflections, the life histories of women, and testimony from
black unionists (Ibid: 2). In a similar way, this thesis is an interpretation of
evidence drawn from participant observation, which includes several life histories
and testimonies from the community. The difference though is that both my own
and that of informants’ interpretations of evidence is offered.

The present thesis also follows, to some degree, the methodology that was used
by Hofmeyr (1994). In her methodology, she combines three related areas,
namely, oral story telling, literacy and oral historical narrative. Her starting point
was to establish a link between Southern African historiography, the
interpretation established by South African historiography, and oral narratives.

She attempts to reconstruct the history of the Ndebele-Sotho chiefdoms of an area

called Mokopane or Valentyn close to Potgietersrus where she conducted her
 37

research. Hofmeyr’s central point is that oral and written accounts influence each
other and interact with one another. She explores the influence of literacy as
purveyed by missions and schools; the impact of colonialism; and the
consequences of forced removal. At the same time, she attempts to convey a
history of the community in which the research took place (Ibid).

The implication of the above is that oral history cannot retain its purity. It is
important to recognise, in addition to all other elements described previously, the
influence of extraneous influences, the importance of performance contexts, and
the gendered nature of stories, and status of stories.

A recurrent problem pointed out in the theoretical literature is that the researcher
becomes an audience (Ibid). Another problem is that the researcher may become a
friend and confidant, and this raises problems for representation. Van Onselen
(1996) cites some difficulties in his relationship with Kas Maine with whom a
close relationship developed but whom he had to represent in a scholarly work.
Whilst it is always likely that the presence of a stranger may alter the behaviour of
those that are being observed, it also true that trust and a close relationship
between the observer and the observed may affect the observation (Ibid: 10).
Therefore, some prior information on the habits and practices of the observed by
the observer is important to enable him/her to gauge whether the habits and
practices s/he observes subsequently are improvised. Nevertheless,
improvisations may be messages that the informants wish the researcher to
project into the world, so it is illuminating to decode these even if they have been
created for the moment.

Oral history as historical methodology should be employed w i t h an

acknowledgement that oral testimony, like other evidence, provides problems of
corroboration and interpretation. Bozzoli (1991) highlights the difficulty of
recording people’s life histories, especially as an academic who has to deal with
issues of privacy and respect. She relies on her research assistant to formulate
some of the questions out of her familiarity with the subjects’ background.
 38

Bozzoli, as suggested above, also tries to work out what the relationship is
between the broad social structures and forces and individual experiences as they
are mediated through oral testimony. This continues to be a difficult
methodological issue and one that confronts this thesis (Ibid: 4).

An example of other problems associated with oral interviews is cited from

Peires’ work. Peires (2003) principally worked with a published source that was
published quite a long time after an event that is Gqoba in 1888 after the cattle
killing that took place in the 1850’s. In the list of oral sources that he worked
with, he cites only twelve informants in his bibliography who gave him interviews
in 1975 and 1976, and in 1982 and 1983. Many of these informants were
interviewed in Kentani District and others in the Berlin and Willowvale Districts
(Peires, 2003:454). What we need to know is how these informants were reacting
to the events of their time (in the mid 1970’s to 1980’s in volatile South Africa),
and how it affected the way they thought of the cattle killing more than a century
before. Peires’s political position should also be considered. He was an activist
opposed to apartheid in the Eastern Cape during the time of the interviews. He
has been quite thorough in thinking about how his engagement in the 1980s
influenced his argument in the historical study, but has been less reflective
concerning the political agendas of his informants on Gqoba. Peires agrees that
the difficulty of writing about the cattle killing is that the primary sources are
riddled with lies, both deliberate lies and self-delusions (Ibid: 11). Peires was an
activist writing a historical work; he was determined to portray colonial rule and
its agents as cruel and destructive, leaving a legacy of dispossession and misery
for the 20th century. More recent debate and reflection on oral history points to
the need for more contextualisation of the information that is ‘transacted’ in the
kinds of interview situations in which he finds himself (Ibid).

In evaluating oral history, Keegan (1988) agrees that although human memory is
given to error, misconception, elision, distortion, elaboration and downright
fabrication, without it the study of contemporary history often lacks common
touch and tends to remain a narrative of the doings of public men thereby making
 39

history an account of events rather than a social analysis (Ibid: 162, 164). His
observations suggest that there is value in the very fragility and malleability of
human memory as it is relayed through oral testimony.

Another research methodology employed was the use of media information.

Since the advent of democracy in South Africa (after 1994), the Rastafarian
Movement has attracted the attention of the media, and the result of this is that
more and more newspapers have become interested in covering the activities of
the Movement. Although newspapers tend to provide information on specific
areas around the country and may sensationalise news, they do throw some light
on this topic since it is important to give a general overview on the existence and
activities of Rastafarians in South Africa. As has been pointed out previously,
some radio and television stations have started covering and reporting on the
activities of Rastafarians and playing reggae music. Television stations report on
Rastafarianism when there is a demonstration (such as for the legalisation of
ganja), appear in some religious programmes or during discussions and debates
about topics touching Rastafarians. Information from the media helps measure
the popularity and growth of the Movement. The media also expresses the
position of civil society’s attitude towards the Rastafarianism during debates and
news that concern the Movement.

A lot of information was gathered in the form of video footage of dances and
gatherings, photographs and audio recordings of proceedings, especially during
grounation. There are some documents that Rastafarians use during grounation,
original copies of some poems, and questionnaires, these are available in the
William Cullen library at the University of the Witwatersrand.

3.2 Approach followed in this study

As indicated above, the approach followed in this thesis is the use of participant
observation in addition to literature already discussed. Thus, part of this study is
the culmination of three years of participant observation that entails detailed data
 40

of my subjects, in their natural setting, taken and collected every Saturday,

Sunday and other days when there were special occasions. One such natural
setting is the gathering or congregation that takes place every Saturday between
12 o’clock and 6 o’clock generally known as grounding or grounation. In order to
avoid altering the behaviour of my subjects as little as possible, I assumed the role
of a passive observer by not bringing along any equipment like a recorder or a
camera11 nor did I take notes during my initial observation. The reason for this
was to establish trust and the sense of a relationship. Having done so, the role
was changed to that of the participant-as-observer, which involved actively
participating in some of their activities, discussions (reasoning), and following
them, wherever there was action. After a time, it became easy for me to record
information and photographs during grounation without restriction.

For the most part primary literature includes that used during church services.
These sources are, for example, poems, songs, the constitution, and guidelines of
the Movement, and other publications that members bring. Most of these
documents were in a poor state with pages missing. My willingness to organise
and bind them made members prepared to bring along more documents. Using
these primary sources, I attempt to answer the following questions: why are
certain literary forms preferred, what images are prevalent, what traditions and
sources do they refer to, and how they are performed? Answering these is
important because of certain assumptions I had about what the primary literature
can tell us concerning symbolism and performance. There is a need to identify
dominant imagery and performance modes to assess the nature of Rastafarianism,
especially as a variant of millenarianism or a particular socio-political movement.
There is need to trace the ‘history’ of aspects of Rastafarianism, and how these
have been transported from Jamaica to Daveyton.

However, the larger part of this work involves the analysis of information that has
been obtained through field research, incorporating participant observation and
oral interviews. Field research will assist in investigating meaning, including

11
It should be noted that no camera is allowed on the ground.
 41

culture and norms, practices involving behaviour, specific events, roles and
positions, and relationships pertaining to behaviour found in a set of roles. This
helps in understanding the nature of Rastafarianism, its hierarchy (if it has one),
its characteristic norms, and how it is related to other forms of Rastafarianism
and those of the wider society.

Oral interviews were used to obtain information on individual life stories of

Rastafarians. Life histories of individuals reflect common experiences of members
of the Movement and reveal aspects of experiences with other members of the
society, authorities and social life. Each life story reflects something of the
common experience of a larger Rastafarian membership. Each individual life
story reveals aspects of the group’s experience of the economic background,
employment, level of education and general opinion on social and political
conditions, especially after 1994.

Through observation, I was able to understand Rastafarians’ organisational

structure, cultural practices, attitudes, values, belief systems, rituals and other
related activities, such as language usage, and the songs and poems sung and
recited during congregation and specific ceremonies. Thus by participating and
acquiring the habit of listening helped in understanding the Movement, while
interpretations of songs and poems provided important information on the
Rastafarian worldview. Adopting a habit of listening became necessary since
during the process of reasoning (question and answer) most questions were asked
and answered by Rastafarians. Interpretation of songs and poems entails
explaining what a particular poem, song is about, or what its meaning is.
Clarification was sought where descriptions and language were unclear.

As indicated earlier, acquiring permission to observe Rastafarians is difficult

because of their nature as a closed society. When I told them that I came to
conduct research they started to ask me questions about what the research was
intended for. They made it clear that they did not want their activities to appear
in the media because the information could be used to discredit them. Even after
 42

assuring them that it was a doctoral study, they were not satisfied. They only
agreed after one of the women proposed that they should grant me permission
and that if I was there for some other reason God would deal with me. Knowing
that they do not allow the use of tape recorders and cameras, it was not possible
for me to use them in the early stages of my research. It was only after attending
three sessions that I was sure they no longer saw me as a complete stranger and I
started to use the equipment. Producing duplicates of photographs, which I gave
them free of charge also made them willing to allow me to take more
photographs. Being a reggae fan, my knowledge and interest in the history of
blacks in the Diaspora, and the fact that I was a History lecturer eased my way,
although it was not without suspicion. For most members it appeared as though
the permission was granted in the belief that since I was a history lecturer, I was
in turn going to help clarify some areas of African history, which they did not
understand. In the process of observation, it became important for me to take part
in most of their activities, which included singing, holding meetings and attending
dances and other ceremonies.12 I think what made it easy for me to get permission
to conduct research was my prior readings on Rastafarianism because it made
them think that there was something they could benefit from me.

Obtaining information during dances and funerals was not as difficult as it was
during grounation. This is because these occasions are open for everybody to
attend and it was easy to record and to photograph these proceedings without
raising suspicion. Other events that I attended include regional gatherings.
Getting information during these gatherings was sometimes difficult because
Rastafarians from other houses regarded me with suspicion and sometimes those
from Daveyton had to intervene and explain why I was there.

The social lives of Rastafarians were observed in an unrestricted atmosphere and

not during congregation. Sundays are the busiest days in the lives of Rastafarians
with more than one activity taking place. One important activity that attracts a
large number of Rastafarians at a time is the dance. Other activities reserved for

12
For my first encounter with members of the House of Fire, see Chapter 3.
 43

Sunday are family gatherings, birthdays, weddings and sanctifications. Funerals

also provided a good opportunity for my subjects to be observed in their natural
setting. There are also special days of celebration such as the Visit of Selassie to
Jamaica (21 April), Ethiopian Liberation Day (5th May), All African Liberation
Day (25th May), Birthday of Selassie (23rd July), Birthday of Marcus Garvey (17th
August) Ethiopian New Year (11th September), and Coronation Day (2nd
November).

Participant observation helped in the identification and compilation of a list of

possible informants, and facilitated the setting of appointments for interviews.
Since I was present most of the time, it was easy for me to identify the most
knowledgeable members during reasoning and single them out for interviews. This
is not to downplay the role ordinary members with little knowledge about
Rastafarianism; they are the ones who make reasoning possible by asking many
questions. The interviews took two forms, namely, group and private or single
interviews. Group interviews helped throw some light on the worldview of the
Movement, while answer follow-up helped with questions that might arise from
observations. A problem encountered when using this approach was that the
same people tended to dominate discussions, while others contributed little or
nothing. This problem was solved by conducting private interviews, which
allowed those who could not express themselves public to be open when
interviewed as individuals or away from groups. Private interviews and
sometimes questionnaires were also used to acquire information on the general
opinion, attitudes and feelings of civil society (which included members of
various social groupings) about the Movement. In order to obtain a balanced
view, people in general, teachers, high school learners (of Daveyton Senior
Secondary) and university students (of the former Vista University, East Rand
Campus in Daveyton) were requested to respond to the questionnaire.

Therefore, information collected, such as songs and poems, the Rastafarian

Anthem, their creed, Psalms from the Holy Bible, and activities observed, such as
dances, are interpreted and explained. Rastafarians themselves are an important
 44

source of information since they are basic to this study. There is a valuable
collection of documents owned by the house. These sources include Jahug:
Nyahbinghi Order Theocracy Reign, the importance of which lies in the fact that the
source contains guidelines upon which the house (Rastafarian Church) is
grounded. The Jahug and the Bible are frequently used as a source of reference
during reasoning. Other documents include 100 chants (Rastafarian hymns) and
those that members bring along to be scrutinised during reasoning.

In order to provide a proper theoretical basis of the study it is important to define

the meanings and nature of specific concepts that are relevant in order to establish
the extent to which they are applicable to Rastafarianism. It is also essential to
recognise that many of the definitions may be extremely fluid and open to
contestation.

3.3 Exposition of Concepts

Central to this study are the concepts Rastafari, culture and identity. These can
mean different things for different people and at different times, which is why it is
necessary to explain and contextualise them. While it is easy to define and
describe what Rastafari is, the same cannot be said of the concepts of culture and
identity. Although the thesis focuses on identities, there is a close connection

between identity and culture. In order to understand what identity is, it is

important to know what the concept of culture entails. The meanings of these
have, from their inception, changed many times and by so doing further
complicate their already complex meanings. For example, scholars, amongst
others Raymond Williams (one of the founders of cultural studies) and Eagleton
(2000) (writing as a post-modern anthropologist) agree that the concept of culture
is one of the two or three most complex words in the English language. On the
other hand, the difficulty of defining the concept of identity is due to its nature,
that is, it is interdisciplinary. This means that attempts at understanding it have
been made by scholars in different fields, ranging from anthropology, sociology,
 45

psychology, philosophy, and literary studies to linguistics, each offering different

perspectives.

3.3.1 Rastafari

The word Rastafari is derived from Haile Selassie’s (the Ethiopian King) original
name Ras (Ethiopian word for Prince) Tafari Makonnen who in 1930 was
crowned as His Imperial Majesty, King of Kings, Lords of Lords, Conquering Lion of the
Tribe of Judah, Elect of God, Light of this World, and King of Zion. Haile Selassie was
reported to be the 225th restorer of the Solomonic Dynasty and to represent the
oldest throne on earth, more than three thousands years old (Napti, 2003:3). For
the Jamaicans, the coronation reaffirmed the ancient roots of Ethiopia and its
independent place in Judea-Christian religions (Chevannes, 1998b:9). Johnson-
Hill supports this when he says:

By identifying with the new Black king, the powerless become powerful. Because
Selassie was a Black emperor of virtually the only African nation to successfully
resist colonialism, he evoked Black Nationalist sentiments and provided hope for
an eventual triumph over racism (Johnson-Hill, 1996:4).

The name Rastafari is literally derived from the Amharic language: Ras means
“prince” and Tafari “Head Creator” (Jahug, 1992: 4). Ras Tafari was the birth
name of His Imperial Majesty (H.I.M as he is called by Rastafarians) Haile
Selassie I of Ethiopia, who is also the divinity of the Movement (Gondwe,
2002:9). Thus, Rastafari can be taken to refer first to Haile Selassie as head of the
Movement. The word Rastafari also refers to the creed, religion, and Movement
or organisation. When used within this context the word Rastafari is preferred as
opposed to ‘Rastafarianism’ because it implies ism and schism (which in turn
implies division), to which Rastafarians are strongly opposed (Bosch, 1996: 7). In
this thesis, Rastafari is seen as a convergence of the heritage of the Maroons,
Ethiopianism and the emergent Pan-African movement that culminated in
Garvey’s United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) (Ibid). In another
sense, the word Rastafari is used to refer to adherents as opposed to frequently
used terms such as Rastas or Rastafarians, as one Rastafari clearly put it during
reasoning that “His followers shall be called by his name.” (Observation, 20th April
 46

2002).13 In short, the word Rastafari can be used to refer to either Haile Selassie,
the Movement itself or to the adherents. It should be noted that in this study,
however, the word Rastafari is used to refer to Haile Selassie, ‘Rastafarians’ to the
adherents, and ‘Rastafarianism’ to the Movement, in order to avoid confusion.

3.3.2 Identity

Erikson first used identity as a concept in the clinical literature during the 1950s.
He acknowledged that the concept was an extraordinarily elusive and slippery.
Although he provided sensitive descriptions of various features of identity, he
refused to commit himself to a precise definition, preferring to use the term in
different senses to reflect the particular feature under discussion (Rosenberg,
1087: 194). In his attempt to define the concept, he acknowledged that the term
covers much of what has been called the self, be it in the form of a self-concept,
self-esteem, or in that of a fluctuating self-experience. For him, identity in its
subjective aspect is the awareness of the fact that there is a selfsameness and
continuity to the style of one’s continuity (Hart, et al, 1987: 121-122).

Gecas and Mortimer (1987) not only attempt to define the concept but also try to
explain how identities are formed. They show how the self and others interact to
form identities. Identity, for them, “refers to who or what one is; to various
meanings attached to oneself by self and others” (Ibid: 268). They distinguish
several important types of identity, namely role-identity, character and existential
identity. Role-identity refers to a structural feature of group membership to which
individuals internalise and to which they become committed, for instance, various
social roles, membership and social categories. Role-identities anchor the
individual to social institutions and to various kinds of social networks, and in
doing so often provide the ontological grounding or existential identity for the
individual (Ibid).

13
Rastafarians of Daveyton do not prefer to be called followers but to be called the children of
Rastafari Selassie
 47

On the other hand, basing his definition on the common idea held by post-
modern scholars who see identity as multiple, fluid and adaptable, Sarup (1996)
defines identity as follows:

… a multidimensional space in which a variety of writings blend and clash.

These writings consist of many quotations from the innumerable centres of
culture, ideological state apparatus and practices: parents, family, schools, the
work place, the media, the political parties, and the state. Human subjects have
the capacity to work on these differences within an individual, who is never a
unified member of a single unified group. Thus, an identity is not an object,
which stands by itself and which offers the same face to each observer in each
period (Ibid: 25-26).

Sarup thus sees identity as a combination of attributes arising from numerous

sources that an individual or groups harness. The result of this is that instead of
identity becoming unified and rigid, individuals and groups end up with multiple
identities and allegiances. Identity also becomes elastic because it is drawn from
different sources.

The definition of the concept identity is further complicated by its implication for
both uniqueness and sameness. It suggests that a particular person is this one and
the other, while it also maintains that this person may belong to several different
groups. Rather than merely accept that identity can embrace a diversity of self
and allegiances, Denis-Constant (1995) looks for a relationship between identities.
He maintains that identity is:

The utterance of differences considered as a system of relations; based on

oppositions it creates however a ground for negotiation, for establishing a
balance of power, because such an utterance is made possible by forgetting about
conditions in which society and polity have actually been produced (Ibid: 2).

In broadening its meaning, Denis-Constant argues that the word cannot be

defined in isolation. The only way to understand it is by contrasting it against
other identities. In this way, it implies both uniqueness and sameness in the sense
that it gets its meaning from what it is not, that is, from the others. Therefore, for
identity to emerge and exist, it requires the presence of the other who is different
from the self and with whom it establishes a relationship (Ibid).
 48

The self is in a constant struggle to negotiate and reconcile itself in order to be an

individual and a member of a group or of several groups at the same time. This
arises from the fact that the self belongs to a particular culture, has an ideology,
and follows certain practices that may be in direct contrast with those of the
group. In his sense, identities as a result thrive on sameness and uniqueness.
Thus, in its many and varied meanings, the word ‘identity’ may refer to

the sameness and continuity; distinctiveness, uniqueness or separateness; group

identification or ethnic identity; social role configurations; authenticity, essence
or real self; situational; efficacy, volition or personal agency; stability of values
and sense of life meaning; self-conception; the distinguishing character of an
individual (Rosenberg, 1987:194).

This thesis discusses four forms: personal identity, group identity, social identity,
and national identity. However, this categorisation may not be flexible enough as
(see Denis-Constant) there are negotiations and shifts within these categories.

Personal identity emerges because of an individual’s realisation that there exists a

relationship between the self and the other. It is the relationship of belonging
together and of alterity at the same time. Building on the work of Ricoeur, Denis-
Constant (1995) distinguishes two aspects of personal identity: sameness and
selfhood.

He introduces in the concept of identity both the notion of continuity and that of
the change and shows that continuity, in as far as it concerns the Self in its
relation with the other, is meaningless without change or transformation. The
sameness is built in the ideas of relations and of relations and encompasses
continuity in time. The selfhood on the other is constituted by all the
identification to which a person is consenting, and allowing for the possibility of
evolution and change (Ibid: 3).

Here acquisition of identity is a positive development that should bring about

changes to self. In shaping identities, much depends on the material resources
available such as the linguistic aspects, the place where the narrative is spoken,
and the medium used (Ibid; Sarup, 1996: 18). The question of individual or
personal identity is very complex since it is always in the process of being
constantly negotiated.
 49

Groups are formed in order to preserve and protect the common identities of its
members. A series of criteria can be used to define a group. These are language,
religion, geographical location, race, occupational and social position, age or a
combination of several criteria. Dennis-Constant (1995: 10) defines a group as a
latent collectivity whose boundaries are drawn from one criterion or one set of
criteria, and which seen from the angle of other criteria could appear extremely
heterogeneous. In order for a group to become a community, its members need to
acquire the feeling that they share something that makes them distinct from other
groups in society, and that makes irrelevant other traits which could link them to
those other groups, a feeling very often spurred on by the perception of a common
threat or injustice. An organisation emerges in order to fight against threats or
combat injustices, and organises its members into a movement with its own rules
and its own hierarchy as well as to represent the group, and to speak in its own
name (Ibid: 11). In this way, groups can be temporary, created to serve a
particular purpose that ceases to exist thereafter. However, Rastafarianism is not
a short-lived millenarian movement responding to immediate crisis.

Social identity is defined as the individual’s knowledge that he or she belongs to

certain social groups which has some emotional and value significance of the
group membership, while a social group is two or more individuals who share a
common social identification and perceive themselves to be members of the same
social category (Hogg and Abrams, 1992: 7). Identity frequently acquires an
ideological dimension, since it produces a theory on differences that very often
drifts into legitimising the members of the social group at the expense of the non-
members by showing hostility towards the non-members. By combining the figure
of the other as a threat (real or not) and the ambition to affect the balance of
power, social identities are used to mobilise against rather than for (Denis-
Constant, 1985: 5). In the context of social identity, ethnic identity is seen as a
“social imaginary” which divides various cultural groups into “imagined
communities” by bonding them in literary and visual narrations located in
territory, history and memory (Eagleton, 2000: 124). I will emphasise this aspect
in this thesis.
 50

National identity, which is the backdrop for an evaluation of social identity in this
thesis, is fostered by either the state or media in support of the state, and is
expressed in terms of national symbols, such as the national anthem and flag.
Sometimes history is invoked or ancient times revived in support of national
identities. Here, shared stories about national ethnic origins, past struggles and
victories, the destiny of the nation and national heroes become important (Eaton,
2002: 51). As expected in the new democratic dispensation, the state requires its
citizens to adopt a shared sense of nationhood as a prerequisite for its democratic
and efficient functioning. The state cannot exercise peaceful authority over its
citizens unless they perceive themselves to be members of a national collective,
and are willing to make sacrifices for the good of the nation. National state
sponsored identities also prevent divided societies from being torn apart by ethnic
conflicts (Ibid: 46). National identity, however, influences other kinds of identity
to be explored in this thesis.

The process of identity formation is as complex as the meaning of the concept

itself. There are different explanations as to how and why identities are formed.
There are two explanations of how identity is constructed, namely the traditional
and the more recent account. Traditionally, identities were understood to be
inherent qualities where it was taken for granted that people or groups have a
given identities. The traditional view holds that all the dynamics, such as race,
class, gender and ethnicity operate simultaneously to produce a coherent, unified,
fixed identity (Sarup, 1996: 14).

Recent debates, as has been suggested above, assume that identities arise from
people’s interaction with others. The more recent view focuses on the process by
which identities are constructed considering both psychological and social factors.
According to this view, identities (both our own and those of others) become
fragmented, full of contradictions and ambiguities. The process of labelling is one
of the most important elements of identity construction, that is, when people start
to attach certain labels to others, the labels often start to have an effect (Ibid).
There is relationship between processes of labelling and the construction of
 51

narratives. Therefore, the question of who one is, is mainly tied to narratives,
which automatically construct a sense of time and space.

According to Denis-Constant (1995), people always have a choice between

different identities. ‘Identity is acquired not only in theory but also in relation to a
given place and time’ (Ibid: 15). He identifies three main pillars of identity
narratives, namely identity constructed in relation to the past, space and culture.
In order to construct identities, people must have strong roots in the past. Such
people must be shown to have existed as a group for a long time and to have
played a gallant role in history. History, liberating amnesia and imagination
together contribute to choosing how and what is to be remembered or forgotten.
Traumatic events of the past may explain and legitimate contemporary attitudes
and behaviours (Ibid: 7). Space appears as the place where the necessities of life
are available:

where the communities are able to sustain and reproduce themselves, and have
been doing so for a long time. It also appears as a place where some forms of
sociability prevail, where some habits are the indispensable ingredients of a good
life, and finally as a place, where certain people exercise power in a certain form.
Therefore, conflict may arise whenever a discrepancy is felt between the space of
power and the socio-cultural space: when a group tends to consider that the
space is his while, others govern it (Ibid).

Identity construction is also influenced by cultural exchange. In spite of distance,

misunderstanding and violence, people end up exchanging what they have and
what they know and by doing so open up a not-completely-free choice of identity.
Identity narratives imply a selection of pre-existing cultural traits, which will be
transformed into emblems of identity, and they change cultures by selecting from
a range of cultural traits and transforming their internal structures (Ibid: 8).

Perhaps the most acceptable argument is the one that holds that identities by
themselves do not exist, that they are constructed in an attempt to lock up human
groups within some boundaries in order to mobilise them against the different
other. Field research undertaken in different parts of the world shows that
identities are also constructed in order to create and mobilise certain people or
groups towards the attainment of particular goals. Because of a particular history
 52

that they supposedly share, some people tend to consider themselves to belong to
one solid, immutable human entity, and consequently to be bound to act and
react as a group whenever they feel ill-treated or threatened by the other (Ibid: 1).

The view that identities do not exist as predetermined entities is shared by

Manganyi; who argues that both individuals as well as nations become
preoccupied with distinctiveness during moments of crisis in a life history.
Identity for him is an attribute of either individual or groups that thrives on
exclusion. For example, an individual whose is well articulated must necessarily
lose some of his appreciation for the value of others since his distinctiveness
thrives on exclusion (Manganyi, 1981: 65-66). In spite of this line of thinking,
Manganyi proposes that for the purpose of constructing, exploration and
consolidation of a national identity, there should be a new language with a new
meaning in the post- apartheid South Africa (that is, Africanisation sometimes
called Afrocentrism) (Ibid: 69-70). Africanisation is taken to mean that the
traditional African identity should be revived and protected. There is thus, he
seems to be saying, some inherent essence and some consensus around what is
uniquely African. Although not an issue explored in this study, some consensus
may emerge about what it is to be an African – something that cuts across class
and ethnic lines.

3.3.3 Culture

Culture has its roots in the practice of careful attention to the gods who were
cultivated in invocation and ceremonies connected with the land in order to ward
off their anger and invite their blessing, for instance, the cult of the god of
ploughing and planting, the source of agriculture, which literally means “the
culture of fields” (Caws, 371-372). It is helpful to note the period during which the
concept was defined and the context within which it was defined. These were the
early years of the emergence of anthropology as a discipline, during which
European culture was seen to be the only high culture. The British anthropologist
Tylor (1871) gave one of the oldest definitions of culture as:
 53

That complex whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, law,
customs, and other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of
society (Ibid: 4).

The above definition implies that culture is something that is inculcated.

According to Raymond Williams, the concept includes:

The organisation of production, the structure of the family, the structures of

institutions, which express or govern social relationships, the characteristics form
through which members of the community communicate (Caws, 1994: 5).

Here culture is much more about the mechanism of social reproduction. What is
important in these definitions is that culture is the product of an individual’s
interaction with the environment or society under which he or she exists. Ayasi
(1992) supports this understanding of culture which

is a sum total of the material and intellectual equipment whereby people satisfy
their biological and social needs and adapt themselves to their environment (Ibid:
14).

Ayasi argues that although culture is transmitted from generation to generation,

it should represent the collective consciousness of a group of people, and it
should be generally accepted and fit into the normative system of that group.
What is also important is that ‘culture’ should not be seen as static and
unchanging but will always change together with the normative system of the
group (Ibid). Observe its association with morality.

The meaning of the concept ‘culture’ has undergone several changes owing to
increased contact between cultures. Malinowski (writing in the early twenties)
spoke of culture as that complex whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, art,
law, morals, customs and all other capabilities and habits acquired by ‘man’ as a
member of society. Malinowski was the first European anthropologist to make a
sustained argument that non-European people were not just mindless savages,
but that everything in their rituals and customs had a rational function (Ayisi
1992: 15). Even though Malinowski is criticised today because he supported
‘benevolent’ colonialism, his contribution to the study of ‘culture’ was very
important because of his broad understanding of it. In the post-modern period,
 54

the term has been broadened to include not only other cultures but also other
aspects of the concept not originally covered (Ibid). Writing in the post-modern
period, Hall14 and Jefferson (1998) defines the culture of a group as a:

way of life of the group or class, the meanings, values and ideas embodied in
institutions, in social relations, in systems of beliefs, in mores and customs, in the
use of objects and material life...it includes maps of meaning which are reflected
in the patterns of social organisation and relationship through which an
individual becomes a social individual...it is the way the social relations of a
group are structured and shaped: but it is also the way those shapes are
experienced, understood and interpreted (Bennet,1998:23).

Thus, culture may also be about decoding and giving meaning to life. Writing in
post-apartheid South Africa, van der Walt (1997) includes in his definition of
culture, habits, customs, social organisations, techniques, language, values,
norms, ideas and beliefs and classifies culture into five basic components:

a) The worldviewish aspect (a philosophical core of a culture), which

provides a view of the whole of reality.
b) The social part, which entails language, institutions, laws and
economic relationships.
c) The material side, which includes tools, machines and buildings.
d) The behavioural dimension, namely the concrete way of life,
peculiar habits and customs of a specific culture.
e) The religious aspect, which is the deepest core of culture (Ibid: 9).

After 1994, the state manipulated the value and normative aspect of culture by
appealing to its citizens’ sentimental attachment to the idea of culture. New
‘cultures’ such as the culture of learning and the culture of tolerance were
invented and attempts made to instil these in South Africans. The articulation of
these cultures was intended to counter negative subcultures such as those of
conflict, violence, abuse, crime and legacy of educational neglect, which are
serious problems in post-apartheid South Africa. Furthermore, subcultures,
which were suppressed during apartheid, re-emerged. The Rastafarian
movement may be seen as an example; hence, the need to describe subcultures.
14
Stuart Hall, a Marxist sociologist and perhaps the most canonized of the founding fathers of cultural
studies, contributed a great deal in cultural studies.
 55

The question remains: Does Rastafarianism fit into current definitions of

subculture?

According to Huq (2006: 9), the concept of subculture has a very long history.
For him, the concept was developed during the 1950’s in the United States of
America by the Chicago School of urban gang sociology and later refashioned in
the 1970s by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies of Birmingham
University. Subcultures naturally constitute a breakaway culture from the
mainstream social system or ‘culture’. Outsiders generally view them negatively
because their norms, values and practices are an antithesis of what are defined
as society’s expectations.

The meaning of the concept of subculture underwent numerous shifts from the
1950's when the word was first coined; yet, scholars agree that:

Subcultures are groups of people that have something in common with each
other (i.e. they share a problem, an interest, a practice) which distinguish them in
a significant way from the members of the main social group (Thornton, 1997:1).

Thornton also maintains that subcultures are a subdivision of a national or

mainstream culture, and are composed of a combination of identifiable social
situations such as class, status, ethnic background, regional and rural or urban
residence, and religious affiliation, but forming in their combination a
functioning unity that has an integrated impact on the participating individual
(Gordon in Thornton, 1997: 41-42).

Cohen (1997: 51) traces the origin of subcultures to the attempt by individuals
wishing to solve a status problem. These individuals, he maintains, gravitate
towards one another and jointly establish new norms, new criteria of status that
define as creditable the characteristics they possess, the kind of conduct of which
they are capable. Cohen continues to say that such new status criteria would
represent new subcultural values different from or even antithetical to those of a
larger social system.
 56

In his study of the Tsotsi gangs of the Witwatersrand as a youth subculture,

Glaser sees subcultures as resulting from a rage at a social status quo that
marginalised and subordinated them. Their (rage) was directed at the dominant
classes and parents (Glaser 2000:7). This, he argues, is shown by the choice of
style which in some way mocks the establishment and inverts its values. In order
to protect their realm of power and status, subcultures insulate themselves from
the outside world and create exclusivity through dress codes and language (Ibid:
7-8).

Hebdige (1997) sees subcultural origins in the form of the youth protest
movement in Britain. Subcultures, according to him, were at first conceived to
be an unnatural break, interference in the orderly sequence and a violation of
authorised codes with the power to provoke and disturb. As can be deduced
from the above authors, definitions of subculture are quite inflexible in that they
tend to be associated very much with youth and a stage of rebellion before
maturity. Rastafarianism does not fit in with this classification, since it is a
product of post colony that relates to the old metropolis, but also embraces
mature members and the youth. The Movement also envisages itself in a
permanent and not a temporary state of rebellion. Its practices are embedded in
a sense of long-term evolution and a hierarchy based on knowledge and ability
to reason, rather than on fighting ability or charisma. Rastafarianism does not
threaten real violence because it espouses a philosophy of non-violence. Hebdige
is, however, of the opinion that subcultures can and have been incorporated into
the mainstream culture in two forms, namely, the commodity form, which
entails the conversion of subcultural signs into mass-produced objects, and the
ideological form comprising the labelling and redefinition of deviant behaviour
by dominant groups like the police, the media and the judiciary (Ibid: 131).

It is important to take note of the African context of the debates around culture
and identities as a ‘post colony’ rather than a postcolonial idea. The debate on
cultural differences and identities became extensive after Africa became
independent. African scholars started to argue that colonialism was the
 57

authentication of the superiority of European culture and the certification of

colonial identity. As a result, new cultures emerged and multiple identities were
mobilised owing to the desire to counter Western culture. In this study, the idea
of multiple identities is used to describe patterns of cultural resistance. Werbner
(1989) suggests that:

The post colony is made up not of one coherent public space, nor is it determined
by any single organising principle. It is rather a plurality of spheres and arenas,
each having its own separate logic yet nonetheless liable to be entangled with
other logics when operating in certain specific contexts: hence, the postcolonial
subject has had to learn to continuously bargain and improvise. Faced with this,
the postcolonial subject mobilised not just a single identity, but also several fluid
identities, which by their very nature, must be constantly revised in order to
achieve maximum instrumentality and efficacy as and when, required (Ibid: 1).

Rastafarianism, as a product of the post colony, as it will be argued, constitutes

one of the several fluid identities referred to above (reflecting Western culture in
religion and African legacies in politics), and arising from a number of spheres
and arenas such as the colonial, political, social, religious and economic
spheres.

Prior to 1994, national identities in South Africa were based on the ideology of
racial separation where the country’s national symbols only represented whites.
In addition, the official history of the country portrayed whites positively and
blacks negatively. Blacks, as a result, could not identify with the ‘national’
symbols and Afrikaner heroes. ‘National’ identity was the preserve of whites
only. With this long history of racial conflict and oppression, the country was
left with a legacy of heroes that the post-apartheid generation is unable to
identify with across cultural and racial lines (Manganyi, 1997: 67).

In an attempt to build a new South African culture and identity the latter has
become one of the most important ideological tools today; hence, discourses
such as ‘nation building’, supported by Nelson Mandela, the South African
Broadcasting Cooperation’s ‘Semunye’ slogan or the idea of the ‘Rainbow
Nation’ as popularised by Desmond Tutu – but less popular now. However,
debates on 'cultural unity’ and ‘cultural diversity’ have become common place.
 58

In earlier times the apartheid policies defined us, determined what we would and
also with whom we could have contact. As a result of this our cultural identities
were defined in terms of skin colour rather than the person. Our responsibility
today is to redefine ourselves, and personally determine whom we would like to
have contact with. Furthermore, we also realise that the cultural differences are
not merely skin-deep (van der Welt, 1997: 97).

The changing of the National Flag and the Anthem was an attempt to undo the
situation created by apartheid, as Eaton has put it:

It is therefore not surprising that South African national identity was a hotly
debated topic during the period 1990 to 1996. Despite the various positions
taken, there seemed to be a general consensus among lay people, politicians and
intellectuals that the country lacked a cohesive, commonly accepted national
identity, and that South Africans therefore did not have a sense of unified
nationhood (Eaton, 2002: 45).

The problem with multiculturalism is that it generally operates from the position
of a dominant culture, making concessions to ‘minority’ cultures.
Multiculturalism refers to an order of instruction concerned with a dominant
culture which is defined as “other” or “different” - usually minor and inferior as
well - in such a way that it challenges that which the dominant culture has
defined as familiar, major and superior (Ibid: 374).

Thus, the government together with the media have taken upon themselves to
build a new nation with one ‘national identity’ and foster ‘cultural unity’. Due
to the diverse nature of our society and our culture, and to deep inequalities of
power left by apartheid, this proves to be a difficult task because it actually
assigns greater value to particular cultures and languages, which are masked by
the apparent concession to diversity. The slogan ‘Rainbow Nation’ also
highlights a difficulty because of its image of many colours in one rainbow, or
many cultures in one nation, which presupposes a stable relationship between
diversity and unity. Diversity and unity are posed as complementary, (as in
‘unity in diversity’) where differences are experienced as an opportunity rather
than an embarrassment (Ibid: 163-164). Multiculturalism implies that diverse
‘races’ are living in pluralistic harmony. Multiculturalism views different
cultures in terms of how different they are from ‘Anglo’ culture, not on their
 59

own terms, a view that takes race as a real base for identity (Sardar and Loon,
1999: 123).

3.4 Conclusion

This study attempts to document contemporary history, based on two major

research methodologies, namely, participant observation and oral interviewing.
Participant observation is captured and interpreted through activities, actions,
expressions and responses of my subjects. As this study will demonstrate,
interpretation conducted based on oral interviews are important in establishing
the nature of Rastafarian belief system, opinion and most important in the case
of this study, their life experiences.

Central concepts to the study are Rastafari, identity and culture. It has been
argued in this chapter that there are many complex debates among scholars
about the meanings of identity and culture. I prefer definitions that stress that
identity arising from numerous sources, and that there are multiple identities
that are negotiable in the context of the post colony. I address the issues of
identity against the backdrop of the South African state that promotes the
concept of a particular kind of national identity, (one nation; many cultures)
which, despite rhetoric that may suggest otherwise, actually gives the highest
value to Anglo-derived language and culture.

Rastafarianism, I argue, does not really fit into the standard definitions of
‘subculture’ mainly because it is not a threat to the dominant culture (except
rhetorically). It is ironic that while Rastafarians claim to express a primary
Africaness (which is understood as having roots in non-colonised Africa), they
tend to reject key elements of African culture, including religious beliefs.
Rastafarians want to see Africa not bound by ethnic categories as other
groupings often are.
 60

I will argue that Rastafarians, as a group, are in a constant process of making

and remaking their own unique identity, which constitutes what may be
described, with some qualifications, as a cultural (in some senses a subcultural)
group. Their identity and cultural traits developed and are developing under
specific social, economic and political conditions in the period before and after
1994.

The next chapter investigates how the prevailing conditions in Daveyton shaped
their identity and influenced their emergence as an organisation or organisations
that are not entirely homogeneous. To begin with, I will discuss the
establishment of the Township of Daveyton and the extent to which residents
were satisfied or dissatisfied with the services following its establishment.
 61

CHAPTER FOUR

The Establishment of Daveyton and Origin of Rastafarian Movement

This chapter focuses on the emergence of the Rastafarian movement in the

township of Daveyton. Its intention is to investigate the relationship between the
prevailing social conditions (particularly the lack of housing), and between
poverty and unemployment, and the emergence of Rastafarianism.
Rastafarianism as an organised movement originated in the new informal
settlement called Maphupheni, which means dreamland in 1998. Having moved
from Daveyton where conditions were deplorable, residents of Maphupheni
expected that the place would be better. This chapter will show that conditions in
Maphupheni could have contributed to the emergence of Rastafarianism in
contrast to Daveyton or other parts.

This chapter is the result of an integration of both primary and secondary sources,
although it is based mainly on primary literature, except for some secondary
literature on Daveyton. Information on the origin of Rastafarianism is based on
primary sources, which is integrated with information obtained through oral
interviews. Oral interviews took different forms, ranging from person-to-person,
and group interviews to formal and informal discussions. Information on life
histories was gathered mainly through interviews with individual Rastafarians.

It is intended to provide important information on the establishment of the

township of Daveyton, which in turn gives a background from which the
Movement emerged, and investigates how it emerged. An understanding of the
prevailing conditions in Daveyton assists in establishing where adherents of the
Movement are concentrated and why this is so.
 62

4.1 The Establishment of Daveyton

The ‘problem’ of African urbanisation and how best to house and control blacks
in urban areas, long predates the apartheid era and had been an integral part of
political debates. From 1948, the government implemented a distinctive approach
represented by the establishment of Daveyton as ‘model’ township with very
particular ideological intentions concerning the control of the urban black
population.

The urbanisation policy of the Nationalist Party was the result of the Sauer
Commission 194815 which recommended measures that would slow down and
eventually reverse the movement of blacks into white areas. Blacks were not
considered permanent residents in the urban areas and that is the reason
townships were from their inception scenes of intense conflict between residents
and the government (Mashabela, 1988:1; Malinga, 1997:122). Although the main
cause of the conflict could be found in the apartheid policies of the government,
the conflict had been partly prompted by township residents’ material grievances,
where poor facilities, severe housing shortages and widespread unemployment
were constant features (Mashabela, 1988:1). These townships were all similar in
that they were, in the words of the then Minister of Native Affairs, Hendrik
Verwoerd, “European owned property and the native who reside there reside just
as native labourers live on the farm of a European owner,” (Malinga: 1997: 12).
With all these social problems as well as the government’s intention to create
townships to serve its own interests, conditions in Daveyton were conducive to
any form of protest action, in spite of the government’s attempts to establish a
showcase black township.

Daveyton came into being because of concern expressed by government

authorities over the proliferation of informal settlements in the towns of the
Witwatersrand. Compared to other towns on the East Rand, Benoni had the

15
This commission was headed by Paul Sauer and it was to investigate and formulate a new policy
for the control of blacks.
 63

largest number of people inhabiting the Apex16 informal settlement. Thus, in

1954, the aim of the Benoni Town Council was to eliminate squatting and
overcrowding by removing about 20.000 residents from Apex (Nieftagodien,
2001:166). What makes the establishment of Daveyton unique is that its planning
coincided with the work of the Mentz Committee17, and planners incorporated its
recommendations centrally in their plans for its establishment. The Town Council
of Benoni enjoyed a good working relationship18 (facilitated by the Director of
Non-European Department, J E Mathewson) with the central government, unlike
other townships on the East Rand. This explains the speed with which Daveyton
was established. The government used the development of Daveyton as an
example to the rest of the country of how the housing problem could be solved
(Nieftagodien, 2001: 151-152).

The township of Daveyton was established in 1955. Five government officials

played a major role in its establishment. These were Dr. Eiselen (Secretary of
Native Affairs), Mr. Heald (under Secretary for Native Affairs, urban areas), Mr.
Turton (Principal Urban Areas Commissioner, labour), and Mr. Mocke (Urban
Areas Commissioner housing) (Malinga, 1997: 79). Other local officials also
participated in its establishment and development. The first and most important
was W A Davey after whom the township was named. Davey, who was to
become Daveyton’s first administrator, played a role in its establishment by
making sure that the project and plans for its construction were accepted. Another
important figure was J E Mathewson who was the manager of the Benoni
Council and later director of Non European Affairs (Ibid: 53, 54). The other two
important personalities were Shadrack Sinaba and Tom Boya19 who became

16
Apex is in some books known as Etwatwa or Old Benoni Location.
17
The Mentz Committee was set to investigate/make recommendations concerning the housing of
blacks.
18
The relationship that existed between Benoni and the Nationalist Party government was an
unexpected one because Benoni was under the control of the conservative United Party
administrators. Other towns on the East Rand such as Boksburg and Brakpan, which were pro-
Nationalist, did not enjoy good relations with the government. The reason for this is that both
Boksburg and Brakpan had tightened influx control regulations and did not experience the problem
of informal settlement to the same extent, as did Benoni. The two towns thus lagged behind in the
establishment of new townships.
19
Sinaba stadium was named after Shadrack Sinaba while Boya’s View extension for the middle
income earners was named after Tom Boya.
 64

important in the 1980s when local authorities were remodelled. Their role in the
development of Daveyton will be discussed later.

Daveyton is about 12 kilometres20 on the eastern side of the town of Benoni on

the East Rand. Its establishment was the result of the government’s policy of
forced removal and of providing separate residential areas for blacks and whites.
The aim behind its establishment was to accommodate people who were to be
removed from Apex informal settlement. Apex, which was declared an
emergency camp, was seen to be encircled by industries with no available land for
future expansion (Malinga, 1997: 29, 63). The reason behind the relocation,
however, was that Apex was situated very close to Benoni and was not in line
with government policy of settling blacks close to towns meant for whites. The
Geduld branch of the Nationalist Party in Springs and the white residents of the
surrounding areas objected to the creation of a ‘black spot’ in their area because it
would devalue their properties (Nieftagodien, 2001: 164). However, the first
reason for the relocation does not hold because Apex (which became Actonville)
was later allocated to Indians with no consideration of land for future expansion.

Notice that the problem of housing, influx control and unemployment has been a
burning issue for the Benoni Town Council as early as the late 1940’s to the 50’s.
By the middle of 1950, the Council was faced with a gigantic movement of
squatters to the land east of Benoni and within ten months, its population had
swelled to a staggering 18 000 (Bonner, 1998: 339). Massive youth
unemployment also existed in Benoni. By 1951, there were 6 000 unemployed
youths in Benoni (Ibid: 401).

As has been suggested previously, Daveyton, from its inception was envisaged as
a modern township and a showcase by the National Party government to prove
that it was capable of providing housing for blacks. This fitted in with an
international movement (garden cities) to establish towns that would make their
inhabitants into better citizens. The rationale behind this was that a pleasant
20
The Township of Daveyton was established far away from Benoni so that it could easily be
integrated into a homeland should the necessity arise.
 65

environment would have a logical impact on inhabitants. The government made

sure that the planning and establishment of Daveyton was different from other
townships. Unlike Westville, (another township in Benoni) which was encircled
by an industrial area and white residential areas, Daveyton was established on the
outskirts away from Benoni and its surrounding industries. This in the future
would have serious economic implications for residents because they had to pay
for transport to work or to town, unlike those from Wattville and Actonville who
did not stay far away. The government claimed that by doing this, it wanted to
avoid a repetition of what happened in the Western areas of Johannesburg where
the residents had to be resettled at great cost and inconvenience in Meadowlands
and Diepkloof (Malinga, 1997: 63).

Great care was thus taken in the planning of Daveyton. According to the plan,
the township had to accommodate about 40 000 inhabitants in 8 000 houses and
it was to be the cleanest in South Africa (Ibid). Unlike other townships of the East
Rand where the bucket system was used as a temporary measure, both water and
sewerage reticulations were to be provided from the outset. All main roads were
to be tarred (Mashabela, 1988: 52). The result of this was that Daveyton became
attractive to people looking for a decent place to stay. However, the influx of
homeless people who were eventually to build shacks constrained the provision of
services. For example, the water and sewerage supply systems were no longer
adequate. By the 1987/88 financial year, they needed upgrading to cope with the
demand (Ibid).

In their plan, local authorities paid detailed attention to the ethnic division of
Daveyton. Surveys were conducted and statistics compiled of the ethnic
composition of Apex and this information was used to divide the new township
ethnically. In this way, Daveyton became the first township to comply with the
Group Areas Act (1950). Expressed in percentage terms, the township was
divided as follows: 50% Nguni, 40% Sotho and 10% other (Nieftagodien, 2001:
161-162).
 66

Accordingly, Daveyton became divided into eight distinctly separate areas

wherein the Xhosa, Zulu, Swazi and Ndebele were grouped together with small
buffer zones separating them. The Shangaan/Tsonga and Venda speaking
inhabitants are clubbed together in one area demarcated by streets. The Northern,
Southern and Western Sotho stayed in an area also separated by streets. The
main purpose of ethnic zoning, according to Nieftagodien, was to impose tribal
authorities and to enhance their influence and authority among the urban
populace (Ibid: 159). In defending this ethnic differentiation, Mathewson used the
government’s argument that this was meant to avoid detribalisation and promote
mother tongue instruction (Malinga, 1997: 59).

As a result, Daveyton became divided into three areas, namely, Area One for
occupation by Shangaan/Tsonga and Venda speaking groups. Area Two for
Nguni and Three for the Sotho group (Ibid: 59, 63). These sections were called
after the group occupying it, for example, emaShanganini or Basothong, which
literally means, “Where the Shangaan or Sotho speakers stay”. Observe that
ethnic division was carried out primarily for political reasons, the Tsonga/Venda,
and Swazi/Ndebele, for example, were grouped together irrespective of the fact
that they have little or no common cultural or political history.

The success of the ethnic division of Daveyton is expressed in Benoni’s official

history namely:

By grouping the population on an ethnic basis each Bantu Councillor together

with his Ward Committee, is able effectively to represent his ward in matters of
day-to-day administration. It appears also to have reduced the incidence of such
widespread social problems as tsotsi-ism and illegitimacy, and improve family
cohesion… ethnic grouping has exerted a positive beneficial influence on family
life in Daveyton and has contributed materially to the happiness and
contentment of the community (Nieftagodien, 2001: 163).

The above is a reflection of contemporary views about what caused ‘social

problems’. In spite of the celebrated success of ethnic division, the policy was
bound to facilitate ethnic mobilisation. Nieftagodien observes that the residents of
the Apex for years had lived in an integrated environment without ethnic clashes,
that the argument by the government that ethnic division was meant to prevent
 67

ethnic conflicts and social problems was not valid (Ibid). In implementing ethnic
division, residents were not consulted to get their opinion. The result of the
implementation of this policy became evident when between December 1956 and
March 1957, there were reports of sporadic clashes between youth from the
Xhosa and Swazi/Ndebele areas that resulted in a number of deaths and injuries
(Ibid: 160-161). Recounting the incident:

Lesiba Makhafola recalled how the feud claimed the lives of about 20 people. He
said relations between Xhosa-speaking residents and their Swazi and Ndebele
fellow residents turned nasty and several streets became ‘no go’ areas (Sowetan,
26 April 2005).

Daveyton’s success as a model township also lay in the ability of its

administrators to provide infrastructures such as community and social centres,
recreation grounds, an old age home, crèches, water supply, sanitation and
electricity. These infrastructural developments continued through the early 1970's
and by 1975 Daveyton was the only black township that was fully electrified
(Malinga, 1997: 88). However, as suggested above, these developments together
with the pace of provision of housing could not match the pressure of population
increase. The problem of lack of housing continued into the 1980’s when elected
town councils replaced Non European Affairs Departments.

Daveyton achieved municipal status in 1983, the new Town Council was
inaugurated in January 1984 under the Daveyton Peoples Party under the
leadership of Tom Boya – its first mayor. His opponent in the elections was
Shadrack Sinaba and his Sinaba Party (Mashabela, 1988:48). Boya took up his
new post with great enthusiasm that rekindled new hopes for houses amongst the
homeless. His popularity was evident by the support he enjoyed during elections
when other townships on the East Rand were marred by boycotts.

In this township, support for the council seems to stem from residents’ perception
that the council - and in particular, the mayor, Mr Tom Boya - has challenged
the government on national political issues and is also committed to meeting the
needs of the homeless, partly by allowing informal housing. Even here, however,
residents complain that housing is being erected by private developers at prices
that they cannot afford (Ibid: 7).
 68

Boya’s attempts to deliver services were undermined by supporters of the Sinaba

Party who erected shacks either in backyards or on the boundaries of the
township in protest at the lack of housing. Sinaba’s support was limited to
squatters and the poorer or more overcrowded sections. Pressure exerted on the
council by the homeless resulted in the resignation of Boya in 1988 who cited the
unpopularity and limited powers of the council as his reasons (Ibid: 106). This
was true because all local authorities were faced with the problem of credibility.
Many residents saw councillors as puppets of the government, powerless bodies
and corrupt individuals, which led to boycotting elections.

Until the early 1980's Daveyton was reputed to be the cleanest township in the
country but in recent times it has the unsavoury tag of being the first township on
the East Rand to have an informal settlement or as they were known then,
‘squatters’ and ‘backyard shacks’. Both Sinaba and Boya tried to win popular
support by adopting populist stances with regard to residents’ demands. In his
doctoral thesis, Seekings writes:

Over the following decade, councillor Sinaba was a constant thorn in the side of
the Daveyton Council and the East Rand Administration Board (Erab). He
championed the claims of squatters and backyard shack residents, vocally
condemned local state policies, and marshalled opposition to rent increases. He
retained substantial local support and earned the respect of his ANC aligned
critics. In 1979 he attacked Piet Koornhof the then Minister of Co-operation and
Development over false promises (Sowetan, 6 May 2003).

As a result, Erab blamed Sinaba for the succession of protests that took place
between 1979 and 1985 over the council and Erab’s policy of demolishing shacks.
On the other hand, Tom Boya regarded Nelson Mandela and the ANC as the
legitimate national leadership and criticised Erab over township councils’ powers
and resources (Ibid). This also highlights the problem of the increasing population
and the inability of the local government to provide adequate housing. Besides
the problem of lack of housing was that of increasing rent and forced removal.
Between 1978 and 1984, township authorities became unpopular for increasing
rents and evicting rent defaulters and squatters while not providing sufficient new
housing, development or services (Ibid). By January 1988, residents owed the
 69

Town Council R1, 8m in rent arrears, which was, according to Mashabela, a

result of inability to pay rather than an organised boycott (Mashabela, 1988: 53).

Map 1: Map of Daveyton in 1998. Extension 1, 2 and 3, Old Daveyton and Etwatwa. This map
shows how the township looked like after the creation of two new settlements.21

Owing to the shortage of houses and an increase in population, the local authority
regulated the establishment of settlements for middle and low-income groups
during the early 1970s. This led to the expansion of the township. Extension 1, 2
and 3 were developed during the 70s and 80s, and they provided subsidised
housing for black civil servants, doctors, lawyers and businesspersons. The poor
and unemployed were catered for by the creation of Etwatwa West, extension 4,
9 and 10, Etwatwa East extension 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 11 to 15 (see maps on the
next page) which were the result of invasion without proper planning. This in
general meant that like other townships, Daveyton was divided into three parts.
These were the old and new that consist of modern houses for the middle and
informal settlement for low-income earners. As is to be shown later, it was here
that a group young people were to start their families (Ibid).

21
Greater Benoni City Council: Greater Benoni Spatial Development Framework, March 1998.
 70

Map 2: Etwatwa in 1998. The map shows the division of the new settlement called Etwatwa.

As the problem of lack of housing became more acute from 1994, into the
democratic period more and more new settlements were established through both
formal and informal means. Legally, new settlements came into existence as the
result of the government’s Reconstruction and Development Programme (referred
to as RDP houses). These new settlements of Cloverdene (sometimes known as
King Lithuli) and Kingsway, are meant for low-income earners or the
unemployed, and can be seen as government’s attempt to provide housing for the
poor. In a way, this is a continuity of the apartheid government’s attempts to
solve the problem of the shortage of housing, which failed and the problems
persist into the present.
 71

Map 3: Map of Daveyton in 2006. The map shows informal settlements that have not been
officially declared by the local authorities where marked with black dots. 22

Map 4: Etwatwa new extension by the 2006.23

The most important feature of Daveyton after 1994 was the emergence of
informal settlements. The community is faced, like other townships in the East

22
Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality: Eastern District Spatial Development Framework, March 2006.
23
Ibid.
 72

Rand, with a high unemployment rate and as a result, poverty and lack of proper
housing has become a crisis that can be measured by an ever-increasing
population that in turn resulted in the mushrooming of new informal settlements
with inadequate facilities. Inhabitants of the new informal settlements known as
Barcelona24, Gabon and Zenzele (meaning do it yourself) all of which are
underdeveloped (Malinga 1997: 109), were desperate people who invaded and
occupied land, most of whom came from the old Daveyton township. By 1997,
the housing shortage stood at 5 539 houses and the number was continually
increasing (Ibid: 111).

The integration of Daveyton into the Greater Benoni Town Council by the
Proclamation of Greater Benoni and the creation of the Greater Ekurhuleni
Metro in 2002 did not deliver the expected housing and services. In spite of
projects such as Masakhane (a government initiative meant to encourage people to
work together by helping each other) implemented in the informal settlements
under community leaders, the problem of shortage of housing remains, as more
and more new settlements continue to emerge (Ibid).

Mathewson’s dream that Daveyton would become a ‘garden city’ was

overshadowed by the problem of inadequate housing, low income and high
unemployment levels. From its inception, the provision of housing in Daveyton
could not match its ever-increasing population. Between 1961 and 1982
Daveyton’s population doubled but its housing stock grew by only one third
(Ibid). In 1979 nearly 4 000 families had been on the official waiting list for at
least four years. In 1983 there were 95 000 people which was beyond the
projected 80 000. In 1995 the number grew to 151 000 occupying about 15 589
formal and 13 938 informal housing, and the number grew to 394 431 in 1997
including Etwatwa (see Table 1 and Figure 1 on the next page). By early 2000 the
Daveyton/Etwatwa area needed about 70 000 houses yet only 5000 units were
built (Malinga and Verhoef, 2000: 19).

24
Chris Hani was named in honour of the assassinated Communist Party leader and Barcelona after
the Olympics of 1992.
 73

In 2002, the population of Daveyton was unofficially estimated to be about one

million, with five clinics and medical centres, and more than 50 pre-primary,
primary and secondary schools (Ibid). Malinga observes:

The community of Daveyton is faced, like (other) townships in the East Rand, by
a high rate of unemployment. The factors that contribute to this are illiteracy and
unskilled community members. Coupled with this problem, is the shortage of
proper housing and crime, which can be attributed to unemployment. Due to a
high rate of unemployment, poverty is prevalent in Daveyton and has become a
serious problem (Ibid).

By 2006, new settlements existed, both formal and informal. Etwatwa grew from
extension 24 to 27 and extensions 1 in both Chris Hani and Chief Luthuli, (see
map 4). The map also includes the new informal settlement of Zenzele, which is
not yet recognised as a formal settlement by the local authority in spite of having
been in existence since 1998.25 This in itself implied an increase in the general
population for the township (see Tables on pages 98 to 99 for the population density of
the new settlements). The table shows the growth of population by about 59 636 in
2006. This number excludes undeclared settlements, which may be high (see Map
on p. 93). The area marked black indicates settled areas that are not official
according to the local authority since they not included in official records (Ibid).
Their exclusion means that no services such as water and electricity are provided.

Low incomes were made worse by transport costs that Daveyton residents had,
unlike in Apex where they had to walk to their workplaces. The low incomes
earned by the residents of Daveyton were reflected in their rent-paying capacity
that shows under-payment and sometimes non-payment. Nieftagodien quotes the
Benoni Times:

Daveyton might be a model township with a handsome civic centre, modern

brewery and an all-Native town council – but it was also a city of people existing
on starvation wages (Nieftagodien, 1999: 180).

It was against these poor social and economic conditions and the frustration that
change was slow after 1994 that Rastafarianism emerged in Daveyton. Later in
this study, it will be shown, that the frustration experienced by the Rastafarians of

25
Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality: Eastern District Spatial Development Framework, March 2006.
 74

Daveyton grew out of the expectations they had of post-apartheid South Africa
that were not fulfilled. The move to the new informal settlement of Maphupheni
was meant to overcome overcrowding but it faced new problems. Even worse
than in Daveyton, there was no electricity, sanitation, tarred roads and lack of
municipal services during the early years of its establishment. As a result, the new
informal settlement of Maphupheni came into being as an extension of
Daveyton. In spite of all the problems associated with its early years of
establishment, the new settlement grew and residents were faced with similar
problems that prevailed in other informal settlements.

Conditions in Maphupheni were just as deplorable as in any other informal

settlement in South Africa. Nevertheless, there were positive things that came
with the move to Maphupheni that are important to note. “It gave us, the new
generation, a chance to start our own families independent from our parents and
landlords. It also gave us an opportunity to be able to organise ourselves into a
formal movement, something we could not do when we were still residing in
Daveyton” (Interview, Jah Power, 23rd September 2003).”

AREA PEOPLE % OF TOTAL

Daveyton/Etwatwa 394431 70,4 %
Wattville/Tamboville 35000 6,3%
Actonville 18000 3,2%
Old Benoni 113000 20,1%

Table 1: Population of Greater Benoni, 1997. 26

26
Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality, 2006.
 75

Map 5: Population distribution in Greater Benoni 1997.27

AREA POPULATION
CHIEF A LUTHULI 3157
CHIEF A LUTHULI EXT 2733
1
CHRIS HANI 3828
CHRIS HANI EXT 1 8431
ETWATWA EXT 30 2712
ETWATWA EXT 31 5209
ETWATWA EXT 32 17474
ETWATWA EXT 33 1634
ETWATWA EXT 35 1296
ETWATWA EXT 36 6672
TOTAL 59636

Table 2: Population of new settlements in 2006.28

It is clear that the move to the new settlement directly facilitated the emergence of
a Rastafarian branch. Rastafarianism in Daveyton, according to thesis, was born
out of the condition of deprivation on one hand and the desire to assert
independence on the other. Rastafarianism entered Maphupheni through
Daveyton. People who were to become Rastafarians in Maphupheni encountered
the movement while still residing in Daveyton. In order to understand how

27
Greater Benoni City Council, 1998.
28
Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality, 2006. This number does not include Zenzele.
 76

Rastafarianism made its way to Daveyton and subsequently to Maphupheni, it is

important to understand the general Movement and its origins.

4.2 The emergence of Rastafarianism in Daveyton

The origin of Rastafarianism in Daveyton and Africa can be linked to two

important movements, namely Ethiopianism and Garveyism. The first attempts
to break away from mission authority were local and took place within specific
ethnic groups. The first important attempt was the ethnic church organised by
Nehemia Tile in 1884. Tile was one of the group of African leaders of the
Wesleyan Mission Church who was ordanined in 1880. After criticism by a
missionary for his strong Tembu-nationalistic sympathies, he left and formed his
church with Ngangelizwe (Tembu chief) as its visible head (Sundkler, 1961:38).
“As the Queen of England was the head of the English Church, so the Paramount
Chief of the Tembu should be the summus epicospus of the new religious
organisation” (Ibid.). The Taung of London Missionary made another attempt in
1885. Their chief, Kgantlapane took an active part in founding the Native
Independent Congregational Church. These attempts became national when the
idea of an independent African church spread to the Witwatersrand (Ibid.).

On the Witwatersrand, a group of Christians and their ordained minister

(Mangena Makone) who broke away from the Wesleyan Missionary Society in
1892 started Ethiopianism. Makone was not happy with what he perceived to be
racial segregation within the church where white and black were attending
different conferences. He resigned form the Wesleyan Church and together with
other disgruntled members formed a new religious organisation (Ibid: 39) . They
called themselves Ethiopians after the prophesy of African redemption in Psalm
68, which reads: “Princes shall come out of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her
hand unto God.”29 In 1895, they met with the leaders of the African Methodist

29
As is to be later seen, this psalm is one the psalms that Rastafarians recite in their prayers during the
opening and closure of whatever gathering that they hold.
 77

Episcopal Church and in 1896; their church was formally incorporated as the
South African arm of the AME Church (Campbell, 1995: i).

Garveyism is the philosophy of Marcus Garvey, a descendant from the fiercely

proud Maroons, who was born in 1887 in the town of St. Ann, Jamaica (Smith-
Irvin, 1989: 3). At the age of fourteen he discovered that there were differences
between human races, and he eventually became very conscious of his Jamaican
roots which could be traced to Africa. In 1914, he founded the Universal Negro
Improvement Association (UNIA). The vision of his movement was that of
supporting and identifying with a free and independent Africa (Ibid). His slogan
Africa for Africans at Home and Abroad (which means black unity and the
establishment of a united Africa) became a rallying point for oppressed blacks all
over the world. As opposed to the notion of Back to Africa, the nucleus of his
ideology was freedom for blacks to guide their destiny which was based primarily
on racial nationalism and freedom from colonial domination for Africa and all
people of African descent (Ibid).

Garvey travelled extensively throughout the Caribbean and Central America

where he reoriented blacks towards self-respect and self-reliance. He told his
listeners that a black skin was not a symbol of shame but rather a glorious symbol
of national greatness which they should be proud of (Cronon, 1987: 4). Among
Rastafarians, Marcus Garvey was seen as a “black Moses” who was to lead them
out of Babylon (slavery). More than anything, Garvey was concerned with what
he described as the blackman’s inferiority complex and made a number of
predictions about their greatness when he prophesied in one of his famous
speeches to look to Africa when a black king shall be crowned, for the day of
deliverance is near. When Selassie was crowned in 1930, many of his followers
felt that it was the fulfilments of that prophesy (The Jamaican Observer, 24th
November 1996). From Jamaica, Garvey’s ideas spread to other parts of the
world.
 78

Garveyism was not, however, new in Africa and South Africa. In the wake of the
International Conference of Negro Peoples of the World in 1920, administrators
across Africa were bombarded with rumours of the imminent arrival of African
American colonists, even of Garvey himself (Campbell: 304-305). During the same
year, South Africa awoke to the widespread circulation of both The Negro World
and The Black Man (its local version). The South African government reacted by
revoking the 1913 Immigration Act which prohibited the entry of black people
who weree not domicile in the Union of South Africa (Ibid: 305).

During the mid-1920s, Wellington Buthelezi, who was a disciple of Marcus

Garvey, had announced that a day of reckoning was at hand in which black
Americans were coming to liberate Africans from European bondage (Edgar,
2000: 159). In Pondoland Garveyism and the idea of Wellington combined with
indigeneous prophetic traditions and the activities of the Industrial and
Commercial Workers’ Union of South Africa ignited a sweeeping millenarian
movement (Campbell: 304). The Wellington movement is an example of a typical
millenarian movement that involves a charismatic prophet-figure and a day of
reckoning. Garvey’s influence reached Wellington through a West Indian, Ernest
Wallace, a representative of Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement
Association and African Communities League (Ibid).

Wellington did not initiate his movement in a vacuum since Garveyism had
caught hold in Southern Africa after the First World War and its fundamental
concepts - the emphasis on the creative capabilities of African peoples, the
potential for unification of peoples of Africa and of African descent, and the
hope of reclaiming Africa from Europeans - were well received by Africans (Ibid).

Wellington preached in English, dressed in ministerial garb, and his meetings

usually began with prayer, scripture reading and hymn singing. The hymns his
congregation sung reinforced the themes of African freedom and unity (Ibid: 161).
The Wellington movement:

Exhibited an ambivalent attitude toward Europeans culture. Europeans were to

be driven away, while at the same time Africans were to share in their material
wealth. Factories were to spring up overnight; clothing was to be distributed to
everyone; Africans were to have their own government (Ibid: 162).
 79

This served as a springboard for Rastafarianism. In some senses, Rastafarianism

such as the Wellington movement is based on the fundamental concepts of a
united and free Africa, and the rejection of European culture (but selectively) and
the existing order of things. As shall be argued later, Rastafarians also want the
replacement of any form of government or kingdom with their own government.

The large-scale transfer of Rastafarianism from Jamaica to Daveyton, as in other

parts of the world, is spread by reggae music. Reggae preached Garveyism and
Ethiopianism the bedrock of Rastafarianism. The importance of the two
movements is that they set in motion a notable period of historical convergence
from both sides of the Atlantic, that is, Africa and black America.

The township of Daveyton followed more or less similar trends, as did other
South African townships, concerning the emergence of the Movement. Before
1994, Rastafarians in Daveyton did not belong to any organised movement,
although there were a few individuals wearing dreadlocks and their green, yellow
and red colours. Little was also known about them, apart from the fact that they
smoked ganja and listened to reggae music. However, 1994 marked a turning
point for Rastafarians as well. It made communication possible, because they
could move from one township to another as a group with little police
harassment, something they could not do before (Interview, Jah Power, 23rd
September 2003).

Rastafarianism was first introduced formally in Daveyton by Jah Power and Ras
Doctor when, on 28 December 1997 they attended a gathering in Grasmere,30
south of Johannesburg. Until then, there was no Rastafarian movement and there
was little knowledge about the international movement amongst those who called
themselves Rastafarians. Jah Power says of these early years:

In those days, we also did not know that we have to gather and give ises. When
congregating, members used to get together to play and dance to reggae music
and thought that it was the way to congregate. Some few changes took place
when they started to meet in Elder Warder’s yard in Wattville. From there they

30
From that time onwards, Grassmere has become an important centre where provincial and
sometimes national gatherings are held.
 80

moved to Barcelona (Daveyton) where they gathered in Brother Skankin’s yard

form where they eventually moved permanently to Maphupheni (Ibid).

It was not until in 1997 after the Grasmere gathering attended by Jah Power31 and
Ras Doctor that Rastafarians in Daveyton started to come together into an
organised movement. Elder Joseph from London and Bongo Time (Congo
Wattu)32 from Jamaica attended the gathering. It was also attended by
representatives from other provinces with the exception of KwaZulu-Natal with
no reason given for their absence. The aim of the gathering was to establish the
Rastafari National Council (RNC) for the whole of South Africa. It took place at
Elder Sipho’s house. Rastafarians from Cape Town and Gauteng (especially
those from Yeoville and Soweto) took care of the visitors. This was not only
because they were the ones who seemed to know a lot about the Movement,
according to Jah Power, they appeared to be upful in the ways of the Most High,
implying that they knew how the binghi was conducted and could sing the anthem
and chants, recite the creed and play drums (Ibid).

Jah Power and Ras Doctor, the self-declared representatives of the House of Daveyton,
did not have the slightest idea of what the purpose of the gathering was and knew
little about the existence of any formal Rastafarian organisation.

We expected the gathering to be like others we were used to. There we sat and
reason with other Rastafarians the whole day until late. We started to realise that
the gathering was going to be something different and big when other
Rastafarians arrived wearing white gowns and those present started to change
into their gowns (Ibid).

Bongo Time chaired the gathering, which proceeded to shed light on what
Rastafarianism entails. His message was very clear to all who attended. “He told
us to go back to our branches to organise, unify and centralise our members in preparation
for the next gathering” (Ibid). Documents such as the Nyahbinghi constitution,
guidelines and hymnbook were distributed. Armed with these delegates went
home with one aim in mind, to open a house on the East Rand. Their initial plan

31
Jah Power was to later become instrumental not only in introducing to movement in Daveyton but
in teaching those Rastafarians who were to become the cores of the movement.
32
The two elders are well known and respected by all members of the Nyahbinghi Order worldwide.
 81

was to open it in Wattville but the plan failed after the elder who was given the
task of facilitating the opening was found to be a compulsive gambler (Ibid).
Eventually, the binghi was held on an informal settlement in Apex between
Wattvile and Daveyton with a view of later opening other houses in Wattvile and
Daveyton (Ibid).

4.3 Conclusion

Although Daveyton was established as a showcase township, living conditions

did not differ from those of other black townships. Instead of becoming a more
habitable township, Daveyton attracted many people and its capacity was
overwhelmed when informal settlements developed. Rastafarians were directly
linked to those areas synonymous with deprivation.

In the period before 1994, Rastafarianism has been overshadowed by the struggle
for liberation. Apart from the prevailing conditions in Daveyton the emergence,
growth and popularity of the Movement can be explained in two ways. Firstly, it
was the result of unfulfilled expectations after 1994. As will be seen, Rastafarians
expected that the rights contained in the constitution would be extended to them
as well. Secondly, it was due to the desire by some blacks to come up with a new
a culture and a new identity. It will be shown that Rastafarianism offered a new
prospect for marginalised people.

Although individual Rastafarians existed in South Africa before 1994, it was only
in 1997 when Rastafarians from Jamaica arrived that the Movement was
officially launched in the form of the House of Fire. As will be shown, Rastafarians
of the House of Fire in Daveyton have managed to adapt Rastafarianism from
Jamaica and altered it to suit their conditions.33 Rastafarianism was officially
introduced when the House of Fire of the Nyahbinghi Order was founded in
1998. Presently, three Rastafarian orders (houses) exist in Daveyton. Moden House

33
An example of this innovation can be seen in the establishment of the Milchezedec order which is
new in terms of coming up with new beliefs.
 82

of the Bobo Ashanti and Milchezedec orders were established in 2001 and 2004
respectively. The House of Fire, being the oldest and the only one to have attained
a certain level of organisation, was the most forthcoming when it came to giving
information on the nature of Rastafarianism in Daveyton.

The next chapter is an examination of the activities of Rastafarians of Daveyton.

This is conducted in order to determine the nature, activities and organisation of
Rastafarianism, as it exists in the three orders. An understanding of the nature,
activities and organisation will allow this study to determine whether
Rastafarianism is a Millenarian movement (as generally defined in the literature)
or not.
 83

CHAPTER FIVE

5. Rastafarians of Daveyton

This chapter examines the nature of Rastafarianism and whether it fits in the
category of millenarianism, cultural movements or subcultural movements. It
shows that Rastafarianism differs from other Millenarian movements because the
latter (with the exception of Christianity and Islam) are generally short-lived.
Rastafarianism, on the other hand is a way of life, in which a holistic, all-
encompassing subculture contests dominant cultural norms. It might be argued
that since it is not subversive in an actual sense, perhaps it qualifies as a cultural
movement.

Of great importance to this chapter is the existence of different orders

(denominations) among the Rastafarians of Daveyton. These will be studied in
detail in order to establish reasons why the breakaways from the original house
occurred. This study investigates whether there is any connection among the
orders in other parts of Africa, especially with reference to anti-colonial struggles,
the visualisation of an Africa untainted by white colonialism, and the extent to
which members want to be differentiated from the general society. Focus now
shifts from the African context, mentioned in Chapter 2, to questions about how
Rastafarianism intersects with this broader context. Other significant issues
considered are the source of their knowledge and authority, how they come to
know things, whether there is any correlation between sects and the sections of
Daveyton. A thorough examination of reasons for the emergence of the
Rastafarian movement as well as the different orders is conducted.

Data in this chapter was obtained primarily through analysing biographical

information of the most prominent members of the Movement. The initial idea
 84

was to interview informants. However, some of them indicated that they could
give better information if they wrote their life histories. As a result, biographical
information was gathered through person-to-person interviews and written
responses in cases where informants indicated that they would be more
comfortable writing their histories. Informants were merely asked to give their life
history with guidelines on what they should cover, such as date of birth, school
experience, employment history and other information that they felt was
important. This information in turn helps to determine if there are various kinds
of correlations (social class, level of education attained, age and employment
status), including, what shapes an individual’s decision to become a Rastafarian.
Paying attention to the shapes and patterns within their narratives helps in finding
out more about their perception of being a South African and of Rastafarianism.
The importance of deciphering these deeper patterns in oral history narratives
should be emphasised here. For those who write their narratives, they obviously
give a great deal of thought on how to present their ideas in coherent and
explanatory manner. As McMahan (1989: 79) puts it, it is the role of the
interviewer to elicit and assess the information provided by the respondent.

This chapter begins by looking at the origin and nature of the three Rastafarian
orders in Daveyton and the relationship between them, and examines whether
they channel religious feelings only or serve a more practical purpose, such as
helping their members make material advances in the world. It also provides an
analysis of the biographical information provided by a group of adherents, and
attempts to provide answers as to what type of people are likely to become
Rastafarians, by analysing what attracts people to the Movement. An
understanding of their educational, social, economic and family background
helps throw some light on the Rastafarian informants’ way of thinking and their
approach to life. An understanding of the life histories of Rastafarians helps to
determine how conditions in Daveyton influenced their lives, and assists in
capturing the impact of the social, economic and political changes taking place in
the township of Daveyton.
 85

Although the bulk of the information comes mainly from oral interviews with
Rastafarians as well as through participant observation, information was also
obtained from documents produced by Rastafarians themselves, since these
writings express their own views and feelings about contemporary issues.

5.1 Rastafarian Orders

Rastafarian orders in Daveyton are reflective of those that exist in other parts of
the world where the Movement exists. With the exception of the Twelve Tribes of
Israel, the other two sects in Daveyton are similar in many ways to that exist
elsewhere. Internationally there are three distinct orders of Rastafari; namely, the
Nyabhinghi Order, Bobo Ashanti and the Twelve Tribes of Israel (See The
Rastafarian Orders…2003). Although these groups differ in terms of their beliefs
and symbols, they agree on two common principles: The exalted status of Haile
Selassie and the rejection of white Eurocentric images of divinity (Ibid). They all
believe that ganja is a sacred herb that has been part of the Jewish Sabbath service
since the days of King Solomon’s Temple. That it was the holy smoke from the
burning bush of Mount Sinai, and was the sweet weed that was growing from
King Solomon’s grave (Siwek, 2006).

In order to understand these orders, answers are provided to the questions of

when, how, where and who was responsible for their formation. How is the
power structure within them maintained? Are they patriarchal? Do they resemble
other self-help groups that have been established in townships such as stokvels?
The emergence of the three orders reflects some differences while the fact that they
all fall under one Movement is a sign that they have more similarities than
differences. Again, by examining the struggles these orders had to find grounds for
worship is illuminating, especially when considering that it was made possible by
various political developments. The problem of lack of land on which to build
churches, as one informant put it; could be solved if Rastafarianism was
recognised by the state as a religious movement because land could then be
 86

allocated to them, as is the case with other religious movements (Observation, 29th
June 2002).

The first organised house to emerge was the Nyabhinghi in1998, followed by the
Bobo Ashanti in 2001.34 The third denomination, the Twelve Tribes of Israel does
not exist yet as an organised Movement in Daveyton, but a new denomination
calling itself the Milchezedec Order made its appearance on the 13 December 2004
at an all-night gathering hosted by the House of Fire.

The House of Fire of the Nyahbinghi Order is situated at Maphupheni, a new informal
settlement established during the late seventies and early eighties, while the
Moden House is found in the old Daveyton location (see map 4.4). A common
practice amongst Rastafarians is that each house gives itself a name; hence, the
Nyahbinghi calls itself the House of Fire and the Bobo Ashanti the Moden House.
The third to emerge was the Milchezedec Order, which is unique to Daveyton.

5.1.1 The House of Fire of the Nyahbinghi Order

It was in the House of Fire that I had the first encounter with Rastafarians and
Rastafarianism on 22 June 2002. I was looking for the place where they
congregate; I met an elderly Rastafarian who was selling some cosmetic items
from door-to-door. The elder happened to know the place I was looking for and
he took me there. I found the congregation in progress and joined them without
any idea of what was going on. It was only late that afternoon that I tried to
explain what the purpose of my visit was, that is, to ask for permission to conduct
research. The issue was discussed and permission was granted with the belief that
you are not coming with evil intentions and if you were, Jah will punish you. I intended
to make it clear to them that I was going to take notes, record and ask them

34
The third denomination, the Twelve Tribes of Israel does not yet exist as an organised movement on
the East Rand. The only known is the one in Johannesburg with most of its members originating
from Ethiopia.
 87

questions. This was an obstacle, for Rastafarians usually do not allow strangers to
interview or record their activities.

The House of Fire, as has been explained above, is the local branch of the
Nyahbinghi Order, which, in terms of origin and membership is the oldest and
biggest of the orders internationally with the other orders stemming from it. The
name Nyahbinghi is derived from Queen Nyahbinghi, who is believed to have
ruled Uganda in the 19th century and fought against the colonialists there.35
Nyahbinghi operated as a revolutionary order during the early years of European
colonial occupation with the aim of banishing the Europeans from Africa and
preserving the spiritual and cultural integrity of the ancient African way of life.
The word resurfaces in the period prior to the invasion of Ethiopia by Italy in
1935 (Ibid). As part of its propaganda, an Italian agent circulated a photograph of
a young Ethiopian Emperor in an Amharic warrior’s dress entitled Nyabhinghi:
Myth, Ritual and Music in which:

Emperor Selassie was depicted as the head of the Nyabhinghi Order. The Italian
propaganda machinery went on to label the order as an international African
secret society dedicated to the overthrow of white colonial domination through
racial violence. This is [because] as it stood then, the word Nyahbinghi was said
to mean Death to the Whites or Death to the Europeans (Jahug, 1992:6).

This may explain why Rastafarians were later to see a connection between
Selassie and Nyahbinghi and to see their activities as a continuation of the Order.
The Jahug further describes the history and aims of the Nyahbinghi:

In terms of its organisation, the order was Pan African in scope with branches in
Uganda, Nigeria, Angola, Sudan and Kenya. Its members were noted for their
royal appearance, proud demeanour and uncompromising stance against white
supremacy in any form. Following treason charges against the British crown, the
order was banned in 1928. Emperor Haile Selassie gave Nyahbinghi a permanent
home while in the rest of colonial Africa the order was either banned or driven
underground. In 1930 Selassie (a little before his Imperial coronation) became its
supreme commander and gave it the slogan Death to the Enemies of the African Race
(Ibid).

In Jamaica, Leonard P. Howell, who travelled to Europe and Africa and used
Nyahbinghi to rally Rastafarians against police brutality and racism, introduced

35
The Rastafarian Orders/Sects.
 88

the Nyahbinghi Order (adopted as central to Rastafarian belief system).36 When

adopted into the Rastafarian vocabulary of racial protest the word came to mean
Death to black and white oppressors. The word also refers to the gathering of
Rastafarians, the main purpose of which is to revive their faith through
communal activity like drumming, chanting of Ises, reasoning, herbs smoking and
dancing (Ibid: 7). Among Rastafarians, the word can mean various things and is
sometimes shortened to binghi. It can, for example, refer to the gathering itself, to
Rastafarians of the sect or the dance during gatherings (Observation, 29th June
2002). This is an example of how one word can loosely be used to refer to more
than one thing with its usage dependent on the context within which it is used.

The early years of the conception of the Movement in Daveyton were not without
problems. Inspired by the national gathering in Grasmere in 1997, as already seen
in the previous chapter, attempts were made to establish a local Rastafarian house
in Daveyton. When it became possible to open a new house there in 1997, the
problem of where to hold the gatherings presented itself. The proposal that Jah
Power’s yard be used was rejected. Those who rejected this complained that they
could not gather in Jah Power’s yard because he was still a youth, so they
proposed that Binghi Bunny’s yard be used, but the space was too small.37 Ras
Doctor’s place could also not be used because he was not recognised as a true
Rastafarian and he smoked Babylon sticks, ate flash, and did not smoke Ganja
(Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003).38 What further complicated the
problem of finding a place to gather was that the Rastafarians from Daveyton
wanted the House to be opened in Daveyton itself and not in Maphupheni (Ibid).39

The problem of a place to gather was eventually solved when Jah Power and Ras
Abraham obtained land during their work in the government Masakhane (‘let us

36
Guidelines from the Ivine Order of H.I.M Emperor Haile Selassie I The First.
37
It is important to note here that whether one is a youth is determined not by age but by his marital
status.
38
Ras Doctor only started to smoke Ganja after attending the workshop in Grasmere.
39
The problem about a house to be established in Daveyton was to be resolved later with the
opening of the Moden House.
 89

build each other’) Project.40 In allocating it, the local authorities stipulated that
the land should be shared between Rastafarians and an iseness man selling cement
and sand. However, this land was given to the Rastafarians on a temporary basis.
According to Priest Binghi Bunny, it bothers them that the land they occupy is
not legally theirs (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003). Attempts to buy the
site resulted in the setting up of a committee consisting of three elders who were
all volunteers, who approached the local authority with the aim of negotiating
with the local authorities to purchase the land. In giving feedback about their
negotiations with the Greater Ekurhuleni Metro,41 the committee reported that
the site was set aside for iseness (business) and that there are sites set aside for the
erection of churches. They were given a map to choose from a number of sites.
The house decided that two applications should be made, one for the church and
the other for the presently occupied site to be used for the iseness (Observation, 29th
June 2002). This explains why the tabernacle and other structures built on the
land are only temporary. The intention has always been to acquire permanent
land where permanent structures could be erected.

The site that they had to occupy was situated in the middle of residential houses
and because it was unoccupied, was used as a dumping place. Residents had
problems with the stench coming from the place. It became a health hazard, a
dumping ground for dead dogs, which is why the Rastafarians did not resist when
the land was finally occupied for gathering purposes. An immediate problem was
to get labour to clean the land. A committee was once again set up consisting of
Jah Youth and Ras Abraham (who were founding members of the House of Fire) to
liaise with the health department of the Town Council, who were helpful in
removing the rubble. After cleaning people continued to dump their rubbish until
a fence was erected with the help of neighbours (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th
January 2003).

40
The Masakhane Project was a national initiative by the government to provide employment by
encouraging people to work together towards the complition of a specific project.
41
The Greater Ekurhuleni Metro was established in 2000.
 90

Once a house opened, contacts with other religious movements were made,
especially with the Moslems and the Zion Christian Church as they showed an
interest in the house’s existence. “The main reason for consulting with them was
to make them aware of ‘our’ existence as an organised house” (Ibid). Once the
House of Fire was established, two new problems surfaced one of spreading the
message of its existence, and the other of teaching new members about the
Movement.

These were difficult early years because even before the official establishment of
the house gatherings were mainly reasoning sessions because only four of us
knew the chants. Most time was thus spent trying to teach those who did not
know about the Nyahbinghi order, binghi works (administration, chants, the
creed, Psalms and drumming. Because we were four it meant that the first
government could be constituted (Interview, Jah Power, 07th January 2003).

In 1998, therefore, the House of Fire was officially opened by the provincial
Nyahbinghi. The government consisted of Priest Binghi Bunny42 as elect of
chairperson (chairperson), Ras Jack as elect of records (secretary), Ras Doctor as elect
of Treasure (treasurer), and Jah Power as organiser and assistant elect of records.
Rastafarians attended celebrations for the opening of the house in Daveyton from
houses around the Gauteng province (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003).

The House of Fire, which, as a local branch of the denomination of the House of
Nyabhinghi Order, is grounded on the following religious rights:

1. It shall abide by the Bible (King James version), Holy Piby, all teachings
and speeches of His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I.
2. The first Saturday of every month shall be the official day of worship for
all houses.
3. The holy herb (marijuana) shall be used at all gatherings of Nyahbinghi
Holy sessions.

42
The first government was formed at Binghi Bunny’s place, and he was to later become one of the
first priests of the House of Fire.
 91

4. No youth (under18) shall be permitted to smoke ganja unless used in

another form with parental supervision.
5. All members must be married especially the Priesthood and those who live
with the Queen.
6. Members of the Nyabhinghi shall not be persecuted or discriminated
against for wearing dreadlocks, as it is a holy vow.
7. No polygamy is allowed in the House of Nyabhinghi Order.
8. No fornication is allowed.43

Members of the House of Fire refer to these rites (including the one that deals with
diet) as Baptism of Fire. These rites are the source of division among Rastafarians,
leading to individual disaffection or the formation of the various splinter groups;
Rastafarians who are not attached to any order have a problem with the last of
these religious rights while those of the Milchezedec Order have a problem with
number seven.44 The other religious rights, especially rights number one, three
and six are the ones that keep Rastafarians of different sects together in spite of
their differences (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003).

It is important to note parallels between the religious rights of Rastafarians and

the Isiah Shembe of the Nazareth Church who set out marriage regulations for his
church and for those who lived on church land (Gunner: 91. Preaching against
fornication Shembe warned his followers that when God destroyed the
community of Gibiya he did not spare a single person. “He killed the old and the
young; only 400 women survived. They were young women who did not take
part in the nasty practice of fornication.” (Ibid.)

Organisationally, the Nyahbinghi Order is an international movement with its

headquarters in Jamaica. In South Africa, the order is divided into national,
provincial, regional and local houses. The national Nyahbinghi has its
headquarters in Cape Town and is known as the Marcus Garvey Tabernacle. It is
under the control of the (Rastafari National Council) RNC. The RNC is
43
Constitution of the Nyabhinghi Order.
44
See 5.1.4 for differences between the various orders in Daveyton.
 92

constituted of the National Office in Cape Town, the National Council of

Priesthood in Knysna/Cape Town, the National Chair in Kimberley, the
Secretaries in Southern Cape/Mpumalanga, Public Relations Office (P.R.O) in
Cape Town, and the Financial Advocate in Port Elizabeth.45 As mentioned
earlier, the RNC was formed in 1997 by Bongo Time in Gauteng. Following the
establishment of the RNC was the formation of the Rastafari Official Board or
Committee (ROB/C) in 2002 by Congo Sihle in Pretoria. The RNC formulated
the active structure of the ROB/C, which appointed Congo Sihle as its first
chairperson. The main duty of the RNC is to pass information on to the
provincial houses, which, in turn, passes it on to the regional and from there the
Regional to Local Houses (Ibid). Based on the structure of the international
Nyahbinghi Order, the House Fire has a complex and broad governance structure.
The establishment of the Nyahbinghi order was made possible only after 1994, as
has been suggested above. The provincial Nyahbinghi is situated in all the
provinces of South Africa and is under the control of the Provincial Executive
Administration (PEA).46 It is the responsibility of the PEA to communicate with
representatives of all religions of the region. They must know the Regional and
Local Administration Executives as well as where the land to use as Hailfari
Ground or where the Tabernacle is located. It is also the duty of the PEA to
introduce the way of the Rastafarian syllabus, to identify locations or buildings
for Rastafarian schools, and to obtain sites for commercial and industrial
development. 47

An example of a Regional House is the East Rand House, which is made up of all
local houses in most of the townships of the East Rand, with the House of Fire
being one of them. As stipulated in the constitution of the Nyabhingi orders, the
House of Fire in Daveyton consists of the Priesthood, Ilect of records, Ilect of
Treasurer, Council of Elders, Council of Sistrens, and Council of Youth (Ibid). The
Priesthood is constituted by elders who undertake the responsibility of overseeing
45
Constitution of the Nyabhinghi Order.
46
Interview, Binghi Bunny Not all provinces have the Provincial Nyahbinghi branch. The known ones
are the Cape, Gauteng, Free State, Mpumalanga and North West. The aim of the National
Nyabhinghi is to make sure that all provinces establish Provincial Nyahbinghi.
47
Constitution of the Nyabhinghi Order.
 93

proceedings during grounding, as well as to serve in the Council of Priesthood at a

national level. There is a general belief amongst Rastafarians that the priest is not
elected or appointed but is ilect of self (self-elected) and ordained by Jah. This
means that any elder, provided he knows what is expected of him, can elect
himself to the position of priesthood.48 Only men can elect themselves into the
position of priesthood. Women cannot become priests because there are times in
their lives when they cannot stand in front of men. These times are, for example,
when they are pregnant or during the process of cleansing (menstruation)
(Observation, 29th June 2002). Older people who constitute the Council of Elders
assist priests in their duties. Their main duty is to oversee the proceedings of the
gathering and say prayers before and after every session.

The Priesthood consists of males who are well nurtured and have led exemplary
lives in the Ivine livity of Rastafari. The main duties of the Priests are to minister
around the altar of the Tabernacle, oversee the proceedings of the congregation
and say prayers before and after every session, as well as the sanctification of the
newborn sons and dawtas. The signature of the Priest must be affixed to all official
documents of the Nyahbinghi Order (Jahug, 1992: 42). It is also the duty of the
priests to arrange all programmes and information needed for the binghi and make
sure that requirements such as drums, flags, chants, guidelines and the Tabernacle
are ready for the service.

Members of the House of Fire fall into three main categories, namely: Elders,
Youths, and Sisters with each forming its own committee or council (Observation,
2nd February 2002).49 According to the Jahug the Council of Elders should consist
of older bradrens who maintained the livity of Rastafari over a number of years.
They act as mediators where there are differences of opinion, and as guardians of
the Movement. Their decisions are treated with great respect (Jahug, 1992: 42).
The Youth and Sisters Councils share responsibilities but for different age groups
and gender. The Sisters Council, for example, holds reasoning sessions and

48
Ibid.
49
For youths to move-up and join the Council of Elders they must be above 18 years old.
 94

discusses issues affecting Rastafarian women, family life, and the education of
children as well as health care. The Sisters Council is also expected to arrange
accommodation for daughters, the youth programme and any other input for the
binghi. Note that the Youth Council is the most active of all the structures within
the house (Observation, 29th June 2002; Jahug, 1992: 42).

In addition to the above structures, the House of Fire consists of various

committees or councils charged with overseeing that all the activities of the house
run smoothly or organising big events such as hosting visitors from other houses,
or preparations for celebration of big events. These committees are:

1) Working committee — to organise fund-raising events

2) Publicity committee — to organise information, the daily programme,
posters and banners as well as to publish the event through the
radio, newspaper, in dance halls and by word of mouth
3) Welcome committee — to organise lists of visitors, registration for
people coming to the event, welcoming of guests to the event as
well as making sure that they are well looked after
4) Catering committee — to organise, prepare and serve itals (food) to
the guests.
5) Security committee — to make sure that guests are well looked after,
to make sure that all materials are kept safe and that everybody is
safe (Ibid).

It is the duty of every Rastafarian to contribute something be it money, food or

assistance to the above committees whenever a gathering is to be held. To serve
on any of these committees, members have to elect themselves by filling in a form
known as the Portfolio Oathing Form. In this form one commits oneself to serve
in any committee of choice. Failure to perform duties volunteered for may result
in a fine to be determined by the committee under which one is serving
(Observation, 06th April 2002).
 95

The House of Fire as a local house has to register with the national Nyahbinghi
through the regional and provincial houses. In terms of its organisation, the
Movement mimics official South African government structures and mechanisms
for granting citizenship. To be a true Nyahbinghi Rastafarian, one has to register
with the National Nyahbinghi but must first join the local house. Registration for
membership costs R20.00 plus four passport photos, which are sent to the
regional or provincial office through the local house. In the regional or provincial
office the priest, elect of records, elect of chairperson, and elect of treasure attach their
signatures and send the registration form to the National office. The four
photographs are used as follows: the first one is placed on an identity card (which
is laminated with rainbow colours and registration mass number), the second one
is placed on information form, the third photograph appears on the Rastafarian
Diploma of Righteous Livity (RDRL), and the fourth one is attached to the
qualification form. In addition to the registration fee, members should pay an
annual subscription fee of R10.00 per month or R120.00 per annum. The main
reason for registration is to enable the Movement to register as a Non-
Governmental Organisation (NGO) or Non-Political Organisation (NPO) (Jahug,
1992: 42).

Thus, we may observe that the organisation of Rastafarians into a bureaucratic

structure helps to legitimise them, both in a formal sense, and in a way, that
compensates them for the deficiencies they feel in relation to the new South
African. The formal structure described above provides a legitimate way for the
house to exist within the formal realm of civil society, for example, it enables
members to participate in community projects because they are recognised as part
of a formal organisation. Yet, as already stated, Rastafarians prefer their own
form of government. The fact that their bureaucratic procedures mimic that of the
state can be seen as way of satisfying their thwarted political aspirations.

In order to run its affairs, money is needed by the Provincial House. Local and
regional houses should register themselves with the Provincial Registration Office.
They must pay a quarterly fee of R200.00 to the Provincial House, which
 96

amounts to an annual fee of R800.00. It is the responsibility of the Provincial

Office to collect fees from the Local and Regional Houses and provide them with
identification cards and diplomas as proof of registration. The Provincial House
must also register itself with the National Office. The Provincial Executive pays a
fee of R1000-00 annual registration. The funds raised from registration are
invested in medical, legal and educational needs (Ibid).

By investing money raised from registration for social needs, Rastafarianism

functions in a more or less similar manner as do stokvels. Stokvels are informal
saving schemes in which individuals make a monthly payment towards a mutual
fund and members make a monthly turn to use the pooled money to buy
something they could not afford individually (Anon, 1996:1). Stokvels were a key
source of income generation among women. They also became popular amongst
migrant workers who saved money together for transport back home, or to be
buried, in case of an accident (Ibid). The difference is that Rastafarians are not
expected to make a monthly contribution after paying the registration fee, as it is
the case in other stokvels. We see that there are ways in which this order
resembles the self-help stokvel. Nevertheless, in the case of the Rastafarians, they
do not expect monetary returns from investments. The House of Fire sets about
meeting the requirements of registering as an NPO, and in that sense, clearly
wants official recognition, and is prepared to work within the necessary
parameters. On the other hand, it seems to try to avoid strict classification as
either a political or a religious movement.

5.1.2 The Moden House of the Bobo Ashanti/Dread

This is the second order to emerge in Daveyton in 2001. The word Bobo Ashanti -
also called Bobo Shanti — is derived from Bobo, which stands for Black and
Ashanti, which is a tribe with a reputation for ferocity from Kumasi, Ghana. The
name was chosen because of the belief that most slaves taken to Jamaica were
from the Ashanti tribe and are thus the ancestors of many Jamaicans. Prince
Emmanuel Charles Edward in Jamaica founded the Bobo Shanti order in the
 97

1950s. Using the book of Revelations 5, they justify Prince Emmanuel as the re-
incarnation of the Christ.50

He is regarded as the reincarnate Black Christ in a priestly state. He is called by

most members of the Bobo Shanti as Prince Emmanuel Charles Edwards,
without Mother or Father, the Priest of Milchezedec, the Black Christ in Flesh.
He, along with his descendants and Haile Selassie are seen as Gods. Marcus
Garvey is regarded as prophet (Ibid).

Members of the Bobo Shanti are also called Bobo Dreads, and they wear long robes
and very tightly wrapped turbans. Their lifestyle closely resembles that prescribed
by the Old Testament Jewish Mosaic Law that includes the observation of
Sabbath from sundown on Friday to sundown on Saturday and special greetings
amongst themselves. Members do not work during the Sabbath and they avoid
the consumption of salt and oil (Ibid).

The researcher was there at an opportune time to conduct research during the
time when the split within the House of Fire took place. A debate had been going
on within the house on whether to cover hair or wear a turban during
congregation. Those who were later to establish the Moden House used to attend in
the House of Fire. Rastafarians who broke away from the House of Fire in 2000
established the Bobo Shanti Order in Daveyton in 2001. The new house was based
on the same order that governed Bobo Shanti in Jamaica and elsewhere in the
world where it exists. It was given the name Moden House by its founding
members Humbleness, Copticman, Fireman, A’ncientman, Negus, Anubah and
Eric (Interview, Humbleness, 23rd September 2003). The name Moden is an
abbreviation of ‘Men of Eden’ (Ibid). As has been indicated, it was the feeling of
Rastafarians from the old Daveyton that the house could have been established in
Daveyton. Thus, perhaps more than anything, the reason for the breakaway could
have been a case of regional alliance.

Outlining the general aim and objective of the new house, Humbleness declares
that the overall focus of the Moden House is based on Edutainment, that is,
Education and Entertainment, (an idea influenced by recent media approaches)
50
The Rastafarian Orders/Sects.
 98

(Ibid). Their focus on education differs from that of House of Fire in that their
approach is practical, shown by their running of classes. As their aim is
entertainment, Rastafarians of the Moden House are responsible for organising
dances. In addition, the Moden House was founded upon the following specific
aims and objectives:

 To unite Rastafari community

 To uplift Rastafari community spiritually and materially
 To empower Rastafari community
 To fight against petty prejudice
 To establish a new venture in our talents
 To establish an entertainment company
 To preach about Rastafari (Ibid)
In order to realise these objectives, the seven members agreed on a weekly
contribution of R10.00 per member towards the hiring of a sound system for
weekly dances. There is also a contribution of R50.00 every third week per
member towards the booking of a hall for fundraising purposes. Funds raised are
used to buy and for servicing the music systems for the house (ibid). As in the case
of the House of Fire, the Moden House also operates in the same way as stokvels. The
difference between the two houses is that, in the case of Moden House, cooperation
takes place at local level and on a weekly basis, but like the House of Fire, the
Moden House does not expect any monetary returns for their investments.

The Moden House also managed to open a school known as the Jerusalem School
in August 2003, where the teachings of Rastafari are taught. Teaching and
learning takes place at Khumalo Shops where they rent the second floor of the
building for R200.00 per month. The school targets its learners from the young
people of Daveyton and had its first classes in August 2003. According to
Humbleness, learners are demanding more lessons on Rastafarian diet, history,
faith and other aspects related to the Movement. Besides learning and teaching:

We also hold seminars every Tuesday and Wednesday. We the Bobo Dreads of
Daveyton give Ises unto Jah Rastafari every Thursday in an open field of the
 99

Daveyton Golf Course. We pray with our turban on and we pray Emmanuel,
Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie as the Hola Trinity (Ibid).

This belief in the Hola Trinity is what greatly differentiates, in doctrinal terms, the
Bobo Shanti from the Nyahbinghi, who believe in only one Jah in the person of
Haile Selassie as they always maintain:

So as the son is one, so is Haile Selassie I, The Might of The Trinity Jah
Rastafari is one. One heart, one love, one moon, one earth, one life, so there
must be God (Jahug, 1992: 4).

The main difference between the Moden and the House of Fire is that while
Marcus Garvey is also considered central to the Movement’ Emmanuel is
the most important prophet for the Moden House.

5.1.3 The Milchezedec Order

As in the case of the Moden House, the Milchezedec Order broke away from the
House of Fire. The word Milchezedec is biblical, meaning the ‘Prince of Salem’ or
‘Prince of Peace’. Rastafarians of this order also believe in covering their heads
with turbans but wear black instead of white robes. They have their centre in the
new informal settlement called Mandela, and made their appearance on the 20th
December 2003 by visiting the House of Fire to notify its members of their
existence. Rastafarians of the House of Fire interpreted their visit as an attempt to
lure them to join their house. It was not clear then what the tenets of the new

house were. According to the priest of the House of Fire, they differ from other
orders in that:
They chant with seven queens, especially the priests. They have official priests
(and) have been baptised by being dipped into the water of any river. All
members should also be baptised by water in the river. Most important about this
new Movement is that they declared themselves as a religious movement unlike
the other two who see theirs as a way of life (Interview, Monty, 04th January 2004).

Their religiousity can be seen in the way they intend to congregate. The number
seven is central to their religion. During their congregation, the sermon should be
 100

presided over by seven priests and seven candles should be lit.51 There is no
information available about some of their other beliefs and practices of this house
as it was at an early stage of its development. A few of those belonging to the
House of Fire have some basic knowledge of this order, probably because the latter
tried to convince them to join their Movement.

Members of the other houses see the Milchedezic as emerging out of the desire by
its membership to practise polygamy and nothing else. This is why the emergence
of the other houses had problems with it. Members of the three sects always meet
every Sunday for dances. It is during the dance that their differences are debated
and discussed. These debates and discussions may sometimes become heated.
The main cause of this problem is that each of these orders sees themselves as the
rightful representative of the Rastafarianism (Observation, 04th January 2004).

5.1.4 The Rastafarian Orders in Context

What we are seeing is that the Rastafarians of Daveyton not only managed to
form their own identity but also created new identities within their own respective
houses (‘internal’ boundaries). In this way, their identities have become fluid, and
shift between being a Rastafarian in general and a member of a specific sect. The
‘internal’ boundaries within the Movement are created when one group of
Rastafarians feels the need to differentiate itself through the proclamation or
membership of one sect, which distinguishes it doctrinally, from the others. At the
same time, these boundaries are eroded when the members of different orders
attend certain common occasions, such as dances and funerals. It should be noted
that Rastafariansa alone know these ‘internal’ boundaries. Members of the
broader society cannot differentiate between members of various sects and see
Rastafarians as one.

51
Note that members of the House of Fire do not use candles because they claim that Jah is their light
and they don’t need any other light.
 101

The main difference in the religious orientation of the three orders can be
expressed in terms of numbers. The House of Fire believes in the number one, that
there is only one Jah. The Moden House believes in the number three as in the
Holy Trinity. The number for the Milchezedec Order is seven and its religious
beliefs and practices centre on this number. In spite of these differences, contact is
always maintained between different orders when, for example, there are
celebrations or funerals for their members. In spite of observable differences
between members of all orders, they all see themselves as Rastafarians. They
praise one Jah, attend dances and dance together, listen to the same music, and
sing the same songs during congregations (Interview, Humbleness, 23rd September
2003). Note that neither the Moden nor the Milchezedec Orders have an
international branch in South Africa and this makes it difficult to organise
themselves even at local level (Ibid).

Other differences are expressed as doctrinal, although as the argument above has
suggested, differences may actually be occurring at another level, for example
because of territorial allegiance or social differentiation identified by different
parts of Daveyton. Though taking place after those of Jamaica, the reasons for the
doctrinal break between the House of Fire and the Moden House are similar to those
that resulted in a split between the Nyahbinghi and the Bobo Dreads in Jamaica.
The major cause centres on the issue of wearing a turban during congregation
(Ibid). The causes of the breakaway are representative and fundamental in the
sense of being primary identity markers, and the differences seem impossible to
reconcile. The other cause which has to do with religious clothing is also
fundamental because for Rastafarians of the House of Fire dreadlocks are their
trademark, while for those of the Moden House wrapping their dreadlocks with a
turban is one of the components of their identity. Though these differences may
seem trivial, they are, in fact crucial in signifying a specific, chosen identity, with
associated doctrinal beliefs or principles. Often doctrinal detail depends on the
history of the particular African country with which the adherents identify.
 102

The common characteristic of the two houses is their connection with other
African tribes that were anti-slavery and anti-colonialism, with the differences
lying in the country to which each attaches significance. The House of Fire, as part
of the Nyahbinghi Order, traces the origin of its name from Uganda and sees
Ethiopia as Africa, Zion or heaven, and so glorifies her. The Moden House, on the
other hand, traces the origin of its name from Ghana but because Selassie is one
of its prophets, Ethiopia is untouchable, as is the case with the other house.

Rastafarians closely identify with the history of Africans who have challenged
colonialism, slavery and exploitation. In addition, the doctrines are powerfully
infused with Old Testament scriptural laws. Thus, the respect for African
resistance against the encroachment of white colonialism (and its values) combine
with the elements of Juadao-Christianity, are also marked features of the
Rastafarian movements.

The first two orders discussed resemble a religion based on the Mosaic
commandments: monogamy and monotheism, some of which contradict what
are generally thought of as traditional African values. However, the Milchezedec
Order may be seen as an attempt by Rastafarians to incorporate the traditional
African practice of polygamy. This is in direct contrast with the practice of the
other two houses that believe in one man one woman. Nevertheless, it seems that
the Milchezedec Order is still trying to establish an identity separate from that of the
two houses. Though both the Milchezedec Order and the House of Fire believe in
sanctification, they differ in respect to where they perform it. Like many Christian
movements, members of the Milchezedec Order sanctify their members in the river,
while those of the House of Fire sanctify them indoors. Thus, it may be concluded
that there are fundamental differences in principles (some of which concern ritual
and clothing), which appear to be deeply implicated in identity issues.

There are also Rastafarians who are not attached to any of these orders. These are
probably in the majority. These Rastafarians do not congregate and are not
members of any of the three sects. They are certainly in the majority during
 103

dances, and became Rastafarians because of their liking for reggae music and
ganja. Because they do not belong to any of the sects, no religious rights bind
them and as a result, they appreciate women, take cold drinks, and eat any type
of food sometimes mixing it with ganja and sometimes even smoke cigarettes
(Observation, 04th January 2004). Rastafarians belonging to this group serve as a
pool of new members, likely to become fully converted. Almost all of them know
or have been to the binghi and know members who attend.

In spite of the differences that exist amongst Rastafarians of Daveyton, there are
things that bind them together as Rastafarians. As already stated, members of
society are not aware of the different houses but see all Rastafarians as a single
movement (for instance, in prayers for peace or in celebration of special events)
and anyone from any of the houses claiming to represent Rastafarians is viewed
to be representing all of them. Because they preach unity, they must always
appear as one so that they are perceived by society to be practising what they
preach. Reggae music and dances tend to be unifying forces because irrespective
of affiliation, all of them play reggae music and attend dances (Ibid).

5.2 Biographical information: An analysis

In addition to information collected, I felt it necessary to compile biographies of

my informants — in order to examine the intersection of Rastafarianism with
current lived experiences of Daveyton. Information in this part of the chapter is
based on the biographical information that is contained in the Appendix. This
information was obtained mainly through interviews. Interview questions were
to provide information on the following aspects of informants’ life experiences:
name and place of birth, age, sex and marital status; family history and social
status; level of education; employment history; initiation into Rastafarianism, the
influence of reggae music, ganja and dance; diet; attitude towards politics, other
religions and the society; and other discernable patterns or attributes arising from
their life stories, for example, differences and similarities amongst members.
 104

This part of the chapter looks for correlations between orders and place; economic
and social backgrounds (including educational qualification attained); gender and
age-youth ratios and individual perceptions of what Rastafarianism is. The table
below is a summary of information extracted from the life histories provided by
my informants.

5.2.1 Social and Economic Background

One Rastafarian describes how he grew up as follows:

I never knew my father and I have been searching for him until I stopped. I
grew up under the care of my uncle and only met my brothers and sisters very
late in my life. I am not even sure of my correct surname (Interview, Kebra, 14th
May 2003).

Another one describes his early life as follows:

We (me and my younger brother who is also a Rastafarian) stayed with our
parents until they separated. After that, we went to stay with our father who was

unemployed and an alcoholic. We stayed with him for almost four years without
seeing our mother because he could not let us see her. It was until between 1996
and 1997 that we made contact with her through our aunt (Interview, Wiseprophet,
23rd October 2003; Humbleness, 23rd September 2003).

The above quotations show that some Rastafarians did not grow in a “normal”
family environment, (see Appendix). In the first quotation, the informant stresses
the loss of identity experienced by an individual as a family or clan member. The
second informant emphasises the loss of family contact. The meaning of this may
be interpreted as a loss of identity and of a sense of belonging. In this, we begin to
see why Rastafarianism became attractive to them. The table in the Appendix
shows that most of those who are classified as elders are from poor social and
economic backgrounds. They are mostly from broken families; most grew up with
a single parent or with relatives. This in turn means that they could not afford
schooling beyond secondary school level and in most likelihood did not complete
 105

their complete their secondary education.52 This suggests that most of those
interviewed became Rastafarians at school; hence, why they place great value on
acquiring knowledge. Their search for a common identity seems to stem from a
common background: no stable family background, rejection by school
authorities (dreadlocks), and no education beyond secondary education.53

The description of their school years is characterised by contradictions. While all

of them describe their school years as a glorious moment of their lives, they also
report rejection or harassment by their principals and teachers chiefly because of
their dreadlocks. It may also be that those who attended school before the new
democratic dispensation were bound to clash w i t h authorities because
Rastafarianism was viewed as one of the anti-apartheid forces in South Africa.
The wearing of dreadlocks, it seems, was the main cause of disagreement between
school authorities and Rastafarians, as in the case of Sister May.54

One common thing about the Rastafarians in Daveyton is their preference for
their Rastafarian nicknames. These new names arose from a desire to do away
with the European ones given to them by their parents, and at the same time help
them to cement their Rastafarian identities. The names are given to them either
by other Rastafarians or by themselves. It is usual for them to know each other by
these names and sometimes they never know each other’s real name. A name is
given to somebody because of the way she/he lives or that person gives
herself/himself in relation to the life she/he is living or has chosen to live.
Examples are names like Humbleness and Wiseprophet.55 This indicates that both
humility and wisdom are valued.

Answering the question of how he came to be called Humbleness, he says I gave

myself this name because when I decided to be a Rastafarian I took an oath to live a humble
life, hence the name. Wiseprophet got his name from the house and I think it is because

52
It must be noted that all Rastafarians have been to school hence they can write and speak English.
53
See Appendix A.
54
There is some tolerance for dreadlocks because most people wear them as fashion.
55
See Apendix A.
 106

(of the) positive contribution I make during reasoning and discussions in general. Names
are also given after other Rastafarians, such as Bingy Bunny and Yellowman, given
after reggae singers, while others such as Kingman, Kebra Negus (Rastafarian Bible)
and Jah Power are based on the Rastafarian belief system (Interview, Wiseprophet,
23 October 2003). The Kebra Negus is the Ethiopian addendum to the Holy Bible,
and it describes the possible union between King Solomon and the Queen of
Sheba (Siwek, 2006). In cases where a person does not have a Rastafarian name
his or her original name is used and it is preceded by Ras, King, Elder or Brother
in the case of men, and Queen or Sister in a case of women. Examples of these
are Sister May or Queen Fire.

5.2.2 Correlation between Orders and Place

The majority of Rastafarians in Daveyton are originally from the East Rand with
some originating from other parts of South Africa. Although most members of the
House of Fire are originally from Daveyton, the majority of them presently live in
the Maphupheni informal settlement. This is because their house is located in
Maphupheni. Members of the Moden House are all from the old Daveyton
Township, while those of the Milchezedec Order are mostly from Mandela.56 As it
were, members were born in different places. While almost all members of the
Moden House are originally from Daveyton, those of the Milchezedec and the House
of Fire are originally from all over South Africa. This is because the settlements
are new and as a result house, not only people who are not originally from
Daveyton, but also those from other places.57 Members of different houses seldom
talk about their places of origin unless under specific circumstances as in the case
when there were visitors from Swaziland (Observation, 23rd March 2002).

5.2.3 Gender presentation, Age-youth Ratio, and Marital Status

Rastafarian life stories also reveal that their community consists of a large number
of males and youths and a very small number of females and adults. Although the

56
Just like the Milchezedec Order, the Mandela informal settlement is also still new.
57
There was a case of a Rastaman from Ghana who whilst waiting for his employers to call him to
Durban for his work, stayed in the house and attended gathering with them.
 107

table shows the age range from 18, it need be said that there are Rastafarian
children who attend the binghi with their parents. The age range of members of
the Movement starts from 13 years to elders who are in their early 40’s. There is
also a remarkable age difference between members of the three houses. The House
of Fire consists of youths and elders, while the Milchezedec and Moden House consist
mainly of unmarried youths. The reason for this is that the two houses are still
new in contrast to the House of Fire where the elders are the founding fathers of the
house. This also explains why the majority of members of the House of Fire are
married and are family oriented with their wives and children constituting
members of the Movement (Ibid).

5.2.4 Economic, Social and Political Perceptions

The general attitude that prevails amongst Rastafarians is their dislike of working
for an employer. They believe in self-employment or in doing community work.
This attitude stems from the belief that working for someone for wages
perpetuates slavery, and that real work is what you do for yourself. Those who
are involved in some form of formal employment do so as an attempt to raise
capital in order to start their own businesses. However, majority of Rastafarians
are self-employed; some are unemployed and a few are in formal employment or
still looking for a job. Opinion on whether one should be employed differs from
individual to individual. Three types can be identified. The first consists of those
who do not believe in any employment and are not working or looking for one
(Wiseprophet and Humbleness are an example). This group believes they work
for Jah by sometimes doing community work and spreading the word of Jah
(Interview, Wiseprophet, 23rd October 2003 and Humbleness, 23rd September 2003).
The second group is that of those who are self-employed. The majority sell fruits,
vegetables, Rastafarian items, or operating Tuck Shops. Jah Power and Kebra fall
into this group. Those who do trade work (carpentry) such as Priest Bingy Bunny
also fall into this group. The last group consists of those who see nothing wrong
with employment. They work sometimes to raise money to start their own small
businesses. Irrespective of their attitude to employment, all those interviewed see
 108

lack of it as one of the major economic and social problems facing the new
democracy.58 Dislike of formal employment and preference for self-employment
could be a pragmatic way of dealing with the high unemployment rate
experienced in South Africa.

A common trend amongst Rastafarians is that those who were politically active
before their conversion lost interest when they became Rastafarians. One
informant said Pan Africanism influenced him; he became aware that politics was
a dirty game then turned to Rastafarianism. On this, he says:

Before the general elections of 1994, I was a member of the African National
Congress Marshal structure. During the same year, I wanted to join the
Umkhonto we Sizwe cadres. When I was called upon to join the cadres, I was
already a member of the Pan African Congress of Azania after having being
inspired by the philosophy of Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe of Africanism. After
realising that politics was full of tricks I quit and I was introduced to reggae by
Ras elder Bafana (Interview, Jah Power, 07th January 2003).

This is the same position as that of Bongani Masuku whose politicisation was
later followed by conversion to Rastafarianism. This informant indicates a
profound disillusionment with formal politics. It seems to be a common
sentiment since the general attitude towards politics and other religions is that
Rastafarianism is a non-political and non-religious movement. This said most
Rastafarians are not interested or involved in politics because they do not see
political leaders as addressing real issues affecting the poor. Hence they do not
vote.59

There is some disagreement on the progress made in the political, social and
economic spheres of South Africa’s development in the post-apartheid era. Some
Rastafarians, particularly school goers, feel that progress has been made in
education where the curriculum now reflects the aspirations of all population
groups. Elders differ with youths (especially the school goers) because the former
feel that little has been done to change the education system. They would prefer
complete social change. Sister May on the other hand feels that the education

58
See Appendix A.
59
See Table 4.1.
 109

system is not so bad (Interview, Sister May, 17th February 2003). Others express
extreme views with regard to the question of whether the year 1994 brought with
it positive changes, including the recognition of language rights. Jah Youth (who
was 25 years at the time of the interview and falls under the category of youths),
analyses the situation as thus:

There is a few positive changes and more negatives. They say all languages are
equals but is not the case. We can now sit in parks meant for whites before and
enjoy fresh air. It was better before 1994 than now. Blacks were united during
apartheid and there was respect for humankind. The youths were known to be
leaders but now they are suffering unemployment that force them to do crime,
and are also victims of age restriction at school (Interview, Jah Youth, 21st January
2003).

He expresses perceived discrimination and negative change in terms of actual

language inequality, the loss of unity and solidarity among blacks with the end of
apartheid, the youths’ loss of prestige and a role in society, high unemployment
rates, as well as the expulsion of disadvantaged youths over school-going age.
Perhaps most notable of all is his regret for the loss of the youths’ role in the
struggle against apartheid.

Opinions differ widely with regard to attitude towards other religions. Some
recognise other religious movements, particularly Christian African Traditional
churches, and are tolerant of these compared to the mainstream Christian
churches. There are also differences in perceptions between the orders in
Daveyton. Members of The House of Fire, though divided on this issue, are
generally opposed to other religious movements. Some recognise a connection
between Rastafarianism and Christianity w i t h some completely rejecting
Christianity.60 Members of The Moden House, on the other hand, show some
tolerance towards Christianity.61 There is thus no single common opinion or
attitude towards other religions, which is why this issue is one of the most
popular topics during reasoning.

60
For more information on this, see section 5.1.2 of this thesis.
61
An explanation for this may be found in their belief Jesus Christ and Prince Emmanuel as his
reincarnate.
 110

As is to be seen below and was hinted at above, one of the reasons they chose to
be Rastafarians is that they reject the existing social order, so it is not surprising
that their attitude towards society is negative. They see general society as going
astray; and so it is their mission, as the chosen, one, to show it the light. Social
ills, such as crime, alcohol, drug abuse and lack of respect for elders are singled
out as some of the societal problems they think they were sent to eradicate. The
seriousness of the problem of crime in South Africa is highlighted in the life
history of Kebra Kim who had been a victim of violent crime in his life as
indicated in the appendix.62 Instead of solving these problems, they believe the
government has become part of the problem. Their evidence is in the fact that
government has legalised prostitution and homosexuality among others.
According to Rastafarians, prostitution, homosexuality, drugs and alcohol abuse
are the main causes of the spread of AIDS. They have a defined stance towards
AIDS and the use of condoms. As pointed out by Humbleness, the only solution to
the problem of AIDS for elders is to abstain from extramarital sexual activities.
And as for the youth, there should be no sex before marriage. Rastafarians do not
support the use of condoms as a way of combating the spread of HIV (Interview,
Humbleness, 23rd September 2003).

What has been established is that Rastafarians experience themselves as

marginalised, suffering from a loss of identity or collective belonging. They have
been exposed to political ideas but have become disillusioned with formal politics
and so distanced themselves from the overtly ‘political’. They are highly critical of
particular features of post 1994 South Africa, particularly regretting the loss of
black unity and solidarity gained from the fight against apartheid. Depending on
age, they lament the loss of youth prestige and power. Criticisms of the ‘new’
South Africa often expressed through moral condemnation and idea that the
government supports immoral practices, such as premarital sex. Next, we turn to
an exploration of how the decisions were made in the direction of Rastafarianism
and of how the critiques of the social order are transmitted.

62
Appendix A
 111

In short, the table above illustrates that all Rastafarians of the House of Fire are
under the age of 40 and that most of them (7 out of 11) grew up without both
parents, or sometimes under the care of relatives. Educationally, the table shows
that all informants are literate, all have primary school education with some
having matric. From the table, only one informant has an education level below
compulsory schooling, one informant has Grade 9, with three who made it as far
Grade 11, and about four to matric. The table shows quite a high level of
education with Bongani standing out as an example where Rastafarians were
actually gifted students or intellectuals in some way.63 It seems most of them have
attained a relatively high level of education, enough to make them literate and
appreciate the value of texts and of rational exercises such as reasoning.

Their narratives tell of stories experienced at school as religious persecution. An

example is the life story of Sister Queen Fire discussed on page 213. We see a
bright student persecuted for her beliefs (Ibid: 214). Another example is that of
Jah Power. This is a case of someone who wanted to go further but could not and
may have felt cheated (Ibid: 216). Their stories are laced with remarks on
harassment by principals and teachers for example the case of Bongani (Ibid: 217).
Perhaps they also did have higher educational aspirations that they feel they have
been cheated.

In addition, the table indicates that the unemployment rate may have affected
them, and that self-employment seems to be the solution for some. It is essential
to point out that Bongani (who is not a member of the House of Fire) is the
exception who combines employment and politics by his involvement in trade
unions (Ibid: 218).

63
Appendix A, p. 293 of this thesis.
 112

Table 3: Summary of Rastafarian biographical information.

5.2.5 Joining the Movement

Answering a question why he decided to become a Rastafarian, Jah Youth

expresses personal disillusionment with social phenomena such as alcohol
consumption of a male parent by declaring that:

The reason I decided to become a Rastafarian came about when I compared my

past with what I wanted in life. I did not want to end up like my father, an
alcoholic and irresponsible parent. But, the main thing I think was to avoid
drinking alcohol more than anything (Interview, Jah Youth, 21st January 2003).

This answer reflects Rastafarians’ rejection of the existing social order in which
alcohol consumption is a norm. Different reasons are given to the question of
why they became Rastafarians. There is no doubt that social, economic and
political injustices played a great role in determining their choice to become
Rastafarians. For most, the main influence behind their decision was reggae
music. Reggae lyrics are about social, economic and political injustices that they
experienced. The impact of Reggae mainly occurred during the 1980's
 113

orchestrated by reggae singers such as Peter Tosh, Don Carlos and Eric
Donaldson (Interview, Kebra, 14th May 2003).

The smoking of ganja also played a major role in the ultimate choice Rastafarians
made to convert to the Movement. Nearly all of them were smoking ganja before
converting to Rastafarianism. Their coming together and sharing ganja had an
influence, especially amongst those who were interested in the Movement (see
Appendix for evidence). The sharing of ganja was usually accompanied by
discussions about reggae and Rastafarianism. This sharing of ganja strengthens
the ethic of sharing and assists in building a new identity and community.

The dance is another avenue opened for both Rastafarians and other interested
people to come together and learn from each other. Apart from the fact that it
makes contact possible amongst Rastafarians, it also attracts new members. The
dance has been and still is the most important event in all the activities of
Rastafarians. Most members of the House of Fire formally became Rastafarians
with their move to, and settlement in Maphupheni. As the first person to learn
more about the Movement, Jah Power was influential in teaching new members.
Their settlement at Maphupheni also facilitated their conversion.

Although it is possible to generalise to some extent the reasons for becoming

Rastafarians, these differ for each individual. Most youths and female members
indicate their liking of the Rastafarian way of life as their reason for joining (see
Appendix). This lifestyle includes non-violence, doing no crime and drugs, or
drinking Babylon water. Whatever the reason, most individuals became interested
in the Movement as early as the 1980's. They all considered themselves
Rastafarians mainly because they wore dreadlocks, smoked ganja, and attended
dances. This changed when they became organised into a house and made the
sharing of information more possible, and enabled them to strengthen their
awareness of their unique identity.
 114

Thus, most Rastafarians started by wearing dreadlocks, smoking ganja and

listening to reggae music before converting to Rastafarianism for example Kebra
Kim.64

5.2.6 Diet

There is agreement amongst members that once one becomes a Rastafarian

he/she must abide by some conventions that form the most important component
of their identity. Most of them, especially those who are affiliated to any of the
three houses do not eat flash, drink Babylon water, take drugs or smoke Babylon
sticks and they show great contempt for anyone who uses these ‘substances’. Such
a person is not regarded a Rastafarians. Apart from not eating flash, they also do
not eat any processed food: canned food, ice creams, or food with sugar or salt.
This sometimes becomes a problem because according to all married men, every
member of their families has to eat ital food. In some families such as that of
Yellowman’s it resulted in a conflict when he ended-up cooking his own food in a
separate pot (Interview, Yellowman, 27th February 2002). The other problem is that of
Sister May who still stays at home where all eat meat but her. While having to
keep up a Rastafarian diet, parents send her to buy meat and she cannot refuse
because Rastafarians must show respect by doing what parents ask of them (Ibid,
.09th January 2003). There is, however, still a lot of confusion and disagreement
over what Rastafarians should or should not eat.65

5.2.7 Rastafarian Populace in Daveyton

It is very difficult to establish the exact number of Rastafarians in Daveyton

because of the fluidity of the Movement. Only the House of Fire has a formal
structure, with known and registered members. The other two houses are in the
process of constituting themselves into formal structures. The majority of those
who call themselves Rastafarians are, however, not affiliated to any of the three
houses or who can be called conventional Rastafarians as they do not feel bound

64
Appendix A,
65
The issue of diet is very important that members are always reminded of it every Sabbath and
sometimes it becomes a topic for reasoning (See 6.2 on the question of diet).
 115

by all of the religious decrees of particular houses. Apart from wearing

dreadlocks, the three colours, and smoking ganja, they have little in common with
the organised Rastafarians.

The conventional Rastafarians consist mainly of people who belong to the middle
and working class,66 and students. They tend to be more secular than spiritual in
conviction and practice. Since this group hardly meets for any reason, it is very
difficult to estimate their numbers because they are a fluid group.67 Unlike other
groups, they are not confined to a particular section of Daveyton, but are spread
all over the township. Yet they form a source from which organised houses get
their new recruits. This group consists of those Rastafarians who express their
identity through their physical appearance, playing reggae music and sometimes
attending dances. Their knowledge of the Movement tends to be limited to what
they hear from music since they seldom attend any other gathering.

It needs to be emphasised that it is also difficult to know the exact number of

organised Rastafarians. The House of Fire may have anything between twenty to
fifty members. This number is mainly based on the register that members sign
every time they congregate. However, it always fluctuates, so it is not easy to
establish the base number by following the count in the registers, since not all
members are registered. In some instances, some register for one year and do not
register the next year due to lack of registration money.

The second largest group consists of those affiliated to the Moden House. Because
this house is involved in organising dances, it is the most popular among the
youths. The Moden House is thus not so much concerned with social, spiritual,
economic or political matters, as with entertaining society and expressing their
identity through music and dance. Again, it is difficult to know the exact number
of Rastafarians falling under the two categories because they are not registered by

66
It should be noted that conventional Rastafarians do not believe in formal employment and cannot
be classified as a working class.
67
Their perception of themselves as true Rastafarians emanates from their conviction that
congregation is part of Babylon and that Rastafarianism is open-ended.
 116

any central body and do not meet officially to worship. Estimating their numbers
by attendance to dances is misleading since, the dances are attended by people
from other townships and by fans who are not Rastafarians.

5.3 Conclusion

In this chapter, I have argued that Rastafarians in Daveyton do not represent one
cohesive organisation. Four types of Rastafarians can be identified. The most
important of these is the House of Fire (the most organised). The other two houses,
the Moden House and the Milchezedec Order are still in the process of constituting
themselves into a formal organisation; they still have to gather information on a
constitution, find a place to gather, and devise their own practices that will further
distinguish them as a group with a unique identity. They still have to identify who
the priests will be, especially the Milchezedec order because it must have seven
priests. As for seven wives, the possibility of having that number of women
remains to be seen. One major difference between the House of Fire and the other
two is that those of the House of Fire can be seen to have reached the last stage of
their growth, namely, that of establishing some sort of a church and establishing
some contact with other Rastafarians belonging to the same order. Rastafarianism
is intimately connected to the social, economic and political conditions of post-
apartheid South Africa, especially in Daveyton. Rastafarians are extremely
critical of what they perceive to be the immorality of the new order in South
Africa, and are often nostalgic of the days when the fight against apartheid bound
all black people as one ‘kindred’. They try to reach out to international and pan-
Africanist movements against colonialism and slavery.

The Rastafarian life narratives researched in this thesis show that Rastafarianism
is more than channelling religious feelings; it is an elected way of life. Most
Rastafarians seem to have had a similar upbringing under unfavourable social,
economic, political, religious and family circumstances. As a result, their coming
together under Rastafarianism is a way of finding an alternative form of solidarity
within the community and of dealing with common experiences, which continue
 117

as current problems. Their similar political, social and economic backgrounds;

their perception or interpretations of the world around them; their belief in eating
a special diet make it easy and necessary to spend time together and to be in
constant dialogue with each other. They come together for religious purposes, to
provide a platform for discussing common feelings and social issues.

In addition to the general social, economic and political issues raised in this thesis
that contributed to the emergence of Rastafarianism, personal circumstances such
as family background and peer influence do seem to have played a significant role
in a member’s consequent decision to concert to Rastafarianism. The fact that
most Rastafarians are from broken families has forced them to gravitate towards
one another. In the absence of good family backgrounds, friends took over the
function of shaping individual identities. Subsequently a group identity emerged.

This chapter has dealt with issues of culture and identity as defined in this thesis.
It has sought to evaluate the millenarian aspects of Rastafarianism. These are
urther dealt with in the next chapter in addition to how Rastafarians conduct
congregational business specifically at the House of Fire.
 118

CHAPTER SIX

Gatherings

This chapter attempts to widen the understanding of the belief systems of

Rastafarians through observing their activities during gatherings. This helps to
establish the type of salvation they envisage and is done by interpreting songs, the
anthems and the creed, which accompany gatherings. It seeks to determine the
extent to which Rastafarianism can or cannot be categorised as a Millenarian
movement, how Rastafarians express their identity and locate themselves in
contemporary South African. As mentioned in the first chapter, this interpretation
is based on the methodology of James (1999) and Coplan (1994; 1985). Data was
obtained mainly through participant observation, follow-up interviews, and a few
written primary materials.

This chapter is an account of how Rastafarians of Daveyton come together. The

Rastafarians of the House of Fire have been gathering for a long time. A great part
of this chapter is written on information observed from their activities.68 The
House of Fire is the focus in this chapter because unlike the other two houses, they
have a ground where they gather (during grounation). Issues addressed include,
what types of gatherings take place? When do they take place? What is their
importance? What activities take place during each gathering?

Coming together or gathering is an important aspect of Rastafarians’ lifestyle. It is

another way of expressing and exploring their existence as a group with its own
identity. Gathering can be for spiritual purposes, which takes the form of an
official congregation, such as the Sunday sermon amongst Christians. This type
of gathering, the most important of all gatherings, is called grounding or

68
It must be noted that there is no difference in the way the three orders conduct their gathering. The
only difference is that the other two houses prefer to say their prayers wearing their turbans.
 119

grounation, which only true Rastafarians attend. Attending dances and dance
halls are the oldest form of gatherings. They are meant not only for Rastafarians
but also for other members of society. There are also official gatherings that take
the form of regional, provincial and national executive meetings, where
administrative matters are usually discussed. There are also unofficial gatherings
such as family gatherings.

Each type of gathering is important in its own way in making it possible for
Rastafarians to make and maintain contact with each other. This chapter looks at
organisation, events and functions, when these gatherings take place, as well as
their meaning and importance for Rastafarians and non-Rastafarians.

6.1 Groundation

The word grounation is derived from the word ‘ground’, which means the place
where Rastafarian gatherings take place for spiritual purposes. In other words,
where the divine assembly takes place. Among members of the House of Fire, the
ground is also known as the binghi. The Jahug describes the process of grounation:

[as]a congregation of Rastafari in Ivine Issemble which is the serious and sincere
duty of the Nyabhinghi Order which commemorates the origin coming together
to chant down Babylon and to give Jah glory. For one man alone is but a voice
in the wilderness, but the congregation of man is omnipotent (Jahug, 1992: 5).

Grounation is important for two reasons: it should bring Rastafarians together to

praise Jah and to fight down oppression. There are rules governing the ground
where grounation takes place. For instance, no person afflicted with any form of
disease is permitted to be among the congregation. Strangers are barred and the
use of cameras is prohibited unless authorised by the House. In the House of Fire,
women are expected to cover their heads while men must remove their turbans
before they enter the ground. As was noted, the removal of turbans is the main
cause of disagreement between the House of Fire and the other two houses.
 120

Photograph 1: Just finished preparing and (the priest at the centre) they are still waiting for other
members to arrive. Note the green, yellow and red flag, and the portrait of Bob Marley on the
background, two bowls for putting herbs and the priest at the centre holding ganja. (Photograph –
Midas H Chawane Maphupheni, 04 January 2003).

There is no specific day when grounation is supposed to be held; this will differ
from each house and time.69 For example, The Moden House meets, on Thursdays.
As for the House of Fire, the day of gathering has always been a problem. At first,
grounation was held on Sundays. This date was later changed to Saturday (in
accordance with all other branches) and then to Sundays again (Observation, 04th
January 2003). The reason the date was changed to Sundays was because most
members who are working are always late or unable to attend.

In the beginning, a tent was hired and used as a shelter for functions. As time
went by, a temporary one-room zozo (prefabricated structure) was built to serve as
a gathering place and a storage room for drums. The zozo sometimes serves as
accommodation for Rastafarians who do not have a home. However most of the
69
This is in spite of the fact that thet Jahug stipulate that that Sabath should be observed. The reason
for gathering on any day is because Sarturday is not a convenient day for all.
 121

time it is unoccupied except when it is used as a tabernacle. When used as a

tabernacle, it is prepared according to the Nyabhinghi guidelines. At the centre is
a table which is an alter covered in a red, gold and green cloth and surrounded by
chairs where members sit during gatherings. A plate of ganja, herbs, and a portrait
of Selassie, a bowl of fruits, bibles and study materials on Rastafarianism that are
used during congregation are placed on the table (Ibid).

On the ground there is also a round tabernacle made of poles still under
construction – the most important structure. This was built following the
Nyahbinghi Order guidelines with twelve outer posts representing the Twelve
Patriarchs, the twelve gates of New Jerusalem, the Twelve Tribes of Israel, and the
Twelve Apostles. At the centre, is the largest post of all which represents: Ian’I
Ivine Majesty, that is, Emperor Haile Selassie I who is the head of the Nyahbinghi
Order. The roof of the tabernacle takes the shape of an umbrella.70 At its centre
there is an alter made of six outer-posts surrounding a centre post. This
symbolises the Book of the Seven Seals, the Seven Golden Candlesticks.71 This is
evidence of the Judao-Christian influences.

Priest Binghi Bunny and Kingman mostly preside at the alter. There are rules
governing how members should behave inside the tabernacle. For example, no
eating is allowed inside and the inner section of the alter. This area should not be
used for any other purpose other than those related to the binghi, such as a storage
of documents. When it was finally occupied in July 2002, the tabernacle brought
much awaited relief because not all members attending grounation could be
accommodated in the temporary structure. Its occupation also brought in some
financial relief because it served as a venue for the monthly East Rand meetings.
In addition, instead of hiring a tent each time they had a big gathering, the new
tabernacle was used (Observation, 04th January 2003). The process of grounation is

70
The roof was to be covered with thatch which was cut by volunteers from the house on
Sundays when there will be no any Binghi (Jahug, 1992: 44).
71
The Rastafari of Daveyton do not like similar movements that use candles during their church
service because they claim that Rastafari is their light and they do not need any other light.
 122

divided into three sessions, which Rastafarians of Daveyton refer to as churchical,

reasoning and governmental.

6.1.1 Churchical or Ises

This is the first session of grounation; it is characterised by singing, drumming and

dancing. As the words churchical or ises suggest, it is a sort of church sermon
where Rastafarians give praises to Jah. The first members to arrive prepare the
venue, the chairs and table as well as the drums for the gathering. If it is a cold
day, a fire is made and the drums warmed around it.72 While waiting for other
members to arrive those present (if they are more than five) start singing the
churchical chants and beating of drums. The chants that are sung during grounation
are common to Rastafarians internationally and are supposed to be known by
heart by all who claim to be true Rastafarians.

Originally, there were about 133 chants. This number has been growing. Talented
and inspired members of the faith created them during the early days of the
Movement. The Sankeys (hymnbook) and African American spirituals were re-
rewritten and their beat rearranged to fit the philosophy and the heartbeat of the
Nyahbinghi ceremonies (Jahug, 1992: 7). Some of the chants were taken from
Christian hymns and tailored to fit Rastafarian belief system (especially those that
praise Haile Selassie). That is why some chants refer to personalities in the Bible,
such as Moses and Aaron, amongst others. Different types of chants categorised
by Rastafarians themselves are sung, for example, chants for redemption, revival,
ises, judgment, repatriation, love or togetherness, burials and sanctifications
(Observation, 27th December 2003). A chant is explained before or after singing for
the benefit of new members or visitors. Most of the chants are easy to sing
because they relate to the life world of Rastafarians; they are usually short. A
sample of the most popular chants is in the Appendix. Below is an explanation73
of some of the most favourite chants usually sung during the churchical session.

72
This is to harden the skin for better sound.
73
The explanation is from members themselves. A chant can be explained before or after singing,
depending on the necessity of the explanation, or members can understand a chant by listing to the
shout that accompanies its singing.
 123

Redemption songs are also called liberation or emancipation songs; they call for
the destruction of Babylon. An example of a redemption song is Chant 1 entitled
Him have to Move. It is one of the most popular chants in the House of Fire. The
chant is about the enemies of Rastafari that when he (Rastafari) gets in or takes-
over, they will scatter and be destroyed. These enemies are Pope Paul of the
Roman Catholic Church74, Queen Elizabeth as the representative of the British
Empire, Babylon, Downpressors75 and apartheid. It does not matter whether you
are black or white, rich or poor as long as you are the enemy of Rastafari you will
be destroyed. Another redemption song is Chant 3 entitled Burn Down Colonialism.
Although it is only three lines, this chant is invariably repeated for more than five
minutes. The singing of redemption songs is accompanied by the Nyahbinghi
dance with performers dancing and jumping in a circle. The singing, dancing and
jumping is accompanied by shouts and calls for the destruction of all the wicked
people, a common redemption vision of whites driven to the sea, as in the
example of Nongqawuse’s vision (Observation, 27th December 2003).

The other most popular redemption song is chant (85) entitled 400 Years. This
chant is popular in the houses of Daveyton; it has been sung by reggae superstars,
amongst them Peter Tosh. It is about slavery and colonialism, which kept black
people under oppression for more than 400 years. Blacks have over the past 400
years been burning Babylon (fighting downpression) without stopping and they will
continue to keep the fire burning until Babylon is destroyed.

Revival chants, according to Rastafarians, are spiritual and remind them of their
past and the main aim of Rastafarianism which is to go to Zion (repatriation) and
the triumph of Zion over Babylon. Chant number (23) Babylon a Follower can be
described as both a redemption and revival chant. It is about the oppressor who is
always following Rastafarians wherever they go, and complains that Jah did not

74
The Pope is seen as a representative of a religion that has collaborated with the Italian government
of Mussolini when Italy invaded Itheopia just before the outbreak of the Second World War. It
should be noted that Christianity (represented by the Pope) and capitalism (represented by the
Britain and the United State) collude in the oppression of blacks.
75
Note the play of words where the oppressor is called the downpressor because according to
Rastafarian language you can only press a person down.
 124

send anybody to watch and spy on them. It is also a revival song because it talks
about heaven (Holy Mount Zion), saying that Babylon can follow them to a
certain point because when they enter Mount Zion he cannot enter.

Revival chants are also about the past glory of Africa, Ithiopia or black people.
Chant 10 entitled Proud to be Black is an example of a revival song. Priest Bingy
Bunny explains the meaning of the chant as follows:

The chant tells I n I to be proud of our past because as Rastafarians and black
people I n I traces I n I roots to Moses, Aaron, King Solomon and Queen of
Sheba who were black. It is about the glorious past of Africa and her contribution
in civilization by building the first university of Sankore in Ancient Mali and
invention of medicine by Imhotep in Ancient Egypt (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 16th
August 2003).

Another revival chant is number 31 Children of Africa. This one is a declaration by

Rastafarians that they have their rootical foundation (origin) in Ancient Africa, and
that because of that they must inite (unite). In glorifying Africa’s past: the
readings, writings, mathematics, science and civilisation are seen to have their
origin in Africa. Chants (7) Leave Babylon, (24) Ithiopians are you Ready, and (96)
Babylon Throne Gone Down are some of the songs which sing about repatriation. It
must be said that repatriation for Rustafarians does not mean to physically leave
Babylon but to change the life one is living. Therefore, these chants are about
mental repatriation from bad living to good living. It must also be noted that these
chants were compiled during the time when repatriation meant ‘Back to Africa’
from Jamaica, hence their call for Rastafarians to leave Babylon physically.

Some chants are also meant to provoke self-reflection with overtones of Judao-
Christian practices relating to self-sacrifice, introspection and repentance.
However, Rastafarian chants are different because of their political content.
Chant number 7 is an example of such chants. According to Wiseprophet, the
chant is a call to all Rastafarians to analyse their lives to discover that they are
living unclean lives, are oppressed and harassed by Babylon. This condition, it
suggests, prevailed a long time ago. Even under Selassie, the same oppression
and harassment took place. The solution to this problem is to move out of
 125

Babylon and go to Mount Zion without caring what people will say (Interview,
Wiseprophet, 16th August 2003). Chant 24 asks black people if they are ready to
leave Babylon when the morning star starts shining. The chant Babylon Throne
Gone Down, according to Wiseprophet, was popularised by Bob Marley (Ibid). The
chant is about the fall of Babylon Kingdom and the return of Rastafarians to
Mount Zion. The fall of the Kingdom was announced by the Rasta man and is
signalled by the Angel John (the Baptist) seen holding the Seven Seals and singing
that Babylon’s Kingdom has fallen (Ibid).

Chants 13 Gonna be Fire and 21 Is your Name Written There?, are examples of what
they call judgment duty. Unlike the Christian notion that talks about the end of the
world and ascending to heaven, Rastafarians see judgment as a secular event that
takes place during their lifetime. According to chant 13, the wicked will be
destroyed by fire, and are paying for all their sins to other people. The fire is not a
real fire but symbolises the power of Jah and punishment. Rastafarians believe
that when you do bad things, fire will burn you, which means that bad things will
happen to you. Fire is seen as a symbol of punishment that Jah uses against
evildoers (Observation, 29th June 2002).

Love and togetherness are very central in the lives and beliefs of Rastafarians,
which is sometimes expressed in singing. The chants that aim at promoting love
and togetherness are chants 20 One Black Love and 75 Get Together. When singing
these chants the mood is not the same as when singing redemption or judgement
chants. They are sung at the end of the gathering, when members stand in a circle
holding hands; there is no dancing (Ibid).

The singing of chants goes hand in hand with the beating of drums. The drums
are very important and grounation cannot take place without them. They are
played by experienced people, and are played according to a specific beat. Those
who want to learn how to play them do so in their own time. There are three
drums and their nature and the way they are played is described as follows:
trinity of drums, the repeater (akete/kete) which speaks or sings, the fundi or
fundeh which syncopates, and the bass drum which keeps the heartbeat of the
 126

music, has evolve as the musical instruments of the Nyahbinghi Order. The bass
carries the two beats, the heartbeat (one, two) in accord with the fundeh which
says ‘do good’ or ‘one two’. The repeater (the speaker) repeats the notes in
accordance with the bass and the fundeh (Jahug, 1992:7, 44).

As an important part of observance, the process of drumming, singing and

dancing are, according to the Jahug, believed to produce a natural vibration filled
with positive messages of black redemption and liberation. These bear popular
themes of harmony, justice, equality, peace and love (Ibid). That is why members
of the House of Fire are encouraged to sing and play drums aloud to give praise to
Jah.76 Singing continues until there are enough members to open the proceedings
officially. The official openning is marked by the singing of the Ithiopian Anthem,
followed by the recitation of Psalms 1, 121,122,133 and 24, and the recitation of
the Nyahbinghi Creed (Observation, 06th April 2002).77

The singing of the Anthem is accompanied by the beating of drums, and is done
with more respect than the singing of chants. During the singing of the Anthem,
there should be no dancing and everybody should stand still. Those who are late
and find the singing in progress should not enter the tabernacle. They must wait
outside until the anthem, Psalms and the creed have ended. On entering,
latecomers have to greet the person who is on the floor (priest of the day) by
touching clenched fists, and the priest will in turn do the same to the person
sitting next to him. This will continue until the circle is completed by the person
on the floor, who will return the greetings to the latecomer (Observation 2nd
February 2002).

Members are expected to take part in singing and recitation of the Anthem,
Psalms and the Creed. Copies to assist new members to learn these are
distributed. These chants should be memorised by each member, Psalms and
Creed. According to Priest Binghi Bunny, this is to show respect to His Ivine
Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 16th August 2003).

76
The dance that accompanies singing and drumming is known as the Nyabhinghi dance and other
Rastafarians believe that whites cannot be Rastafarians because they don’t think whites can see
them doing this dance.
77
For the creed, anthem and the Psalms see Appendix B.
 127

The days of the 27 December 2003 and the 03 January 2004 were set aside for the
explanation of the Anthem, the Psalms and the Creed to those who do not know
them. Explaining the importance of singing the Anthem, Binghi Bunny says that
it is to honour or praise Ithiopia, Rastafarians, and black people in general. This
helps them to focus on the task of the day and to ask for blessings from Rastafari.
All must stand tall and firm with hands forming a heart like sign during singing.

The sign symbolises a number of things. It symbolises both peace and war. It
represents the heart and the spear. It is also taken to represent Africa and
sometimes used in greeting instead of closed fists (Ibid).

The interpretation is not given by any specific person but is open to all members
to explain their meaning according to their own understanding. The priests only
facilitate the process by asking questions. On 23 October 2003, in my presence,
the priest asked the importance of Ithiopia and the meanings of the three colours.
Wiseprophet responded in this way:

Ithiopia refers to ancient Africa and is seen as Eden where life started and where
such things as civilization and order started. The swift clouds bring rain and life
and they symbolise Rastafarians who are gathered around Jah throne. About the
symbolisation of the three colours, the red stands for blood and it symbolises the
innocent blood shared by blacks during slavery and colonial times. The gold
stands for wealth or riches and it symbolises Africa’s resources and her charity.
The green represents plants or life and is a symbol of hope, when you put a seed
on the soil you do so with the hope that it germinate and grow. Because Jah
leads I n I from darkness to light and shield I n I from wrong, I n I shall sing Him
ises (Interview, Wiseprophet, 23rd October 2003).

Wiseprophet’s response makes an interesting point. He makes the comparison

between Ethiopia and Eden. Both are cited as the origin of life and of
‘civilisation’.

The second verse of the anthem is a chorus that praises Selassie as King of Kings
or The Most High (Negus) who makes sure that Ithiopia maintains her freedom in
order to progress with truth, right, love and light. Emphasis is on the fact that
there is only one Jah from whom all imanity (humanity) appeal to and that is
H.I.M. The third verse is a reminder to Rastafarians that Jah is always present
with us but mankind sometimes cannot realise this. Jah is asked to give to all
 128

Rastafarians of this time (today) that ancient knowledge and voice from the
ancient (past). As Jah has spoken in the ancient, He still speaks in these times with
the same voice but the message can only be heard by all Rastafarians. The phrase
‘Ithiopians now stretch forth their hands’ is taken from the Bible, and according to it,
all nations of the world are seen going to Ithiopia for salvation and in this way
breaking the boundaries that divide and separate them. Mount Zion refers to
Itiopia and within the context of the anthem; it means heaven. This is not a place
but is the highest state of livity and thinking. Thus, Africa should be blessed in
whatever she does (Interview, Jah Youth and Observation, 06th January 2001).

The last verse sees Ithiopia becoming victorious against her enemies and those of
Rastafarians who fought so hard to see her on her knees. Blacks who are scattered
all over the world are calling, their calls heard, and with the spirit of love, all
Rastafarians are urged to become one throughout the coming years (Ibid). This
description and analysis of the Anthem confirms that at least one aspect of
Rastafarianism does resemble movements that have been characterised as
millenarian, with a day of judgment envisaged witnessing the destruction of all
evildoers, and the reunion and salvation of the faithful in an emphatically African
landscape. Note below the very wide range of those who may fall into the
category of evildoers.

The singing of the anthem is followed by the recitation of Psalms. The Psalms,
though taken from the Bible are very different because they have adapted to fit
Rastafarian language and beliefs. In addition, their interpretation differs from the
original meanings. According to priest Binghi Bunny, Psalm 1 speaks about I n I
and does not speak about the nation. It is noteworthy that the idea of nation is
rejected, because the Psalm is about how man and man, not nations, should live
on earth. It is about good and bad that humankind can be (Interview, Binghi Bunny,
16 August 2003). Members of the house added to this by describing the council of
the ungodly as people such as:
losers, carnal mind people, bad company, group of rebellious people, gangster
people, the anti-Christ people, anti-Binghi, those fighting against Rastafari or
those fighting against good. An example of these councillors is the Pope and his
 129

company, the present government because they pass laws to legalize abortion,
and the Pentagon (Observation. 16th February 2002).

Wiseprophet interprets the line that reads and shall be like tree planted... as:

To youths sitted amongst elders getting knowledge that will be used and passed
on to the next generation. The tree is a Rasta man or woman and water is
knowledge and those without this knowledge do not have a standpoint and they
are a type of people who moves from one church to another. The tree that is
planted by the waters will always grow and bear fruits while the one without
water will die or will bear rotten fruits. There is no mixing between the good and
the bad because the bad will perish and the good will prosper (Interview,
Wiseprophet, 23rd October 2003).

Psalm 121 brings togetherness to humanity and it speaks of Rastafari (the creator
of heaven on earth) from whom help to Rastafarians will come. The earth is seen
to consist of the ground where we live as well as our bodies. Heaven consists of
the way we live and think. Psalm 122 is a prayer and praise for Ithiopia where
Rastafarians get joy in going to and settling in this land. Ithiopia is a city where
Jah stays and sits on the throne that was passed down from King David. As a
prayer, it asks for prosperity for those who love Ithiopia, for peace inside its walls
and its palaces, and for love amongst those who dwell within it. Psalm 133 gives
thanks for the blessing that Jah showered upon Rastafarians and expresses joy,
love and unity under which they live. This Psalm is interpreted as encouraging
Rastafarians to grow their dreadlocks and beards. Love and inity is likened to an
ointment that is poured on the dreadlocks and down the beards, and this is
likened to the dew of Harmony descending from the mountain of Zion
(Observation, 16th February 2002).

Psalm 24 is about iration (creation) and the judgement duty (judgement day). Haile
Selassie is seen, not only as the creator of the earth and the seas but as the earth,
the world and everything that lives on it. He is the creator of the seas. Only the
righteous will see the judgement day. We all will pay for our transgression here
on earth and the wicked will never receive their blessing from Jah. The Psalm
calls all Rastafarians to look for help from Jah and to open their hearts to receive
Him. The House of Fire changed the original version of the last part of the Psalm in
order to accommodate women. Instead of repeating the line lifts up your heads
 130

o’yeh black man ... Who is this King of Zion? Haile I Selassie, it says o’ye black oman
(woman)... Who is this mother of iration? Empress Menen I” (Ibid).

Nyahbinghi Creed comes after the Psalms. It is a summary of Rastafarians’ pleas

to Jah. There is disagreement about what Egypt stands for since it is located on
the African contintent. Some believe that it is associated with slavery and that
leaders of blacks will come out of this place of slavery. Other opinions are that:

Egypt is not an evil place and it refers to Africa and should not be abused or
accused by Christians who tell us that the Pharaohs were bad Kings. It should
not be seen as a terrible place. The Creed means that the Kings and Queens will
come from Egypt and we are Egyptians (Interview, Wiseprophet, 23rd October 2003).

Of all the nations of the world, Ithiopians are the ones who will open their hearts
to Jah and let His spirit dwell within them. It asks for forgiveness from Jah since
no man is perfect in iration and to learn to forgive others and not pass judgement.

As Rastafarians, we must learn to love and be loyal. Love, loyalty, knowledge

and overstanding manifest itself in the mind and Jah blessed them with these to
enable them to do his will. The Creed also tells us what our responsibility is to
other people. Where it says let the hungry be fed... is the reflection of the
perpetual state of things human beings find themselves. There is always
unemployment that is the main cause of lack of food and clothing. Rastafarians
are thus called upon to work hard in order to provide food and cloth for the
hungry and naked just like the Moslems are doing (Ibid).

Rastafarians agreed that their aim should be to feed themselves first before they
start feeding others. For the sick, today there is the problem of AIDS, with many
orphans. The sick need counselling, and by giving counselling, Rastafarians will
be nourishing them with knowledge to help them cope with this problem. The
Creed also asks for protection from Jah against all enemies and their destruction
(Observation, 03rd January 2004).

6.1.2 Reasoning

After the completion of the Creed, they all join hands in a circle and sing, after
which everyone must sit, when the process of reasoning starts.
Reasoning is the cornerstone of Rastafari within the Nyahbinghi Order. Through
Word Sound Power I an’ I can bring judgement to pass, therefore I an’ I have no
need for weapons (Jahug, 1992: 7).
 131

Reasoning is an ad hoc dialogue on virtually any topic, ranging from religion or the
Bible, politics, education, social problems, ancient African history, current news,
ganja, love and hatred – anything that the house may agree to discuss or that may
arise from the house. With the aid of the Bible, newspapers and other written
material, reasoning entails critical reflection on Eurocentric ideologies and evils
that are manifest among humankind. Its importance to the House of Fire is that
members should see, do and believe in one thing so that when asked individually
about their Movement, they should give more or less similar answers (Observation,
08 March 2002).

The choice of the topic to be discussed is dependent on a number of things, such

as the Rastafarian calendar or current news affecting Rastafarians. An example is
the month of February — an internationally known as Black History Month. In
this case, reasoning centres around the issue of tracing the history of blacks from
ancient, slave and colonial times to the present. Deeds and lives of great African
kings, queens and leaders are remembered. Africa’s ancient glories, her struggle
against slavery and colonialism are also discussed. Members come with material
dealing with African history. Thus during the entire month of February reasoning
is focused on Black History. Events are held throughout the country in
celebration and some members from the house attend conferences and bring
materials back to the house for discussion. Jah Power attended one such
celebration with Kingman in Johannesburg in 2002, who brought a paper
delivered by Dr. Kgalushi Koka78 entitled The Concept of the Black Star and Pan
Afrikan Unity: Kwame Nkrumah, Malcolm X, and Mangaliso Sobukwe. Photocopies
were made available to facilitate further discussions.

Discussion on Dr. Koka’s paper asked questions such as: What do you know
about these great leaders? Where are they from? What are their philosophies?
Different answers are given until the correct one is received. The one who

78
Dr. Koka is held at high esteem by the Rastafarians of Daveyton and they all agree that he should be
supported in every workshop he organises. This is mainly due to his ideals on Pan Africanism
which Rastafari is also preaching.
 132

brought the document usually gives the correct answer. In cases of unknown
answers or disagreement, members are asked go home and do research.

Photograph 2: Rastafarians performing during the Black History Month. (Photograph – Midas H
Chawane Rolihlahla Community Hall, Etwatwa, 12 February 2003).

Those bringing materials from the conference highlight the most relevant sections
of the paper and read it to the house for discussion. An extract from Nkrumah’s
speeches was read out as follows:

There is a battle to be fought; there are obstacles to be overcome. There is a

world struggle for human dignity to be won. Let us address ourselves seriously to
the supreme task that lie(s) ahead. To accomplish these aims, AFRICA MUST
UNITE (Koka, 1985: 10).

The above quote raised the following questions: what battle is referred to? What
obstacles are referred to? How are these obstacles going to be overcome?
Answers are given by anyone in the house according to his/her understanding.
For some the battle is against evil, for some against hunger, illiteracy or
ignorance, but the obstacle, they all agree on, is Babylon or the system. The only
way to overcome these obstacles is to chant down Babylon. The last sentence of
 133

the quote was debated at length, and the cause of the debate was whether Africa
must unite first or first accomplish the aims and then unite. Those who argue that
Africa must first unite see the lack of unity as one obstacle to it. Those of a
different opinion argue that Babylon is the cause of the division and that Africa
will never be united until the battle is won. Emphasising why the topic was
important, Binghi Bunny said the purpose of this topic is to educate ones and ones
about African heritage (Observation, 14th June 2002; Interview, Binghi Bunny, 16th
August 2003).

The 26th of April of every year is an important date for the Rastafarian
movement and is celebrated all over the world. This was the date when Haile
Selassie visited Jamaica. It also marks the fulfilment of Marcus Garvey’s
prophecy. Reasoning during this day centred around what happened when Selassie
visited Jamaica on 26 April 1966 of the coming of the Black Messiah. For the
House of Fire, the 26th was going to be on a Friday and it was decided that day be
celebrated on 20th April 2002. The priest initiated the discussions. He asked if
anyone in the house knew anything about the visit. In the absence of responses,
he started to read from a number of documents.

On 14 June 2003, the topic brought for reasoning was ancestors, that is, the
question of whether Rastafarians should worship them or not. It poses the
question of the relationship between Rastafarianism and African ‘traditional’
religion beliefs. Reasoning took the form of question and answer. Below is a
sample of how the session went:

QUESTION: What are ancestors or Amadlozi in Zulu and Badimo in

Sotho?
ANSWERS: They have something to do with the slaughtering of goats
and visiting the graveyard things that Rastafarians should not do. It is
something we cannot see and we do not know. The Sangomas (traditional
doctors) are the ones who believe and work for them. It is the spirit of the
dead. A difference should be made between witchdoctors and bush
 134

doctors. A bush doctor is someone who is using pure herbs to cure other
people’s sicknesses while witchdoctors use animal organs not only to help
but also to harm other people.

QUESTION: Why should I n I worship or not worship them?

ANSWERS: This question is a tricky one. There are similarities between
ancestral worship and Christianity. They both deal with telling people
about their future and worship spirits of dead people; hence, for us they
are “dead religions”. In contrast to this, Rastafarianism does not deal with
spirits, but our Jah comes in flash and it is not possible for anyone to know
what the future holds. We know how evil comes. That is why we no nyam
flash and salt, they contain evil spirits. Accordingly, Rastafarians should
not kill and in the works of Amadlozi they slaughter animals, nyam flash
and drink Babylon water.

QUESTION: Do I n I have ancestors and do I n I believe in them?

ANSWERS: There are ancestors for Rastafarians and we do not believe in
them or worship them but we remember them. Our ancestors are our
heroes like Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, Malcolm X, Robert
Sobukwe and Martin Luther to mention a few.

QUESTION: When we talk about ancestors, what is the relationship

between them and angels?
ANSWERS: According to iration, it is Jah on top, and then there are
angels who are sent by him, and ancestors are for after life. As for
ancestors, there are good and bad ones, which mean that if you lived a
clean life you will be a good ancestor, people will draw some inspiration
from you. If you lived badly, you only bring bad memories to people living
after you. Angels are the righteous ones, people like us who have been sent
by Jah to teach people to do good so that they can become good angels.
Therefore, angels are not the Christian ones with wings mentioned in the
 135

Bible, and for human beings to be angels; they must graduate to that stage.
The stage is called the Angelic stage that is a perfect state, perfect in
uttering, doing and everything. “As it was in the beginning, Jah created
sons and daughters (men and women) so what we are fighting for is
repatriation of mind to live a perfect ancient livity. Man, angels and
ancestors are one like the world that is one, that is why you cannot tell
where ancestors and angels live because they in man who has attained
perfection. They live within our hearts and minds,” (Observation, 14 June
2002).

From the account above, Rastafarians’ conceptualisation of angels and ancestors

differs from Christian and African traditional beliefs. Angels are not understood
in the same way as in Christianity, that is, as messengers of God. Ancestors are
conceived beyond and outside of the ethnic or clan connotation. By rejecting the
Christian conceptualisation of angels, African beliefs in ancestors and by
conceiving these beyond ethnic and clan connotations, Rastafarians of Daveyton
are thus reaching out for a more pan-African source of unity and ancestry.

Sometimes the topic of the day can become more religious, especially when it is
about love, togetherness or repatriation. In this case, the Bible plays a major role
during reasoning. Someone wanting to read relevant verses from the Bible or recite
a poem can sometimes interrupt discussions. For example, on 26 July 2003 the
topic was about love and inity. Isaiah 43 Jah Promise to Rescue I n I and Jeremiah
23: Hope for the Future were read and they show that “repatriation is a must. They
show that inity is very important for I and I for repatriation to take place, and that
preparation in a form of collecting knowledge, iverstanding and ital livity is of
outmost importance,” (Interview, Wiseprophet, 23rd October 2003). Corinthians 13,
Love is perhaps the most popular topic (Observation, 26th July 2003). It is about what
love is and what it is not and that love is the most important thing. Thus:
If I have no love I am nothing. I may give away everything I have, and even give
up my body to be burnt - but if I have no, this does me no good ...Love is patient
and kind; it is not jealous or conceited or proud; love is not ill-mannered or
selfish or irritable; love does not keep a record of wrongs; love is not happy with
evil, but is happy with the truth. Love never gives up; and its faith, hope and
 136

patience never fail...Meanwhile these three remains: faith, hope, and love; and
the greatest of these is love (Good News Bible).

The most important thing about reasoning is that it allows all members of the
Movement to express themselves by asking and answering questions. Youths are
encouraged to ask questions where they do not understand, and sometimes they
are asked questions to show that they understand. When asking or answering
questions, they indicate this by raising a hand. When talking, they should stand
up and should first greet all by shouting Haile Jah. Other members respond by
saying Rastafari Selassie I the 1st. The same greeting is repeated before sitting down
to show that one has finished talking (Observation, 2 February 2002). Reasoning
stops at 16:00 after topics for discussion for the next strong (session) are proposed
and approved. The session is officially closed following the same procedure when
opening. After closure the treasurer collects donations which are used to buy ital
for the next strong. The ital is distributed to members giving the children first,
women, youths and then elders. All but members of the administration (also
known as the Nyahbinghi Theocracy) remain for the next session (Ibid).

6.1.3 Governmental

After reasoning, the governmental proceedings are officially opened by singing one
chant. This is followed by the reading of the agenda and minutes of the previous
meeting. The agenda for every meeting is the same because every discussion is
the follow-up of what was previously discussed and agreed upon. The elect of
records, after declaring the meeting opened, will read the agenda that includes
minutes of the previous meeting, announcements, reports, apologies and matters
arising.79 Issues like the building of the tabernacle and land remain on the agenda
for as long as they are under construction or in the process of acquisition (Ibid).
Announcements and reports are about Rastafari events that took place or
invitations to events that members feel are relevant to the Movement. Sometimes

79
There is no one day that passes without new members or visitors from other provinces or houses
coming. The number of members however does not increase because not all members of the house
always attend.
 137

governmental may not take place because the first session may take too long or
because there may be other pressing issues to discuss or problems to solve. For
example, if there is to be a regional gathering, the governmental session may be
replaced by preparing for the night.

An example of problems that arose in the house was one that involved two
youths, Nhlakanipho and Desmond, both 12 years old then. They were reported
by their parents to Danny — a member of a disciplinary committee. This
procedure can be traced back to the apartheid era Civic Association Movements
and people’s courts. Civic associations and people’s courts were social
movements that were established in the township for the purpose of mobilising
and disciplining residents. The Civic Association Movement was central to the
insurrectionary liberation struggle carried out within South Africa and mobilised
township residents to demand political reform and the rectification of misdeeds
perpetrated by the white administration (Lanegran, 1995:101). According to
Danny:

their parents complained that they were rude boys, smoking ganja and stealing
money to buy some. They were also reported to be no longer attending school
and showing no respect to their parents. Their parents are blaming it on I n I
because the youths claim to be members of the house (Observation, 27 December
80
2003).

Because the youth were present, they were questioned, their addresses taken as
well as the names of schools and classes. It was resolved that one of the priests
would visit their parents and school in an attempt to solve the problem. It was the
first time the house had come across this kind of problem. The need to have one
policy governing the youths, particularly those attending without their parents or
their permission was discussed. It was decided that the issue be put on the agenda
for reasoning the next strong (Observation, 10 March 2002).

80
This was not in line with Rastafarianism that discouraged the unregulated smoking or recreational
smoking of ganja and non-attendance at school and highlights the importance of education and
discipline.
 138

The number attending the Saturday gathering is not so large; it ranges between 20
and 35 members. There are various explanations for this fluctuation. One of the
reasons is the belief that members do not recruit people. Jah Youth observes:
“Rasta does not convert people that who feels it knows it, which implies that people
should join the Movement out of their own will.” (Observation, 06 April 2002). In
addition, the majority of them are self-employed and it is during Saturdays that
they work. Lack of space (because the tabernacle cannot be used during windy
and rainy days) and chairs to sit on is another reason for the low attendence.

6.2 The Dance and Dance Halls

This is perhaps the most important of the gatherings or events attended by

Rastafarians after grounation. Its importance lies in its ability to attract
Rastafarians from all three orders, non-affiliated Rastafarians, reggae and ganja
lovers, and interested onlookers. Its other significance is that it is the way that
society encounters Rastafarians. The dance is the only event in Rustafarian lives
that brings them together once a week in great numbers. Organising dances is the
responsibility of the Moden House, and they compile a timetable showing who is to
host the dance and when. Thus should any Rastafarian wish to host a dance, he
must book his date with the house. The house sees to the provision of a music
system and the DJ for the dance. The host to be will then pay R150. The dance
takes place every Sunday starting in the afternoon depending on the weather. If it
is a very hot day, it will be delayed until late afternoon. The dance takes place in
the street in front of the house of the host (Interview, Humbleness, 23rd September
2003).
 139

Photograph 3: Rastafarian reciting a poem in a dance. Note some itals (fruits) on sale. (Photograph-
Midas H Chawane, Mokoka Library, Daveyton, 16 February 2002.)

Photograph 4: Youth dance. Note the step they are following. (Photographed - Midas Harold
Chawane, Mokoka Library, Daveyton, 16th February 2002.)

The official opening is made in a similar manner followed when opening all other
gatherings; however, in this case, it is done early (about 12h00) before the arrival
 140

of many people. People from different walks of life are attracted, including
members from other congregations and Apostolic Churches as they pass by from
their respective churches, drunkards, children and many more join the dance
(Observation, 16 February 2002).

Elders, youth and women do their own separate dances because their styles differ.
The pace amongst women dancers is slow and elders do the Nyabhinghi dance.
The youth dance is the most attractive and onlookers tend to concentrate more on
them than on the elders and women. This is because they dance following
particular steps. Before they start dancing to a song, it is first played for a moment
until someone sets the steps that will be followed. All dancers dance following
one-step until the end of the song. The steps that are followed are easy and after
observing their movement, anyone can join in. The dance also gives a chance to
non-Rastafarians to smoke ganja in public. Police and soldiers always pass by
without harassing them or sometimes avoid passing through. When asked why
police are not giving them a hard time Rastafarians answered by saying it is
maybe because of their number. Sometimes there can be so many people that the
street is closed for traffic (Ibid).

From their activities and actions during the dance, it can be said that Rastafarians
are in some ways a closed society. Every Rastafarian coming to the dance has to
go around and greet all others one-by-one or group-by- group. In the case of one-
by-one greeting, they greet by knocking their fists together while where there is a
group they all knock their fists together at the same time. This is done with every
Rastafarian no matter how many of them one has to greet, but only Rastafarians
are greeted. The same procedure applies when one leaves the dance for home. In
the sharing of ganja and itals only those people known and those who seem to be
true Rastafarians are catered for (Ibid). They will always share ganja and itals with
each other and ignore those who are not Rastafarians. Rastafarian women always
share ganja with each other away from the company of men. The reason for this is
that some people and others who claim to be Rastafarians mix their ganja with
Babylon sticks (cigarettes) and do not always nyam ital (healthy) food. Ganja plays a
 141

vital role during the dance and is readily available. The ganja bread is sold for one
rand for a small piece and is the most popular ital baked without any sugar, salt or
any ingredients apart from ganja. Some ganja is sold during the dance. There are
also other items on sale such as Rastafarian T-shirts, caps, beads, badges and
portraits and itals such as inuts (peanuts), inanas (bananas) and oranges (Ibid).

Photograph 5: Rastafarian women sharing ganja. (Photograph - Midas H Chawane 08 March 2002).

Dance halls take place on Fridays, the main aim of organising them being to raise
funds. They take place in halls from six o’clock at night to six o’clock the next
morning, and are usually organised by the houses or committees. Entrance to the
dance hall is R10 per person, and attracts Rastafarians from the entire East Rand
region. Apart from the above features, dance halls are similar to the main dance
(Observation, 08 March 2002).
 142

Photograph 6: Rastafarian men sharing ganja. (Photograph - Midas H Chawane, Mokoka Library,
Daveyton, 16 February 2002).

Dances also constitute an important occasion where announcements and

speeches affecting Rastafarians of Daveyton are made. Poems recited during the
dance are protest ones.81 Women are not involved in organising or hosting the
dance. Their role is limited to preparing itals to sell and taking part in the dance.
For the greater part of the gathering, the women keep to themselves (Observation,
16 February 2002).

6.3 Regional, Provincial and National Gathering

The importance of these types of gatherings is that they serve as the only channels
through which Rastafarians can express themselves as a group. Regional
gatherings usually take place every second week of the month. All houses of the
East Rand hold them. Each house is given an annual chance to host the
gathering. The House of Fire in Daveyton hosted the gathering for the year 2002
and during 2003, they were held in Wattville.

81
See Appendix for poems that are recited during gatherings.
 143

According to the agenda, the main purpose for gathering is to discuss matters
affecting Rastafarians on the East Rand region. This demonstrates the acceptance
of municipal demarcation. These matters consist of topics such as registration of
houses and members, sanctification, celebrations of important dates in their
calendar and communicating information from the provincial and national
houses (Ibid). As host for the year 2002, the House of Fire had to make all the
necessary arrangements. The organising committee had to see to the hiring of a
tent, tables and chairs. The catering committee sees to the buying and preparation
of itals, and the cooking is done during the night on an open fire. The welcoming
committee takes care of everyone’s arrival. Other houses that come to the
gathering made a contribution of about R150.00 towards the preparations, which
is used to buy ganja and itals that is cooked for members free of charge (Ibid).

The gathering starts on Saturday evening and ends on Sunday morning and takes
the form of an extended version of the process of grounation, with the exclusion of
the reasoning session. Thus, it is more governmental in nature. It starts with a
meeting of priests from the various houses where an agenda for the night is
drafted. Once the agenda is completed (between 10 and 11pm), the gathering is
officially opened (Ibid).

Photograph 7: Proceedings during a regional gathering. Seated are all the priests from the East
Rand region (Photograph - Midas H Chawane, Maphupheni, 08 March 2002).
 144

Regional and provincial gatherings are usually held in preparation for a national
gathering. Announcements from the National Council and other houses are made
during these gatherings. For example, an announcement may be about the
opening of a new house that will require the presence of whoever can attend.
There is sometimes an overlap between regional and provincial gatherings when
instead of attending a provincial gathering, it is decided that members from
outside the East Rand region can also attend a regional gathering. For instance,
the regional gathering of the 7th February 2004 was attended by Rastafarians from
Soweto, Alexander and Yeoville with two Rastafarians form Cape Town.
Everyone is free to contribute irrespective of the province from which he comes.
This gathering, though taking place at the regional level was in preparation for the
National gathering (Observation, 07 February 2004).

The National gathering takes places twice a year under the auspices of the RNC;
it is attended by representatives of houses from all provinces of South Africa. Its
purpose is to review progress and discuss issues affecting all Rastafarians at the
national level, such as membership and registration. It is during the meeting of
the National Executive that general policies and demands of Rastafarians from
the government are formulated.

Photograph 8: Members of the catering committee preparing ital during the regional gathering.
(Photograph - Midas H Chawane, Maphupheni, 08 March 2002).
 145

Photograph 9: Members of the catering committee cooking ital. Note that the actual cooking of
food is done by men (Photograph - Midas H Chawane, Maphupheni, 08 March 2002).

6. 4 Family Gatherings and Visits

These types of gatherings highlight the importance of the family amongst

Rastafarians. When and where a family gathering is to be held is announced
during governmental. Sunday is the day set aside by Rastafarians to look after their
families and visit other Rastafarian families. Family gathering takes place
amongst members of the House of Fire and only those who are married take part.
Its main purpose is to get their families acquainted and to encourage each other,
especially encouraging their wives to adopt the Rastafarian way of life since
Rastafarians maintain that ‘dawters or omen take a little longer to know and
overstand the works of Jah’ (Interviews, Kebra 14 May 2003). The gathering is not a
formal one. Women and children spend their time on their own and men do
likewise. During the gathering families share ital, ganja and discuss issues such as:

How we eat at home; whether husband and wife eat together in one dish or not
and if not why; how children should be raised, in short, we discuss everything
that has to do with the family (Ibid).

What is interesting is that the problem why some families do not eat
together is because the wife may still be eating what Rastafarians should
not eat and as such, she has to eat from a separate dish. The gathering is
 146

thus meant to convince women to be true Rastafarians and because it is

informal, it gives them a chance to talk in order to get used to talking and
be able to reason at a higher level during the grounation (Ibid). The
importance of family gatherings lies in the fact that it indicates concern for
maintaining the stability and cohesion of the family, and reflects
understanding of the family as keeper of moral standards – something that
they missed as children (see Table 4.1 or Appendix).

According to Sister Queen Fire women’s discussions:

Deal with what a Rastafarian woman can or cannot do. Women are for example
expected to cover their heads especially when in the company of men and should
wear long skirts (below their kneecaps). There are also some laws governing
family life amongst Rastafarians. Women should abstain from mixing with men
during their menstrual periods (known as the process of cleansing) which implies
that they should not come to the house. Women are also not supposed to cook in
the house during this time (Interview, Sister Queen Fire, 27th February 2002).

The above is very similar to prescriptions found in many other religious

organisations. Apart from these official gatherings, there are also celebrations to
mark important occasions. Celebrating these can take many forms, such as a
dance or a night vigil. In the House of Fire, commemorations always take place
beforehand because their gatherings take place on Saturdays as most of the time
the date (for meeting) is during the week. Annual commemorations amongst
Rastafarians are significantly on the three most important dates of their calendar:
April 21st (the arrival date of His Majesty’s three-day visit to Jamaica in 1966),
July 23rd His Earthday (Birthday) in 1892, and November 2nd (His coronation of
1930). Other important celebration dates are January 7th (Ethiopian Christmas),
May 25th (African Liberation Day), August 17th (Marcus Garvey Earthday),
September 11th (Ethiopian New Year) (Interview, Bingy Bunny, 05 January 2003:
Jahug, 1992:10). These celebrations can sometimes coincide with other gatherings
or organised to coincide with them, for example, they can be organised to take
place on the same day as a regional gathering. However, these events are not fully
commemorated by Rastafarians of Daveyton. The Ethiopian Christmas, African
Liberation Day, and the Ethiopian New Year, for example, are not celebrated.
 147

Another important event celebrated by Rastafarians during reasoning, is the Black

History Month during the entire month of February (see above), which is
celebrated at local and provincial levels. Provincially, Rastafarians from the local
house attend conferences (usually in Johannesburg). Locally, speakers who are
well versed in African history are invited to come to Daveyton to speak about
black people’s history. In 2003, Dr. Lavin Mgwebi Snail was invited to speak
(Observation, 12 February 2002). Students and teachers are also invited to attend
and a community hall or sometimes a school is used. According to Rastafarians,
February has become their month and organising celebrations such as this is one
way of reminding society of their existence and serves as another way of keeping
contact with the community, when Rastafarians play drums, sing songs and recite
poems to entertain the audience (Interview, Jah Power 07 January 2003).

Taking into account the meanings of the concept of culture as defined by

Malonowiski, Stuart Hall and van der Walt, it is argueable that Rastafarianism
constitutes a cultural movement, since it includes knowledge, beliefs, art, law,
morals, ideas, social relations, language, and social organisation. Rastafarians, as
members of a cultural movement, have developed their own ideas (knowledge)
embodied in their own institutions (Rastafarianism) that is formed and reformed
during reasoning. They also have their own belief system based on the veneration
of Selassie a god. Their art is expressed in performances such as dances, poetry,
singing and drumming. Rastafarians have also developed their own social rituals,
such as family visits and the maintenance of gender relations; laws governing
what Rastafarians can and cannot do and those that govern the ground; and their
own language in the form of iri-talk.

6.5 Rastafarian Concept of Salvation: Consideration of

Millenarianism

Rastafarianism as a form of religion differs not only from the mainstreams of

Judeo-Christianity and Islam but also from traditional African religion or
Independent African Christian religion. In spite of certain identifiable common
 148

characteristics, such as the widespread belief in a Supreme Being, the Rastafarian

notion of Jah differs in certain respects from many African traditional religions.
Although not universal, the veneration of ancestors is widespread amongst

African traditional religions, a practice that Rastafarians on the whole tend to

repudiate. In terms of salvation, emphasis amongst African traditional religions is
on the attainment of immediate goals, both social and personal. While
Rastafarians, like African traditional religions, believe in reincarnation, they
reject the notion of an after-life. Expressing an opinion about the coming of
Christ, Jah Power (quoting Mutabaruka during his South African tour) said:

His father sat on the rocking chair and waited for Jesus to come and never come.
His mother sat on the rocking chair in the veranda waiting for Jesus to come and
never did. And now he is doing the same, waiting for the same Jesus
(Observation, 12 February 2003).

When repatriation was the main form of salvation envisaged by Rastafarianism

during its early years in Jamaica, one can agree with Johnson-Hill (1996) that the
Movement appeared to assume the character of a messianic cult with millennial
expectations of returning to a pristine golden age (physical repatriation to Africa).
However, in the intervening years Rastafarians developed into a more complex,
distinctive religious form, which defied traditional social scientific categorisations
( Ibid, 1996: 10) and started to reject a literal apocalypse or second coming.

It is difficult to generalise. There are broad similarities between Rastafarianism

and Millenarian movements. Taking into consideration the division of
Rastafarianism in Daveyton into three sub-groups and the existence of
Rastafarians who are not affiliated make it difficult to generalise on its nature.
Although members of all three sects are perceived as Rastafarians and see
themselves as such, their religious convictions are different, making it even more
difficult to categorise Rastafarianism. The discussion that follows explores the
millennial aspects of Rastafarianism in more detail.
 149

In order to understand the similarities between Rastafarianism and other

Millenarian movements, it is important to describe the concept of millennium. It
is a Latin word for 1000, and derived from the Book of Revelation. In Revelation
20, Satan is described as being bound and thrown into a bottomless pit after
which Christian martyrs reigned for 1000 years (Cohn, 1957: 13). Taking into
account the historical accounts of how millenarian movements emerge (see
Chapter Two), the Rastafarian Movement can be seen to be millennial in terms of
reasons for its origin — often material shortcomings denoting lack of social
justice. Lack of housing, inadequate provision of services, and failing attempts by
local authorities to improve the situation have all added to their frustrations.
Added to these was the dashed expectation that the new democratic dispensation
would bring much needed change. All these added to the desire for a replacement
of the existing order with a new one. Rastafarianism was thus born from the same
kinds of reasons that have fuelled millenarian movements elsewhere, and
resemble them in its desire to overthrow the corrupt (unjust) order. In the
Bulhoek case documented by Edgar (1988), everyday life was disrupted in the
sense that the Israelites stayed away from home following Mgijima’s vision, but
Mgijima’s millenarian beliefs were integrated into daily life. In Rastafarianism
religion and practices are also integrated into everyday life.

Although economic, social and political conditions played a role in Rastafarians’

decision to join the Movement, factors such as reggae music, ganja smoking, and
the dance prove more influential. Unlike other millenarian movements,
Rastafarians see themselves as part of society and work towards its wellbeing
instead of operating as a secluded movement. They take part in community work,
and perform celebrations through dancing, singing and reciting poems. Salvation,
therefore, is not something that has to be waited for but must be worked towards.
Their message to society is not about the end of the world but about living in the
present w o r l d peacefully. This differentiates Rastafarianism from other
millenarian movements, although it is similarly based on rigid and homogeneous
perceptions. Rastafarianism has become so open a proposition that it is
interpreted differently by individuals as well as by the different orders.
 150

Unlike other millenarian movements where salvation is not anticipated on earth,

salvation for Rastafarians is to be attained on earth because it is here on earth
where sinners pay for sins. For them, heaven does not exist in its physical form
but as a state of mind (Observation, 29th June 2002). The fact that they do not
believe in literal violence to crush Babylon suggest that this is to be accomplished
in a miraculous way. In this case, they believe that Babylon can be destroyed by
chanting it down with drumbeats and by natural forces such as fire and brimstone.
When repatriation is attained, life on earth will be transformed and there will be no
more wars, oppression, corruption and evil associated with Babylon (Ibid).

The characteristics of millenarian movements that have been analysed by scholars

tend to suggest that millenarianism attracts the deprived. These people, due to
their economic, social and ethical deprivation gravitate towards one another with
a hope of improving their present situation. Applying the deprivation theory to
the Rastafarian phenomenon, Clarke argues that Rastafarians are not primarily
seeking compensation for the relative economic and social deprivation they
experience in Babylon because they shun her economic and social status (Clarke,
1994: 71-74). Their salvation is fundamentally a search for a relevant way of
interpreting the past and the present in the light of future events. They are very
much concerned with developing a black understanding and interpretation of a
search of life and not simply with a method that will enable members to cope.
The Movement was born out of a search for a lost cultural identity and
awareness, a sense of dignity, self-respect, and an appropriate and coherent
system of values (Ibid). The research undertaken here seems to confirm this.

Thus, we see that Rastafarianism differs from millenarian movements in several

significant respects. Firstly, it is a leaderless movement. Most millenarian
movements tend to centre on the leadership of a charismatic person who alone
claims to be in liaison with the supernatural being. During gatherings, each
person is free to express oneself and there is no one particular person responsible
for overseeing proceedings. Johnson-Hill (1996) summarises the situation thus:
 151

[Unlike] the adherents of most classical millenarian movements, Rastafarians

disavowed allegiance to a single charismatic leader. The majority of them do not
even affiliate with a centralised organisation. They are not linked to specific
sanctuaries or faith centres, and do not espouse any set creed. Nor are they
institutionalised in such a way that they train religious specialists who then
transmit doctrines or teaching to non-specialists (Ibid: 4).

In this respect, their beliefs are not highly systematised or logically interconnected
and that they are open to a number of possible interpretations. This might well be
a source of strength rather than an indication of their inherent fragility (Clarke,
1994:78). Secondly, unlike in other religious movements, members of the
congregation are encouraged to ask and answer questions during reasoning.
Thirdly, their aims and practices suggest that they are more than a religious or
social movement. Although, they are also concerned with political and economic
injustices, and sing for a betterment world, their movement, may be seen as a way
of life, which is more than just a millenarian movement. Johnson-Hill (1996)
prefers to view Rastafarianism as a revolutionary force and as a popular front
born out of the Jamaican cultural and religious experiences that are understood as
a transformative consciousness that contains elements of a new social ethics
(Ibid). This is because life for them has come to include not only the spiritual but
also other aspects. As for Babylon, they are aware of her strength and the futility
of physically fighting against her. Instead of choosing the self-destructive route of
fighting a physical battle, they identify within the system things that they perceive
as bad, and so influence each other not to do them.

6.6 Conclusion

Rastafarians in Daveyton have devised their own ways of meeting one another
for spiritual, social and organisational reasons. Gatherings, especially grounation,
regional, provincial, national and family ones are a very important part of
Rastafarians of the House of Fire. Dances and dancehall gatherings are very
important for Moden House. Without these gatherings, it would be impossible to
communicate and share information that is important in forming and maintaining
a group identity. It is difficult to generalise about the nature of the Movement by
looking at how they gather and what they do during these gatherings, but some
 152

observations were possible. The churchical session during grounation addresses the
spiritual aspect. Reasoning includes, among others, spiritual, political, social,
economic and educational matters.

While Rastafarians sing for the destruction of Babylon and repatriation as their
ultimate goals, they are aware that this is not an easy task to attain. That is why
when reasoning they seldom talk about salvation or the end of the world in its
present form as envisaged by other millenarian movements. In their fight against
Babylon, they acknowledge her strength and the difficulty of overcoming her (by
encouraging each other to be strong). An interesting aspect of their belief
expressed during gatherings is non-violence. When looking at how they think
Babylon will be overcome without the use of violence, their expectation of divine
intervention appears to resemble a millenarian movement.

Even though it has become clear during reasoning that Rastafarians oppose the
existing order, they prefer to operate within it in their own way instead of
working against it. The fact that their ground is not situated on the outskirts of
town shows that they see themselves as members of society. In order to be visible,
they have come to develop special characteristics that are unique to the
Movement. The next chapter looks at how these salient features developed and
what their meaning is.
 153

CHAPTER SEVEN

7. Identity Formation among the Rastafarians of Daveyton

We have seen in the previous chapter that, according to informants and the way
they tell their story, political movements overshadowed Rastafarianism before the
dawn of democracy. Most people who were Rastafarians or who later joined the
Movement were preoccupied with the struggle for liberation, as in the case of Ras
Bongane and Jah Power.82 These were politically active before they decided to
become Rastafarians (See Appendix A). This situation was to change after political
liberation in 1994. The new democratic constitution promised freedom for all
including Rastafarians. This chapter attempts to understand how the changing
political scene influenced Rastafarians’ process of identity formation. Taking into
account the negative attitude of most members of civil society towards
Rastafarians and the unwillingness of the government to recognise the
Movement, their identity developed not only out of the desire to be different, but
also as a reaction to the system and a society that was not willing to recognise
them. In order to express their separateness and challenge the existing social,
cultural, religious, political and economic orders, they have adopted a number of
symbols. The extent to which these are a challenge to the status quo; how society
reacts; and how society is affected by symbolic challenges posed by
Rastafarianism are some of the questions that will be answered here.

Most of the data in this chapter was obtained from primary materials, such as
newspapers and interviews with individual Rastafarians. Thus primary and
secondary materials, debates and discussions during reasoning and observation of
activities during ritual ceremonies provided valuable information in this chapter.

82
Ras Bongane met a Rastafarian during a political demonstration while Jah Pwer was a member of
the Pan African Congress before he became a Rastafarian.
 154

The symbols that proclaim the cultural identity that Rastafarians have developed
helps them to preserve a sense of uniqueness as a social group, protect their
beliefs, and validate the Movement’s claims, thus:

Through the way they dress, their dreadlocks, their headgear in the Ethiopian
colours, their music and general lifestyle, and their way of living naturally, the
Rastafarians assert their right to define themselves, to decide who they were, and
who they are, and to determine how they should live and the values they should
pursue (Clarke, 1994:57).

The most salient of these is their adoption and wearing of the colours of Marcus
Garvey (Ithiopian colours): red, gold and green; and their dreadlocks, which
symbolise the boundaries of group membership and at the same time, reflect their
defiance of Babylon (Kebede and Knottnerus, 2006: 9). The important thing about
Clarke’s quotation is the way he posits the idea of a fluid identity that strives for
definition and is open to the notion of self-exploration. What is most fascinating
about Rastafarians is the holistic, different lifestyle called I-tal leivity which
includes dress and rituals among others. They also separate themselves from
society through the use of language they call iri talk, Iyaric, dread talk, or soul
language, which is not only a boundary marker but also serves as a medium of
communication which reflects the ethos of the movement (Ibid). In their quest to
be different, Rastafarians of Daveyton, like all other Rastafarians, have adopted
the smoking and use of ganja. Even more interesting is they have developed their
own ways of celebrating their rituals such as burials, sanctifications of newborn
babies, marriages and earthdays (birthdays). Before a full description of these
various forms of symbolism is attempted, it is important to discuss the historical
origins of Rastafarian cultural identity.

7.1 The emergence of Rastafarian cultural identity

Rastafarian cultural identity arises within what social scientists have described as
the cultural sphere of American plantations where slavery resulted in the creation
of a very complex cultural arena. Slaves were taken from various parts of Africa
and found themselves without any common cultural identity. Attempts by the
British authorities to make British subjects out of slaves were thwarted by the
 155

Maroons, who established autonomous communities and organised themselves

along African tribal patterns (Ibid: 5). Maroons were found in most slave societies
such as Jamaica, Haiti Brazil, and South Africa where they were active in
organising resitance against slavery. When the British took over Jamaica in the
middle of the seventeenth century, most slaves escaped to the mountains where
the other fugitives frequently joined them. They continuously harassed the
planters by stealing, trading with slaves, and insing them to run away. Haiti had
its own Maroons as early as 1620 who were responsible for the uprisings of 1679,
1691 and 1704 (Franklin and Moss: 45). In Brazil, Maroons established an African
state called the Republic of Palmers (Ibid: 51). In South Africa, they organised a
maroon community at Cape Hangklip and a chain of slave contacts linking it
with Cape Town (Elphick and Giliomee: 160).

Blacks, according to Rastafarians, were not only physically uprooted from their
original homeland but were also alienated from their true identity, hence their
culture became a blend of African and Caribbean cultures. They took from both
cultures what they felt was relevant to their course, and together with slave,
culture forged a new cultural identity (Ibid: 10). Rastafarian identity is thus
understood as evolving out of cultural resistance — the lack of political freedom
and opposition to an imposed slave identity. Mason (2003) describes the lack of
identity or slave identity as having emanated from the belief by slavers that slave:

Owe their lives to the masters. On their own, they belonged to no legitimate
social order. They had been stripped of all rights and all claims of birth and
family and were connected to society only through their masters. Rightless,
kinless, and utterly marginalised, they were the most degraded members of slave-
owning society (Mason, 2003: 7).

Mason goes on to say that, this was social death as opposed to physical death.
However, slaves did not see their condition as permanent, which is why they
refused to accept it. Similarly, the cultural identity of Africans in Africa emerged
out of opposition to colonial culture. In order for colonialism to be successful, it
was important to destroy or distort traditional African identities. In South Africa,
the social and historical context in which Rastafarian cultural identity arose was
also characterised by the lack of democratic institutions that provided space for
 156

individuals or groups to express their own beliefs. Rastafarian identity in South

Africa developed in reaction to the predominantly apartheid culture which put a
higher value on European culture than on African culture, but denied Africans
access to it. In the absence of one common identity that could be shared by all
youths across ethnic and linguistic lines, which was reinforced by apartheid,
Rastafarianism offered an option for cultural unity. Before 1994, Rastafarian
identity in Daveyton arose in reaction to the cultural sphere that was shaped by
the apartheid system, which sought to polarise blacks along ethnic lines.
Rastafarianism as a result became a magnet that pulled people together
(especially the young) from different cultural backgrounds. The Movement came
to serve as a platform on which the youth could mould a new cultural identity
based on an African perspective. This new common identity cut across cultural,
linguistic, ethnic and tribal lines.

The period after 1994 saw the reassertion and a more open expression of
Rastafarian cultural identity. This was the result of two processes. Firstly, as
indicated in this study, when apartheid was abolished, Rastafarians seized the
opportunity and started to make themselves more visible in the hope that society
would be more tolerant and that the government would recognise them. The
more Rastafarians realised that the government was not willing to recognise their
Movement, the more the will to express their separate identity grew, sometimes
resulting in violent clashes with the police, for instance in 1995 when Rastafarians
in Cape Town clashed with the police during a demonstration for the legalisation
of ganja (Pace Magazine, July 1995).

In spite of the fact that there appears to be opposition arising from the
government and some members of society, Rastafarian cultural identity is
becoming more popular, especially among the youth who are still in search of
their identity. We may note that some members of society who are not
Rastafarians have adopted Rastafarian symbols. These popular symbols include
dreadlocks, specific attire, ganja smoking, language and music. Whilst the
wearing of dreadlocks and the use of Rastafarian colours have been
 157

commercialised, the smoking of ganja, language and music have all become
popular amongst the youth. It suggests that the commoditisation of some of the
symbols of Rastafarian cultural identity has made them more of a style than a
serious cultural phenomenon. However, these more sensational aspects of style
are not the essential traits of Rastafarianism. While other expressions, such as
dreadlocks or the smoking of ganja are not compulsory for Rastafarians, it is
compulsory and important for all those who claim to be true Rastafarians to live a
particular way of life called I-tal livity.

7.2 I-tal livity: Rastafarian lifestyle

The practice of I-tal livity (vital living) amongst Rastafarians is reflected in their
appearance, diet, use of herbs, process of reflection, modes of production, and
aesthetic activity (Kebede and Knottnerus, 1998:494). Rastafarians expect each
other to live in accordance with nature’s laws, or living naturally, which means
living in that climate and culture for which one is suited. According to Kebede
and Knottnerus, the concept I-tal livity occupies a central place in the worldview
of Rastafarians. It represents an alternative to the lifestyle followed by most
members of society and involves the philosophy of living harmoniously as well as
collectively with nature. It is a communal mode of life that abhors individualism
and unnecessary interference with the rhythm of life (Ibid). This means living in a
society where nature is respected, and where one lives close to the earth. In
practice, living naturally means living on or off the land. It means producing
one’s own food naturally, eating only natural (I-tal) food, and respecting the
land’s sacred character by refusing to use it as a commercial commodity to be
sold for profit (Clarke, 1994: 83). Thus, I-tal livity denotes how Rastafarians
should live and behave, do or not do, and eat or not eat and so forth as a way of
life.

Within Grounation I-tal livity requires clean hands and pure hearts, and entails the
sipping of I-tal sup (soup) and the licking of ital cup, and the chanting, stepping and
 158

jumping to the Nyahbinghi drums (Jahug, 1992: 10). The Jahug summarises I-tal
livity as follows:

that both the Nyahbinghi men and women are expected to abide by the laws of
His Imperial Majesty. Nyahbinghi man should abide by one Queen (i.e. he must
be married to only one woman). He must be non-violent, non-abusive, non-
political and non-partisan; he must be free from all criminal activities; intimate
relationship with whites is strictly forbidden; he should not abide with women
who are non- Rastafari; he must maintain and raise his children in the order of
righteousness and not allow his children to comb or trim their hair (Ibid: 42).

I-tal livity thus governs almost every aspect of a Rastafarians’ life, sets up
monogamy, a code of ‘rightiousness’ and is professedly apolitical. Contrary to the
traditional African practice of polygamy, Rastafarians should be married to only
one Queen (wife) and she should be black and a Rastafarian. They should not get
involved in violent activities: fighting physically or verbally. They expect each
other to live a humble lifestyle free from political affiliation.

I-tal livity for men does not mean the same as for women. For example, unlike her
male counterpart, a Nyahbinghi woman is not allowed to play the drums but can
only play the shaka (shaker) or timbrel. As already seen, a Nyahbinghi woman is
not permitted to ‘administrate’ around the altar or to prophesy before the
congregation. She can only make suggestions during reasoning and participate
during governmental.83 If she gives birth to a Prince (boy), she should stay away
from the issemble for three months and for a Princess (girl), for four months.

83
This shows how Rastafarians use African culture selectively to form their identity. An example of
such aspect is where women are not allowed to stand in front of men and address them unless in a
specific situation.
 159

Photograph 10: These Rastafarian women are wearing skirts that cover their knees and they all cover their
heads. (Photograph - Midas H Chawane, Mokoka Library, Daveyton, 16 February 2002).

I-tal livity allows the wearing of jewellery but forbids the piercing of body parts.
The plaiting of dreadlocks is also forbidden as it is written in the Bible in Peter 3:3
(Ibid: 43). It (I-tal livity) also prohibits one from attending the congregation to
activate his or her evil conceptions, which may include:
carnal mind, backbiting with the tongue, lying lips, slanderous speaking with
delusive thought, stealing, use of lethal weapons, sticks and stones, or fighting
physically. No discordance in spirit or physically, here or anywhere. No
unfairness. The ivine principles or rules must not be kept in Ivine issemble alone
(Ibid: 52).

What Rastafarians should eat and not eat forms one of the most important topics
of discussion during reasoning in almost every gathering. No one Rastafarian seems
sure about the answers to this question. The Bible is used to throw light on this
topic but is critically discussed and contradictions within it are highlighted.
Deuteronomy 14:21 and Leviticus 17:13 and 14, for example, are interpreted
during reasoning as talking about what the Israelites should or should not eat and
what they should do with the type of food they should not eat. One of the
contradictions in these books is that the former states that what Israelites do not
 160

eat and should not eat must be given to their neighbours or strangers; while the
latter says, it should be thrown away (Observation, 2nd February 2002).

In the list of what constitutes I-tal food, flash (meat), Babylon water (alcohol),
Babylon sticks (cigarettes), salt, sugar, processed food, all food prepared by non-
Rastafarians and food from unknown sources are excluded. The reason they do
not eat these types of food (junk) is that a human body is taken to be holy and
should not be contaminated. The reason salt is not used is that it is used in the
process of cleansing to chase away evil spirits (Ibid).

During the reasoning session on 2 February 2002 a question was put to the house
about whether they should eat milk and eggs. The reply was that milk is meant
for calves and that milking a cow is theft since it denies calves of their milk. This
argument was taken further by saying that calves as well as babies suck from their
mothers until a certain age and that for men to eat milk for their entire lives is
unreasonable and unfair (Interview, Kebra, 14thMay 2003). Ital food, sometimes
shortened to ital, according to them is natural food that grows from the soil. Thus,
the most important diet is fruits and vegetables; it excludes any animal product.
As to why Rastafarians do not eat meat, Jah Power said that they should not kill
for the following reasons:

Jah made man to be the guardian of the earth and all animals on it but this is not
the case because humankind is trying to nyam all animals out of iration. In the
beginning, man and animals used to stay together without problems. Man started
to nyam meat and kill animals for it and when animals became aware of this they
started to fear man and went to stay far away from him (Interview, Jah Power, 07
January 2003).

During the same reasoning session, a concern was raised, if Rastafarians do not eat
meat it will affect their health and the growth of their children. This was refuted,
with the claim that the opposite is true. Citing as an example, it was argued that
of all animals the elephant is the biggest; it does not eat meat (Ibid). Food is
usually cooked during regional gatherings and funerals. The catering committee
buys and prepares ital. The most common food cooked is rice and vegetables in
two separate big pots. Apart from water, no salt is added. Rastafarians of the
 161

House of Fire claim all this is what separates a true Rastafarian from the rest. As
Jah Power put it, “Some people do Rastafari and some like us live Rastafari that
is Jah Livity” (Ibid). Hence, Rastafarian consciousness and identity that is unique
from the rest of the society.

7.3 The Colours of Marcus Garvey and Other Symbolism

A further most important aspect used to differentiate Rastafarians from the rest of
society is their adoption and wearing of the colours Marcus Garvey used for the
UNIA flag. These are black, green and red. With permission from Garvey, they
added the colour yellow or gold. According to Garvey, black symbolises the skin
colour of the black man, green for nature, red for the blood of blacks that has
flowed in oppression, and yellow, which, according to Rastafarians, stands for
wealth. These colours are found on their clothes, on amulets around their neck,
and on their musical instruments (Oosthuizen, 1990: 46-47).

Different people interpret these colours differently, for example, for some the
colour red stands for the church triumph, that is, the church of Rastafarians. It
also symbolises the blood that martyrs have shed. Yellow represents the wealth of
the homeland (Africa). Green represents the beauty and vegetation of Ithiopia, the
Promised Land. Sometimes black is used to represent the colour of Africans, from
whom 98% of the Jamaicans are descended.84 These colours recur on just about
all Rastafarian accessories — hats, head wraps, scarves, wristbands, banners,
earrings, beadwork, drums and other musical instruments.

Sometimes the colours are reversed for commercial reproduction but originally
red should always appear at the bottom when combined with the other two (that
is they should appear as green, yellow and red). Red stands for the Coercive
Genocidal Servitude (slavery). Gold stands for the wealth that was stolen and the
resources of life that continues to be taken out of Africa. Green stands for the
abundance of nature on the African continent. A variation on this theme is green,

84
Rastafarian Religion in http://www.aspects.net/~nick/religion.htm, p. 2.
 162

black and red with a lion’s head or map of Africa in the centre. The lion is a
traditional symbol of Ethiopia and is often used to represent Haile Selassie who is
also known as the ‘Lion of Judah’. The lion is sometimes depicted with a human
face sporting dreadlocks and a beard in the manner of Haile Selassie himself
(Gondwe, 2002: 14).

While Rastafarianism is primarily presented as an internal journey, certain

external symbols and rituals have been formalised and certain visual codes
established which identify it. Every symbol has a spiritual significance and always
bears the central theme of Africa. A recurring theme is the literal presentation of
the actual shape of the continent, Africa. This appears regularly in their artwork,
from pedants and T-shirts to banners, posters and books. It is even depicted in
non-verbal communication in the presentation of linked hands with thumbs
pressed together to form the shape of Africa and the fist salute, an ancient call of
power to the people. Rastafarians can also be identified by their attire, which
bears the three colours. These are mostly worn on Saturdays during
congregation, binghi or on special occasions if members are not wearing their
white gowns. Special attire is not always necessary for Rastafarians attending
these gatherings. Some wear their ordinary attire sometimes with a green, yellow
and red scarf or badges of Haile Selassie, Marcus Garvey, Africa, a lion, Bob
Marley or any reggae star.

Rastafarian colours are the most obvious colours for commercialisation. Non-
Rastafarians buy and wear Rastafarian outfits such as T-shirts, hats, beads and
necklaces. The Rastafarian colour combination features in fashion items that
appeal across cultures, especially with the hip-hop generation (Gondwe, 2002:
14). The colours of Garvey have also come to be worn by people who wear
African traditional attire. These people often wear Rastafarian beads or necklaces
with their traditional African attire. Women sometimes wear Rastafarian turbans
on their heads to complement their African attire. Ordinary people in the street
also buy and wear Rastafarian hats, caps and T-shirts.
 163

7.4 Iry Talk and Reggae Music

There are many style aspects that Rastafarians of Daveyton appropriated from
Jamaica and commodified in order to suit their conditions. Through their style of
communication known as Iry talk, lyric language, soul language or dread talk
Rastafarians of Daveyton have forcefully preserved a sense of themselves as a
social group. Their language is based on an alteration of the lexical structure of
Jamaican Creole language. There is a very close connection between the language
spoken by Rastafarians and reggae music. In most cases, the language is
expressed through dub poetry, which is a specialised mode of expression intended
to reflect people’s experiences and their daily lives (Kedebe and Knottnerus, 1998:
4). It is through reggae that the world became aware of the existence of the
Movement. It is through listening to reggae that Rastafarians in South Africa
came to learn the iry talk. Reggae music besides being the vehicle that brought the
language was also the carrier of other cultural aspects associated with the
Movement.

Manganyi argues that language can be an instrument of oppression. All languages

in South Africa have been made ‘partisan’ or have been linked to a particular
ethnic group and, as a result, there is no common language to communicate a
common meaning:

In our history, those amongst us blacks who became alienated from their
Africanness did so partly because they became absorbed into a new language
idiom - a new way of experiencing, thinking and doing. It is significant that the
state of culture and identity in South Africa is such that there is no ‘language’
free of partisan interests to communicate the new meanings that await South
Africa in the future (Manganyi, 1981: 70).

As we have seen above, Rastafarians explicitly reject political or partisan

affiliation. The origin of Rastafarian language was the result of their
unwillingness to adopt the language of their oppressor, and the meanings inherent
in particular words or phrases. Another important issue is the lack of single
language that can be used to express common meanings for all South Africans.
The iry talk enables Rastafarians from different language groups to communicate
with each other. The process of reasoning would be hampered if there were no one
 164

common language. To facilitate understanding, make a comment or stress a

certain point during reasoning, the iry talk is sometimes used in conjunction with
either Zulu or Sotho. Although these two languages are also spoken, the iry talk is
the most frequently used language (Observation, 2nd February 2002). Iry talk is
important in eroding ethnic and linguistic boundaries that would make
communication difficult. The use of Zulu and Sotho in conjunction with iry talk
(resulting in the emergence of a new language unique to Rastafarians of the House
of Fire) makes the use of an interpreter unnecessary.

Rastafarian linguistic innovation shows how identity as self-assertion and in

relation to the other is gained. Their manner of speaking in the first person is one
of the most important innovations. The use of I ‘n I (I and I or me and you)
emphasises the importance of the first person (granting the other person equal
first person status rather than the second or third person status of English personal
nouns) reality of conscious self while it may be a constant reference to the unity of
Jah (Denis-Constant,1995: 2). ‘I n I’ is also used to refer to me and you or we (us)
and them and as such can be analysed as a collective word emphasising that the
self is more than the single, individual self, encompassing others as well. The
concept of I has come to be applied in many instances. When referring to Selassie
the First, he is referred to as Selassie I, which implies that he is one with all
Rastafarians. The concept of I also refer to Jah because according to Rastafarians,
God and Man are of the same image (Observation, 2nd February 2002).

The word I has also come to be used as a replacement for most of the initial
letters of original English words. For example, the words vibration or creation
have been changed to iration depending on the context within which they are
used, assemble to issemble, unity to inity, and praises to ises. The usage of I in this
way is not applicable to specific words because everybody is free to use it this way
when he or she deems fit (Ibid).
 165

Rastafarians feel that some words are wrongly applied. Instead of using the words
‘international’ and ‘understand’ they prefer to use the words, outernational and
overstand (sometimes called iverstand). Thus, although the word international starts
with an I, it is changed for the sake of meaning since once other nations are
included together with one’s own nation; it should be coming from the outside.
As proof that someone is following what is being said one has to stand over,
above or in control of, and not under knowledge (Ibid).

For the Rastafarians of Daveyton, iry talk has becomes the most important
component of their identity. Their language is mostly influenced by Jamaican
Creole, which most Rastafarians in Daveyton know through reggae music. As has
been remarked, African languages are seldom used and iry talk is the medium of
communication. What makes it easy for Rastafarians and others who are not
Rastafarians is that, unlike all other languages, there are no rules governing the
usage, pronunciation or spelling of words (Ibid). Therefore, the language is used
freely and members are able to learn it fast. What makes the language easier for
the Rastafarians of Daveyton to speak and to understand is that it is mixed with
Zulu or Sotho (Ibid). The language spoken by Rastafarians of Daveyton is a blend
of Jamaican Creole and African languages.

Apart from language, Rastafarians also use signs and expressions that are part of
their daily interaction. These were initially meant to serve as a boundary
separating them from society. One common sign is instead of shaking hands, they
will touch with clenched fists. This style of greeting has developed into the
touching of a closed fist with the thumbs rubbing. The most recent style of
greeting that is not yet copied by non-Rastafarians is that of making a sign of
Africa (Observation, 16th February 2002). Of importance is that they have also come
up with certain expressions that only Rastafarians can interpret, such More Fire
(appreciation of good work or as an encouragement); yes I (as for yes I see or
agree); and Word Sound and Power (known amongst them as a trinity is used when
making peace between two disagreeing members) (Ibid). For them, the word is
both sound and power because it is capable of quality, capable of being “sweet”
 166

and of thrilling the hearer. It is power because it can inspire responses such as
fear, anger or submission (Ibid; Chevannes, 1998b: 227).

The Rastafarian language is closely linked with reggae music, which originated in
Jamaica during the late 1960’s. It is not only the lyrics that are of significance, but
also the rhythm of the music. Reggae is characterised by deep bass rhythms
punctuated with heavy drumbeats. According to Yellowman, the heavy drumbeats
are meant to send fear to Babylon, denounce the hypocrisy of the established
order and herald the coming of a new society (Interview, Yellowman, 09th January
2003). Reggae music has the function of what Johnson-Hill (1996:16) calls musica
franca for Rastafarians internationally, transcending ethnic, national and regional
boundaries. It expresses the oppression of blacks in exile and their longing for
home. For the Rastafarians of Daveyton reggae is for entertainment during
dances, for it reminds them of liberation from apartheid and continuing social,
cultural and religious injustices (Interview, Humbleness, 23rd September 2003).

Today reggae can be divided into a number of identifiable brands, namely, roots
reggae, DJ (Disc Jockey) or Dub poetry, dance hall or ragga. All these brands are
popular amongst the Rastafarians of Daveyton (Interview, Bongane, 20th April 2003).
Roots music is original reggae that is played by artists such as Bob Marley, Jimmy
Cliff, Toots Hebert and Peter Tosh. DJ and Dub reggae is reggae music that is
accompanied by a speech that may take the form of a poem such as that of
Mutabaruka (a reggae poet who visited South Africa twice), I-Roy and U-Roy
(the originator of DJ music) (Ibid). The importance of this genre of reggae is that
it can be sung or performed by most Rastafarians in Daveyton during dances and
at other social occasions. Although roots and dub reggae are played at dances, it
is dance hall music that is predominantly played. This type of reggae is played,
among others, by Ninjaman and Buju Banton (who also visited South Africa)
(Observation, 16th February 2002). Reggae music, especially DJ and ragga has been
influential to South African music. Popular South African DJs such as DJ Fresh
(Youth FM) and Bob Mabena (Metro FM) are inspired by this genre of music.
 167

Ragga music in South Africa takes a form of a mixture of reggae and local music
sung, by amongst others, Rudeboy (Interview, Bongane, 20 April 2003).

Roots music, because it originated as a reaction to slavery, is about oppression.

Dance hall music is new and is directed to the youth. It is about contemporary
social problems facing them such as drugs, unemployment, crime and the
importance of education (Interview, Humbleness, 23rd September 2003). There are,
therefore, differences in terms of preference from one sect to the other. Roots
music is popular amongst the elders and members of the House of Fire prefer this
type of music (Observation, 29th June 2002). Roots music is also popular amongst
non-Rastafarians. The other genres are popular amongst the members of the other
two sects and most youth. Reggae does not form part of the process of groundation
but is only played for listening at home or entertainment.

Although, as has been observed, Rastafarian language and reggae music were
rigid in structure in the past, the same is less true today. The language has become
popular among the youth who have incorporated it into their township lingo. It is
also becoming popular in a written form since the introduction of Short Message
Service (SMS) where messages sent through cellular phones are shortened or
sometimes written in a language that is meant to impress. Like the iri talk, the
language used in SMS is not governed by rules. Most of these messages (whether
with or without the knowledge of the sender) are written in Rastafarian language,
for example luv (for love), de (the), dread (bad) or cool (for fine).

7.5 Dreadlocks

According to Kebede and Knottnerus (2006: 1), dreadlocks (thick matted thatch
of hair) are the most visible mark of Rastafarians. The most important purpose of
dreadlocks is that there is divinity in them. They are believed to have been worn
by African chiefs perhaps 6 000 years ago. If Afro hairstyles thirty years ago
symbolised militancy, dreadlocks symbolise a more spiritual self-declaration, and
a figurative locking with African ancestors. In this sense, Dreadlocks serve two
 168

purposes. Firstly, they demarcate in-group and out-group distinctions, thereby

acting as part of their external appearance symbolising the boundary of group
membership. Secondly, dreadlocks reflect the defiance of Rastafarians against
Babylon, expressing a positive rejection of the values of the dominant order. The
wearing of dreadlocks by Rastafarians is in accordance with the Biblical
injunction, which says:

They shall not make baldness upon their head, neither shall they shave off the
corner of their beard, nor make any cuttings in the flesh (Leviticus 21:5).

Because of these beliefs, Rastafarians do not cut their hair but allow it to grow
naturally into long locks that are symbolic of a lion’s curls. As already seen, they
view the lion as a perfect African symbol of freedom, power and independence.
Explaining the importance of dreadlocks, Johnson-Hill (1996:14) says that they
evoke a troublesome and complicated relationship between Rastafarianism and
Babylon and are intended to invoke sentiments of Black Nationalism. According
to Gondwe (2002: 10), they symbolise Rastafarian roots, contrasting the straight,
blonde look of the white man and establishment, and has as a result come to
symbolise rebellion against the system. For Rastafarians, dreadlocks and living a
clean life are part of a vow they take once they decide to join the Movement.
They should be prepared to withstand any negativity from society (Interview,
Monty, 04th January 2004).85 Gondwe agrees and observes that:

Dreadlocks are described as the external symbol of Rastafari identity; they are a
‘crown’, a sign of the covenant between Jah Rastafari and the believer. Hair
symbolises strength (as in the Judaeo-Christian heritage) and is a symbol to
identify believers and someone wearing them should be strong enough to accept
the tribulations and challenges that come with having them (Gondwe, 2002:10).

The importance of dreadlocks is also expressed in the chants they sing during
grounation. Chant number 25 from the hymnbook entitled Fire Fire Seazers and
Combs (destroy scissors and combs) is against cutting or combing one’s hair.
Scissors and combs, according to this chant, should be destroyed because any

85
This view is however not shared with some members of the society who see dreadlocks as dirty.
 169

Rastafarian using them cannot enter Mount Zion. Rastafarians are always
encouraged to grow their dreadlocks without fear of Babylon. Before dreadlocks
became a fashion they used to be one of the most important features that made
Rastafarians distinguishable from other members of society.

Dreadlocks have always made Rastafarians to be viewed negatively. This attitude

has since been changing, as indicated by one Rastafarian:

Before dreadlocks became fashionable, members of the society saw them as dirty.
This is what made people to develop a negative attitude towards our Movement
because some people even came to the conclusion that we do not wash them.
This is no longer the case because dreadlocks have become a fashion as they are
worn by almost everybody. Today you see school children, university students,
teachers, celebrities and ordinary people wearing them (Observation, 14th June
2002).

In Gondwe’s view, “Dreadlocks, now considered fashionable, by celebrities, both

in and out of context.” Gondwe, 2002:14). The difference between dreadlocks
worn by Rastafarians and those worn as style is that while the latter can be
fashioned by hairdressers in salons, Rastafarians’ locks are natural and no
chemicals are used in matting them. The most important difference between these
types of dreadlocks is that the fashion will come and go while Rastafarian
dreadlocks have been here from the beginning will last as long as the Movement
lasts (Observation, 14th June 2002).

Attitudes to dreadlocks have undergone a recent change. This has in a sense

changed the public perception of Rastafarianism. Even though dreadlocks are an
important external symbol of Rastafarianism, they have been a barrier to people
aspiring to join the Movement. Society’s perception of dreadlocks changed after
1994. Before that, many members of society saw dreadlocks as dirty, leading to
the generally held belief that Rastafarians do not wash. However, with more
people starting to wear them, Rastafarians are gradually becoming recognised and
their appearance accepted by society. Ironically, the feature that used to make
Rastafarians unpopular, their dreadlocks, has become the most popular hairstyle
with almost all hair salons doing them.
 170

This thesis has established that not all people wearing dreadlocks are
Rastafarians, but not all Rastafarians wear dreadlocks. Within the House of Fire
there are devoted Rastafarians who do not wear them, who even serve on some of
the committees.

7.6 Ganja, Its Use and the Controversy Surrounding It

The smoking of ganja (marijuana) started in late 1930 when Howell established
the Ethiopian Salvation Society, centred on the Pinnacle commune in Jamaica.
From then, this practice has become the principal ritual of the Rastafarian
movement (Clarke, 1994: 46-47).

As a liberator of feelings and ideas, ganja has through the ages been, and
continues to be, a great force in our cultures and civilisations, each of which has
named it uniquely- bhang and ganja in India, kabak in Turkey, takrouri in Tunisia,
kif in Algeria and Morocco, maconha in Brazil, and Marijuana in Mexico and the
United States (Ibid).

Ganja has been important in many cultures and through many civilisations. The
difference perhaps between those communities and Rastafarians is that it is more
central in the lives of Rastafarians than in any known community in history.
Ganja features in almost every aspect of their lives. It is most importantly utilised
for sacramental purposes as well as a ritual during the process of reasoning
(Gondwe, 2002:10). The sacramental function of ganja in meditation is to lift up
the spirit, the I within (inner self), to communicate with Jah. Rastafarians
communicate with Jah by this medium. In this sense, it functions as incense that
accompanies ises to Jah. Rastafarians generally see it as an integral part of their
belief systems in their daily experiences (Observation, 09th March 2002).

Rastafarians call it by different names, such as the holy herb, hola (holy) ishence, kali,
sacred weed or just weed (Jahug, 1992: 9). The different names Rastafarians use to
refer to ganja suggest its sacramental function. Apart from the sacramental
function of ganja (which they claim was given to them by Jah); it is for them an
important barrier that separates them from Babylon.
 171

By means of the holy herb which The Creator give man for meat, HIM servant
separates himself from Babylon midst. Man purify man temple by burning this
divine Ishence within (Jahug, 1992:9).

Its uses are very extensive because the purposes for which it is used are religious,
spiritual and medicinal among others. The basis for its general use is Biblically
substantiated by the following texts:
“He causeth the grass for the cattle, and the herb for the service of man” (Psalms
104:14)
“. . . thou shalt eat the herb of the earth” (Genesis 3:18)
“. . . eat every herb of the land” (Exodus 10:12)
“. . . Better is the dinner of herb where love is, than a stalled ox and hatred
therewith” (Proverbs 15:17)86

They also defend their use of ganja by saying that it is even written in the book of
Revelations 22 that we must eat the fruit of the tree that bears fruit 12 times a year
(Pace Magazine, July 1995).

Rastafarians demand that the government should legalise the smoking of ganja,
which is, according to them, based on freedom of worship as enshrined in the
South African Constitution. Its use, they argue, should be recognised by the
government as religious sacrament, and its criminalisation is seen to be against
the spirit of the constitution by declaring that:

We are the citizens of this country. We demand our constitutional rights to

practise our religion. We are in Africa and we demand an African perspective
and the Rasta religion to emerge (Ibid).

The use and smoking of ganja has been the main cause of confrontation between
Rastafarians and police in countries: Jamaica, the United States, Britain and
South Africa. Similarly, the question of whether ganja should be decriminalised
has also been an issue of debate. It has led to various countries adopting different
laws in an attempt to regulate its use. For example, under the current law in
Jamaica the possession of a small quantity of ganja such as one cigarette is
punishable by a small fine or up to 10 days in jail (Independent on Line, 12th
February 2002). To date, the use of ganja by Rastafarians is still an issue for

86
Rastafarian Religion in http://www.aspects.net/~nick/religion.htm, p. 2.
 172

debate by Jamaican law-makers. The debate centres on the question of whether it

should be made legal for adults to smoke privately in small quantities.

The South African Commission, known as the National Commission on Ganja,

appointed in 2002 to investigate the issue, recommended that ganja be
decriminalised for private, medicinal and religious use by adults (Ibid). According
to the recommendations of the commission, the use of ganja is to remain illegal
for minors and in public places, and the cultivation and its exportation prohibited
(Ibid). This can be seen as a compromise on the part of the government because it
means that Rastafarians could smoke freely during their gatherings without being
harassed by the police. In the United States of America, the Supreme Court ruled
8-0 against allowing the medicinal use of ganja, prompting decriminalisation
groups to say they will appeal on constitutional grounds for the decision to be
overturned. In France, the Health Ministry announced that it would carry out
studies to assess any therapeutic benefits from smoking ganja (Mail & Guardian,
18th May 2001). In spite of opposition to the legalisation of ganja, most countries
seem to be looking at ways to legalise it. In Malawi, for example, it is a major
crop and there is increasing debate over legalising it so that it could replace
tobacco as a major export (Mail & Guardian, 28th May 2000).

The question of decriminalisation or legalisation of ganja in South Africa remains

a burning one and opinions on this remain divided. A good example of this is a
case involving members of the South African touring cricket team in the
Caribbean, who were each fined R10 000 for smoking ganja. On returning to
South Africa, some people felt that they should be hanged, drawn and quartered
while some felt it was just a harmless party activity performed in private and not
an important issue (Ibid).

Ganja is seen by those who support its legalisation as the world’s most valuable
and versatile natural resource that has many uses: stems for fabric, fuel, paper and
commercial use; seeds for food and oil; flowers for healing and relaxation; rooted
in the soil to control erosion and mudslide (Jahug, 1992:29). Those who lobby for
 173

its legalisation in South Africa, including non-Rastafarians, argue that smoking is

rooted in an African subculture and that those against it are not prepared to
acknowledge this. It is argued that psychologically, ganja has made many people
throughout the world aware of themselves and others, more receptive and more
open to sharing other people’s perspectives (City Press, 28th May 2002).

The debate around the legalisation of ganja is determined by whether one looks at
it from the legal, political, medical or religious point of view. The following are
opinions of two important South Africans on the question of ganja: Helen
Suzman, a veteran politician, maintains that ganja:

is not nearly as harmful as alcohol and notes further that it has excellent
medicinal and therapeutic uses with a growing international movement to
decriminalise it. Those who are against decriminalisation are blamed for
adopting ganja policies from the United States, which blames all of its countless
social ills on drugs and includes the ganja plant under its heading of drugs (Ibid).

The conservative view blames ganja for most social ills, such as crime. Suzman,
arguing from the liberal platform, sees the problems facing society today as
having nothing to do with ganja and proposes instead diagnosis of what is actually
wrong with society, such as lack of social welfare. Judge Albie Sachs recognises
that the issue goes beyond drugs and still has to be resolved. He:

likened Rastafarians to gypsies who form a group that doesn’t quite “fit in”.
Their lifestyle, beliefs and appearances all seem strange to those in conventional
mainstream, but when they demand that their religious freedom be recognised by
allowing them to smoke ganja without police interference, they raise an issue that
cuts across society (Sunday Times, 20th May 2001). Judge Sachs sees the smoking
and use of ganja to be so entrenched in various South African cultures and argue
that the police will never win its war against it (Ibid).

Rastafarians feel that a special identity card and a permit to transport it legally be
issued for membership of the Rastafari National Council (Sunday Times, 20th May
2001).
 174

In spite of these convincing arguments for the decriminalisation of ganja, it seems

a long way before it will be the case in South Africa. In the meantime, a draft
paper, commissioned by the Central Drug Authority declares it is illegal to
possess, use and trade in it. The paper is to guide the government’s policy on
ganja in the National Drug Master Plan for 2004 to 2009. The leading author of
the paper, Dorothy Malaka, takes note of its legalisation in Europe and Canada
and says that easing control in South Africa would be premature (Sunday Times,
12th September 2004). This in essence means that the issue has to be kept on hold
until 2009 while police and Rastafarians continue to fight over it during
demonstrations and marches such as the ones of July 1995 in Cape Town and of
May 2001 in Johannesburg (Pace Magazine, July 1995; Sowetan, 18 th May 2001).

In South Africa, it is hard to have consensus. The problem is not whether

smoking ganja is generally a good or a bad thing but more a question of whether
one can fight for his or her own right to smoke it. The decision to allow
Rastafarians to smoke freely in South Africa differs from judge to judge or from
attorney to attorney. Two cases can be used to demonstrate this, namely that of
Gareth Prince, as we have seen, and of Detective Sergeant Zenzele Dlomo.
Prince lost a legal battle to continue the Rastafarian observance of smoking ganja
while at the same time practising as an attorney (Sowetan, 18th May 2001). While
Prince was not allowed to practise as an attorney because he smoked ganja, the
Kwazulu-Natal state attorney Jackie Henriques granted Dlomo permission to
wear his dreadlocks. Like Prince, Dlomo “admits to smoking the holy herb during
prayer and outside his police duties while the law requires him to arrest anyone
else using or smoking it.” (Drum Magazine, 11th November 1998: 20-21).

it is not that the youth should not smoke, but that they should be guided. The
elders are the ones who reveal it to them. When you see your father smoking
cigarette you always want to experience. The youths see it from us and that is
why we cannot stop them. They should be thought the ways of the Most High so
that when they use it, it should be according to His ways (Ibid).
 175

These ways of the Jah are contained in the Bible in First Corinthians Chapter 2: 6
which reads: “Yet I do proclaim... John the Baptist said that the ones who are
coming will baptise with fire.” Psalm 18: 7. Some argue that:

parental guidance is necessary for our own children and for those who are not
biologically ours. For those who are not biologically our children consent from
parents for their child to attend the binghi should be obtained to avoid being seen
by the society as abusing minors. Some were even strict and argue that the licking
of ganja by the youth spoils the reputation of the Movement. If they come here
they should not come for licking. If they are underage, they should be prevented
from licking in the house. We must be strict; they should come for knowledge not
for licking (Ibid).

A counter argument is that if youths are not allowed to lick it, it means that ganja
is dangerous and harmful. A solution was proposed: first, it is important to know
and understand that Rastafarianism is not about ganja — but ganja is part of
Rastafarianism so that the two cannot be separated. It was agreed that the house
was to work according to theocracy guidelines; the issue should be referred to a
special committee. The youths have to be involved in decision-making process.

7.7 Rituals and Celebrations

Set apart from a society that they see as different, Rastafarians of Daveyton have
developed their own ways of performing certain rituals: burials and
sanctifications. In addition, they have devised their own way of celebrating
important events such, as earthday (birthdays) and marriages within the house.
Performing and celebrating these in their own way is very important in that it
confirms the completeness of their separate identity. Their inability to do these
things on their own means that they need to depend on other people (priests from
other churches) who would perform them without any consideration of the
Rastafarian way of life. The value of these events, especially burials and
marriages, are in their ability to attract a large number of Rastafarians at a time.

7.7.1 Burials and Sanctifications

Rastafarians are supportive of each other when a member dies. They take it upon
 176

themselves to bury their dead or planting of a seed as they call it. The concept
planting of a seed emanates from their belief that Rastafarians do not die but they
pass-on. Therefore, the euphemism for saying a person died, is to say he “passed-
on”. Funerals are at all times attended by Rastafarians from many other houses
and priests from these houses conduct them jointly. News about the death and
funeral arrangements is communicated to other houses through cellular phones
(Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003).

During the fieldwork, I was able to attend two funerals on 19 October 2002, of
members who died of ill health. One was of a woman who was a member of the
House of Fire, and the other was a Rastafarian elder, Ras Thabo, who was not
attached to the house. Since all Rastafarians know each other irrespective of
affiliation, members of the House of Fire were obliged to attend and bury Ras
Thabo as well. Because the House of Fire is the only organised house in the area,
its priesthood, together with those from other houses in the broader region, plays
a central role in overseeing the arrangements and the process of planting the seed
(Observation, 19th October 2002; 03rd January 2003).

A common characteristic of funerals conducted according to traditional African

and Rastafarian practice is that there is a night vigil during which attendants will
sing and priests preach for the entire night. Like other people, they do take their
dead to the mortuary and use undertakers but they conduct the service themselves
in the Rastafarian tradition. Just as they attend funerals of non-Rastafarians,87
people who are not Rastafarians also attend their funerals. Members from all over
Gauteng arrive in the afternoon before the planting of the seed. For the whole
night88 there is singing and humming. During the singing, one song can be sung
for a very long time. This is because only specific songs are sung of which there
are only a few. Priests from different houses will share in conducting the night
vigil. As in other gatherings, a large quantity ganja is smoked during the night

87
This is contrary to the belief that Rastafarians do not burry their dead or attends funerals.
88
This is a common ritual (of holding a night vigil) practised by Rastafarians that is part of African
tradition.
 177

(Observation, 03rd January 2003). Most attendees arrive very early in the morning.
It is a common practice of Rastafarians to plant the seed first thing in the morning.

Before leaving for the graveyard, the home is purified by sprinkling everything
and everywhere with ganja water, and this procedure is repeated in the burial
ground where the last Psalm is recited before the actual planting. The purpose of
sprinkling is to cleanse the place and clear the way by removing evil spirits. From
the graveyard, everybody goes back to the house of the deceased where food is
served. I-tal food is served to all, whether one is a Rastafarian or not, and they eat
without complaining about lack of salt or meat in the food (Ibid).

A year after a member’s death a tribute is held in his/her memory only for one
night (Ibid). The tribute can take place in the park/open field or the home of the
deceased. If it is held in the park, it is accompanied by a dance and if at home
there will only be singing and drumming. During the tribute a photograph of the
deceased is organised and placed in a position where all can see it and his/her life
history is read and speeches made.

As seen, sanctification is central in the lives of Rastafarians as in the case of the

Milchezedec Order where members of the priesthood should be sanctified in the
river. In the House of Fire only children are sanctified, which usually takes place
during local gatherings. Members should inform the house of their intention to
bring their children along so that it is known how many children will be
sanctified. Sanctifications do not always take place and a number of children can
sometimes be sanctified at a time. While girls can be sanctified from four months
of age, boys are sanctified from three months. This is in line with the period the
mother should wait for purification after giving birth. Coconut and olive oils are
used for sanctification. Children being sanctified are passed from one priest to the
other. Boys are sanctified first, then girls by a priest who anoints them with
coconut and olive oils. These oils are used because they are considered to be pure
and natural. After the anointment, the parents of the sanctified children drink the
 178

oils. A Godmother and Godfather are chosen from the elders of the house
(Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003).

Sanctification sometimes takes place at a regional level where all the houses on the
East Rand will gather and conduct one big sanctification event. Chant 98 - Mother
of Salem is sung during the process that is interpreted by members of the house of
fire as follows:

mothers brought their children to the King Rastafari and when his strict
assistants saw them he chased them away. The King then saw them turning back
and called to come under his protection. The mothers show delight to the
kindness shown by the King because they consider their children lucky for
knowing the king and bible unlike other children who never heard his name or
what he said or read the bible. The last paragraph of the chant asks for blessing
from Jah and for the wicked to obey (Observation, 03rd January 2003).

7.7.2 Earthday and Marriage Celebrations

Earthdays (birthdays) and marriages are usually similar in the way they are
celebrated. They are always accompanied by a dance and as a result, one cannot
differentiate between them and a dance. Earthdays are usually celebrated on
Sundays to replace a dance. The celebration takes place at the house of the one
who is earthdaying. He notifies the organisers of the dance, books the music
system and buys some ganja for smoking and making tea. Not much takes place
during the celebration. No speeches are made; no gifts are exchanged, while
dancing to the reggae beats overshadow the celebration.

Years can pass by without a marriage-taking place within the Rastafarian

community of Daveyton. One marriage that was supposed to take place did not
materialise because the bride who was to marry Ras Kebra on September 2001
died before it could be celebrated. The wedding ceremony usually takes two days.
Like other wedding celebrations, one day is celebrated in the bride’s place and the
other in the groom’s. The celebration is attended mainly by Rastafarians.
Celebrations are characterised by singing, reggae music, dancing, eating I-tals and
smoking of ganja (Interview, Binghi Bunny, 05th January 2003).
 179

There is no great difference in the way marriages are conducted and celebrated
between Rastafarian and African customary ones. The only difference is that
within the Rastafarian marriage there is a choice between two types of marriage,
the one of the crown and one of the ring. In the marriage of the crown one swears
that he/she will never marry again whether the partner dies or they divorce (Ibid).

7.8 Conclusion

It is clear that Rastafarian identity is more than a question of appearance. It is not

simply about wearing dreadlocks or green, yellow and red colours. Unlike most
social and religious movements wherein members can be identified by a few
aspects, Rastafarian identity comprises all those components which, when put
together, constitute the concepts of identity and culture. There are many
characteristics that Rastafarians can be identified by, ranging from clothing,
hairstyle, lifestyle (including food), language, music, smoking of ganja, and their
of celebrating earthdays and marriages. This is what makes Rastafarianism a way
of life distinct from the rest of society.

The origin of Rastafarian cultural identity is a response to a combination of

oppressive conditions that blacks faced in the world. These include slavery in the
Americas, colonialism in Africa, and apartheid in South Africa. In the township
of Daveyton, Rastafarianism were discontented with the existing religious,
economic, cultural, social and political situation, and the desire to be different
from a ‘corrupt’ and ‘evil’ society. Identity formation amongst Rastafarians of
Daveyton has continued from apartheid South Africa into the new South Africa.
The reason for expressing a different identity under the apartheid government was
to resist the influence of western culture; in the new dispensation, it is due to lack
of recognition and disillusionment by the new democratic government. Thus, the
desire to express a unique identity was the result of disillusionment with the
political system and of lack of development in a place like Daveyton.
 180

Expressions of rejection to Babylon take many forms. Culturally, Rastafarians

prefer to speak their own language (iry talk) when communicating with each other,
listen only to reggae music and wear colours and symbols that are trademarks of
their cultural identity. The smoking of ganja and the wearing of dreadlocks are
both interpreted as a sign of their rejection of Babylon. As in other cultures and
religions, the Rastafarians of Daveyton have their own set of rituals which concern
life and death.They conduct funerals on their own, sanctify members of their
Movement, and celebrate occasions, such as marriages and earthdays. Rastafarian
cultural identity is composed not only of cultural institutions, but also of symbols
and presentations. “It has become a discourse; a way of constructing meanings
that influences and organises both their actions and conceptions of themselves.
Rasta symbolism has been the social consciousness that has sustained their social
world,” (Bosch, 1996: 13).
 181

CHAPTER EIGHT

8. Rastafarian Worldview

Johnson-Hill (1996: 3) has described Rastafarianism as one of the most widely

diffused and least understood movements of our time. Gondwe (2002: 9)
describes it as the orthodoxy of observance, in which every Rastafarian is free to
choose how they sight up upon Jah (look up to God). In this way, Rastafarianism
becomes an open-ended proposition, an open path for one’s life. Its open-
endedness and wide diffusion is seen in the lack of obvious consensus amongst
members about their conception of life and the world, which has made it so
difficult for outsiders to understand.

This chapter seeks to uncover the life world of the Rastafarians of Daveyton and
evaluate how they fit into the mainstream community. This is done by looking at
their underlying philosophy of life to answer the following questions: what is it
that the Movement stands for, and what does it reject in the world? The chapter
also examines Rastafarians’ concepts of creation, life and death. Data is based on
the interpretation of recorded poems, speeches, discussions and interviews that
reflects their point of view about life, the world and society.

This chapter samples how respondents to the questionnaire perceive the

Movement, the extent of their knowledge of it, and how well they understand
what it stands for. Data is based on a questionnaire distributed to a number of
members of society in order to elicit a broad range of views and interpretations.
The questions asked focus on the extent to which the community is aware of the
existence of the Movement and what they know about it. Some questions
concentrate on how people perceive Rastafarianism and whether they think it has
a place in society. Other questions deal with the position of government with
regard to the Movement and those that are meant to establish what people’s
 182

general feelings are about it. In order for a sample to include people from different
sections of the community, one hundred questionnaires were issued to teachers
and students of Daveyton Senior Secondary School, and to students, professional
and general workers of the East Rand Campus of the University of Johannesburg.

8.1 Underlying Philosophy

Some common features of Rastafarianism around the world are that the
Movement does not align itself with any political party, social, religious or
economic organisation.89 It also rejects traditional folk and Christian missionary
legacies (Johnson-Hill, 1996: 3-4). As already alluded to, the worldview of
Rastafarians is a melting pot of ideas obtained from a variety of books and
teachings that elevate the black race and condemn their oppression. Some of these
are based on African struggles for equality and they include among others, Haile
Selassie, Marcus Garvey, Africa and Pan Africanism. Other sources used are
those that attack or criticise imperialism or the policies of the West, particularly
the United States of America and Britain.

The Bible seems to be central in the way Rastafarians interpret the world around
them, although they do not want to accept it. It would be true to say that the
Bible is simultaneously rejected and accepted. Three opinions became clear
during observation of reasoning concerning the question of its place within the
Movement. For some it should not be used at all because there are other books
that can be used such as the Holy Piby, Members of the New Race Teachings of H.I.M
Haile Selassie I, Jahug and the Kebra Negus. Some who believe in this view even
suggest that they ‘should bwin the Bible’, a slogan usually used when speaking
against its use. Responding to the question of whether to use the Holy Bible or
not, one Rastafarian observes:

89
It is only recently with the formation of the African Union where they are represented by
Ashantiwa Archer (who is a woman). Their responsibility within the Union is to advise on matters
concerning African unity.
 183

The Bible is not holy for In’I that they should look for other books that are
relevant. In using the Bible, they should be able to differentiate between what is
wrong and what is right because many things were added and left-out when King
James came with his own version. The Christian Bible has been copied from
other books such as the Kebra Negus, which is the earliest Ithiopian Bible and,
which is the oldest Bible on earth. The Bible is therefore not very important to us
and we should instead use writings about African history (Interview, Jah Power,
16th August 2003).

Here the St James version is the one being rejected under suspicion that it has
been perverted by English influences. An original African bible is sought, while
the Bible is attacked; Christianity is not recognised and is criticised. Religion itself
comes under fire apparently for its rigidity and human limitations. It is because
of its Christian teaching that the Bible is rejected.

The cross is a symbol of death, hence it is found everywhere symbolising death

(on graves or cemetery), the swastika is taken from the cross, symbolising the
four corners of the world. Religion should not be confused with spirituality.
Religion is a set of rules drawn up by human beings. The same cannot be said
about Rastafarianism, our Movement thus cannot be seen as a religion because it
talk about astrology, politics, culture, the cosmic world, mind, body and soul that
is why it is above religion (Ibid).

This opinion is further qualified by Priest Binghi Bunny who explains the major
difference between Rastafarianism and Christianity. He says that Rastafarianism
is not a religion because religions are created by men to enable them to control
others. Amongst other tools which try to control people, Christianity, especially
the so-called The Holy Bible or King James Version became the most successful
(Interview, Jah Power, 27th December 2003). Another generally held opinion amongst
the Rastafarians of Daveyton is that Christianity is a white man’s creation that
teaches Black people that God is a white man, Jesus is white and all the angels
are white, while Satan is black (Pace Magazine, July 1995).90 Rastafarians from
other houses who still harbour a negative attitude towards whites commonly
share this view (Observation, 26th July 2003).

The second opinion consists of those who believe that the Bible should be central
during grounation. Some go as far as to propose that it should be used as in
Christian churches where the preacher preaches according to its teachings. One

90
It is important to add here that Rastafarians of Daveyton are also against traditional African belief in
ancestors.
 184

discontented Rastafarian went to the extent of asking a question: “What is the

position of Rastafarians about Jesus Christ?” He says that one of the priests is
misleading them by saying (Jesus Christ) “never lived because it is also written in
the Bible where it was prophesy that the King will be born and his name will be
Jesus,” (Ibid). One member responded that:

There is a difference between Jesus and Christ and that Rastafarians believe in
Christ not Jesus. For us the word Christ means the light and in Old Testament, it
is also written that a king will be born and his name will be Joshua. For
Rastafarians, the Old Testament is more relevant than the new one because it is
the first word. Jesus is therefore a creation of Babylon and a way of making
money through taxation and Christ can mean any light and the light of
Rastafarians is Haile Selassie (Observation, 14th April 2002).

This is a radical critique of Christianity for its belief in Jesus as a human being, a
fictional being created to satisfy the material greed of Babylon. The third group
comprises those who believe that the Bible should be used but with great caution.
Kebra I, for example, maintains that it should be read for the sake of knowledge
and because it contains names of people we always refer to, names such as
Jeremiah, Jacob and Christ (Interview, Kebra, 14th May 2003). They base their
argument on the premise that the original messages have been altered, that
Rastafarians should be able to identify what is original and what has been added
(Observation, 14th April 2002). The best way of approaching it, according to this
opinion, is to be mindful and critical.

Yet what brings all of them together is a revision of basic Christian beliefs,
strongly flavoured with suspicion of its slaving and colonial connections. In spite
of a lack of common opinion concerning its usefulness in the Movement, the
Bible seems to be central, not only during reasoning but as a source of inspiration
to almost all Rastafarians of the House of Fire especially during the process of
groundation. This is evident since most of the members of the house have a Bible at
home, which they often carry to the binghi (Observation, 02nd August 2003).
 185

In addition, they also have other Rastafarian books. Rastafarianism as a religion

is based on the Bible. The Psalms are taken from the Bible and their beliefs are
very much linked to personalities such as King David and King Solomon.
Contrary to the generally held belief that Rastafarians only refer to the Old
Testament, the entire Bible is used as in mainstream houses. The Rastafarian
worldview is thus largely shaped by the teachings contained in the Bible. Their
concept of loving one another, doing well, rejecting violence, crime and war, and
living in peace and unity are lessons taken from the Bible. Their stance against
homosexuality and prostitution also reflects the views of the Bible.

The book entitled Members of the New Race Teachings of H.I.M Haile Selassie I and
Jahug are frequently used in conjunction with the Bible. They are always used as
sources of reference during reasoning. They contain guidelines, according to which
Rastafarians should live. Information in the former is considered to be the direct
utterance of Haile Selassie and contains his teachings in all aspects of life. The
book is viewed by Rastafarians as a summary of life’s instructions. It contains
Selassie’s teachings on happiness, education, law of life, leadership, love, loyalty,
man and technology, communication, defence, obedience, nurses, police,
teachers, thriftiness, unity, world peace, progress and productivity.91 It is from
these teachings that Rastafarians draw most of their inspiration. Interpreting the
content of the book to members, Wiseprophet says:

The book talks about the youths who have overstanding of livity, it says that there
are those who are not wicked and these are those who walk with Jah. In this
book, knowledge and love are seen to be complementary, love is knowledge and
without knowledge, there can be no love (Observation, 02nd August 2003).

Rastafarians have put together the Christian Bible and texts from African
struggles for emanicipation in an attempt to come up with a unique identity.
Whilst using the Bible as a source of reference and inspiration, they foster an
intense pride in black history92, culture, African values and a firm belief in Jah
Rastafari and His laws. Their political philosophy is largely based on Pan
African ideology and ideas propagated by African leaders who fought against
91
Members of the New Race Teachings of H.I.M Haile Selassie I.
92
They prefer readings that are about African History especially ancient history.
 186

colonialism and the oppression of blacks. The most important of these for the
Rastafarians of the House of Fire are the teachings of Marcus Garvey; he is
considered to be the prophet of the Movement. They believe in the idea of
African unity, which is fostered through ideas of leaders such as Kwame
Nkrumah, Malcolm X and Robert Sobukwe, who they consider great
Nyabhinghi warriors. The teachings and ideas of Pan Africanism as propagated
by Sobukwe are quoted during reasoning about the need for Africa to unite
(Observation, 02nd August 2003).

This thesis has mentioned that Rastafarians reject African traditional beliefs, such
as appeasing ancestors or consulting sangomas when sick or in times of crisis.
They also do not believe in consulting medical doctors or taking western
medicine and treatment. They believe in the use of herbs to cure diseases. When a
member is sick, he or she is not supposed to consult a doctor, take tablets or be
operated on.93 This is the responsibility of the Herbal Committee.

Rastafarianism as a way of life is thus a convergence of a number of ideas derived

from various sources. The Bible is the most important source in determining their
religious life. Nevertheless, while it is important for members to have common
knowledge about the underlying philosophy behind Rastafarianism, the same is
not true about how they conceptualise creation (iration), life (livity) and death
(passing-on). When reasoning about these ideas, the main aim, it seems, is not to
persuade members to believe, but to share information.

8.2 Iration, Livity and Passing-on

Although it is taken as a fact amongst Rastafarians of the House of Fire that Jah is
the father of iration, there is no one common explanation about how creation
originated. At the same time, they reject the Christian theory of the origin of

93
All members do not always adhere to this. Jah Youth once demanded an answer to his question of
what is it they must do if for example his child falls sick and challenged everybody to be true and
tell him where they take their sick children if not to the doctor. Like many other issues, this one
remains critical and controversial and seldom features as a topic for reasoning.
 187

humankind. In the absence of one general explanation, each member comes with
his own hypothesis that is discussed during reasoning. Their theories are usually
based on books that they might have read. The most common opinion is the one
based on a book written by David Icke entitled Children of the Matrix (Observation,
02nd August 2003). The book is not about the origin of humankind, but about how
an interdimensional race has come to control the world and as such substantiates
Rastafarian belief that the world has been under the control of Babylon for a long
time.94 Babylon is seen to be an inter-dimensional race.

Basing their reasoning on Icke’s book, members of the House of Fire differentiate
between the types of people on earth, the original inhabitants and those who
came from another planet. For example, the newcomers amongst whites are those
with blue eyes and are classified as belonging to the ‘reptile race’, what is called
the Free Masonic Movement (freemasons). These people are believed to have
fallen from the planet series (Satan).

The planet called series was destroyed when it crashed with the planet earth
(causing it to separate into continents). As it falls into the bottomless pit
(presumably the black hole) some of its inhabitants remained on earth, a group
that constitutes freemasons. The freemasons believe in minority rule and want
maintain the existing world order. They are the masters of technology and
credited with the construction of the pyramids. They are seen to aliens who feed
on blood hence they are warmongers. The Nazi, Rome, the British and
American governments are an example of this race. Rome, America and Britain
are in alliance to control the world (Observation, 23rd March 2002; Interview,
Monty, 04th January 2004).

The idea of aliens is common amongst Rastafarians of the House of Fire and the
word has come to be equated with Babylon. Poems are even written and recited
about it. For instance the one entitled Aliens want to Enslave Mankind. According to
this poem the world is depicted as a city, but a city of illusion. Life in this city is
dominated by religion and politrics. People are made to think that the world will
come to an end and people will rise from the dead, an idea that is promoted by
these aliens to make it easy for them to control the world. This city is referred to
as de death city, where men and aliens live side-by-side, with aliens setting traps for

94
This is the reason why they reject not only the old world order (based on slavery) but also the new
world order and calls for its end.
 188

humankind to fall in. This poem is thus a calling to people to open their eyes to
this situation and convert to Rastafarianism, which will save them from the
aliens.

Rastafarians see and explain everything around the number twelve, such as the
twelve planets, twelve tribes of Judah, and twelve apostles of Jesus Christ.
According to them, the irits of each human is believed to have originated from
one of the twelve planets and when one dies, it (the spirit) returns to the planet of
its origin. This whole idea of irits, body and death is expressed as thus:

The human body is like a house accommodating the irits. The main reason we
Rastafarians argue that there is no death is based on the fact that Jah created
mankind only once, since the first iration, man has been in existence and never
dies but like a tree he changes. If man dies, it means that there would be nobody
left on earth. The irits manifest itself in the flash and we are all reincarnated
souls. So death is for the physical (the body or flash), when the flash is tired, it
dies off but the irits will manifest itself in another flash. As we are, we are the
embodiment of the irits of our ancestors (Interview, Wiseprophet, 14th July 2003).

Two things can be derived from the above quote. The first is that man is taken to
refer not to an individual but to people in general, which is in line with the
concept of In’I. The second is the belief in reincarnation as opposed to the
Christian idea of final judgement.

Women play an important role in the lives of Rastafarian. They place great value
on marriage, sound family life, and always take part in child rearing. This is
expressed in the Nyahbinghi Order Theocracy Reign as follows:

“....... Creation is administered by two complementary heads, male and female...

thus sexual equity is a fundamental principle of nature for the harmonisation of
the Rastafarian family. It is of the concept of the Rastafari inity male and female
are the continuation of each other” (Jahug, 1992: 21)95

Although women are not allowed to do some things such as preaching, uncover
their hair, or wear clothes that do not cover their knees,96 they are treated with

95
This is the reason why Rastafarians of Daveyton have changed the Nyahbinghi Creed to
include Queens.
96
The covering of hair and knees is not only practiced by Rastafarians. It is also the practice of
members of the Zion Christian Church.
 189

great respect by their men folk. As Jah Youth puts it, “because we call them queens
we treat them like queens,” (Interview, Jah Youth, 21st January 2003). Unlike other
gatherings or celebrations where cooking food is left for women, Rastafarian men
are involved in cooking, sometimes more than the women (Observation, 09th
March 2002).

Members of the House of Fire always encourage each other to get married.
Marriage is a major step to adulthood. An unmarried man, no matter his age,
cannot be considered an elder. As has been seen, most Rastafarians do not believe
in polygamy. Their children, whether boys or girls, tend to spend more time with
their fathers than with their mothers. More often than not, those who attend the
binghi come with their fathers whilst their mothers sometimes remain at home.
The reason for this is that men, just as they take part in cooking, are also active in
child rearing. To show the importance of family life, members of the House of Fire
always set aside Sundays to be spent with their families either by visiting other
families or attending gatherings together (Ibid).

8.3 Chanting Down Babylon

As has been seen, the ultimate goal of Rastafarianism is the total destruction of
Babylon. The word is derived from the activities of the infamous king of the
biblical Babylon who, according to Rastafarians, inspired the Persian, Greek,
Roman, British and American oppressive regimes (Johnson-Hill,1996: 14;
Kebede and Knottnerus, 1998:8). The term was initially used to refer to slave
masters, and the initial aim of Rastafarianism was to destroy all slavers. Its
meaning was later extended (after slavery was abolished) to include the values
associated with the upper tier of society, the established churches, the official
media, the colonial system, the legal system, the police, political leaders, and the
mafia. The word has also come to refer to a place where evil things, according to
their judgement, take place such as brothels and shebeens or to any person doing
bad things. The word Babylon refers to anything that Rastafarianism stands
against.
 190

Rastafarians of Daveyton are against celebrating Christian days s u c h as

Christmas. They see it as one of the rituals of Christianity and the joy associated
with it as a wonderful mess in a poem entitled Christmas.97 The poem asks a
question about whether Christmas is about happiness, madness, drunkenness or a
plan by Babylon to make money. They question the freedom associated with
Christmas where people are free to do anything they want, including shameful
things. Instead of bringing joy, it brings suffering and the killing of innocent
animals.98 For the Ratafarians of the House of Fire, Christmas brings sadness,
hatred and mercilessness instead of love and happiness. Their views regarding
Christmas shows flexibility and the abiltiy to critique increasing commodification,
Rastafarians reject both the old order based on slavery and colonialism, and the
new one based on capitalism. They certainly have their own perceptions of
current affairs. With regard to the old order, they liken the oppression of blacks by
whites during slavery to the enslavement of the Israelites by the Egyptians, and
equate their conditions with that of the Israelites in Babylon. Like the Israelites,
they see themselves as the ‘chosen ones’. Thus, in interpreting their history and
that of the world, they see it as the history of oppressive eras, starting from
ancient times continuing to our modern times. For them, the new world order as
propagated and maintained by the United States of America and Britain, with the

Pope in control is the continuation of the Babylonian and Egyptian slave systems
(Observation, 27th December 2003). Wiseprophet maintains:

Evil will not act himself but will give power to someone. Queen Elizabeth uses
Tony Blair and George Bush because America is still under Britain. The war
between the West and the Arabs is not for oil, as many people believe but a
religious war because the Arabs do not want to take orders from a woman
(Queen Elizabeth) (Ibid).

Within the House of Fire, the Church, big companies such as Anglo-American and
De Beers, as well as political leaders are the true representatives of Babylon. The
poem compiled by Kingman has this to say about the Pope:

97
Appendix C2 pp 223-224.
98
This should be understood from the background that Rastafarians are not supposed to slaughter
animals or eat meat.
 191

Pope John Paul in his throne proclaiming de mark

Corruption, illusion, pollution and confusion are de habitants of his throne
A throne with no dignity, the man whom sits upon has no solutions
Well, King Selassie I is de Most High Priest.99

This poem depicts the Pope’s throne as a proclamation of Satanism, the mark or
the number (triple six) of the beast.100 For them, organised Christianity is
responsible for promoting bad things and creating problems such as corruption,
illusion, pollution and confusion.

Explaining the views of Rastafarians with regard to the economic dispensation,

Jah Power has this to say about big capitalists:

Like before 1994, eighty percent of the wealth of the country is still owned by
Oppenheimer while the entire South African population is left to share the
remaining twenty percent. Politicians, whether in the old or new dispensation are
planners of religion, which they use to control people, control banking, and build
prisons. All these must surely come to an end (Interview, Jah Power, 07th January
2003).

The domination and power that Babylon enjoyed and continues to enjoy is
derived from organised Christianity which in turn derives its power from
Christians around the world. Explaining how and when Babylon will fall, Jah
Power says:

The fall of Babylon will come when people withdraw their support for organised
Christianity. The fall of Christianity will signal the fall of the government of men
and the doom of Anti-Christ will be sealed (Ibid). 101

A significant point is that Rastafarians propose an alternate form of government

after the destruction of Babylon by proclaiming that:

After its fall, the government of men (present governments) will be replaced by
the theocracy government, which is a Divine government that shall rule Creation
in Love, Purity, Holiness and Unity with all the ingredients of Affection,
Compassion and Humility. The structure of the government is Selassie I. The
column, the main column is Love, Purity, and Holiness (I Interview, Jah Power,
07th January 2003).
.

99
Appendix C2.
100
That is why Babylon is sometimes called the anti-Christ.
101
The word anti-Christ is sometimes used to refer to evil people.
 192

Democracy as described in Appendix A, is blamed for most of society’s problems

— hence the argument for its replacement by a theocratic form of government as
proposed by Sister Queen Fire.102 Indeed, Rastafarians of Daveyton make wide-
ranging critique of contemporary capitalism and international relations. They
have opinions about politics in South Africa, which include a rather singular
critique of Mandela. Nelson Mandela as the first president of the new South
Africa is criticised in a popular poem entitled Mandela of the Old Times.103 The
poem explains how Mandela changed from a freedom fighter and became like
any other politician. According to this poem, Mandela today is a different person
from the man who went to prison. Before he went to prison, he thought and acted
like a soldier. When he came out he started to think and act like all other
politicians. He started to pass laws legalising abortion and contraceptives. The
poem argues that when he came out of prison he was programmed, which can be
seen by the way he dances, talks, walks and laughs. Before he went to prison he
had a beard, he shaved it when he came out.104

The destruction of Babylon does not imply physically fighting against oppression
but mentally and psychologically moving out of it in deeds since Rastafarians’
believe in non-violence. In seeking a non-violent resolution to its objection to
downpression, the weapon of choice is the spoken word. Wordsoundpower or Word,
Sound and Power believed to bring personal and collective overcoming. It often
takes the form of chanting verses from the Bible and singing songs calling for the
destruction of Babylon (Gondwe, 2002: 10). The chanting down of Babylon through
the Nyabhinghi dance, smoking of ganja, and the beating of drums are performed
as rituals meant to drive Babylon away.

Not only are Rastafarians against ‘politics’, they reject all forms of the present
governments because they claim that they all follow Babylon and therefore that
they are Babylon. This line of belief is best described as follows:

102
Appendix A,
103
This poem also appears in the Appendix.
104
See Appendix C2.
 193

Only a Theocratic Government could represent Ian’I within these times. When
the folly of great Babylon (world isms) is at its peak, all governments of the world
are drunk with the wine of her fornication because every form of government
take unto laws of Babylon, whether they be Monarchy, Aristocracy, Democracy,
Republic or socialist (Jahug, 1992: 16).

After its destruction, the Babylonian order will be replaced by a new form of
government based on Rastafarianism. As Jah Youth argues, the solutions to
problems that Babylon creates are found in the Theocracy Reign or Government
where humankind will live according to the laws of H.I.M (His Imperial
Majesty/Haile Selassie) (Interview, Jah Youth, 21st January 2003). This can be seen
as the political aim in their movement from Babylon to Zion.105 In this way,
Rastafarianism becomes a journey, a movement from Babylon to Zion.
Rastafarians thus reject the idea of going to heaven after death because their
heaven (Zion) is here on earth. The destruction of Babylon or getting to Zion,
they agree, is not an easy thing to achieve. They always remind each other of this
and encourage each other to be prepared to endure long-suffering and to have
patience (Observation, 27th December 2003).

8.4 Rastafarianism and the Community

As has been seen, Rastafarians are against most of the things that the broad-
spectrum of people do and believe in. It also became clear in the course of this
research that this rejection does not imply that they exclude themselves from civil
society or work against it. In fact, in this sense they see themselves as part of
society, working with it, hoping that it can be transformed eventually when
people see the light; refraining from doing crime, violence or evil, and eventually
doing good things. On the other hand, members of society have conflicting
opinions about the Movement, a situation that is aptly described by Gondwe:

Rastafari has always presented a challenge to the world. Negative, positive or

neutral, practically everybody has an opinion on it, whether or not they can back
their theses with factual evidence. The consequences of this have been outright

105
This movement is very important for them. It is known as exodus, taken from book in the Bible it is
interpreted as meaning the movement of Jah people and it was initially associated with repatriation
to Africa.
 194

dismissal, mockery, resentment, misunderstanding and even abuse. Rastafari

have often been portrayed in the media as crazy, fanatical blacks with a drug
problem and described by various derogatory terms such as a bizarre cult
suspected of violent crimes which stands in direct contrast to their calling of
peace, love and inity (unity) (2002: 9).

When applying this quote to the South African situation, the way the Movement
has been perceived seems to have changed over time. The first part of the quote
that views Rastafarians negatively seem to be applicable to the period before 1994
when the government considered them terrorists, and the media did not even
cover their activities. The quote also highlights the good things that some people
see Rastafarianism representing and the positive side of Rastafarianism, which
became more pronounced after 1994 when dreadlocks became fashionable, and
when most black people started to search for new identities.

Another reason the Movement became popular after 1994 is that although it does
not see eye-to-eye with the government they both strive for common objectives,
such as peace, love, unity, and a drug and crime free society. These are the
problems experienced by the community, which is why some people think that
Rastafarianism offers the solution. One Rastafarian said:

In these days the society tends to be appreciative of I n I and it starting to over

what we are about and what our mission in iration is. As for de I, I never thought
I will become Rastafarian when I grow up because society made me to think that
Rastafarians did not wash their locks and were dirty people. That is the reason
why I don’t blame any member of the society but the system (brainwash) which
made them to lose their African culture (Interview, Monty, 04th January 2004).

The contrasting attitudes that respondents hold towards Rastafarians is reflected

in the answers they gave in the questionnaire. Most respondents, ninety-two
percent as opposed to eight percent, feel that Rastafarians should be allowed to
practise their religion freely. One respondent even went to the extent of saying
that “If Christianity, Hinduism and Islam are allowed to be practised,
Rastafarians should be given equal treatment if their practices don’t conflict with
the constitution of the country.”106(see Appendix?) While most respondents feel
that Rastafarianism should be practised freely, the same cannot be said about

106
Questionnaire.
 195

their opinion on the government’s recognition of the Movement. Sixty percent of

the respondents of the representative sample are of the opinion that the
government should recognise the Movement and that it should be allowed to
register with the South Africa Council of Churches (SACC) as a religious
movement as opposed to forty percent that feel that they should not be
recognised. This suggests that a large proportion of people in Daveyton feel that
Rastafarians should be able to follow their religion freely, be recognised by the
government, and be registered with the SACC.

The above position does not imply that society agrees or supports everything that
Rastafarians do. While most people agree that Rastafarianism should be
recognised and Rastafarians be allowed to practise their religion freely, most of
those interviewed, about sixty four percent as against thirty six percent, feel that
they should not be allowed to smoke marijuana freely.107 This is not surprising
given that more than eighty of respondents said that the smoking of marijuana
gives the Rastafarians a bad name. One respondent maintained: “My feeling as a
student is that the Movement should not be allowed to exist because the rate of
learners who smoke dagga is very high.”108

On the other hand, irrespective of their attitude towards the Movement, most
respondents feel that there are good qualities that members of society can learn
from Rastafarians. These are respect, hard work, living an inexpensive life,
honesty, peace, love, pride of being an African, respect of nature and the
environment, and not being ashamed to follow their culture and practise their
beliefs. Even those who confess to not having any knowledge about the
Movement indicated that some of these qualities describe Rastafarians. Seventy
percent feel that Rastafarians should be allowed to practise and work in
professions, such as law and teaching. Twenty-one percent feel that they should
not be allowed access to these professions (with some giving as a reason the

107
It must be indicated that most of those who say that the smoking of marijuana should not be allowed
are not against the actual smoking but where it is smoked. They argue that if they are allowed to
smoke it should not be in public or in front young boys who may be tempted to smoke too.
108
Questionnaire.
 196

smoking of marijuana). The remaining nine percent is not sure whether they
should be allowed access or not.

The results of the questionnaire suggest that Rastafarians seem to have managed
to forge a strong identity. They have become clearly distinguishable from other
members of society. Their dreadlocks, smoking marijuana, outfit, reggae music
and language are singled-out as their most outstanding external features.
However, respondents were able to identify Rastafarians by some of the virtues
they subscribe to, such as love, respect, peace and honesty.

Forty percent indicated that they are aware that Rastafarians have their own
church, although it should be noted that there seems to be confusion as to what a
Rastafarian church is. Most respondents tend to associate their church with the
dance, and think that dancing is the way they worship. This means that there is
still a lack of knowledge of Rastafarianism as an organised religious Movement
with a church and priests. All respondents indicated that they are familiar with
reggae music and are aware that they have their own language. Sixty percent are
in contact with Rastafarians on a daily basis as friends, neighbours, at school or at
work. The remaining forty percent sometimes see them in dances or in the street.

A controversial issue about Rastafarianism is the question of whether students at

school should be allowed to wear dreadlocks or not. Forty-seven think that
students should not be allowed to wear dreadlocks because these look untidy and
that some of the wearers do not even bother to wash them. Some said that if they
can keep them clean they would not have a problem. The other fifty three percent
feel that Rastafarians should be allowed to wear them. Most of the respondents
argue that it is their democratic right to wear the hairstyle of their choice. One
respondent even says that the school is the right place where dreadlocks should be
allowed, “so as to promote the culture of tolerance towards other religions – also
because the school is the place where people acquire knowledge; it is important
that they are exposed to different cultures.” Some argue from a legal viewpoint
that wearing dreadlocks as a cultural and religious symbol is in line with the
 197

country’s constitution, which promotes multiculturalism and freedom of worship.

Some responses therefore show acceptance of s t a t e ideologies around
multiculturalism, cultural tolerance and respect for the constitution, and apply
these ideologies to the case of Rastafarianism. Their responses confirmed that
Rastafarians have conveyed a strong impression of their cultural and religious
identity.

It is clear that respondents hold conflicting ideas about Rastafarianism. While

some people reject the Movement outright, others reject some of the things they
do while not having any problem with the Movement itself. In this connection,
one respondent commenting on how the Movement can benefit society observes:

Rastafarians do respect others and have peace in their lives but they should not
encourage young people to smoke dagga. They don’t believe in killing. My
general feeling is that I think they are good in everything except for smoking
dagga all over. I think dagga should be puffed only at dances and in their private
places whereby cannot see them. Mostly I think they are a peaceful society.
People can learn to take care of their women because they adore and respect their
women.109

Although Rastafarianism is seen as a big Movement that will stay forever because
of the impact that its music has on society, some feel that it is behind the times
evident from the comment of this respondent:

Most Rastafarians are still trapped in the primitive slave era. They lack business
initiatives to empower their patrons/members. They don’t have a broad-based
skill or educational forum. They should create educational, social and economic
structures and this will broaden their role in society. The government should
assist the Movement to make it economical, socially and politically correct in
terms of what is current (Ibid).

109
Comment from the Questionnaire.
 198

8.5 Conclusion

Rastafarians in Daveyton have managed to create a view of the world, which,

though borrowing from another movement, differs in many respects from that
held by civil society. Their life philosophy, as has been demonstrated,
encompasses all aspects of their existence. They have their own distinct and
individual religious views, which borrow heavily from Christianity and Judaism.
What differentiates Rastafarianism from the Christian faith is their understanding
of creation, life and the afterlife. The two also differ on the question of the trinity
and such questions as who is Christ. While Rastafarians of the House of Fire
attempt to extract aspects of Christianity not tainted by colonial contexts, they see
organised mainstream Christianity in the thrall of capitalism or controlling
capitalism – a radical critique of contemporary society and power — which is
influenced by their political philosophy. This is based mainly on the ideology of
Pan Africanism as propagated by Marcus Garvey.

With regard to the South African situation, as we have seen, their philosophy of
life is shaped by prevailing conditions, in Daveyton and the world. They reject the
existing political, social, economic, religious and cultural norms as oppressive,
describing them as part of Babylon’s creation. The destruction of Babylon, chanting
down Babylon would bring the end of oppression. The poems recited are an
expression of their point of view of the contemporary South African situation.
The poem about Mandela, for example, demonstrates their rejection of the
contemporary situation — extended unusually to the untouchable figure of
Mandela.

The responses to the questionnaire suggest that members of the local community
are divided yet remarkably tolerant, and appreciative of the cultural and religious
aspects of Rastafarianism despite being ignorant and confused due to the lack of
knowledge. What is obvious is the negative (the smoking of ganja) and positive
aspects (such as the dance and reggae music) that the respondents highlighted.
The major problem as underlined above is due to be the local community’s lack
of knowledge.
 199

CHAPTER NINE

Conclusion

This thesis has argued that Rastafarianism seems to be a growing phenomenon in

the South African social, religious and cultural spheres. Its emergence is the result
of the youth’s desire to forge a new culture and identity that reflects its rejection,
not only of society’s norm but also the world order, which is based on the
oppression of the weak by the strong. This cultural identity emerged out of
particular social, economic, political, cultural and religious conditions of
inequalities originally created by the apartheid system pertinent to Daveyton. It
emerged from a combination of several factors, namely the youths’ rejection of
their parents’ religious convictions and conditions of deprivation and
marginalisation following 1994.

Conditions in Daveyton remained deplorable in spite of the National Party

government’s intention to improve them in comparison to any township in South
Africa. Lack of housing, unemployment, inefficient provision of infrastructure
and educational facilities over the years created conditions favourable for the
growth of Rastafarianism among the youth. The new political dispensation has
done little to appease Rastafarians; indeed, it resulted in further consolidating
their opposition to the political system. The fact that Rastafarianism formally
originated in the new informal settlement or in the old location (for instance the
houses in Thembisa and Vosloorus) attests to the discontent specifically associated
with conditions there.

When first introduced, Rastafarianism found acceptance amongst the youth who
were searching for a new cultural identity and had other common life experiences
and expectations. The thesis has shown that the emergence and development of
Rastafarianism in Daveyton followed the same path as other social, religious and
 200

cultural movements. Like such movements, it came into being as a reaction to

prevailing conditions; like religious groups, it developed into different
denominations.

The most important achievement of Rastafarians of Daveyton is their ability to

develop a unique identity. This identity, as the thesis has argued, is a combination
of general or international Rastafarian characteristics and features that came into
existence as a response to local conditions. Those that are general include i-tal
livity, iry talk, dreadlocks, their colours, ganja use, music and sanctification. Other
components of their identity that emerged because of their attempt to cope with
local challenges include ritual, burial, earthday and marriage celebrations. An
important point to note is that some of what constitutes Rastafarian identity (such
as dress code, dreadlocks and language) have either been adopted and used by
other members of society or have been commercialised. The style of greeting and
irytalk, for example, has become popular within the general youth populace.
Dreadlocks have become so fashionable that they are commercialised in hair
salons. Items and cloths bearing the colours of Marcus Garvey are bought and
worn by many other people who are not Rastafarians. It appears that the
adoption and commercialisation of the Rastafarian style and garb contributes in
making society tolerant to some of their symbolism and to Rastafarianism per se.

The Rastafarians of Daveyton also have a common worldview despite

denominational splits. The common point of view of the world is reflected in the
attitude they have on the controversial issues of abortion, prostitution and
homosexuality. The legalisation of abortion and homosexual marriages is
evidence that Babylon is still triumphant. Their worldview is complex, as has
been detailed, because it arises from many sources. What further complicates it is
the open-endedness of their religion. This complexity makes it difficult for
members of society to understand Rastafarianism. Yet, whatever Rastafarians do
is directed towards one goal, namely the chanting down of Babylon. Their
philosophy of life is shaped by a number of factors that include information from
 201

a number of readings, prevailing conditions, life experiences, and their desire to

change the status quo.

9.1 Rastafarianism as a way of life

The Rastafarian way of life differs greatly from that of the general society. In
some ways, it sets itself up as an antithesis of society’s social and spiritual way of
life. Although they share similar objectives with everybody concerning problems
confronting society, such as drugs, Rastafarians nevertheless use ganja, which is
classified as an illegal drug. They reject other religious movements such as
mainstream Christianity, Indigenous African Religion and Independent African
Churches.

Yet, like Christianity, which draws its strength from the suffering of the Israelites
in Egypt and Babylon, Rastafarianism owes its origin to the suffering of African
slaves in the Americas similar to the Independent African Churches that emerged
as a response to political oppression and sought to liberate blacks from white
domination. An example of the Independent African Churches was the formation
of the independent African Methodist church when in 1892 a group of black
Methodists withdrew from the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary and called their
movement the Ethiopian Church, after the prophecy of African redemption in
Psalms 68 (Campbell, 1994:103). Rastafarianism seeks political justice for blacks
by taking a form of liberation theology in addition to its Pan African ideology.
Rastafarianism may be seen as a form of a political theology (‘theocracy reign’ in
Rastafarian language). This points to the difficulty of classifying Rastafarianism
as a movement. What we have seen throughout is that Rastafarianism defies rigid
classification because is neither quite a millenarian movement nor an independent
African church.

Rastafarianism differs in a number of ways with other known religious

movements found in Daveyton. It idealises Africa and its orientation towards
Africa is a central tenet of the faith. Most religious movements in Daveyton focus
 202

mainly on the spiritual aspect of human existence and have nothing to do with
the racial, political and social experiences of their adherents (Observation, 04th
January 2003). Rastafarian preaching and proselytising requires someone with an
understanding of these conditions because, not only does one have to preach but
also answer questions that may arise from the congregation, which is not the case
with other religious movements.

In addition, unlike in Indigenous African Religion where the use of traditional

medicine is central; and amongst most Independent African Churches who
believe in the healing power of water, Rastafarians believe in the healing power of
herbal medicine, hence their establishment of the herbal committee. Thus for any
Rastafarian to serve or perfom a specific task, specialist knowledge is required.

When applying the definition of the concept of culture and subculture to

Rastafarianism, it qualifies in both cases. Van der Walt (1997) identified five basic
components of culture as worldview, social, material, behavioural and religious
aspects. As has been demonstrated, Rastafarians have their own interpretation of
the world. While Rastafarianism may be seen as a political, social or religious
movement, in the senses alluded to above, it does not align itself with any such
movement. This is because the Rastafarian worldview embraces all these aspects,
and at the same time, tends to represent an antithesis of what other mainstream
movements stand for.

Concerning the social components, Rastafarians have managed to coin their own
language (iry talk), have their own institutions and laws, and have an
understanding of their responsibility to the community at large. On the material
side, it may be observed that while they do use modern tools and machines, they
prefer, as in the construction of their tabernacle, to use natural materiala. The
behavioural dimension of Rastafarianism is mainly based on the idea of i-tal livity,
which is its cornerstone. It also entails unique habits and customs, such as the
peculiar Rastafarian way of performing rituals and celebrating special occasions
described in preceding chapters. The religious component (which van der Walt
 203

claims to be the deepest core of culture) is also the most important to Rastafarians
of Daveyton (van der Walt, 1997:9). Their belief in Africa as Zion and Selassie as
Jah is central to Rastafarians of Daveyton. The importance of religion is evident
in the importance that the House of Fire places on the process of grounation, with its
emphasis on reflection and clarification of doctrinal issues.

Rastafarianism could be described as a subculture in that it emerged as a result of

a group of people coming together to share common interests and tastes, people
who like reggae music, smoke ganja, and who are not happy with the present
status quo, or wish in some way to challenge it. The people I have identified in
this study share a common background of deprivation, and are interested in
seeing a change in the status quo. They have as a result, adopted a common
identity and practices that consciously separate them from the mainstream
culture. However, as in the case of other subcultures, Rastafarianism is becoming
incorporated into the mainstream culture. Its colours, signs and objects have been
commercialised and mass-produced.110 Although the state in the form of the
police and judiciary and other religious formations still regards Rastafarians as
deviant, the media has done much in educating the public and so has promoted
understanding and acceptance.111

In the process of identity construction in the new South Africa, it might be argued
that an important lesson can be learned from Rastafarians. The ideas propagated
by the state of a ‘Rainbow Nation’; nation building; cultural diversity and/or
multiculturalism are signs of the lack of a cohesive identity and a common culture
that is accepted by all. The Rastafarians of Daveyton, it might be argued, have
managed to devise a common cultural identity that is rooted in Ancient Israel,
Ithiopia, slavery, colonialism, the ideology of Pan Africanism and resistance to
apartheid.

110
This is the manufacture and selling of Rastafarian items such beads, T-shirts, caps, stickers and
other items with Rastafarian colours or ganja signs.
111
Another example of this is a short TV film called One Love, which is a story of love story of
Rastafarian man and a Christian woman who could not marry because of religious differences. The
story is about religious tolerance and it shows that Rastafarianism is slowly being recognised as
religion.
 204

The process of identity formation amongst Rastafarians of Daveyton takes place

through a number of stages. The would-be convert will start by showing some
interest in reggae music, grow dreadlocks or smoke ganja. He/she will then drift
towards people with similar interests. The next stage in the process will be to
attend gatherings especially grounation. The process is completed with
registration and most importantly the adoption of a Rastafarian lifestyle.

9.2 Its Persistence and “Place under the Sun”112

Rastafarianism is growing and gaining importance in South Africa. Its impact,

according to Gondwe, “[is] by all accounts, … a way of life that will continue to
have a place on planet earth, whether in its pure form or in hippie versions for the
consumption of those who find the undiluted truth just a tad unpalatable,”
(Gondwe, 1992:14).

The persistence of Rastafarianism can be explained in terms of its nature as a

Movement that is always repositioning and refashioning itself, and its focus on
contemporary issues and their changing manifestations. An example is that any
legislation or a new lifestyle (law legalising abortion or homosexuality) that is
considered part of Babylon is challenged, and can be used to attract sympathy
from anyone who shares the same conviction. Moreover, the fact that different
Rastafarians interpret Rastafarianism in different ways leaves room for
innovation and coexistence with the main belief systems.

Outlining the endurance of Rastafarianism as a Movement, Kebede et al give

these reasons: Firstly, it is an old movement dating back to the 1930’s and from
there it has not only persisted, but has also become globalised while many social
movements have come and gone. Secondly, its stance is radical, offering a drastic
reinterpretation of the social and economic conditions of the world. Thirdly, it is
a religious and political movement that is seen as a threat to the established order
(Kebede, et al., 2006:2). Rastafarianism thus serves as a home for like-minded
112
Witvlei, 1985.
 205

people who feel alienated or oppressed by the dominant social and economic
conditions across a large number of possible divides.

There are various reasons Rastafarianism will continue to persist as an important

social organisation:

 The adoption of some of the symbols of the Movement, such as dreadlocks

and Rastafarian colours for commercial reasons tend to promote it.
Rastafarianism as a way of life is gaining acceptance, something that
Rastafarians can exploit in promoting their Movement.

 The fact that the Movement is generally accepted, especially by the youth
makes it an important youth sub-cultural organisation.

 Since the demise of apartheid, media coverage has contributed to some

understanding of the Movement by members of society.

 The involvement of Rastafarians in projects aimed at uplifting society,

their role in trying to address problems facing society, and their
involvement with other religious movements in mass prayers show that
the Movement is gaining recognition.

 Their part in celebrations of the African History Month also makes them
part of the broader family of African nationalists.

 Their position on problems such as crime and drugs, which they share
with many people, the government and other organisations, helps in giving
the Movement a positive image.

 With more high school and university students becoming interested, the
Movement is moving away from being classified as one belonging to
school dropouts.
 206

However, there are constraints on the growth of Rastafarianism, particularly

because it has no clear programme or practical manifesto outlining how their
aims will be realised.

 The major problem facing Rastafarians is their use of ganja for sacramental
reasons. Due to smoking of ganja, the government is reluctant to recognise
them. In addition, it is for this reason that many people dislike the
Movement.

 Except for the House of Fire, there is a lack of structured organisation,

making it impossible to share information or forge a group identity, and
thereby curtailing its development.

 Lack of, or loose organisation without regulatory mechanisms may result

in some people doing things that are not appreciated by society and
claiming that they are Rastafarians.

 Rastafarians still have to convince society about how they will control
ganja if they are allowed to smoke freely and prevent its abuse by children
and criminals.

 A serious problem facing Rastafarians is the lack of change in their

organisation regarding the position of women. This is in spite of Sister
Queen Fire’s comments that the period of 1994 brought with it some
liberation among Rasta women.113 Although they are referred to as queens,
women still occupy a subordinate position.114 Women are discriminated
against in many ways. For example, they are not allowed to preach, play
drums, and attend the binghi during certain times; and they must always

113
Appendix A,
114
This is however not a problem that is prevalent in other religious denominations. There is still
disagreement in some Christian churches as to whether women can practise as priests or not.
 207

cover their hair and wear clothes that cover their knees.115 This may
account for the insufficient number of women in the Movement.

In spite of these problems which the Movement still has to grapple with,
Rastafarianism seems to be becoming an important social and religious force in
Daveyton, as is the case in other townships of South Africa and internationally.
For the House of Fire, for example, from its inception in 1997 with only two
members, the number has grown to about fifty members by 2002 (Observation, 16th
February 2002). The number of Rastafarians attending dances can be estimated at
about 200 (Observation, 08 March 2002). The significance of Rastafarianism is that
it is one of the movements that have chosen to use past memories of black
oppression (instead of suppressing those memories) to fight contemporary battles.
Furthermore, it is the only international movement for black Africans that has
been around for a long-time and is still growing in popularity (Kebede, et al., 2006:
2).

115
What may be interpreted as discrimination by society may be seen as normal by Rastafarian
women.
 208

APPENDICES

Appendix A

Biographical Information

The biographical information was mostly obtained through person-to-person

interview with informants. This is with the exception of Jah Power who was
comfortable writing his life history. Whether in a form of a written account or
interviews, information extracted from the original transcripts has been
summarised by the author of this thesis. Original transcripts of the interview and
written submissions are (together with other original documents) in the William
Cullen Library at the University of the Witwatersrand.

Moratehi ‘Jah Youth’ Mofokeng (21 January 2003)

Moratehi ‘Jah Youth’ Ishmael Mofekeng is the first-born child of Naledi

Johannes Mofokeng and Malifu Christine. He was born in 1977 in Qwaqwa. He
started his primary school in Dibe Primary School and continued schooling until
Standard 8. He had a difficult upbringing. His parents separated in 1983 and he
grew-up under the care of his grandmother. His father had a drinking problem
and had little time for family. Family problems forced him to flee home; he
followed his mother to Soshanguve (Pretoria) on the 16 June 1991 and returned
to Qwaqwa after eight years. “I cannot say life in Pretoria was easy, but when
comparing it with that in Qwaqwa maybe it was”. In Shoshanguve, he joined the
Salvation Army and through their donations, he was able to live. He also
managed to continue with school and did his Standard 9 in Reitumetse
Secondary School. Things started to turn bad when his mother lost her work and
they consequently had to move to Daveyton where they stayed in Emaphupheni
until to date. Life was very difficult. “My mother got a man and we stayed with
 209

him”. Using money he earned doing piece-jobs, he went back to school and did
his matric in 1991 and to pass only four subjects. “By this time, I was already a
Rasta, and there were only two of us in the entire school — myself and Ras
Mthandeni who is still a Rasta. The only time I had a problem with my
dreadlocks was when my teacher took me outside my class and showed me a
well-trimmed garden and a bush and asked which I think was beautiful. My
answer was that I liked the bush because it was natural. My teacher said he was
not going to punish me because he was satisfied with my answer.” ‘Jah Youth’
represented his school in academic competitions and in AIDS awareness projects
in which four students were selected from the entire school.

‘Jah Youth’ was introduced to reggae music back in Qwaqwa where his father’s
brother, who was a soldier, used to buy some reggae cassettes. Listening to these
served as an early inspiration. From his arrival in Emaphupheni, it took him only
about three weeks to convert into Rastafari. “I became a Rasta after a time of
soul-searching when I looked back in life and try to figure-out what I wanted to
become in the future”. What motivated him more than anything else was the
desire not to be like his father, an alcoholic. Thus, becoming a Rasta would
prevent him from drinking liquor. Reggae music continued to influence him,
especially the albums suffering by Don Carlos and Traffic Jam by Eric Donaldson.
In Emaphupheni, ‘Jah Youth’ used to stay next-door with another Rasta,
although he had a problem with him because he ate fish, and according to
information he had, Rastas were not supposed to eat fish.

‘Jah Power’, his cousin, played a main role in introducing ‘Jah Youth’ to the
world of Rastafari. He used to while-away time at his corner sharing ganja, ideas
and teachings. It was at this corner that he was introduced to the majority of
Rastas. During those early years, Rastafarianism as a movement was very
different from what it is now. It was a dance hall type of Rastafarianism as
opposed to the binghi of today. The first dance he attended took place at Binghi
Bunny’s place where mostly elders who were dancing together in inity attended.
 210

There were DJ’s with microphones and reggae music the whole time. The meal
cooked was rice and vegetables without salt. It was then that he decided to quit
eating flash and processed foodstuff.

‘Jah Youth’ stays with a sistren whom she met after she had problems at home.
They are blessed with a daughter called Ashantiwa, an Amharic word for unity of
mothers to fight against colonialism and oppression. “Ashantiwa is one year old
this year and we never cut her hair since she was born.” She never takes
processed milk but only breastfed, fruits and 100% juice because only fruits and
vegetables are eaten in their house.

Their parents approved their relationship; there was no lobola paid and no formal
marriage took place. His in-laws do not have a problem with their daughter
staying with a Rasta because according to him, “they became aware that I was
living a clean life.” He already has his own place to stay but he spent most of his
time at his in-laws because that is where he operates his small business, selling
small items like cigarettes, sweets and peanuts. He is not against working for a
boss if it will raise money to expand his business.

For ‘Jah Youth’ the democratic changes of 1994 brought very little positives, but
mostly negatives. “The only positive change is that we can now sit in parks and
enjoy fresh air, something we could not enjoy before. However, unlike before,
abortion and prostitution are legalised which means that there was greater respect
for human life then than now. Before the end of apartheid, black people were
united and the youth were known to be leaders but now they are victims of
unemployment, crime and age restriction at school. The government continues to
play tricks with people by telling us that all languages are equal, which is not
true.”
 211

Kingman Letsie (15 January 2003)

Kingman Mpopo Letsie (formerly Christopher) — changed his names after

coming to South Africa and obtaining a new ID. He is the first-born child of
Sempe and Mankau Mosemake. He was born on 12th June 1968 in the Leribe
district of Lesotho, and attended his primary school in Dinosing. After Standard
5, which he passed with a distinction, there was no high school to attend so he
studied Standard 5 again, which he passed once more with a distinction. He then
did some piece jobs working at his teacher’s shop for R50.00 a week. He attended
school until Standard 7 and dropped out in July 1987.

The same year after dropping out of school, he went to South Africa to look for
employment. He came to Daveyton where he stayed with his mother who was
renting a place for R45.00 per month. He did not have an identity document then
and only managed to obtain one in 2001. His first job was with a construction
company where he worked for two weeks and earned R50.00 a week. “I was still
young and owing to my physical strength, I could not carry out some of the heavy
jobs. In September of the same year, I found a job with the Benoni Country Club
where I earned R28.00 a week.” He worked for the company until February 2002.
His earnings were sometimes used to pay rent. Life was difficult in Daveyton
since out of the family of six, he was the only one working.

Kingman has been living with a woman since 1988 who is from Lesotho. They
met in South Africa while she was visiting. They are blessed with one son and a
daughter. In February 2001, he moved out from his mother’s place to his own.

His first introduction to Rastafari was through reggae music. In 1992, his father
bought a cassette by Peter Tosh entitled Wanted Dread and Alive. To Kingman, his
conversion to Rastafari became a fulfilment of a prophecy by his father who once
told him that “when you grow up find Rastafari and never let him go”. His father
also said that he was going to be a priest, which he is today. In Lesotho, he lived
a Christian life as a baptised Anglican. He was also inspired by DJ Sello Thulo of
 212

Radio Lesotho in the reggae programme that used to play between 7:00am to
7:30am. This began to teach him more about Rastafari through reggae music
being played and explained.

His real conversion took place once he arrived in Daveyton. As soon as he started
work, it became easy for him to buy some cassettes. In 1997, he started to wear
deadlocks and associate with other Rastas. The first Rasta he met was Papa
Mokete who played a cassette by Rufaro entitled Stop Fighting. He liked it, stole
money to buy it from his mother’s Christmas savings and instead of going to
work, played it the whole day. However, he had a problem with Papa Mokete
because he worked in butchery. The first dance he attended was at Papa Mokete’s
home, which started on Friday and ended on Sunday. This was the first time he
had seen so many Rastas. The first Rasta who made an impact on Kingman was
Jah Power whom he met at his corner. He was the one who taught him that ganja
should not be mixed with a cigarette and that it should not be rolled with a
newspaper.

Sipho‘Yellowman’ Mnisi (09 January 2003)

Sipho Gift ‘Yellowman’ was born on 01 June 1970 in Daveyton. His parents
separated when he was two months old. In 1976, he went to Swaziland to live
with his granny. In 1980, he returned with her to Daveyton. His granny passed
away in 1982. Life became difficult because she was the one who was taking care
of him. He started school in 1980 at Kuzimisela Primary School. “In the house
where I lived there was nobody to care for me. I used to live from one place to
another until a woman next-door adopted me.” He stayed with this woman until
he dropped out of school in Standard 9 at Lesiba Senior Secondary School. The
reason for quitting school was that he impregnated his girlfriend and had sought
employment in order to support her and the baby.

Yellowman started work with Propack Merchandising, which was contracted by

Hyperama in 1993. He was employed on a temporary basis, working night shifts.
 213

Shift-workers were paid R750.00 per fourth night with R100.00 bonus if they
worked for the whole month. Yellowman worked for two years until the contract
between the company and shop expired. He then worked for DMS, a
merchandising company. He worked 26 days and was paid R1700.00 excluding
overtime. After the two contract employments, he got a casual job as a
merchandiser with Hyperama doing night duties, where he worked for one year.
From Benoni he got employment with Moonlight Merchandising in the Edenvale
Hyperama where he worked for 18 months. He also worked for the
merchandising company called 3D for 14 months. The last company he worked
for was Tiger Brands Merchandising from March to September 2002. Yellowman
is no longer thinking of slaving for a master; he is thinking of self-employment by
making artworks.

Yellowman started by wearing deadlocks in 1995 before he became a Rastaman.

From then he started to consider himself a Rasta, although he used to smoke
cigarettes and drink alcohol. He started smoking ganja at the age of 13 years. He
stopped smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol in 1996 when he converted into
Rastafari. At Daveyton, he and his girlfriend first moved and settled in Barcelona
and in February 2002, he bought the site with a shack for R5000.00 where he lives
today with a certain woman. By this time, he was attending the binghi. Staying in
Emaphupheni made it possible to convert fully into a Rastafari because he lived
close to the binghi.

Yellowman met his queen in 1993 and they have been working for the same
companies ever since. They have three children, a girl and two boys. He stays
with one of the boys and the others are with their mother. Family problems centre
on the question of food and deadlocks. His wife, for instance, does not want him
to grow very long deadlocks. With regard to the problem of food, she insists that
they should cook one pot, that is, one type of food for the whole family.
Yellowman also insists they cook one pot, but of ital. As a result, his wife is
against the Rastafarianism and decided to go back to her people until he changes
his lifestyle. She has given him three months to change, although he is not
 214

prepared to. Instead, he expects her to convert so that like the followers of the
Zion Christian Church the entire family will join the church. For him, it would be
nice to have a Rasta family. Instead, his wife cannot even attend dances with
him, which makes reaching a compromise impossible.

Tshepiso ‘Humbleness’ Matlala (23 September 2003)

Tshepiso ‘Humbleness’ is the priest of the Boboo Dreads in Daveyton. He was

born on 27 May 1981 in Kathorus (Vosloorus). His father works as an operator at
Unilever (formerly Lever Brothers) in Boksburg. He was attracted to Rastafari in
1996 when he started locking his hair, visiting other Rastafarians and playing
reggae music. Like other preachers, being a Rasta is a calling; he claims to have
been visited by a spirit. While still residing in Kathorus, Rastafari was not
recognised or even noticed at the school that he attended.

After his mother passed away in 1998, the family moved to Daveyton where
things started to change for the better. The school that he attended was very
accommodative; the school principal who interviewed him had no problem with
him being a Rasta. Maybe the reason for this was that “my school work was
always up-to-date and very good and I used to recite poems and for the principal,
I was a good example to other students.”

Humbleness matriculated in 2000 at Vezukhono Secondary School. He is not

employed and does piece jobs as an assistant bricklayer. His most important
work, though, is to coordinate dances during which he serves as a selector (DJ),
musician, motivational speaker, Priest and poet. Humbleness thinks of himself a
self-taught poet.

As a dance coordinator, he was bound to clash with the system (police). During
one dance, the police tried to stop the group by confiscating their CD player. The
second incident occurred during Easter in 2002 when the police raided their
dance, confiscated their flags and instructed them to disperse. During both
 215

incidents, they were able to negotiate their way out and claim that their success
was mainly due to the humble and polite way they spoke to the police.

Unlike most Rastafarians, Humbleness does not smoke ganja. He wears it as

hemp, boils and drinks or eats it (in a form of ganja cake). The blame for social,
political and economic conditions in South Africa is placed unequivocally on the
government. He identifies crime, unemployment and AIDS as pressing problems,
which the government is unable to solve because they had made too many
promises that they cannot fulfil. According to Humbleness, politicians are very
much aware that some of the problems are very difficult to solve but because they
want power, they lie to the people so that they can secure votes. He maintains
that there are also problems like the land issue, although the government has its
priorities upside-down by thinking that abortion and homosexuality are urgent
issues that need redress. The solution to these problems is that Rastafarians
become involved by working as a non-governmental organisation. Concerning
AIDS, he believes that no sex before marriage and abstinence are the only
solutions. Unlike other Rastafarians who are against the use of condoms, his
opinion is that he cannot crush someone by promoting the use of condoms
without coming to an alternative solution. However, he prefers not to be drawn
into this controversy.

Danny ‘Wiseprophet’ Mokoka (23 October 2003)

Danny ‘Wiseprophet’ was born on 24 March 1980 in Daveyton. For the greater
part of his life, he has lived in Daveyton with his father and a younger brother
who is also a Rasta. Their mother and father divorced during the early 1990s and
they lived for some years without any contact with their mother. His father
prevented them from seeing her. He is unemployed and treated the children badly
when drunk, and they ended up reporting him to social workers. With the help of
his aunt, he was able to locate his mother who stayed in Kwa-Thema where she
worked as a cleaner at a school. She lived with another man and together. With
 216

his younger brother, they used to visit her until they decided to live with her.
Since he knew that his father would not allow them live with their mother, they
simply left home. They still visited their father even thought they live with their
mother. “When she broke-up with the man she lived with we moved to Inter-land
(in Kwa–Thema) where we were renting a house. Life during these days was very
difficult.” Wiseprophet used to take drugs, smoke cigarettes, drink alcohol, and
come home late at night. In changing this kind of life, he is grateful to his mother
whom he claims was always patient with him. He lived in Inter-land until his
mother passed away in 2003. He did his Secondary education at Daveyton
Secondary School and dropped-out in Standard 9. He was not a Rastafarian
during his school days.

After his mother passed away, he and his brother moved to Daveyton where they
lived with their father again; their aunt cared for him. Both Wiseprophet and his
younger brother are members of the Nyabhinghi Order. He was introduced to the
Movement while living in Springs where he was influenced by a young man
living in the neighbourhood. “I started by smoking ganja with him and he told me
about Rastafari, played reggae music and read the Bible to me. I could not
understand what he talking about because I was still drinking during that time.”
He became interested in the Movement, which he attributes to the interest he
developed in reggae music. He recognises the existence of other Rastafari sects
but maintains that they are all one because their differences are nominal.

In Daveyton, he started to attend the binghi in 2001. Before that, he used to attend
dances. They are members of the Nyabhinghi Order. Wiseprophet is married; he
was expecting a baby but it miscarried.

For him, the situation in South Africa is bringing judgement (“the political system
is doomed”) to both black and white. The system is seen as a continuation of the
previous one with no real changes. He does not concern himself with politics
since the Movement, as a way of life is non-political, non-partisan and non-
religious. He is unemployed and is not prepared to work for Babylon because,
 217

according to him, all problems are caused by Babylon and one cannot seek a
solution from Babylon. Solutions to our problems should be sought in Africa and
not from Europe. An example of this is the formation of the African Union,
which is he claims, is copied from the European Union.

He considers abortion and homosexuality to be anti-Christ. While he sees

abortion as murder, gay and lesbians are unholy and they must be “burnt in the
lake of fire.”’ Unlike others, he sees some improvement in the education system
form 1994 because blacks are now included in the history curriculum.

Matshepo “Sister May” Masondo (17 February 2003)

Matshepo ‘Sister May’ as she is affectionately known amongst Rastas was born
on 05 May 1986 in Daveyton. Both her parents passed away in 1997 and she is
presently staying with her uncle. She is a student doing Grade 12 at Rivoni
Secondary School and her aim is to go to University to do B com. School is no
problem for her. Although she does not attend assembly and is prepared to take
punishment for that, she claims to be the only Rasta woman at her school where
there are a number of Rastamen. According to her, the education of post
apartheid period is not bad.

The problem she experiences is at home where her uncle is against her being a
Rasta. The main problem is her smoking of ganja, which they claim will affect her
studies negatively. Sometimes she is not at home during the night since she
attends night vigils. As a Rasta, she does not eat meat, but will go to the shop to
buy it if sent. In spite of the problems at home, May claims to be happy as a
member of the Rastafarian Movement. She was attracted to it during October
2002; she has been attending the binghi since then. She started smoking ganja,
which she taught herself before she became a Rasta. As a rule amongst Rastas,
she does not smoke in front of elders. She was eventually attracted to the
Movement by the peaceful way of life of its members.
 218

Pumla “Queen Fire” Mdluli 27 February 2002)

Pumla “Queen Fire” was born on 25 March 1983 in Kwa-Thema (Springs). She is
a twin in a family of three children with their elder sister working as a teacher in
Mpumalanga and the other twin sister still attending college. They also stay with
two adopted sisters. Her father worked as a security guard in the offices of the
Department of Home Affairs during the apartheid era where she sometimes
assisted the police in arresting people who contravened the Pass Laws. Her
mother worked in a beer hall until 1983 when the twins were born, but is now
disabled with a broken knee.

Sister Queen Fire started her primary school at Muziomsha, after completing her
Std 6 (Grade 4) she transferred to Job Maseko Primary School. She did her
Matric at Reshogofaletswe Secondary School. While doing Std 9 she became
interested in debates, and became chairperson of the Student Representative
Council (SRC) in 2000 in her matric year. She sees her involvement in the SRC as
a turning point in her life because it equipped her with leadership skills which
opened her eyes to many things. As the Chairperson of the SRC, it was not easy
for the principal and teachers to openly show their resentment towards her. It was
only after her term ended that she was expelled from school. She however
returned after negotiations between the principal and her mother. The
compromise was that she had to plait her hair instead of wearing dreadlocks.
After completing her matric, she went to Boston College. Her initial intention
was to do journalism but ended up doing Media Consultancy, obtaining a
distinction in Windows 98. Her aim now is to do Public Relations.

Sister Queen Fire was exposed to the Movement when she was ten. Her uncle
was a Rasta and she became interested in his lifestyle. In June 1999, she attended
her first dance where she met other Rastas. In 2000, she decided to become a
Rasta and started to attend a binghi. She holds no one responsible for her decision;
it was her choice. The only problem at home is her father who is against her being
a Rasta. According to her, this could be because of his work with the apartheid
regime. Her mother and sisters, however, are not antagonistic towards her. In
 219

fact, they respect her; her elder sister even buys Rastafarian things from her.
“There is too much antagonism from the society, maybe because of lack of
understanding and as a result, I feel isolated from my peers because I can’t
identify with them,” she laments.

Sister Queen Fire is married to Wiseprophet. They met in Kwa-Thema in 2000

when he used to visit next-door. From the very first time she saw him, she had a
vision of them together sitting in a room where he told her that she was one day
going to be his Queen. It was on 23 July 2001 that they met and fell in love.

Sister Queen Fire is someone who sees the government to have made some
progress since 1994 in the provision of water, housing and bringing political
equality between blacks and whites. Her main problem, however, is democracy,
which is responsible for social ills such as drugs, prostitution, crime and poverty.
Her vision of a government is a theocracy as opposed to democracy. According to
her, the period of 1994 brought with it some liberation among Rasta women.
Before then, Rastafari was taken to be the Movement of brethrens, when women
used to rise through men, (if a man is a Rasta he has to encourage his women to
become one as well) but now women can rise on their own.

On the position of the Movement in the new political dispensation, she maintains
that it should be recognised as a Non-Governmental Organisation by the
government and not as a religious movement (that falls under the South African
Council of Churches).
 220

Ephraim ‘Jah Power’ Mkwanazi (07 January 2003)

He was born on the 31 May 1975 in Daveyton Ephraim ‘Jah Power’ Mkhwanazi
is the second born child in the family of seven. Coming from a big family, his
parents could not afford to provide for them sufficiently; he started doing piece-
jobs at the age of eleven to pay for his school fees. He went to school in 1981 at
Letsha Primary School at the age of six and continued to Katlego Higher
Primary. In 1990, he was expelled from school for political activities. He
completed his matric at Caiphus Nyoka Senior Secondary School. His ambition
was to study Psychology or Law but his parents could not afford the fees.

“Before I became a Rasta, I was active politically and I also sang in a gospel
choir. In 1994, before and after the elections I served in the Marshall Structure
with an intention of serving as an MK cadre. I was also inspired by the
philosophy to Africanise as espoused by Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe and later
joined the Pan African Congress of Azania.” However, he decided to quit politics
after realising that it was full of tricks.

‘Jah Power’ sees reggae as responsible for his conversion into the Movement.
Elder Bafana introduced him to the music, which introduced him to Rastafari
lifestyle. He started to smoke ganja before he became a Rasta while he was still
singing in the gospel choir.

After matriculation, it was difficult for him to find a job, when he relied on selling
fruits and vegetables next to the Harry Gwala Secondary School. While selling,
his father found him a job with Iscor on a one-year contract. When it expired, he
opened a tuck shop and bought a Chevrolet bakkie. In August 2000, he was shot
and robbed in his shop. The second incident was when his second bakkie was
stolen at night and was later found stripped. In spite of all these setbacks, ‘Jah
Power’ is determined to continue with his business. He is not prepared to work
for a boss as the teachings of Rarastafari encourage one to be self-sufficient. ‘Jah
Power’ sees no absolute solutions to the problems facing the new government.
 221

Ras Bongani Masuku (20 April 2003)

Ras Bongani Masuku was born on 15th September 1967 in Daveyton. He started
schooling in 1974 at Ukuzimisela Lower Primary School and continued to Higher
Primary in 1979. He completed his matric at the Daveyton High School in 1987.
He was politically active during his high school days, especially during the
student’s uprisings of the mid-eighties. During this period of political unrest,
Bongani met Rastafari on a day he was hiding from the police when he met two
coloured men who were smoking ganja. One day he decided to visit their place
where they were playing reggae music, and he started to develop some interest in
it. Together with friends, they started to research into Jamaica and Rastafari and
started to visit other Rastas. The Rastas they visited, however, did not give them a
good reception because they ate flash (meat) and considered them non-Rasta. Due
to this hostility, they started visiting some of them only to borrow reggae cassettes
to record. They recorded and wrote down the lyrics of every song. They were first
and foremost inspired by Don Carlos’s album Suffering and then Bob Marley,
Peter Tosh and Burning Spear’s album entitled Garvey’s Ghost. This changed their
attitude towards politics because they started speaking against it by way of seeing
Rastafari as a more advanced concept. An album by Black Uhuru changed their
lives because of the accessible lyrics, from which they learned the Rasta language.

Bongani became a Rasta in 1986 while he was still a student. He always had
problems with the principal who did not like his dreadlocks. Sometimes the
principal would make fun of him during morning assembly and say that he would
not allow him in his school. One day the principal approached him and his
friends and told them that after break they must come with short or combed hair.
When they did not, a meeting was called between the principal, his deputy, and
us. During the meeting, they challenged the principal on their performance,
behaviour and reports from teachers. Bongani was always amongst the top ten in
class and managed to get an exemption in his matric results. In 1988, Bongani
started to show films as a way of earning some income. In addition, during this
year he harassed by police. He was arrested four times (when he had to cut his
 222

dreads) for the possession of ganja and has had confrontations with the police
many times. According to him, the main reason for the harassment was that they
had established themselves as a base for Rastafari. Sometimes police would come
and search them for ganja.

He started looking for a job in 1989 and found a temporary work as a clerk for
Kohler Corrugate. There were about a hundred workers employed, although he
was the only one permanently registered. Once he was registered as a permanent
worker, he was given a new position as a Clamp Operator. The same year he was
elected as a shop steward. In 2000, he was elected as chair of shop stewards, a job
he is still holding today. His job consists of ensuring the smooth running of the
company, solving workers’ problems, and serving on many committees to
discuss, amongst other issues, performance bonuses. When he started working, he
also started wearing locks. He has never had a problem at work about his being a
Rasta and smoking ganja, although his bosses knew about it. One of his bosses
from England once said to him that he smells of ganja but that he was different
from others who smoke it.

Bongani is married with one son. His wife is not a Rasta but she shows some
interest in the Movement and conforms to what other Rasta women wear, like
covering their heads in the presence of men and not wearing anything that
exposes their knees.

Andries “Binghi Bunny” Mashaba (23 September 2003)

Andries “Binghi Bunny” Mashaba is the first priest of the movement in

Daveyton. He was born on 4 April 1963 in Sandra in the Mpumalanga highveld.
He attended his lower primary school in a farm school in Yestervalkfontein and
did higher primary school in Rietfontein in 1981. He grew up with both his
parents until in 1983 when he moved to Daveyton where he stayed with his aunt.
He did his matric at Nyathi Secondary School in 1984 and due to unrest;
dropped-out of school. After that, he went to a technical College where he
qualified as a carpenter. Working together with a bricklayer, he decided to mix
 223

the two trades. In 1988, he started to work as a contract worker doing small jobs
for people, a job he is still doing today. His work is not advertised but he gets
clients through recommendations of people he once worked for. His work started
to do well from 1995 when he became known to many people.

He knew about Rastafari in 1982. Binghi Bunny is married to Doris whom he met
in 1991 in Actonville. He was not a Rasta then, but converted after they met and
influenced his wife to join the Movement. They have three children who attend
the bingh with their mother. At present, they have a home in Emaphupheni.

Kimseun “Kebra Kim” Sithole (14 May 2003)

Kimseun “Kebra Kim” Sithole was born in Lydenburg on 26 June 1968, the last-
born child in a family of ten. He never knew his father, was separated from his
brothers and sisters until 1994. In 1975, he moved to Burgersfort where he started
school. In Burgersfort, he stayed with his uncle and took care of his cattle and
goats after school. His primary education was in a farm school. After completing
his Std 5, he went to stay with his mother briefly and then returned to Burgersfort
where he continued his schooling. While at school, he became involved in
athletics. He dropped-out of school in Std 7.

Kebra Kim started work on a farm earning R5.00 per month, which amounted to
R60.00 per annum. These wages were paid yearly, the reason being to keep him
on the farm. He worked on the farm for two years until he moved to Gauteng
when he was 18, and found work as a building contractor where he earned
R15.00 per day. This was good money compared to what he used to earn as a
farm labourer. In the meantime, while he was working, he started to search for a
certain white man he knew during his school days. The white man, Mr. Visagie
owned a cross-country club and since he was an athlete, he wanted to join. After
finding him, Mr Visagie gave him a room to stay. Kebra Kim eventually became
the number one runner in the club and ran for the club for three years. In 1994, he
 224

was shot while running. Thereafter, he could no longer run and went home after
ten years. Mr Visagie gave him R16.000.00, which he used to buy a Kombi from
the club. While at Burgersfort, one of his sisters visited from Daveyton. She knew
the whereabouts of his other sisters and his brother. They drove to Pretoria to
meet his sibling. The next day they drove to Daveyton to see his eldest sister and
his brother who stays in Barcelona, an informal settlement in Daveyton.
However, his brother, an alcoholic, took his Kombi and turned it into a taxi. He
sent him home with a promise of sending him money every month but ended up
selling it.

After the Kombi was sold, with no income, he decided to sell some of his
appliances to raise money to go to Daveyton. His wife, who was in Newcastle,
Kwa-Zulu-Natal, also came to join him and they lived with his brother for six
months until he chased them out of his shack. They then went to live with his
sister. Within three weeks, he found a part-time job washing cars in the Boksburg
Flee Market where he worked from 1996 to 1998. Although the market was open
for two days per week, the money he could sometimes make R300.00 per day.
With two days work he was able to buy a place of his own and a few building
materials. In order to supplement his wages, he opened a carwash and a pap and
steak business next to the taxi rank.

In Boksburg, he met some white people who were opening a flee market in
Kempton Park and they gave him a job of distributing pamphlets. However, he
was fired after they found that he was buying from them and selling for himself.
Then he decided to start his own small business at Kempton Park selling cellular
phone accessories; he is still selling them today.

Kebra Kim started to grow dreadlocks in 1989 but did not know a thing about
Rastafari. He became a Rasta in 1994. He was not influenced by anybody or
attracted by anything but had this feeling as early as 1988, and in 1994 he
decided on his own to stop eating meat and become a true Rasta because he was
already wearing dreadlocks. He met his first wife in Soweto while he was still a
 225

cross-country runner, when she would come to Soweto to visit her sister. She was
not Rasta but was inspired by him and started to attend a binghi. They never had a
chance to get married because when he was about to pay lobola, both her parents
passed away; she was their only daughter. Before they could get married
(according to the Rasta tradition) in 2002, his wife passed away. They are blessed
with two children, a boy and a girl who are also members of the binghi and attend
it every Sabbath without fail. Presently, he stays with his late wife’s cousin-sister.
 226

Appendix B

B1 - ITHIOPIAN ANTHEM

This Anthem was obtained from the Jahug: Nyahbinghi Order Theocracy Reign and
modified according to the way they sing it within the House of Fire (see modification
written in italics).

Ithiopia the land of I’nI (our) Fathers

The land where our RASTAFARI (JAH) loves to be
As the swift clouds are suddenly gathered
Thy children are gathered to thee
With our Red, Gold and Green floating Over I‘nI
With our Emperor to shield I‘nI from wrong
With RASTAFARI (our JAH) and our future before I‘nI
We will hail thee with shouts and with song

JAH RASTAFARI is our Negus Negus I (Chorus)

Who keeps Ithiopia free
To advance, with truth and right - truth and right
To advance, with love and light - love and light
With righteousness leading
I’nI hail to I’nI Rastafari and I King

Imanity (humanity) pleading one Rastafari for I’nI ALL

O eternal Rastafari of all ages

Grant unto I’nI sons that lead
Thy wisemind thou (wisdom is) given to I’nI ages
When Blackman was so in need
 227

Thy voice through the dim past has spoken

Ithiopia shall stretch forth her hands
By Rastafari (thee) shall all barriers be broken
And Mount Zion bless our dear Motherland

Ithiopia thy tyrants are falling

Who smote thee upon thy knees
Thy children are heartically calling
From over the distance seas
Rastafari the great one has heard I’nI
With the irits (spirit) of love, he has stirred I’nI
To be one all through the trodding years

B2 - PSALMS

Psalm 1

Blessed is the I who walked not in the counsel of the unholy

Nor sitted in the sits of the scornful
But his delight is in the law of the Most High
In his law he do meditate day and night
And he shall be like a tree planted by the rivers of water
That brings its fruits in its own season
Its leaves shall not wither
And whatsoever do shall prosper

The unholy are not so but are like chaff that the wind drives away
Therefor the unholy shall not stand in the judgement

Nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous

For Selassie knew the way of the righteous
But ways of the unholy shall perish in the lake of fire SELAH !!!!
 228

Psalm 121

InI lift up InI eyes unto the hills from where cometh InI help
InI help comes from Selassie who created heaven on earth
He will not suffer thy foot to be moved
He who keeps thee will not slumber
Behold! He who keepeth Zion shall neither slumber nor sleep
Selassie is thy keeper
He is thy shade upon thy right hand
The sun shall not smite Thee by day nor the moon by night
Selassie I shall iserve thee from all evil
HIM shall iserve thy soul
Selassie I shall isrve thy yarding in and thy yarding out
From this ime forth even forivermore
SELAH !!!!

Psalm 122

I was glad when they say unto I let us yard unto the house of the Most high
InI feet shall stand within they gates O’ Ithiopia
Ithiopia is builded as the city that is compacted together
Where the tribes goes up
The tribe of the Most high unto the testimony of Zion
To give thanks and ises in the name of Selassie I

For there sit the throne of judgement

The throne of the house of David
Pray for peace over Ithiopia
They shall prosper that love thee
Peace be within thy walls and prosperity within thy Palaces
For my brethren and companion sake InI now say
Love be within the because of the house of Selassie I InI Father
InI will seek thy good SELAH !!!!
 229

Psalm 133

Behold - how good and how pleasant it is for InI sons and dawtas to dwell
together in love and inity
It is like a precious ointment upon the head running down upon thy beard
Even InI beard went down to the skirt of InI garment and as the dew of Harmon
and as the dew that decedent upon the mountain of Zion for the Most high
Emperor Haile I Selassie I commanded the blessing even life forever more
SELAH !!!!

Psalm 24

The earth is Selassie and the fulness thereof the world and they that who dwell
therein

For He had founded upon the sea and established it upon the floods
Who shall ascend unto the hills of the Emperor or who shall stand in His holy
judgement

Is he who have clear hands and a pure heart who had never
lifted up his soul unto vanity nor sworn deceitful
He shall receive the blessing from the Most high

InI are the generation of them that seek HIM that seek thy holy face
O’ Emperor Haile I

Lift up yeh heads o’yeh black man even be lifted up everlasting doors and the
king of glory shall come in

Who is this king of Zion?

Haile I Selassie I Ras Tafari strong and mighty in battle
 230

Lift up yeh heads o’yeh black oman even be lifted up everlasting doors and the
mother of iration shall dwell in
Who is this mother of iration?
Empress Menen I
Ras Tafari of Host
HIM IS THE KING OF ZION

B3 - RASTAFARI ROYAL CREED

Prince’ and Princess’ shall come out of Egypt, I an I Ethiopians shall stretch forth
I an’ I hands and hearts unto Jah, O thou Jah of Ethiopia Ian’I own Ivine
Majesty

Thy irits come into Ian’I hearts to dwell within the fullness of righteousness, lead
Ian’I

Help Ian’I to forgive that Ian’I must be forgiven.

Teach Ian’I love and loyality on earth as it is in Hola Mount Zion, I’dure Ian’I
with thy wise mind, thy knowledge, and thy Iverstanding, to do thy will O JAH,
Rastafari!

Ian’I blessing unto thee O Father, Let the hungry be fed, the naked be fed, the
naked be clothed, the sick be nourished, the aged be protected and the sick be
cared for

Deliver Ian’I from the hands of Ian’I enemies that Ian’I must be fruitful in these
first days when all thine enemies have passed and decayed, in the depths of the
seas, in the depths of the earth, the belly of the beast, or lake of fire

O give Ian’I all a place in thy Ever Living Kingman . This I ask in thy great and
thunderable name, Haile I Selassie I, JAH Rastafari!
 231

Thou art King of Kings and Lord of Lords, the Conquering of the Tribe of Judah,
Elect of thyself and the light of this world. Ian’I own Ivine Majesty Emperor
Haile Selassie I. First A’cient King of Creation. Though Alpha & Omega, I
beginning without an end, First without last. The Ilectorate of all Iman faith and
ruler of the Iniverse.

So Haile I JAH and King, JAH, RASTAFARI! Almighty I JAH, RASTAFARI!

Great and thunderable I JAH, RASTAFARI!

Bless Ian’I and Sanctify IanI. Cause thine Holy Countenance to shine upon Ian’I
so Ian’I shall be redeemed to trample the dragon!

Let the words of I an I mouth and the meditation of I an I heart humble thyself
before the Emperor Haile Selassie. Thou art Ian’I Redeemer. Jah who liveth and
reigneth for Iver and Iver. As long as the sun and the moon I’dureth throughout
all generations. In the name of the living I, JAH, RASTAFARI
 232

Appendix C

C1 CHANTS

(1) Him Have to Move

Him have to move, Him have to move.

Him haf fe move, Him haf fe move.
When Jah Rastafari get ready, him haf fe move.

Pope Paul have to move, Him have to move

(Elizabitch, Satan, Babylon, Downpressor, Apartheid),
Him haf fe move, Him haf fe move.
When Rastafari get ready, him have to move.

Him could a Black, him could a White

Him could a rich, Him could a poor
When Rastafari get ready, him have to move

(3) Burn Down Colonialism

I n I a burn down colonialism (rep)

I n I a shining the light of JAH Rastafari
n I a burn down colonialism

(7) Leave Babylon

Leave Babylon (Black People) leave Babylon

Leave Babylon and come
Look in your life Black People see how you live
When Jah was here they had done him the very same
Don’t mind your friend for they will lough you to scorn
You better leave Babylon and come
 233

(10) Proud to Be Black

Proud to be Black I am an Ithiopian

Proud to be Black I am an Ithiopian
Moses and Aaron - King Solomon and Sheba too
Proud to be Black I am an Ithiopian

We Afrikans have a glorious history

We built the first University Sankore
Inhotep the father of medicine
He was an Afrikan
Proud to be Black I am an Ithiopian

(13) Gonna Be Fire

It gonna be fire, fire Nyahbinghi fire

It gonna be fire, fire Nyahbinghi fire
Everyman gonna get his pay according to the work he has done
It gonna be fire, fire Nyahbinghi fire

(15) Jah Got the Whole World

JAH got the whole world in his hands

JAH got the whole world in his hands
JAH got the whole world in his hands
JAH got the whole world in his hands

JAH got the tiny little baby in his hands

(continue as above) Write in full all these…

JAH got the Ark of the Covenant in his hands

(as above)
 234

JAH got the Golden Sceptre in his hands

(as above)

JAH got the sword of Solomon

(as above)
Jah got the lighting and thunder
(as above)

(20) One Black Love

One Black Love a JAH JAH One Black Love

One Black Love Rastafari chant
One Black Love (rep)

For if your Mother won’t come

and if your Father won’t come
and if your Mother won’t come
Leave him and come for a One Black Love

(21) Is Your Name Written There

Is your name written there in the Lambs Book of Life

On that terrible Judgement morning
When the books are open wide
Yes is your name written there in the Lambs Book of Life
You better ask yourself that question
Is your name written there

(23) Babylon A Follower

“Any Any where Rastafari trod (rep)

Any Any where Rastafari trod Babylon a follow (rep)

JAH JAH never send dem fe go watch and peep

 235

JAH JAH never send dem fe go watch and peep

JAH JAH never send dem fe go watch and peep
Babylon a follow

Only one place that him cannot trod

Only one place that him cannot trod
Only one place him cannot trod
In a Holy Mount Zion

(24) Ithiopians Are You Ready

Ithiopians are you ready are you ready now to trod

Ithiopians are you ready are you ready now to trod
Morning Star trod over, trod over, trod over
JAH Morning Star trod over
I n I ready now to trod

(31 Children of Afrika

We are the children of the Ancient Afrikans

Ancient Afrikans, Ancient Afrikans
We are the children of the Ancient Afrikans
Oh! Oh! Yes we are

Let’s come together we’re the Ancient Afrikans

Ancient Afrikans, Ancient Afrikans
Let’s come together we’re the Ancient Afrikans
Oh! Oh! Yes we are

Reading and writing come from Ancient Afrika

Ancient Afrikans, Ancient Afrikans (rep)
Oh! Oh! Yes we are
 236

Maths and physics come from Ancient Africa

Ancient Afrikans, Ancient Afrikans (rep)
Oh! Oh! Yes we are
Civilisation came from Ancient Afrika
Ancient Afrikans, Ancient Afrikans (rep)
Oh! Oh! Yes we are
Civilisation came from Ancient Afrika

(75) Get Together

Get together get together get together

In Fari
So let us all get together with Fari
Come let us love one another like Brothers and Sisters
Come let us all get together with Fari

(85) 400 Years

400 years in a Babylon - 400 years

For I n I never yet cease the fire
Till Babylon wall burn down

(96) Babylon Throne Gone Down

I n I a trod away home to Zion, trod away home (rep)

One bright morning when the work is over
I will trod away home
For you hear the voice of the Rastaman say
Babylon you throne gone down, gone down
Babylon you throne gone down

For John saw the angels with the Seven Seals chanting
Babylon you throne gone down, gone down
 237

Babylon you throne gone down

(98) Mother of Salem (A Chant for the Sanctification of Children)

When Mothers of Salem, their children brought to Negus

The stern disciples drove them back and bid them to depart
But Negus saw them when they fled
And sweetly smiled and kindly said
Suffer not the little children to come unto JAH

For I will receive them and fold them in my bosom

I’ll be a shepherd to those lambs
So drive them not away
For if their hearts to I they give
They shall with I in Zion live
Suffer not the little children to come unto JAH

How kind was our Negus

To bid those children welcome
For there are many thousands
Who have never heard his name
The Bible they have never read
They don’t know what Rastafari said
Suffer not the little children to come unto JAH

Oh may the heathen

From every tribe and nation
Will obey the blessed word
And chase the Devil away
Oh, shine upon them from above
And show thyself a JAH of love
Teach the little children to come unto JAH
 238

(120) Babylon A Weak Boy

Babylon a weak boy

Rasta a go teal down Babylon
Rasta a go teal down Babylon
Rasta a go teal down Babylon

I n I Mount Zion go teal down Babylon

Rasta a go teal down Babylon
Freedom fighters Rasta a go teal down Babylon
Babylon Rasta a go teal down Babylon

(125) Fire Fire Seazers and Comb

Is to fire seazers and comb

Fire fire seazers and comb is the only way to Mount Zion
Fire fire seazers and comb

And you never go to Zion with seazers and comb

You can’t go to Zion with your seazers and comb
Is the only way one way to Mount Zion l
Fire fire seazers and comb and razor

C2 POEMS

All the poems below are written by Kingman

Marijuana Inna Me Brains

For marijuana inna me brains

Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Marijuana is a flower
Is the herb that gives me power
 239

Is for marijuana inna me brains

Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Police him catch I when I smoke it,
Without a smile neither or a joke
For marijuana inna me brains
Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Marijuana is a flower
Is the herb that gives me power
Is for marijuana inna me brains
Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Police him always trouble
Though I n I every time humble
For marijuana inna me brains
Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Marijuana is a flower
Is the herb that gives me power
Is for marijuana inna me brains
Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Police come jealous when him see I dignity
For him never know my loyalty
For marijuana inna me brains
Is the herb that makes me feel no pain
Marijuana is a flower
Is the herb that gives me power

African Caterpillar
I am an African Caterpillar
I am here to be the pillar of the truth
I am the soil caterpillar
African caterpillar is what I am
Righteous is my desire
 240

Truth is my meditation
For that: I am an African Caterpillar

I am an African Caterpillar
I am here to level the road for the king
Rastafari Haile Selassie I The First
I am the way that need to be followed
African caterpillar is what I am
I can lead to the greener pastures
I can lead you the ever living life
For that: I am an African Caterpillar
I am an African Caterpillar
I am here to straighten the curves
African caterpillar is what I am
Listen to my word to be your advice
Listen to my word if you want to live nice
For that: I am an African Caterpillar

Christmas
Is it about happiness?
Or is it about madness?
Is it about drunkenness?
Or is it about business?
Or is it about carelessness?
I just want to know about this Christmas
Because it is just a wonderful mess
Everybody, anyone is free to do everything
I mean everything could be shameful
But can be done without any question
Animals are slaughtered on this day

of Christmas, No kindness, shame with the Christmas

 241

I hear cries and crisis everywhere

Happiness changed to be madness of Christmas
I just want to know about this Christmas
It can bring you the pain instead of joy
It can leave you insane and in vain
It may never leave you undestroyed
It can bring some hurting and harming
It can only bring that little harmony
I just want to know about this Christmas
I no feel that happiness but now sadness
I no more see that love on this day but now hatred
I only smell the burning of innocent animals
It is just merciless on this day
I just want to know about this Christmas
Because it is just a wonderful mess

Mandela of the Old Times

Mandela of the old times

He can witness this
That Mandela of now is just
Equality is what the man desire
Is the reason he was have to be baptised by fire
He ever share the cup with Him This man
He once been told to think like a soldier who
Who is more than a politicians
Yes Mandela of the old times
Who ever yard in jail
Thinking like a soldier
Wanting to save the nation
I am still talking about the real Mandela

Who had never been programmed by any man

 242

But by the Most High Rastafari

But when Mandela comes back
He was Mandela of now
Thinking like a real politician
Setting the laws to allow abortion and prevention
Yebo Mandela: “Most Africans never die even lost Amandla”
See How Mandela him walk and him dance
Hear how Mandela him talk and him lough
Not like before
Him can yard inna jail
Him use to have some beards
And we could get fear when we see him
But the one of now
Him no have a single beard

Aliens Want To Enslave Mankind

Living in the city of illusion

Hoping to see mankind rising from death
While aliens standing in I n I way
Continually defiling mankind
To deform mankind is their jute
Their presence bring disaster to I n I

Living among the aliens

Praying for guidance and protection
Me see the traps everywhere to catch mankind
RISE and be WISE
Haile Ras Tafari and be sure
For righteousness is for de upright in heart

Living in de death city

 243

Politrics and religion manifest in man, o’man and children

Conversion is a must
For thy children are heartically calling
So make dem secure
Consider dis me people

Living within de last generation

De generation which will live forever
Cause life and de blessing are commanded to dat generation
If you LOVE to LIVE
DO GOOD and LIVE ELERNAIY
In de name of DE LIVING I O Selah

Haile Selassie I Call

For daily happenings are no more taken seriously

Ignorance still rules
While mankind is spiritually dead
Spiritual confusion dat lead to curse
Dwell upon corruption without consideration

Living without consciousness

This is pain
Face de reality of life
Awake from your sleep: I mean awake from your walking grave
Do what you did at first

No use in turning back

Remember forward ever, backward never
For eternal I n I must live
To iserve that you have to be firm

Comply with de order of H.I. M

 244

Order dat righteousness

Emancipate thyself from mental illness
Liquidate what is of Satanism
Save thyself from serving Satan

Pope John Paul in his throne proclaiming de mark

Corruption, illusion, pollution and confusion are de habitants of his throne
A throne with no dignity, the man whom sits upon have no solutions
Well, King Selassie I is de Most High Priest

Word of Thunder

Time to time I do mistakes

For I n I living in the city of illusion
Illusion that brainwash de nation
However, who shall ascend in de hills and situp
In de sacred place

Liquidate de limitation of thinking

Remember Selassie I say, I n I must be like high in thinking
Large in outlook and greater in feelings
For I n I to preserve the gifts on a spiritual level
Me see dem inna me image
But REFUSING, DENYING and MISUSING their powers
However, I n I are de image of Emmanuel I Selassie I the first
So do good, make sure you live clean
Surely goodness and mercy shall follow you all the days of your life

KINGS and QUEENS, PRINCES and PRINCESSES of Ithiopia (Africa)

Haile Ras Tafari without shame
Watch your actions

Don’t get caught in de fantasies of illusion

 245

Be wise in de name of de Most High Lord Selassie I

 246

SOURCES

1. Official Documents

Greater Benoni City Council: Greater Benoni Spatial Development Framework, March 1998.

Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality: Eastern District Spatial Development Framework, March

2006.

2. Interviews

Binghi Bunny, Andries Mashaba, Maphupheni, 05 January 2003 and 23

September 2003.

Bongani Masuku, Daveyton, 20 April 2003.

Humbleness Tshepiso Matlala, Daveyton, 23 September 2003.

Monty Mpo Edwards, Daveyton, 04 January 2004.

Jah Power ’Ephraim Mkhwanazi, Maphupheni, 07 January 2003.

Jah Youth Moratehi Mofekeng, Maphupheni, 21 January 2003.

Kebra Kimseun Sithole, Maphupheni, 14 May 2003.

Sister May Matshepo Masondo, Maphupheni, 17 February 2003.

Sister Queen Fire Pumla Mdluli, Daveyton, 27 February 2002.

Wiseprophet Danny Mokoka. Daveyton, 23 October 2003.

Yellowman Gift Mnisi, Maphupheni, 09 January 2003.

3. Observations

Maphupheni, 02 and16 February 2002; 08, 09 and 23 March 2002; 06, 04 and 20
April 2002 and 14 and 29 June 2002.

04 January 2003; 14 June 2003, 23 and 26 July 2003; 02 August 2003 and 27
December 2003.

03 January 2004 and 07 February 2004.

 247

Chris Hani, 04 January 2004.

Marivate Community Hall, Daveyton: 08 March 2002.

Mokoka Library, Daveyton: 16 February 2002.

Rolihlahla Community Hall, Etwatwa: 12 February 2003.

4. Other Publications

Constitution of the Nyahbinghi Order.

Good News Bible.

Members of the New Race Teachings of H.I.M Haile Selassie I.

Guidelines from the Ivine Order of H.I.M Emperor Haile Selassie I The First.

5. Unpublished Theses and Dissertations

Bosch, T. (1996). The Making of “I-Story: Rastas in Cape Town”, Honours Research
Paper, University of Cape Town.

Edgar, R. R. (1977). The Fifth Seal: Enoch Mgijima, The Israelites and the Bullhoek
Massacre, 1921, PhD Thesis, University of California.

Malinga, S. S. (1997). The Establishment of Black Townships in South Africa with

Particular Reference to the Establishment of Daveyton Township on the East Rand,
M.A. Dissertation, Rand Afrikaans University,

Nieftagodien, M. N. (2001). The Implementation of Urban Apartheid on the East

Rand, 1948-1973: The Role of Local Government and Local Resistance, PhD
Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand.

6. Newspapers and Magazines

Drum Magazine, “Detective in Dreadlocks,” vol.375, 11 November 1999.

City Press, 28 May 2000.

Gondwe, T. Positivibration: The Story of Rastafari in Design Indaba Magazine.

Independent on line, 12 February 2002.
 248

Jahug: Nyahbinghi Order Theocracy Reign, 2nd ed., Vol. 2, 1992.

Mail & Guardian, 28 May 2000 and18 May 2001.

Ras IvI Tafari (compiler), Guidelines from the Ivine Order of H.I.M Emperor
Haile Selassie I The First, St James, 1993.

Drum Magazine.“Rugby’s Rapping Rasta”, vol.291, 2 April 1998.

Pace Magazine .“Should we Smoke Dope?”, July 1995, pp. 26-27.

The Star, 14 December 2000.

The Jamaican Observer, 24 November 1996.

Sowetan, 18 May 2000, 6 May 2002 and 26 April 2005.

Sunday Times, 28 May 2000, 20 May 2001, 12 September 2004.

7. Articles

Anon, “Not a Formality”, Economist. 00130613. Vol. 334, Issue 7948, 1996, pp.1-
2.

Bonner, P. L. “Family, Crime and Political Consciousness on the East Rand,

1939-1955”, Journal of Southern African Studies. vol. 14, no. 3. 1988 pp.393-
420.

Cobbing, J. “Book Review”, Journal of Southern African Studies. vol. 20, issue 2,
June 1994, pp.337-340.

Denis-Constant, M. “The Choices of Identity”, Social Identities. vol. 1, issue1,

1995. pp. 1-12.

Eaton, L. “South African National Identity: A Research Agenda for Social

Psychologists”, South African Journal of Psychology. University of Cape
Town, vol.32 Issue 1, pp. 45-52.

Johnson-Hill, J. A. (1996). “Rastafari as a Resource for Social Ethics in South

Africa”, Journal for the Study of Religion. vol. 9, pp. 3-39.
 249

Kebede, A. and Knottnerus, J. D. (1998). “Beyond the Pales of Babylon: The

Ideational Components and Social Psychological Foundations of
Rastafari” vol.41, issue 3

Koka, K. (1985). “The Concept of the Black Star and Pan Afrikan Unity: Kwame
Nkrumah, Malcolm X, Mangaliso Sobukwe”, A Paper Delivered on the 40th
Anniversary of “The Fifth Pan Afrikan Conference” or The “85th Anniversary of
the Inception of the Pan Afrikan Movement. Manchester.

Lanegran, K. (1995). “South Africa’s Civic Association Movement: ANC’s Ally

or Society’s “Watchdog”? Shifting Social Movement-Political Party
Relations”, African Studies Review, vol. 38, no.2.

Malinga, S. S. and Verhoef, G. (2000). “Housing in Daveyton and Surrounding

areas: History, Theory and People’s Lives, 1970-1999”, New Contree, no. 48.

Packard, R. M. (1991). Book Review, Tufts University.

Van der Walt B J, (1997). “Afrocentric or Eurocentric? Our Task in a

Multicultural South Africa”, Brochure of the Institute for Reformational
Studies, Series F2, No.67. Potchefstroomse University for Christian Higher
Education.

8. ELECTRONIC SOURCES

Abdi, A.A. “Identity Formations and Deformations in South Africa” in

http://ehostvgw12.epnet.com./fulltext.as...es%20of%20identity%20forma
tion#FullText, vol. 30, issue 2, November 1999.

Kebede, A. S. and Knottnerus, J.D. “Social Movement Endurance: Collective

Identity and the Rastafari”, Sociological Inquiry in
http://0eb21.epnet.com.raulib.rau.ac.za/citation.asp?tb=1&_ug=sid+370
0D3A5%2D89E , 8 January 2006.

Lotter, H.P.P. “Personal Identity in Multicultural Constitutional Democracies”

in
http://ehostvgw12.epnet.com./fulltext.as...es%20of%20identity%20forma
tion#FullText, vol.17, issue3, August 1998.

Napti, P “Jamaicans of Ethiopian Origin and the Rastafarian Faith” in

http://web.syr.edu/~affellem/ napti.html. 23 September 2003.

Siwek, D T “Zion Riddims” in http://0web21.epnet.com.raulib.rau.

ac.za/citation.asp?tb= 1&_ug=sid+3700D3A5%2D89E, 18 January 2006.
 250

Stanglin D. and Eddings J., “International Rastafari Development Society” in

http://ehostvgw6.epnet.com/fulltext.asp...m=18&booleanTerm=rastafari
an&fuzzyTerm=#FullText, vol. 121, issue 14, 10 July 1996.

“The Dreadlock Deadlock” in http://0web21.epnet.com.raulib.rau.

ac.za/citation.asp?tb=1&_ug=sid+3700D3A5%2D89E 18 January 2006.

The Rastafarian Orders/Sects in

http://www.jamaicans.com/culture/rasta/rasta_sects.htm, 23 September
2003.

Van der Vyver, J. D, “Constitutional Perspective of Church-State Relations in

South Africa” in ysiwyg://bodyframe.9/http://ehostvgw13...
0and%20rastafari%and%20south%20africa, 14 December 2000.

9. CHAPTERS IN BOOKS

Bonnin, D. (1998). “Identity and the Changing Politics of Gender in South

Africa” in Howart, D. R. and Norval, A. J. (eds.). South Africa in
Transition: New Theoretical Perspectives. London: Macmillan. pp. 111-131.

Bozzoli, B. (1998). “Interviewing the women of Phokeng” in Perks, R. and

Thompson, A. (eds.), The Oral History Reader, London: Routlegde. pp. 145-
156.

Caws, P. (1994). “Identity: Cultural, Transcultural, and Multicultural” in

Golberg, D. T. Multiculturalism Critical Reader, Oxford: Blackwell. pp. 371-
387.

Chevannes, B. (1998a). “Introducing the Native Religions of Jamaica” in

Chevannes, B. (ed), Rastafari and Other African-Carribean Worldviews, , The
Hague: Institute of Social Studies. pp. 1-9.

Chevannes, B. (1998b). “New Approach to Rastafari” in Chavannes, B. (ed.),

Rastafari and Other African-Caribbean Worldviews, The Hague: Institute of
Social Studies pp. 20-41.

Clarke, J. (1997). “Subcultures, Cultures and Class” in Gelder, K. and Thornton,

S. (eds.). The Subcultures Reader. London: Routledge. pp. 100-111.

Cohen, A. B. (1997). “General Theory of Sub-culture” in Gelder, K. and

Thornton, S. (eds.). The Subcultures Reader. London: Routledge. pp. 44-54.

Caputo, V, (1995). “Anthropology’s Silent ‘Others’: A Consideration of some

Conceptual and Methodological Issues for the Study of Youth and
 251

Children Cultures” in Amid-Talai, V. and Wulff, H. (eds.), Youth Cultures: A

Cross-Cultural Perspective. London: Routledge, pp. 19-42.

Eagleton, T. (2000). “The Idea of Culture”, in Sardar, Z. and van Loon, B.

Introducing Cultural Studies. Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers. pp. 1,124.

Gecas, V. and Mortimer, J. T. (1987). “Stability and Change in the Self-Concept

from Adolescent to Adulthood” in Honess, T. and Yardley, K. Self
Identity: A Perspective Across the Lifespan. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
pp. 265-286.

Grele, R. J. (1998). “Movement without Aim: Methodological and Theoretical

Problems in Oral History” in Perks, R. and Thompson, A. (eds.). The Oral
History Reader, London: Routlegde. pp. 38-52.

Gordon, M. M. (1997). “The Concept of the Sub-culture and its Application” in

Gelder, K. and Thornton, S. (eds.). The Subcultures Reader, London:
Routledge. pp. 40-43.

Hart, D. (1987). “The Meaning and Development of Identity” in Honess, T. and

Yardley, K. Self Identity: A Perspective Across the Lifespan, London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 121-133.

Hebdige, D. (1997). “Subculture: The Meaning of Style” in Gelder, K. and

Thornton, S. (eds.). The Subcultures Reader, London: Routledge pp. 130-
142.

Rosenberg, M. (1987). “Depersonalisation: The Loss of Personal Identity” in

Honess, T. and Yardley, K. Self Identity: A Perspective Across the Lifespan,
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp.193-206.

Thornton, S. (1997). “General Introduction” in Gelder, K. and Thornton, S.

(eds.). The Subcultures Reader, London: Routledge. pp 1-10.

Wulff, H. (1995). “Introducing Youth Culture in its own Right: The State of the
New Possibilities” in Amid-Talai, V. and Wulff, H. (eds.). Youth Cultures:
A Cross Cultural Perspective, London: Routledge. pp. 1-18.

10. BOOKS

Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of

Nationalism, London: Verso.
 252

Ayisi, E. O. (1992). An Introduction to the Study of African Culture, Nairobi:

East African Educational Publishers.

Bennet, T. (1998). Culture: A Reformer’s Science, London: SAGE Publications.

Bonner, P. (2001). Kathorus: A history, Cape Town: MacMillan.

Bozzoli, B. (1991). Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, Life Strategy and Migrancy in

South Africa, 1900 – 1983, Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

Campbell, C. (1994). Township Families and Youth Identity: The Family’s Influence on
the Social Identity of Township Youth in a rapidly Changing South Africa,
Pretoria: Human Science Research Council.

Campbell, J. T. (1995). Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the
United States and South Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Clarke, P. B. (1994). Black Paradise: The Rastafarian Movement, San Bernardino:

The Bargo Press.

Cohn, N. (1957). The Pursuit of the Millennium, London: Martin Secker and
Warburg Ltd.

Coplan, D. B. (1994). In the Time of Cannibals the Word Music of South Africa’s
Basotho Migrants, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press.

Coplan, D. B. (1985). In Township Tonight! : South Africa’s Black City Music and
Theatre, Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

Coplan, D. B. (2007). In Township Tonight! : South Africa’s Black City Music and
Theatre, Johannesburg: Jacana.
Cronon, E. D. (1987). Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal
Negro Improvement Association, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press.

Eagleton, T. (2000). The Idea of Culture, Oxford: Blackwell publishers.

Edgar, R. (1988). Because they Chose the Plan of God: The Story of the Bulhoek
Massacre, Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

Edgar, R. R. (2000). African Apocalypse: The Story of Nontetha Nkwenkwe, A

Twentieth Century South African Prophet, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand
University Press.

Edgar, R. R. and Sapire, H. (1999). African Apocalypse: The Story of Nontetha

Nkwenkwe, A Twentieth Century South African Apocalypse, Ohio: Ohio
University Press.
 253

Ephick, R. and Giliomee. (1990). The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840,
Cape Town, Maskew Miller Longman.

Franklin, J. H. and Moss A. A. (1988). From Slavery to Freedom:A History of Negro

Americans, New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Gilroy, P. (2000). Between Camps: Race, Identity and Nationalism at the End of the
Colour Line, London: Allen Lane.

Gunner, L. (2004). The Man of Heaven and the Beautiful Once of God: Isaiah Shembe
and the Nazaretth Church, Pietermaritzburg: University of Kwazulu-Natal
Press.

Hall, S. and du Gay, P. (eds.). (1996). Questions of Cultural Identity, London:

SAGE.

Hebdige, D. (1987). Subculture: The Meaning of Style, London: Routledge.

Hofmeyr, I. (1994). “We Spent our Years as a Tale that is Told” Oral Historical
Narrative in a South African Chiefdom, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand
University Press.

Hogg, M. A. and Abrams, D. (1992). Social Identifications: A Social Psychology of

Intergroup Relations and Group Processes, London: Routledge.

Human Science Research Council. (1987). The South African Society: Realities and
Future Prospects, Connecticut: Greenwood Press.

Huq, R. (2006). Beyond Subculture: Pop, Youth and Identity in a Post Colonial World,
London: Routledge.

James, D. (1999). Songs of the Women Migrants: Performance and Identity in South
Africa, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Jorgensen, D. L. (1989). Participant Observation: A Methodology for Human Studies,

London: SAGE.

Keegan, T. (1988). Facing the Storm: Potrait of Black Lives in Rural South Africa,
Cape Town: David Philip.

Manganyi, N. C. (1981). Looking Through the Keyhole: Dissenting Essays on the Black
Experience, Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

Mashabela, H. (1988). Townships of the PWV, Braamfontein: South African

Institute of Race Relations.

Mason, J. E. (2003). Social Death and Resurrection: Slavery and Emancipation in

South Africa, Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.
 254

McMahan, E. M. (1989). Elite Oral History Discourse: A Sudy of Cooperation and

Coherence, Alabama: The University of Alabama Press.

Moodie T. D. (2001). Men, Mines and Migration: Going for Gold, Johannesburg:
Witwatersrand University Press.

Oosthuizen, G. C. (1990). Rastafarians, Kwadlangezwa: University of Zululand.

Peires, J. B. (2003). The Dead Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle
Killing Movement of 1856-7, Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

Sardar, Z. and van Loon, B. (1999). Introducing Cultural Studies, Cambridge: Icon
Books.

Sarup, M. (1996). Identity, Culture and the Postmodern World, Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press.

Sundkler, B. (1961). Bantu Prophets in South Africa, Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge.

Smith-Irvin, J. (1989). Marcus Garvey’s Footsoldiers of the Universal Negro

improvement Association, New Jersey: Africa World Press.

Van Onselen, C. (1996). The Seed is Mine: The Life of Kas Maine: A South African
Sharecropper, 1894 – 1985, Cape Town: David Philip.

Vail, L. (ed.) (1989).The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, London: James

Currey.
Werbner, R. and Ranger, T. (eds.) (1989). Postcolonial Identities in Africa, London:
Zed Books.

Witvleit, T. (1985). A Place in the Sun: Liberation Theology in the Third World, New
York: Orbis Books.