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INDIANISMO
BY BEATE SALZ
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442 SOCIAL RESEARCH
Brazil, and also all those groups that are
and savage, such as the Guianas and the Ch
of the Amazon forests and the extreme south
too, pose a problem, but its nature is totall
tively and qualitatively, from the problem
in Indianismo, as here defined. The pro-
has developed in Paraguay is also ruled o
gether different kind, in its preconditions, it
character.
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INDIANISMO 443
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444 SOCIAL RESEARCH
tion and political and social status. Thus several years ago the
Peruvian government, in a commentary on new Indian legisla-
tion, expressed its wish to benefit thereby "those nuclei of the
population who, by virtue of their differences of ethnic origin,
and because of their economically, linguistically and culturally
different standards (desniveles) are called Indians." 8
Scientific investigators try to follow popular usage in identify-
ing the Indians. Identification "is not only a question of blood,
of race; it is a question of the economy and the manners and
habits." 4 Therefore "it is necessary and desirable to apply the
term 'indigenous population' to the aboriginal ethnic groups of
the Peruvian population, and to the Indian mestizo, in so far
as he lives under the same social-economic conditions as the
former." 5
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INDIANISMO 445
enemy of the Indian. This attitude
the fact that the mestizo may be
the attitude has developed beca
mestizos are hispanized to a deg
gamonalismo, economic and pol
abusive aspects.6 The mestizo as su
Indian, as well as from the white
by his cultural and social or econo
Throughout the following disc
meaning of "Indian" is the one th
The culture and condition of the
geographical and historical confin
described too often to warrant m
This sector of the national society
only to a limited extent, become a
European civilization, despite cont
four centuries, has preserved many
original life. Certain decisive socia
tutions, characteristic of the And
tions, have survived among the In
of the Sierras, the mountain valle
is the ayllu, the family, social,
economic unit, or its modified form, the comunidad. The
comunidades- which were actually created by the Spaniards, who,
« See José Carlos Mariátegui, "El problema del indio," in Siete ensayos de inter-
pretación de la realidad Peruana (Lima 1928) p. 27; Antonio Garcia, Pasado y pre-
sente del indio (Bogota 1939) pp. 114-17; Benjamín Rojas Diaz, Incorporación del
indio a la vida civilizada (Cuzco 1939) p. 30.
7 See Inter- Ameri can Indian Institute, América Indigena and Boletín Indigenista,
for the years since 1941; Carleton Beals, Fire on the Andes (New York 1934) and
America South (New York 1938) ; Report by a Study Group of the Royal Institute
of International Affairs, The Republics of South America (London 1937); Frank
Tannenbaum, Whither Latin America? (New York 1934) and "Agrarismo, Indian-
ismo y Nacionalismo" (cited above); Moisés Sáenz, "Indians are Americans," in
Survey Graphic (March 1941) pp. 175-78; Philip Ainsworth Means, "Indian Legisla-
tion in Peru," in Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 3, no. 4 (November
1920) pp. 509-34; Richard F. Behrendt, "Land for the People," in Proceedings of
the Conference on Latin America in Social and Economic Transition, University
of New Mexico, Albuquerque, April 14-15, 1943.
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446 SOCIAL RESEARCH
however, utilized indigenous elements of
setting them up- are functionally indis
ayllus of the Inca and pre-Inca periods.
munal holding of property (allowing frequ
erty in land within the community) and
characteristic of both forms of organized g
By and large, the Indian populations
American countries are agrarian, and it is
agrarian population on which attention
urban industrial and mining population, l
Indian elements, is still insignificant nume
are in general hardly better off than the
the economic problems connected with
well discussed within the context of lab
movements.8 Furthermore, in so far as In
become permanent city residents, they are
lost to the Indians as defined above; they
represent at best an urban proletariat othe
Occasional industrial workers or seasona
who return periodically to their Indian
intents and purposes Indians within the m
definitions. It should be noted, however, t
in the Indo-American countries are frequ
problems. As noted above, this is a corollar
of what is meant by "Indian."
The Indians that we are here concerned w
the ayllus or comunidades; or they are sma
8 See, for example, International Labour Office, L
Report of the Joint Bolivian-United Stales Labour C
Martin C. Kyne, "Trouble in Bolivia-The Truth ab
Commonweal, vol. 33, no. 8 (June 11, 1943) pp. 198-2
in a subsequent issue (August 20, 1943) pp. 434~38
Gastón Arduz Eguía, El problema social en Bolixna
trabajo (La Paz 1941); Pablo Arturo Suarez, Contribu
dades entre las clases obreras y campesinas (Quito 19
tionario de la Oficina Internacional del Trabajo so
indigena en el Ecuador, Publicaciones del Minister
1941); Moisés Poblete Troncoso, op. cit.
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INDIANISMO 447
or they are landless agricultural lab
large haciendas, this last group con
the agrarian Indians. The laborers
bound to the latifundia under some form of a debt-subservience
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448 SOCIAL RESEARCH
it has not effaced what is essentially Indi
Spanish-Catholic culture is but a thin pat
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INDIANISMO 449
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450 SOCIAL RESEARCH
is Several governments are actively engaged in solving thé Indian problem, and
many administrations in the various countries are noted for their efforts in that
direction, thus giving the "Indian problem" official status, notably in Mexico,
where a consistent Indian policy has been pursued for a long time. Many of the
writers described as Indianists or theorists are themselves government officials or
public functionaries entrusted with important positions in connection with Indian
affairs. These may be likened to "New Dealers" with respect to their tempera-
ment, vision and policy, and appear to have made their influence felt in various
administrations. There is strong evidence that especially in Peru the proposals
of men like José A. Encinas and P. Erasmo Roca S. have been incorporated in
recently enacted Indian laws.
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INDIANISMO 451
tions and to proposals for reform
concentrate on the formulation of
reaching action. This emphasis, e
which is represented by Manuel G
the whole later school of socialist t
height in Aprismo. The latter, der
critique of Peruvian society and it
its name from its political organi
Revolucionaria Americana), the b
today leads a clandestine existence.
constitutes politicized Indianismo
ology have been amply described,1
important features need be given
Apra is a mass party, and since
Indians, Apra's effective strength
actualize their potential protest. Ap
the champion of the Indians, an
advocated by Indianists and Indige
so-called Minimum Program of Ap
de la Torre, considers the Indian
specifically.15 Aprismo affirms the n
on the basis of Indian elements, an
1* The most illuminating analysis of Aprism
"Intellectual Origins of Aprismo," in Hisp
23, no. 3 (August 1943) pp. 424-40. See also
pretation of the History of America," ibid. (
sive Aprista bibliography, pp. 555-85. Good
furnished by Robert Alexander, Labor Part
trial Democracy (New York 1942) pp. 34-3
passim, and America South, pp. 397-409 (bot
Latin America (New York 1941) pp. 199-2
America (cited above) pp. 150 ff.; Samuel G
World Life (rev. ed., New York 1942) pp. 1
Peru in Fortune, vol. 17, no. 1 (January 193
iß Victor Raul Haya de la Torre, Politica A
the Union Revolucionario, also seeks its su
claims itself their protector. Intensely natio
intellectual elements, it is in sharp contrast
and internationalist inclinations of Aprismo
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452 SOCIAL RESEARCH
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INDIANISMO 453
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454 SOCIAL RESEARCH
from a relatively mild agrarian reform (home
bution of state land to landless Indians, rest
lands, taxation of idle lands) to secularizatio
expropriation with or without compensa
which would be broken up into small hold
or reorganized as Indian communal lands
Occasionally the nationalization of all pro
advocated. Whenever economic socialism is
it receives its strongest formulation in Ap
as anti-capitalism in general, directed at la
corporate (ecclesiastical) land holdings, a
foreign investment capital, that is, foreign
industrial enterprises. Absentee ownership
the same category as foreign ownership.
often designated by name, are specifica
exploitation of the Indian workers in indus
culture, through low wages and high prof
do not benefit the country), or they are ac
the existing methods of abusing Indian lab
vades intellectual as well as government ci
say, is not confined to the Indianists and
however, their specific arguments. In the
capital it is not always clear whether t
"foreign" or on the "capital." It is more
former, at least in Aprismo, which is decid
and sees its very raison d'être in combatin
imperialism, especially its economic rath
implications.
In the crisscrossing of ideas that runs through pro-Indian pro-
grams a curious type of socialism is evident, peculiar to Indian-
ismo. This line of thought would revive, in a specific manner,
certain old ways and forms of Indian life, particularly those of
a communal nature, which are congenial to the Indian and
which existed on a national basis under the Inca emperors.23
23 See Sáenz, Sobre el indio Peruano . . . (cited above) p. 282.
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INDIANISMO 455
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456 SOCIAL RESEARCH
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INDIANISMO 457
per se. As an interpretative schem
the literature of Indianismo, inc
radical thinkers. The latter group
step of supplementing its interpre
tion that a change of a revolution
plans for improving the lot of the
who "are on the lookout for the
upsurge (resurgimiento). 'The la
Indians/ 'the revolt of the Sierra,' 'the rule of the Andes/ are
terms expressive of this idea/' 28 Mariátegui and Valcárcel, adher-
ents of a socialist school of thought, apply socialist ideas not only
to thé interpretation of history and of existing conditions but
also to their own visions of a true and redeemed society that is
primarily Indian. As Valcárcel puts it: "The faith that imbues
the native upsurge ... is the mythos, the idea of the socialist
revolution; the hope of the Indian is absolutely revolutionary/'
In hailing this view Mariátegui adds: "The case of Valcárcel
demonstrates to a nicety my personal experience. A product of
diverse intellectual elements, influenced by his traditional tastes,
given orientation by a particular kind of suggestions and studies,
Valcárcel resolves his Indigenismo politically into socialism." 29
This brings to the fore a crucial problem. As has already been
28 Sáenz, Sobre el indio Peruano . . . (cited above) p. 282.
29 José Carlos Mariátegui, op. cit., pp. 25-32, which also quotes Valcárcel's remark.
Valcárcel not only is an archaeologist of repute (an "Indianist") and a novelist
("Indiophile") whose Tempestad en los Andes is called by Mariátegui "vehemente y
belligerente evangelio indigenista," but also was a member of the "grupo resurgi-
miento" formed in 1926 for organized effort on behalf of the Indians and pro-
Indian agitation ("Indigenist") . The group subsequently furnished active members
to the Apra.
The impetuosity and militancy which characterize this particular line of thought
as well as that of Aprismo derive largely from the school of Manuel González Prada,
sworn enemy of Peru's tyrannical dictatorships and of the power represented by the
clergy; see Prada's "Nuestros indios," in Horas de lucha (2nd ed, Callao 1924) and
others of his works, especially Bajo el oprobio (Paris 1933), which is hailed by Apra
as the work of an author who is the idol of Peruvian youth (La Tribuna, clandestine
Aprista party paper, no. 3, January 1940). On Prada's and Mariátegui's thought
and their influence on the formation of Apra's philosophy see Robert Edwards
McNicoll, op. cit.
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458 SOCIAL RESEARCH
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INDIANISMO 459
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46o SOCIAL RESEARCH
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INDIANISMO 461
in
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462 SOCIAL RESEARCH
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INDIANISMO 463
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464 SOCIAL RESEARCH
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466 SOCIAL RESEARCH
IV
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INDIANISMO 467
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468 SOCIAL RESEARCH
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INDIANISMO 469
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