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INTRODUCTION
India is an agrarian economy with around two- third of its working p
opulation directly or indirectly upon agriculture .Though the share of
agriculture and allied sectors in the country’s GDP has declined stead
ily over the years - 51.9 in 1950-51 percent to 13.7 percent in 2012-
13 ..It still is the largest sector and plays an important role in the soci
o -economic development of the country .India could achieve self su
fficiency in foodgrains only in few decades of its political emancipati
on . The food production in the country reached to more than 257 m
illion tonnes in 2011-12 from only 52 millions in 1951-52 .
Farmers suicides in india
The first state where suicides were reported was Maharashtra Soon
newspapers began to report similar incidents from Andhra Pradesh
.
In the beginning it was believed that most of the suicides were happ
ening among cotton growers , especially from Vidarbha .A look at th
e figures given by
National Crime Records Bureau, an office of the Ministry of Home Af
fairs Government of India, has been collecting and publishing suicide
statistics for India since the 1950s, as annual Accidental Deaths & Su
icides in India reports. It started separately collecting and publishing
farmers suicide statistics from 1995.In 2004, in response to a reques
t from the All India Biodynamic and Organic Farming Association, the
Mumbai High Court required the Tata Institute
to produce a report on farmer suicides in Maharashtra
, and the institute submitted its report in March 2005. The survey cit
ed "government apathy, the absence of a safety net for farmers, and
lack of access to information related to agriculture as the chief caus
es for the desperate condition of farmers in the state. More than 1
7,500 farmers a year killed themselves between 2002 and 2006 , acc
ording to government statistics .Besides Maharashtra , the other sta
tes where most suicides occurred were Andhra Pradesh ,Karnataka ,K
erala and Punjab .According to the National Crime Records Bureau [
NCRB ] ,in 2006 , the state of Maharashtra , with 4,453 farmers’ suici
des , accounted for over a quarter of all -India total of 17, 060. NCRB
,also stated that there were at least 16,196 farmers suicides in India i
n 2008, bringing the total since 1997 to 1,99,132. According to gov
ernment data , over 5,000 farmers committed suicide between 2005
and 2009 in Maharashtra , while 1,313 cases were reported by Andh
ra Pradesh between 2005 AND 2007 .according to NCRB database , t
he number of suicides during 2005-2009 in Gujarat was 387 , wherea
s in Kerala it was 905 , in punjab 75 and in Tamil Nadu 26 . In April 2
009 , the state of Chhattisgarh reported 1,500 farmers committed su
icide due to debt and crop failure . At least 17,368 Indian farmers kill
ed themselves in 2009 - the worst figure for farm suicides in six
years .
CAUSES
1] There has been decline in the production as well as productivity
for almost all crops from the mid nineties,
2]there is an excessive dependence of a large section of the populati
on on agriculture [ in 2004-05 nearly 64 percent of rural persons wer
e from household members major status was either self employed in
agriculture or agriculture labor ] .
This also indicates that rural non farm employment opportunities
are limited
3] the declining size - class of holding and increasing preponderance
of marginal holdings [ 63 per cent as per 2001-01 agriculture
census ] , along with poor returns from cultivation , indicates that inc
ome for households is very low .
4] much talked about green revolution had a greater focus on rice an
d wheat under irrigated condition bypassing crops and regions
under rainfed or dry land conditions [ which is three -fifths of the
141 million hectares of the net sown area in the country during
2003-04] There has been failure to capitalize on the vast network o
f institution to provide new technology [ including the usage of
biotechnology ] , and a virtual absence of extension service .
5] the neglect of agriculture in plan resource allocation has led to a d
ecline in public investments in irrigation and other related infrastruct
ure .
6] supply of credit from formal sources to the agricultural sector is in
adequate leading to greater reliance on informal sources at higher in
terest burden .
7]last , with changing technology and market conditions the farmer is
increasingly exposed to the increasing market uncertainties
PROFILE OF THE VICTIM
In the predominantly economic reasons that have been identified for
the onset of distress, all the reports from the five states indicate tha
t most of the victims were undertaking commercial agriculture7 and
were struggling with a range of new risks (of production, credit, mar
keting, climate) associated with commercial agriculture. Although cu
ltivating these commercial crops, most of the victims lacked the eco
nomic and social wherewithal to be strong players in the Green Revo
lution game. All the reports indicate that most of the victims from t
he different states were marginal cultivators (less than 1 hectare) an
d small (1 to 2 hectares) cultivators, followed by semi-medium (2 to
4 hectares) cultivators.
Compounding such economic marginality is the fact that a significant
proportion of the victims were from the ‘Backward Classes’ 9 or fro
m lower ranked caste groups. In Andhra Pradesh, two-thirds of the v
ictims in Warangal were from the Backward Class groups of Yadava,
Chakali, Talaga, Wala, Mangali, Padmashali and Lambada (Citizens’ R
eport 1998). While in Anantapur district, most of the victims were fr
om the non agricultural castes of Sale, Besta and Uppara, although t
here were some from the traditional cultivating castes such as the R
eddy and Baliga. In Amravati and Yavatmal districts, most were also f
rom the middle or non-cultivating castes of Telis, Beldars and Banjar
a or from the Scheduled communities of Maharnav-Buddha, Matang
, Chamar, and Dhangar . For the Vidarbha and Marathwada region
the TISS report (2005) identifies a spread across the caste groups bu
t a predominant number were from the Other Backward Classes10 (
OBC 27 percent) and the other non-scheduled caste The
significance of the number of traditionally non-cultivating caste
members represented in the number o f suicide cases must be
noted.
What the cases indicate is the attempt by members of such non-culti
vating groups to gain a foothold into agriculture. Such measures hav
e been necessitated by the loss of their traditional occupation by the
integration of agriculture into the market economy and the displace
ment of rural products by industrial products. Members of artisan, s
ervice and craft groups such as potters, wheel-makers, smiths, baske
t makers and others have particularly been impacted by such trends.
Until recently such groups have had to perforce resort to becoming
agricultural labourers or to migrating to urban areas. In some cases
where artisan caste groups have taken to agriculture, they face probl
ems as they are unable to practice agriculture without incurring larg
e losses. While several studies have indicated the increasing pauperi
zation and de-peasantization processes which impact small and med
ium cultivators, these cases of suicides underscore the ways in whic
h families from the low-ranked caste strata are attempting to stall or
overcome such conditions of impoverishment or are seeking to enh
ance their incomes and standards of living. In their attempts to sus
tain or enhance their livelihoods, many of these marginal agriculturis
ts attempt to shift from predominantly non-commercial cultivation a
nd gain entry into commercial production .
AGRICULTURE SUBSIDIES—
which before would have provided a safety net for Indian cotton far
mers in just such a precarious situation— had been done away
with under the very same policies that placed farmers in this precari
ous position. An attendant problem was that of minimum support pr
ices (prices at which the government buys crops in the event that th
e market price falls below said minimum support price).
In the case of cotton, the government had—until 2008—
allowed its minimum support prices to lag far behind the rising costs
of inputs, i.e. seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, and labor.In a country wh
ere farmers had previously relied on the continued agricultural assist
ance of the state, this sudden withdrawal of the Indian government’s
agricultural support sent many farmers into a tailspin of debt.
PREVENTIVE STEPS :
Firstly , The solution to the farmer’s plight should be directed towar
ds enabling the farmers to help themselves and sustain on their own
Temporary through monetary relief would not be the solution. The ef
forts should be targeted at improving the entire structure of the
smallwere in the relief is not given on a drought to drought basis, rat
her they are taught to overcome their difficulties through their own
skills and capabilities. The Government needs to come up with proac
tive solutions and the nation has to realize that farmer suicides are n
ot minor issues happening in remote parts of a few states, it is a refl
ection of the true state of the basis of our economy .
Secondly , Posani[2009]-
1] increasing public investment in agriculture , which has declined in
the post reforms period
2] improving institutional credit
3] rationalized marketing structure and healthy rural development
expenditure Vandana Shiva A Shift from GMO
non renewable seeds to organic , open pollinated seed varieties whi
ch farmers can save and share ; from chemical farming to organic far
ming from unfair trade based on unfair and false prices to fair trade
based on real and just prices .And farmers who have made these cha
nges are earning 10 times the farmers growing Monsanto’s Bt-cotto