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Indian Political Thought Specia

Gandhi, Bose & Dr. Ambedkar

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Volume XXXVIII Number 5 May 2017
G . Kishore Babu
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EDITORIAL
All the three Gandhi, Bose and Dr. Ambedkar fought for independence of the
country and the betterment of the India people, more so Dr. Ambedkar who
launched a social revolution for the upliftment of the downtrodden. They are
a part of the large family of people who got us our much valued Independence.
Gandhi, a son of a rich zamindar of Gujarat who was Prime Minister of the
princely province of Kathiawar went to study Law at the Bar in England, was
helped in his legal practice by a rich Muslim family in South Africa. In fact,
the goodness and helpful nature of this family, an effect that prevailed on him
for all his life because of this with Gandhiji it was always muh main Ram, dil
me Allah. Non-violence was a common form of protest that was practised in
South Africa at the time Gandhi was there, something he brought to India
when he came to take over the running campaign of India’s freedom struggle,
he got us freedom but a split one with a lot of Needless bloodshed. India’s
freedom struggle starts from the day Dada Abdulla & sons hired a lawyer who
could speak Gujarati to settle a family dispute in Durban, South Africa. On
his visit to the court the judge asked him to remove his turban, (Pagdi) a
symbol and dress accessory, he refused and left the court, then on his way to
Pretoria in South Africa to appear in a court case, he was asked by the ticket
collector of the first class compartment he was travelling with a valid ticket to
go to a third class one, based on his race, Gandhi refused and was taken off the
train in Pietermaritzburg station on that night of 7th June 1893, was ignited a
spark for freedom that ended in India’s independence on 15th August 1947.
As a young lawyer, Gandhi believed “I realised the true function of a lawyer
was to unite parties riven asunder”. Gandhi believed and argued “That Indians
could not demand their rights as British citizens if they were not willing to
show loyalty to the British Empire”. A sense of responsibility that saw
Indian soldiers fighting with the British in many areas including the World
War 2. But the trigger to freedom was the Royal Indian Navy (RIN) mutiny
that broke out on 18th February 1946 at all major Indian ports and with over
2.5 million Indian soldiers fresh from the Second World War back , as
Swaminathan Anklesaria Aiyar says in 1967 “The then British High
Commissioner John Freeman said “ The British were petrified of a repeat of
the 1857 mutiny, since this time they feared they would be slaughtered to the
last man” This mutiny spread to naval establishments in Madras, Calcutta
and around the country, as the leaders of the Congress refused to extend
support, it was put down with a iron hand by the British.
Bose a man of vision, who felt that if the British would not give us freedom,
we would have to win it over from them, in fact snatch it from them. As the
Congress Party President he was sent out of the party as he had differences
with Gandhiji, for his fight to get his country freedom, he got lost in history
to be a great son of this land of ours. How he went and where he went after his
plane crashed in which he was supposed to be, and as per records no plane
crashed at the place or at the time it was supposed to happen is a promise all
plan to reveal, but it stands as a promise. Sentencing him and his Indian
National Army after the World War 2 by the British saw riots in the forces
that convinced the British that it was time to leave India and go. They split
India into three parts; the flames of anger are still burning keeping the sub-
continent a theatre of war for ever.
Bose wanted complete independence and Gandhi wanted it in phases. Both
wanted Independence of India but the approach was different.
Dr. Ambedkar who compiled our Constitution was a man who was
disillusioned with the treatment given to the lower strata of society in our
country, so upset was he that he and his followers changed their religion from
Hindusium to Buddhism. He wanted to have a common civil code for all the
people in the country a burning issue still relevant.
It looks the time has come to sort out most of these issues that these great
men wanted.
New Delhi G. Kishore Babu
May 2017 Editor
3
 Gandhi, Bose and Dr. Ambedkar
Contents
Subhas Chandra Bose’s Life Philosophy:
Major Foundation of his Thought and its Impact on India
Prof. Tridib Chakraborti............................................................................................................5
Dr. Ambedkar and Buddhism: Deliverance from Isolation
Prof. Anuradha Mukherjee........................................................................................................12
India and Her Destiny: The Mission and Role of Mahatma Gandhi,
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
Dr. Ashok Kumar Panda & Aniruddha Purushotham....................................................................15
Ambedkar: A Crusader for Justice
Prof. Anil Kumar Mohapatra & Binoda Kumar Kar.......................................................................21
If wishes were horses and Bose were President!
Himansu Sekhar Pati................................................................................ ................................26
Gandhian approach to a Non-Violent World Order
Dr. Sailaja Gullapalli................................................................................ .................................28
JNU Debate and Ambedkar: Truths and Lies
Prof. Satish Kumar & Dr. Virendar Singh................................................................................ ...34
Growing Atrocities on Dalits: Ambedkar’s Legacy and Its Contemporary Relevance
Dr. Alok Kumar Gupta.............................................................................................................40
Gandhi : The Political Philosopher
Dr. Bibudharanjan....................................................................................................................47
Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar: Messiah of the Masses
Dr. Deepak Yadav................................................................................ ....................................52
The Indian Freedom Struggle beyond the Frontiers under
Subash Chandra Bose and the Odia Martyrs in INA
Dr. Dasarathi Bhuiyan..............................................................................................................59
The Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the 21st Century: A Man of Action
Dr. Saleem Ahmad................................................................................ ...................................66
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Development of Water Resources of India
Dr. Sudhir Wadekar..................................................................................................................73
Revisiting Gandhi’s Concept of Spiritual Swaraj
Dr. Abha Chauhan Khimta................................................................................ .........................82
Human Morality and Social Justice: An Analysis of Gandhi and Ambedkar
Bipin Kumar............................................................................................................................86
Evaluation of Dr. Ambedkar’s Inter-Disciplinary Approach in Research and
Its Relevance in the 21st Century
Dr. Snehil Kacker................................................................................ ....................................90
Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of the Ideal State and
His Relevance in Contemporary World : A Brief Overview
Dr. Pratyay Dutta....................................................................................................................95
Ambedkar on Nation and Nationalism
Shalini Prasad........................................................................................................................103
Netaji’s Modernism versus Mahatma Gandhi’s Spiritual Swaraj
Dr. Pitam Ghosh....................................................................................................................107
Safeguards of Minorities Rights in India: Understanding Dr.Ambedkar’s Viewpoints
Dr. Chittaranjan Mallik.............................................................................. ..............................114
Gandhi and His Concept of Peace-A Way to Conflict Resolution
Dr. Muzammil Ahad Dar & Rameez Raja Mir.......................................................................118
4 World Focus May 2017
 Subhas Chandra Bose’s Life Philosophy:
Major Foundation of his Thought and its Impact on India
Subhas Chandra Bose remains a leading
personality, who has symbolized himself as a
leading/dominant freedom fighter, a true guide
and a devoted friend of the Indian people and
the world. As one of the chief architects of the
Indian freedom movement, he awakened the
country’s masses from the slavish siesta of self-
degradation and stimulated their sense about its
cultural, historical and national glory. During his
entire life period, he enlightened the Indian
masses about their feelings, self consciousness
and duties for the country’s independence and
mankind. The philosophical foundation of Subhas
Chandra Bose’s political thought, as a person of
humanity, was developed based on the influences
of several personalities, several international
freedom struggle events, impact of parents,
various religions and his personal experience of
life. This article will highlight the multiple facets,
which made Subhas Chandra Bose a true
humanist and freedom fighter in the pages of
Indian history.
Subhas Chandra Bose is an illustrious
national leader and a leading political philosopher and
stimulator in the history of Indian national movement
of the Twentieth century India. He was an icon of
the fighting millions in India and the Indians overseas,
who saw in him the bravest and the sturdiest,
dedicated pilot to guide the nationalistic expedition
through the most turbulent and dangerous seas of
the momentous international crisis, insofar as the
march to the heaven of freedom was concerned.
Subhas Chandra Bose is a name that shines with
opulence in the history of freedom movements of the
world. A robust and ardent patriotic character,
bordering upon deep trenchant antagonism to British
rule in India is the prime essence of his core
personality. His political approach was neither purely
ethical like the postulates of Gandhi, who stressed
equally on ends and means, nor was it purely unethical
like the notion of Machiavelli, who held that power
was the end in itself. His life goal was always
Subhas Chandra Bose’s Life Philosophy: Major Foundation of his Thought and its Impact on India
Prof. Tridib Chakraborti
confined and laid great importance to achieving
‘Freedom of India’. He was also a man of action and
was more concerned with his country’s liberation and
with the practical problems of its reconstruction than
with developing any systematic philosophy in the
abstract and believer in those truths which worked in
explicit and actual situation. Although he was a
religious person, Subhas Bose was totally free from
all forms of bigotry, superstitions and sectarian ideas.
His revolt against foreign rule was not at all immoral,
and rather was based on the principle of human rights
and freedom of existence. He was a true humanist
and as a humanist, Bose believed in the success of
man, and freedom remained the focal point of his life
philosophy. He was a believer in the law of evolution,
where man was the beginning and the end of all his
life activities, which in other words means that the
core of his social and political ideas was man-making.
Bose was a consistent believer of total mass
mobilization, for which he proclaimed that all Indians
— male and female, urban and rural, rich and poor
— should vigorously contribute in the fight for the
country’s freedom. In his entire life, he sought to
awaken the great Indian masses, and involve them
directly in the political struggle for the sake of the
country’s unconditional independence. Subhas
Chandra Bose was not a believer in ‘mono-causal
determinant of the course of history’. He had a
preference for synthesis between spirituality and
material progress, between nationalism and
internationalism, between communism and fascism.
He identified some common points between
communism and fascism; for example, supremacy
of the state over the individual, political technique of
party rule as a principle of governance, ruthless
suppression of all dissenting minorities, and belief in
planned industrial reconstruction of the economy. As
a realist, Bose was interested in ‘philosophy of action’
empirically engaged in mobilizing public opinion on
the important and political problems that beleaguered
his countrymen. Netaji did not believe in a false
kind of freedom, that would only benefit the
5
bourgeois upper classes and the elite, and always
sought a genuine freedom that would touch every
section of society. To him, mere political freedom,
without emancipation of the poor, the depressed
classes and women was meaningless. He did not
believe in one race, one culture kind of unity
that was propagated by most of the European
thinkers. He did not believe in imposing a dull
uniformity in the name of unity, that tried to
suppress differences. For him, true unity was
achieved only in respecting diversity, accepting
differences, the mosaic pattern as opposed to the
standard melting pot model. If one can evaluate
Bose’s writings, speeches and discourses, it is clear
that much of his political days were spent advocating
a four-point agenda and they are—eradication of
poverty and unemployment; drive against illiteracy
and disease; maintenance of internal law and order;
and preservation of territorial security. Thus, the ideas
that Netaji absorbed through his personal experiences
of life not only moulded his own world-view but also
provided the ingredients of a grand synthesis. His
long and stunning experiences of life naturally had a
deep-rooted spillover effect on the development of
his own ideas, which ultimately shaped his social and
political consciousness. Against this backdrop, the
purpose of this article is to highlight the major rationale
behind the development of the philosophical
foundations of Subhas Chandra Bose’s social and
political thought.
The philosophical foundation of Subhas
Chandra Bose’s political thought is mainly based on
four important sources, and they are: the spiritual
influence on his childhood, by his parents; Beni
Madhab Das, Headmaster, Ravenshaw Collegiate
School; teachings and life philosophy of Ramakrishna,
Vivekananda’s teaching on universalism and the
teachings and philosophy of Aurobindo Ghosh, C.R.
Das, Lenin, Mustapha Kemal Pasa, De Valera and
Joseph Mezzini, Count Cavour and Garibaldi; the
impact of freedom movements in other countries such
as American War of Independence, Italian struggle
for liberation and unification, liberation struggle in
Czechoslovakia and Irish struggle for freedom; the
impact of the Bolshevik Revolution and finally, his
personal experiences of life. Subhas Bose believed
that the Bhagavad Gita was an immense source of
motivation for the struggle against the British. The
6 World Focus May 2017
fresh interpretation of India’s ancient scriptures had
created enormous impact on him and the Hindu
spirituality formed the crucial part of his political and
social thought throughout his life.
Impact of Parents and School Teacher
While analyzing the evolution of Bose‘s life
philosophy, which moulded the development of his
political personality, one cannot ignore the environment
amidst which he was born and brought up. Subhas
Chandra Bose’s father Janakinath Bose, migrated
from Bengal to Orissa and had settled down at Oriya
Bazaar, Cuttack as a lawyer. He was selected by the
British as a public prosecutor, Government pleader
and a member of Bengal legislative council and was
bestowed the title of Rai Bahadur. But he was a
nationalist and humanitarian at mind with enormous
adoration for his country. Apart from this, Janakinath
Bose was a man of broad thinking and apparition.
He never thought in terms of a tapered parochialism
or provincialism. He lived in a Muslim locality and
actively participated in Muslim festivals. The broad-
mindedness of his father went a long way in instilling
the ideal of a broad and integral nationalism which
was not limited by region, religion or community in
Bose and presaged the possibility of national unity in
Subhas Bose’s Indian National Army.1
Bose had great respect for his mother and
his love and regard for the members of his family
distinguished him from many other Indian leaders of
this period who, in course of their political or social
activities, estranged themselves from their family
relations. Bose’s mother Prabhavati contributed much
towards his political evolution. The Bose family was
devoted to the worship of Goddess Durga, the
Goddess of power or Sakti. From his mother, Bose
imbibed the worship of Sakti which later assumed
the form of reliance on human effort or physical force
for the sake of attainment of a noble goal like political
independence.2 While expressing emotions about his
mother, Bose wrote:
“Though she was more humane and it was not
impossible at times to detect her bias, she was also
held in awe by most of her children. No doubt she
ruled the roost and, where family affairs were
concerned hers was usually the last word. She had a
strong will, and when one added to that a keen sense
of reality and sound common-sense, it is easy to
understand how she could dominate the domestic
scene.”3
In January 1909, Bose joined the Ravenshaw
Collegiate School, Cuttack, for his further studies and
spent four years there to complete his school studies
after which he left for Calcutta for pursuing higher
studies. For Bose, these four years were very much
significant for the development of his life philosophy.
Outside his family sphere, the head master of the
Ravenshaw Collegiate School, Babu Beni Madhav
Das, created a permanent impression on his life.
During his school days, the then Headmaster of
Ravenshaw Collegiate School, Beni Madhav Das
inspired the idealist in Bose and thereby disseminated
the seeds of revolution in him by supporting his anti-
British sentiments. Bose realized an irresistible moral
appeal in his personality. Till then he had not developed
the sense of paying respect to anyone other than his
own parents. The very sight of Babu Beni Madhav
Das affected a radical change in his attitude. Babu
Beni Madhav Das roused in Bose a clear perception
of moral values. He learned from him that the most
important thing in the world is to serve the interest of
the motherland. This emphasis on service to the nation
made him dream of its liberation from the British.
While explaining his feeling, Subhas Bose wrote in
his autobiography: “My headmaster had roused my
aesthetic and moral sense-had given a new impetus
to my life- but he had not given me an ideal to which
I could give my whole being. That Vivekananda gave
me”.4 In fact, this was instrumental in helping him
grow up with a spirit of dedication to the independence
movement.5
Influence of Ramakrishna and Vivekananda on
Subhas Chandra Bose
In the last two decades of the Nineteenth century,
two famous religious personalities appeared before
the public, who were destined to have a great
influence on the future course of the new awakening.
They were Ramakrishna Paramahansa, the saint, and
his disciple Swami Vivekananda. Ramakrishna
preached the gospel of unity of all religions and urged
the cessation of inter-religious strife and Vivekananda
tried to infuse a sense of pride in India’s past, of faith
in India’s future and a spirit of self-confidence, self-
respect and self-assertion, and that is why,
Subhas Chandra Bose’s Life Philosophy: Major Foundation of his Thought and its Impact on India
Vivekananda was regarded by him as a spiritual father
of modern nationalism. Subhas Chandra Bose was
very much influenced by the writings of Vivekananda
and Aurobindo. He declared specifically and with all
clarity “Vivekananda’s ideal is my ideal” 6 .
Vivekananda appeared in the life mirror of Bose,
when he was barely fifteen, i.e., in 1911. He was
then a student of Class IX at the Ravenshaw
Collegiate School. In fact, Vivekananda steered the
whole life of Subhas as a polestar when he was
exploring a principle that he could adhere to. Bose’s
idea about teachings of Vivekananda, especially his
slogan of service to the suffering humanity was
further concretized and confirmed when Bose became
acquainted with the teachings of Ramakrishna
Paramahansa, the guru of Swami Vivekananda.
Ramakrishna put emphasis on self-abnegation, which
in other words, meant the advocation of renunciation
of worldly desires as the passport of spiritual
development. Ramakrishna exhorted men to be
selfless. What appealed to Subhas Chandra mainly
was the life and message of Ramakrishna and his
emphasis on character-building and spiritual
upliftment. Under the impact of Ramakrishna’s
ideology of renunciation and passion for spiritual and
immortal life, Bose started thinking in terms of the
service he could offer to humanity. The strength of
boldness that overtook him under the influence of
Ramakrishna Praramahansa equipped him to
challenge the imperial authority in future for the sake
of national liberation. In fact, from Ramakrishna and
Vivekananda, Bose learnt that selfless services to
the suffering humanity was a means to spiritual
development and that led him to dedicate his entire
life for the amelioration of the down-trodden people.
Besides this, it is Vivekananda who stimulated and
ignited the spirit of patriotism in Subhas Chandra.
From Vivekananda, Subhas Chandra learnt the first
lessons to protest or revolt against injustice hampering
human freedom and wrote: “When I took to religion
and Yoga seriously and wanted freedom to go where
I liked and meet whomsoever I wished, I frequently
came up against parental instructions. But I had no
hesitation in disobeying them because by that time I
believed, under the inspiration of Vivekananda, that
revolt is necessary for self-fulfillment that when a
child is born, its very cry is a revolt against the bondage
in which it finds itself”.7 Likewise, in his famous
work The Indian Struggle, Bose wrote on
7
Vivekananda and said: “With him religion was the
inspirer of nationalism. He tried to infuse into the new
generation a sense of pride in India’s past, of faith in
India’s future and a spirit of self-confidence and self-
respect. Though the Swami never gave any political
message, everyone who came into contact with him
or his writings developed a spirit of patriotism and a
political mentality”8. Therefore, there is no doubt that
the writings of Vivekananda electrified Bose with the
spark of patriotism and nationalism.
The Lessons of International Freedom
Movements and their Impact on Subhas
Chandra Bose
In September 1919, Bose sailed for England on his
family’s request for Indian Civil Services (ICS)
preparation. In England, he got admission in
Cambridge University. Though he joined the
University, he was in a dilemma as he could not think
in terms of joining I.C.S and accepting a job under
the British Government. While preparing for the ICS
examination, Bose studied Modern European history
and where he came across the life history of great
personalities, like Bismarck’s autobiography,
Metternich’s memoirs, Cavour‘s letters etc. which
helped him to realize the inner currents of international
politics. Apart from this, at Cambridge he learnt that
a nation can be made only by the uncompromising
idealism from Hampden and Cromwell. The
resurrection movement of Italy and its heroes made
a great impact on Bose. He was also influenced by
the unification movement in Germany, the Sinn Fein
revolution of Ireland and the great revolution in Russia
which led to the destruction of the oppressive and
corrupt Czarist regime and the establishment of the
first socialist republic of the world. He was also
influenced by Joseph Mazzini who exerted a
tremendous influence on the Indian patriots in the
fourth quarter of the Nineteenth century. Bose was
inspired by his great belief in the cause for women’s
liberation, which later helped him in liberating women
and organizing the women‘s troop of his Indian
National Army.9
Subhas Chandra Bose was very much
influenced by Mazzini’s (who liberated and unified
Italy) burning patriotism, Garibaldi’s sword and
undaunted courage and Cavour’s brilliant
statesmanship. Subhas Bose combined in himself all
8 World Focus May 2017
the qualities of Mazzini, Garibaldi and Cavour. During
his stays in Europe during the 1930s, he was intensely
stimulated by the dynamism of the two major “fascist”
powers, Italy and Germany. After observing these
regimes first-hand, he developed a political ideology
of his own and was convinced, to bring about the
liberation of India and the total reconstruction of Indian
social aroma on authoritarian-socialist lines. Subhas
Chandra Bose always admired strong, vigorous,
military-type leaders, and in The Indian Struggle, he
listed several whom he particularly respected. These
included Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin and even a former
British Governor of Bengal, Sir Stanley Jackson. 10
He was also attracted to the Bolshevik Revolution of
1917 not because of the ideology behind it, but because
it succeeded in overwhelming the corrupt Czarist
regime in Russia. The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917
and the success of Lenin in establishing the first
socialist republic in the world showed him the power
of the people which again strengthened his belief that
India‘s progress could be achieved only by the
common people of India.11 He was also impressed
by Bolshevik Revolution since it demonstrated what
the power of the people could perform. The great
revolution further strengthened his faith on
Vivekananda who said that India’s progress would
be made by the ‘Sudras’, i.e. peasants, the
washermen, the cobblers and the sweepers. So the
Bolshevik Revolution strengthened his hopes about
the liberation of India. However, it should be noted in
this connection that Subhas Chandra Bose never
became an orthodox Marxist. He was deeply moved
by the metaphysical concepts of Hindu spiritualist
philosophy rather than materialistic dialectics of
Marxism. However, his firm belief in socialism should
not be confused with scientific socialism as enunciated
by Karl Marx and Engels. In fact, he was more a
Hegelian than a Marxist and the anti-religious and
atheistic tendencies of Marxism had no attraction for
him. Therefore, Bose’s idea of socialism was a means
to an end and it was a means to develop and to fetch
fresh buoyancy coupled with a sense of pride and
glory to Indian manhood.
Impact of Mustafa Kemal Pasa on Subhas
Chandra Bose
Subhas Chandra was very much influenced by
Mazzani’s (Italy) writings. Besides, the Irish struggle
for freedom and Mustafa Kemal Pasa, the architect
of modern Turkey, were highly admired by him. To
him, Kemal Pasa was one of the greatest creative
statesmen of the Twentieth century. Bose immensely
admired the founder of modern Turkey, Kemal
Ataturk, and tried to emulate him in several ways.
Kemal liberated his country politically from foreigners
and modernized it by introducing a series of religious,
social and economic reforms, which resulted in Turkey,
a backward and conservative nation revive from her
age-old torpid state to the status of a modern state,
largely modeled on European lines. Kemal Pasa was
virtually a dictator, but he exercised his dictatorial
powers for the benefit of Turkey and her peoples.
He can be branded as a benevolent dictator. But for
this dictatorship, it would not have been possible for
him to modernize Turkey and set her on new lines.
Kemal and his reforms for the good of the
people immensely influenced Bose, who had in his
mind also a vision of free India- an India dedicated to
the welfare of the masses, an India where the people
could breathe the free air of freedom- social,
economic and political, an India which would again
occupy a proud place in the ‘comity of nations’ and
give a new message to the world. Bose found that
India and Turkey had a significant number of
comparable situations and that both required countless
social changes. He desired to introduce in India some
of the social and regulatory measures which Turkey
had found vital in modernizing the nation. Kemal
Pasa’s vision of his government was democratic, but
curtailed social and individual liberalism as a part of
the reconstruction of the nation to avert any political
catastrophe that could wane the foundation of the
nation. Bose was intrigued by that form of
government and it is clear from his writings that he
preferred such a system to the typical western
democracy, at least in the early stages of an
independent India. He realized that India with its
divergent religious and racial population with varying
value systems could be successfully integrated to a
nation with any prospect of a conflict-less future only
if there is a centralized authority to guide them
through.12 So, with this purpose in view, Subhas Bose
supported a dictatorial government for his country
for at least twenty years. Bose like Kemal well
comprehended that without the dictatorship of a party
and its various reforms- social, economic and political-
for rejuvenating it, India would fall through and
Subhas Chandra Bose’s Life Philosophy: Major Foundation of his Thought and its Impact on India
thereby dampen the cause for national independence.
Hence, he supported dictatorship for India which
would work for remedying the ills from which India
suffered. In an interview in Kabul, Bose said: “India
needs a Kemal Pasa”.
Impact of Irish Freedom Movement
During his Cambridge days, Bose was deeply
attracted by the freedom struggle of Ireland. Ireland,
like India was under the British rule and was also
incensed with discontent against it. The British colonial
power had exploited Ireland, policed her and set up a
privileged class to attain their own interests as it did
in India. In Ireland, the Sinn Fein (Ourselves)
movement arose in the dawn of the Twentieth Century
for liberating Ireland from the clutches of the British.
Bose was influenced by the Sinn Fein, which became
a popular base in Ireland and an instrument for mass
organization for stimulating political consciousness
among the masses. The Easter Rising of 1916 which
aimed at the unity and independence of Irishmen
against British rule also left an ineradicable impact
on Subhas Chandra. The Easter Rising was originally
planned to be launched with German help, but
unfortunately, the Easter upheaval ended in collapse
on account of British intelligence service and
operation. From this event, Bose came to know the
role played by Germany, which impressed him
immensely.
On 13 th February 1933, Bose sailed for
Vienna. During his short stay in this country (Austria),
through his personal contacts, correspondence,
lectures, writings, etc, Bose endeavoured to build in
the mindset of the people of Europe an interest in the
Indian national movement and to win their empathy
and moral support for the struggle for freedom being
carried on by the Indian National Congress (INC)
against British government. However, of all the
European Nations, Ireland probably remained the one
most essential stratagem with him. Ireland, like India,
had suffered under British domination and had to
assert its independence by an open uprising. British
oppression and exploitation of the Irish people and of
the Indian people alike appeared similar in nature. In
Ireland, Bose could usefully learn the practicability
of underground organizations set up by the Irish
revolutionaries. German friends of Bose considered
the Sinn Fein movement as a successful historical
9
model for India’s fight for freedom, particularly as
India was facing the same enemy. As the Sinn Fein
movement became stronger and acquired a popular
base in Ireland, it became necessary for the new
national leaders to put the organization underground
and bring its activities under control in the interest of
postwar administration of the new Free State. This
Irish experience was not lost on Bose, who did not
encourage in practice the formation of too many
underground organizations in Bengal or India. Another
important historical parallel which magnetized him was
the idea of an alliance with Germany as a potential
enemy of Britain. The Imperial German Government
had declared during the First World War that if
Germany won the war, she would immediately
concede Ireland’s independence. During this time,
Bose recognized interesting parallels between political
movements in pre-independence Ireland and India.
The Irish Nationalist Party looked like Indian moderate
parties and like the Indian Liberal Federation, was in
favour of established routines like “home rule” which
indicated restrained independence under British
command. The “United Irishman” which arose out
of the Sinn Fein movement resembled the Indian
radicals, of whom Bose was one, and this party
wanted to free Ireland completely of British
domination and make it an independent state. But
until the First World War, the radical elements in
Ireland played a very small and insignificant role.
They refused to take part in the British Parliament
since they desired the end of British Empire
altogether.13 In first week of February 1936, Bose
met the Irish President Eamon De Valera, who
belonged to a group of hundred volunteers who had
participated in the Irish Rebellion and was not hanged
but was just sentenced to life-long imprisonment. At
the time of this visit, Bose in an interview at the
Shelbourne Hotel in Dublin said: “The Irish struggle
for liberty had been followed with profound sympathy
by millions of Indians, who were also struggling for
national freedom, and the success of Ireland had given
new heart to India”.14
During that time, Subhas Bose wrote a
number of letters in Irish papers and supplied them
with news and articles on the repressive measures
of the British imperialists in India.15 Besides this,
Bose also planned to publish a monthly bulletin on
India in English, French and German languages in
10 World Focus May 2017
Ireland and to distribute it from there to the
international press. However, he was greatly
disappointed when he came to know that the leaders
of the All-India Congress Committee had rejected
his plan for methodical propaganda in foreign countries
on behalf of the Congress.16 Therefore, the Irish
freedom movement largely influenced Subhas
Chandra Bose’s struggle strategy and behaviour in
the latter part of his heroic struggle and political
career.
Besides this, Subhas Chandra Bose believed
in an omnipotent God, a divine spirit equated by him
with providence. He was firmly convinced that it is
this omnipotent God, who guides and controls human
destiny and He created man for the fulfillment of His
work and man is to work in deference to His wishes.
He believed that man was to work without expecting
any result which is in the hands of God. Bose
observed: “I must go on working, the ultimate result
is in His hands, whether I succeed or do not is His
concern- we must continue and go on trying”. Thus,
according to him, the very strength of life and energy
is this divine spirit and man is born for the fulfillment
of the creative purpose of this universal power. But
this unflinching faith in God did not entail any passive
or weak mode of contemplation of Subhas Bose.
Therefore, a deeply religious man with philosophical
faith in God, Subhas Bose was not obsessed or
fanatical.
Bose rejected the concept of ‘Maya’ and
alternatively accepted the reality of the world. He
was consequently a worshipper of Sakti and gave a
practical interpretation to the Vedanta for the uplift
of his countrymen. He also believed in the concept
of progressive evolution and for that acceptance of
the concept of progress, he put forward three
considerations. First, the observation of natural
phenomena and history would indicate that there is
progress. Secondly, he said that there is an intuitive
apprehension that we are moving ahead. Thirdly, he
also adds an axiological consideration. He said that
the faith in progress is a necessity both on biological
and moral grounds. Although Bose was a great
admirer of the Vedantic philosophy in his adolescent
years, gradually he became a social and political
realistic thinker. Like Tilak, Bose stood for action.
He was for the acceptance of the technique of
modern scientific civilization and like Vivekananda,
he also held an exaggerated dose of ‘ahimsa’ to be
responsible for the decline of India.
Conclusion
Having analyzed the philosophical backdrop of Subhas
Chandra Bose’s social and political ideas, it is a
historical truth that in the galaxy of the Indian freedom
fighters, Bose was like a shooting star that was so
bright for a while but soon faded out of the scenario.
A critical assessment of the philosophical foundation
of Subhas Chandra Bose clearly reveals that he was
no system-builder of any social and political
philosophy in the true sense of the term. He was
more an actionist than a political thinker. Throughout
his political career, India’s liberation from British rule
remained Subhas Chandra Bose’s foremost political
goal. He had neither the time nor the opportunity to
develop any system of social and political philosophy
due to his frenzied political life. He developed his
ideas within the imperialist framework and therefore
his social and political ideas were determined by the
condition of dependent India. In fact, most of his ideas
developed out of the miserable condition created by
the British rule in India and centred on eradicating
British rule itself and the evils generated by it. Bose
was a humanist and as a humanist he believed in the
triumph of man with all his dignity and glory, which
was necessary for ‘man-making’. From 1921 to 1945,
Bose’s life was an uncompromising struggle against
British rule in India. He began his career as a
freedom fighter by dishonoring the British by resigning
from the elite and prestigious British Indian Civil
Service in 1921. He was the first Indian to do so for
the cause of Indian freedom. Subhas Chandra
struggled incessantly towards the target of freedom
and prosperity for his beloved homeland and aimed
for nothing less than the formation of “a new India
and a happy India on the basis of the eternal principles
of liberty, democracy and socialism.”17
Bose might have been abortive in attaining
his goal during his lifetime; but that should not deprive
him of the credit of being a gifted leader and
administrator as he had proved to be during his lifetime.
As a preacher of a human philosophy, Sub has
Chandra, through his life and vision, tried to awaken
the sleeping human souls. His philosophy remains a
faultless mingling of human religion, freedom and
Subhas Chandra Bose’s Life Philosophy: Major Foundation of his Thought and its Impact on India
science, with a personal experience of life. Bose,
through his philosophical preaching and writing,
wanted to make vocal, the aspirations and intense
suffering of the masses against the foreign rule and
for that, he realized that no political uplift was possible
without raising the fighting spirit of the masses. He
urged the people of India to be brawny and advocated
that power was the political testament of him to the
Indian nation. He believed that a strong and lasting
feeling of nationalism could be built up in India on a
pious religious basis. While explaining Bose’s
contribution in the annals of Indian history, Chandana
Mozumdar writes about Bose:
“His personality is reminiscent of the mythical hero
Karna in the Hindu epic Mahabharata, who despite
all his bravery, virtue and generosity chose to fight on
the side of evil in the war of righteousness, because
of a misguided sense of loyalty, and anger at being
rejected because of his illegitimacy. At the end of the
war Karna lay unrecognized among the thousands of
dead bodies and even his mother could not accept
him.” 18
Summarily then, it can be contended that
Subhas Chandra Bose has played a great role in the
shaping of modern India. Secularism, socialism, mass
uplift and mass power, women’s liberation, abolition
of untouchability, inclusion of social services as a part
of Hindu-Muslim unity, respect for all religions,
universal literacy, economic reconstruction and
planning, industrialization, equality of sexes, etc - all
these constitute the backbone of his life philosophy
for the construction of a modern India. His universal
outlook of spirit, love and brotherhood is still relevant
in the Twenty-first Century and will persist for ages
to come.
References
Shridhar Charan Sahoo, Subhas Chandra Bose Political Philosophy, Aph Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 1997,
1
p.3
2
Ibid, p.5
3
Sisir K Bose and Sugata Bose (eds.), An Indian Pilgrim: An Unfinished Autobiography, Netaji Collected Works. Vol.
1, Oxford University Press, N R B, Calcutta and New Delhi,1997, p.5
B.R.Nanda and V.C. Joshi ( eds), Netaji’s Life and Writings, Part.I, Thacker Spink & Company Ltd, Calcutta, 1948,
4
p.42
5
Shridhar Charan Sahoo, n.1, pp.7-8
6
7
Subhas Chandra Bose, Patravali; 1912-32(in Bengali), M.G. Sarkar & Sons Private Ltd, Calcutta, 1968, p.41
B.R.Nanda and V.C. Joshi ( eds), n.4, pp. 57-58
Subhas Chandra Bose, The Indian Struggle-1920-42, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1964, p. 21
8
9
Daya Mukherjee, Subhas Chandra Bose Accelerator of India’s Independence: Political History, Biography, Gyan
Publishing House, New Delhi, 1997, pp. 28-29.
10
11
Subhas Chandra Bose, n.8, pp. 114, 141, 229, 304.
Shridhar Charan Sahoo, n.1, pp. 21-22
12
Alexander Werth (ed.), A Beacon Across Asia: A Biography of Subhas Chandra Bose, Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad,
1996, pp. 54-56
Ibid, p. 51
13
14
The Irish Times, 3 February, 1936
15
Leonard A Gordon, Brother Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose,
Rupa & co, New Delhi, 2005, p. 305
16
Alexander Werth (ed), n.1, p.53
For details see Presidential address to the All-India Forward Bloc Conference, Nagpur,18 June 1940, Selected
17
Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose, p. 124.
18
Chandana Mozumdar, Swastika and Tiranga: Subhas Bose and Indian Nationalism’s Connection With the Third Reich,
Unpublished Dissertation, Auburan University, Alabama, March 19, 1999, pp. 381-382
11
 Dr. Ambedkar and Buddhism: Deliverance from Isolation
From time immemorial, India has been the
land of caste hierarchy based on the principle of
graded inequality. Inequality and consequently,
superiority or inferiority were not to be based on merit
but on birth and decided once and for all with no
possibility to change in the life’s long journey was
categorically sanctioned by all religious texts of
Hinduism. The great epics, the Puranas, the
Dharmashastras and above all, the Bhagavat Gita
– all echoed the same principle. Caste hierarchy based
on graded inequality by birth was not questioned, and
the only school of thought that challenged it was
Buddhism which, after Buddha’s death, lost its
strength and was defeated by the Brahmanic schools
of thought that eulogized the caste system. Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism in 1956 with
the mass conversion of his followers may be seen as
a return to the original axiom of caste defiance as
propounded by the Buddha by a so-called low-caste
man after thousands of years was a full circle drawn
in the protest against the caste-system. And it was
the beginning of the formation of Dalit identity in Indian
politics giving the Dalits a definite political orientation.
Religion, identity and the downtrodden
Religion as a powerful medium of change was
grasped by Ambedkar in its stark reality. Conversion
was something that could change the Dalit mind. The
isolation, the social ostracisation that a Dalit must face
cannot fail to produce an inferiority complex in him.
By the power of religion the power of a community
is protecting him which even mere citizenship cannot
give. Ambedkar, contemplating conversation wrote:
“The inferiority complex of the Untouchables is the
result of their isolation, discrimination and the
unfriendliness of the social environment. It is these
which have created a feeling of helplessness which
are responsible for the inferiority complex which cost
him the power of self-assertion”1.In fact, the primary
motive of conversion was attaining rights and liberties
that were lacking completely under the caste-system.
Only a strong and positive identity can guarantee
12 World Focus May 2017
Prof. Anuradha Mukherjee
rights and liberties in a country where mere citizenship
is not sufficient enough to break through thousand
obstacles that the still strong traditional identities
provoked in society. So Ambedkar’s call to conversion
to his followers in Buddhism was not just a change of
religious belief. It meant to bring a radical change in
every aspect of life, whether religious, social, political,
economic, cultural and every value-related sphere of
human life. A much needed change for a dormant
society blind to vicious social injustices was thus
ushered. It was a strong step taken towards a much-
needed change in social outlook, its importance being
no less than any other social revolution of history.
Ambedkar was working for a change and that change
had to be radical because the injustices suffered were
too heavy to wait for slow progress. The conversion
in Buddhism was a social revolution designed to usher
in a new era of progress based on the Dalit’s self-
development and not on the social conscience. The
same motive guided Ambedkar in his views on
education which he regarded as one of the weapons
in the hands of the down-trodden the other weapon
being religious. He expressed his feelings on this point
thus,
“Coming from the utter lowest level of the graded
Hindu society I can appreciate how valuable is
education. The hypothesis which regards the issue
of elevating the lower society as economic is greatly
erroneous, for it supposed that giving food, clothe and
shelter and leaving them subordinate to the higher
classes, will elevate the Dalit society in India, when
in fact neither of which is the correct proposition that
needed removal of inferior complex, which stunted
their growth and to make them aware of the existing
social system, which has mercilessly been looting their
lives, in the context of its importance from the
perspective of their own and that of the nation, and
such malady is not to be achieved by any other means
than by dissemination of higher education to the Dalits
“ 2. The aspiration towards having a dignified life
was through these two processes of education and
religious conversion. But it was not very clearly
expressed by him when he founded, on his return
from England, the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha in
1924 where he put the entire stress on education.
The formal objections of this association were:
“(1) to promote the spread of education among the
Depressed Classes by opening hostels or by
employing such other means as may seem necessary
or desirable ,
(2) to promote the spread of culture among the
Depressed Classes by opening libraries, social centers
and classes or study circles;
(3) to advance and to improve the economic condition
of the Depressed Classes by starting Industrial and
Agricultural Schools;
(4) to represent the grievances of the Depressed
Classes”.3
From 1935 onwards, these secular ways of
sanskritization seemed to have met with only limited
success given the huge dalit population scattered all
over India. From this time onwards, mass conversion
to another religion entered his plane of thought as he
was only painfully aware that the measures taken so
far was not enough to make a dent in the age-old
citadel of caste oppression. He started studying the
world-religions and the role of religion in society.
Ironically, the new strategy of changing one’s religion
was a challenge itself to the dictates of an unjust
religion. Not to have unnecessary restraints defined
Ambedkar’s concept of religion. That is why he
reconstructed Buddha’s teachings and interpreted
them in the light of reason and sympathy or fellow-
feeling that should underlie all true religions. His
magnum opus ‘The Buddha and His Dhamma’ shows
Buddha’s religion as nothing but great compassion
which gave him the hope to base his people’s new
identity by lifting them from the shame of the bad
karma done in previous births a hypothesis allowing
no sympathy for unfortunates as it believed the
miseries as the result of the soul’s own doings in past
lives. Buddhism gave Ambedkar the most solid ground
for challenging the karma doctrine which was the
very basis of the infallible cast logic. In the chapter
‘Rebirth of Whom?’ Ambedkar showed how Buddha
propounded most rationally that after death the rebirth
of the same sentient being is not possible 4. Ambedkar
went on in this book to argue that the doctrine of past
karma is a purely Brahminic doctrine which is
Dr. Ambedkar and Buddhism: Deliverance from Isolation
inconsistent with the Buddhist doctrine of non-soul.
He was of the opinion that the rebirth theory was
later introduced into Buddhism by someone who
wanted to make Buddhism akin to Hinduism or who
did not properly understand the Buddhist doctrine 5.
This was vital to Ambedkar because without his
baggage of sin from a hypothetical past, the Dalit
could be secluded and education to uplift himself to
gain a respectable position in life hitherto denied to
the Shudras by Hindu law givers would be accessible
to him.
The viability of the emancipator dimension of
conversion
In Ambedkar’s scheme of conversion, conversion to
Buddhism was a religious protest in order to gain self-
respect and dignity, and to get away from humiliation,
degradation and debased conditions of age-old
superstitions that Hinduism could not get away from.
In Maharashtra, and elsewhere wherever the Dalits
have converted themselves to Buddhism, they have
come to be known as neo-Buddhists. This is a new
identity for them which helps them in various social
spheres like education, occupation, income, social
behavior, urbanization, level of political participation,
respectful interaction with others in society etc. As
Ambedkar foresaw it, conversion to Buddhism has
acted as a radical form of the self-redefinition strategy.
Dalit life is hereby shaped by an alternative religion
with an alternative value system. The psychological
freedom from being a polluted person and the freedom
to have the will to prove every possible means of
economic advancement 6. This new identity is an
ethnic identity which provides a sense of belonging.
The Mahars and other dalit communities have gained
enormous social prestige by conversion. This gain,
although not to be always measured economically,
can be felt in the newly found self-esteemed, dignity
and pride. The most significant consequences of
conversion to Buddhism were psychological as is
evident in the numerous surveys undertaken by
scholars since Ambedkar’s demise. According to one
such scholar, ‘‘Change of religion has liberated them
from the stigma of untouchability, thus enhancing their
self-confidence to a great measure. Many of them
explained that the economic benefit after conversion
was mainly due to their giving up the rituals and
ceremonies for which a considerable amount was
being spent. Not being burdened with all these
13
conventional expenses, they could now use the money
thus saved for bettering their economic condition’’ .7
Conversion was meant to be the Dalit’s answer to
isolation imposed on him by society. Ambedkar was
sure that ‘‘isolation can end only in one way and in
no other way.’’8 He answered his critics who said
that conversion was quite unnecessary and was a
meaningless move with these words on isolation:
‘‘what are the consequences of isolation? Isolation
means social segregation, social humiliation, social
discrimination and social injustice. Isolation means
denial of protection, denial of justice, denial of
opportunity. Isolation means want of sympathy, want
of fellowship and want of consideration’’.9
Differing Aspirations
Ambedkar admired western technology and industry
which also brought him in direct conflict with
Mahatma Gandhi’s claim to speak for the nation as a
whole. Here too religion played a role. Gandhi never
admitted the contradiction in Hindu way of life, the
duality of religiosity and hatred for the lower caste.
It is argued very correctly that ‘‘he came to
symbolize a popular religious ideal associated with
Hindu sainthood and spiritual perfection. However,
as far as his calls for normal self-discipline were
concerned, the masses were eluding his grasp, for
the immediate demand and structural pressures of
their lives hardly resembled the atmosphere of moral
discipline that prevailed in Gandhi’s ashrams’’10. This
failure to grasp the real situation where violence
becomes inevitable was also applicable to situations
of understanding the isolated marginal. Ambedkar’s
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14 World Focus May 2017
view on the caste-system was not shared by Gandhi
who in an article in a Gujarathi journal called Nava-
jivan elaborated his ideas on caste-system in 1921-
22 which Ambedkar cited in his writings on Gandhism.
In one place it is said that ‘‘the caste-system is a
natural order of society. In India, it has been given a
religious coating. Other countries not having
understood the utility of the caste system it existed
only in a loose condition and consequently those
countries have not derived from caste system the
same degree of advantage which India has
derived’’ 11. Later though Gandhi criticized the caste
system as it is existed then, from 1925 he became an
upholder of the Varna system. To this, Ambedkar
retorted by writing that Gandhism may be suited which
does not accept democracy as its ideal and calls it a
paradox 12. The underlying violence of Gandhism
which would not liberate a Dalit from his isolation
hurt Ambedkar who commented that Gandhism is a
philosophy that ‘‘ helps those who have, to keep what
they have and to prevent those who have not from
getting what they have a right to get’’13.
Conclusion
Ambedkar was convinced that conversion will draw
the Dalits out of their isolation. To him, Buddhism as
a philosophy based on justice and not on the salvation
of the soul could be the right religion for the Dalits. It
was not meant to be an escape but a collective revolt
that also , made a significant step in the resurgence
of Buddhism in the country of its origin in all the glory
of the humanity it preached.
 India and Her Destiny: The Mission and Role of Mahatma
Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
Dr. Ashok Kumar Panda & Aniruddha Purushotham
Introduction
The object of this thesis is to decipher and analyse
India’s destiny, in the context of the struggle for
freedom, in the first half of the twentieth century.
The role and mission of Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar are
central to our understanding of the developments,
political and social, which culminated in India attaining
political freedom in 1947. All these stalwarts have
made their singular marks on the political map of India
and our history during this period cannot be construed
without a proper understanding their role and their
personal motivations. For these are the men who
helped in shaping India’s destiny. Each one of them
sublimated their personal suffering and humiliation in
taking the country forward in its struggle against
British Colonialism.
Mahatma Gandhi
Gandhi, who grew up as an admirer of British culture
and education had his first brush with colonial power
in South Africa, when he was thrown out the first-
class coach because of the colour of his skin. That
was the moment, when Gandhi’s soul was awakened
and he made it his life’s mission to espouse the cause
of emancipation and struggle against British tyranny.
The life story of Mahatma Gandhi is that of gradual
awakening of his self on various issues such as Indian
independence, emancipation of castes, democracy at
the grassroot level. Gandhi’s concept of Swaraj was
also marked by a process of evolution. Immediately
coming back from South Africa, and travelling the
country as a commoner, Gandhi developed ‘Hind
Swaraj’, which he wrote in 1908. Gandhi’s ‘Hind
Swaraj’ is the central doctrine of his political
philosophy which is based on moral and ethical
considerations. It can be called as ‘Gandhi’s Gita’.
The ‘Hind Swaraj’ epitomized his political roadmap
of India. Gandhi throughout his political career stood
by the basic concepts of Hind Swaraj, being liberation
of the individual from State, Caste and Religion. He
always emphasized on grassroot democracy,
India and Her Destiny:
The Mission and Role of Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
satyagraha and non-violence, absence of exploitation
prevalent in Industrial economies. The focus of Hind
Swaraj was liberation from the British colonialism,
which was gradual in character. Initially he advocated
home rule, a kind of autonomy for India within the
British Dominion and gradually it developed into the
concept of complete independence from British rule
(purnaswaraj).
Gandhi authored this work in a span of ten
days, on his voyage back to London from South
Africa. His motive behind this piece is drawn from
his interactions with nationalists who perpetuated the
Indian Cause from England by promoting armed
struggle to attain independence. Dismayed by their
faltered philosophy, he felt duty bound to promulgate
his philosophy, which he believed would yield the right
results, without the need of a sacrificial lamb. Gandhi’s
ideas on Satyagraha and nonviolence developed in
response to and in contradistinction from the concept
of armed struggle being advocated by the Nationalists,
including Sri Aurobindo, Shaheed Bhagat Singh,
Chandra Shekhar Azad and Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose. Gandhi’s idea on the emancipation of the Dalits,
known at that time as the Depressed Classes, also
developed gradually and mainly in response to the
demands of the Dalits, under the leadership of Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar for proportional representation.
Gandhi himself has responded that ‘Hind Swaraj’ was
written ‘in answer to the Indian School of Violence
and its prototype in South Africa’.
Gandhi developed his argument of Swaraj by
distinguishing how sections and classes of society
have propagated a misconstrued and misaligned
version of Swaraj. He demonstrated marks of
admiration to his gurus, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and
Dadabhai Naoroji, who pioneered the movement, and
laid the roots of Indian Nationalism. He felt duty bound
to develop the concept of Swaraj based upon the
foundations laid by them. Other contemporary leaders
had confined the idea of Swaraj in a singular domain
15
of autonomy and tax. In response, he observed that a
mere racial change of leadership would not attain
Swaraj. Simultaneously, he maintained his disdain for
the Extremists’ beliefs and ideals. It was at this
juncture that Gandhi observed that this mode would
result in a mere replacement of Englishstan, but not
an establishment of Swaraj, in its true sense.
On the other, Gandhi was distressed by the
self-serving agenda of the elite and intellectual class
of Indian society who formed the support base of
Indian National Congress. These personalities,
eminent in their fields, could not connect with the
Indian masses. The emerging middle class could not
resonate with poorer sections of Indian society as
common ground of communication like language, etc.
was missing between them. The misery of the poorer
sections, the peasants, the artisans, the workers, were
not reflected in the programs of the Indian National
Congress. It was a mix of these undercurrents which
signified conflicts and disunity among various sections
and classes of Indian society, for which India could
not tide over the British Rule. With fundamentally
weak and precarious convictions prevailing in the
Indian National Congress, Gandhi knew that he had
to be that institution of change, aligning the misaligned,
converting the conceited and gearing the people of
India towards achieving India’s ordained destiny. It
was Gandhi, with his deeper understanding of the
soul of India, that is the peasants in the villages, was
able to chalk out programs of mass actions like the
Champaran Satyagraha in Bihar and the Dandi
March, or Salt Satyagraha. Gandhi by galvanizing
the popular anger after the Jallianwala Massacre, was
able to give a new direction to the struggle against
British Colonial powers. He was able to instil a cause
and sense of purpose in the hearts of the common
man. He gave hope for hopeless and empowered the
meek and the damned to boldly stand for their rights
and face all consequences emanating from the wrath
of the Colonial Powers. His angst was best
demonstrated by his comment, “The English have not
taken India; we have given it to them. They are not
in India because of their strength, but because we
keep them”.
Gandhi understood and sympathised with the
popular meaning of ‘Swaraj’, which meant self-
government for the common man. However, he
16 World Focus May 2017
believed that his calling was to shape and take India
beyond that. For him, the popular conception of
Swaraj was just a small part of fulfilling his grand
design of Swaraj. It is at this stage, pertinent to
understand Gandhi’s Swaraj, as he himself put it:
“...if we become free, India is free. And in this thought
you have a definition of Swaraj when we learn to
rule ourselves. It is, therefore the palm of our hands.
Do not consider this Swaraj to be like a dream. Here
there is no idea of sitting still. The Swaraj that I wish
to picture before you and me is such that, after we
have once realized it, we will endeavour to the end of
our lifetime to persuade others to do likewise. But
such Swaraj has to be experienced.”
Critical analysis of this definition reveals two
distinct components in truly achieving self-rule. The
first integral part is learning to rule the self. That is to
say, learning to control the body and the mind. It is
the active cognitive capability of ruling the self. To
be the master of one’s own destiny. Once the
individual attains this ability, he is said to be free, and
to have attained Swaraj. Gandhi believed that the
internal Swaraj would inevitably result in Native Rule
as well. Thus, he did not distinguish between self-
government and self-rule. For him, the former is a
fallout of the latter. Despite this dream-like, near
illusionary concept of Swaraj, Gandhi remained a
realist. He understood and voiced the difficulties of
attaining this Swaraj. He became a moral compass
for others to follow. He motivated his fellow men to
draw upon their internal strength and fight against
the heaviest of odds. He described India’s freedom
as being directly proportional to an Indian’s inward
freedom. Gandhi was one of the few who truly
understood the value of the word ‘Swaraj’. He knew
that it is sacred. Sadly, after his demise, this word
has become corrupted by political propaganda, widely
misquoted and misinterpreted. For Swaraj is not
freedom from all restraint. Rather, Swaraj is for the
individual to practice self-restraint. The true meaning
of Swaraj, as conceptualized in the Vedas was not
axiomatic to the popular belief of freedom at the time.
However, it is axiomatic to the true meaning of
independence, for which Gandhi devoted his life.
Gandhi did not elaborate on the mechanics of attaining
true Swaraj in his works. However, he demonstrated
it in his life. He was man whose thought directly
correlated with his action. Perhaps it was deliberate,
so that we, as a later generation, may understand his
vision for what it was, than by inferring gestures and
developing conjectures. Thus, it becomes easier to
understand his vision for man by harmoniously
analysing his work and his life. Now we can dissect
the plethora of ‘Swaraj’ into manageable components.
At the first instance, Gandhi envisioned intellectual
freedom. He believed himself to be a propagator of
the cause, because at the root, Indian society needed
to release itself from the chains on the mind. The
impact of this revolutionary change is now embedded
permanently in the Preamble as well as the
fundamental rights guaranteed by The Constitution
of India. The next step on the ladder is the gate of
restraint, change and adaption. The common Indian
had been successfully adapting from one rule to the
next, from the Mughal Empire to the British
Command. Gandhi propagated that society was
aligned predominantly to maladaptation. Self-
knowledge actuates into situationally appropriate
action. There is a clear nexus with the mind and the
body. A man, having realized self-awareness, would
naturally act in a manner to protect his cause and
being. It was the failure of this coordination, that
Gandhi knew the violent resistance to be a futile
cause. At the top of the three-tier pyramid of self-
rule, stands the freedom to live alongside and along-
with the community. For Gandhi, this reflected the
traditional village life. His core ideology stood that
this communal living is optimal at a small scale. A
smaller commune divides responsibility and self-
governance in clear and equitable terms. As the
community grows larger, the web grows intricate and
the power concentrates, therein depriving the
individual in following his self-rule. For the three tier
pyramid to function and attain ‘Swaraj’, the society
must be small and close knit. The individual must be
able establish the strong bonds of trust and faith in
others. He must believe that the next man is just as
capable to control his own mind and body as he himself
is. It is this belief, for which Gandhi advocated for
Panchayat Raj. The closest India came in achieving
this ideal was during the lifetime of Gandhi himself.
After his demise, society contracted towards
institutional power and central control, as would be
clear from the Constituent Assembly Debates,
wherein there was no sympathy for the concept of
decentralization of power. The experience of partition
propelled the founding fathers to move towards
India and Her Destiny:
The Mission and Role of Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
centralization of power and negation of Gram
Swaraj.
The weak and the disorganized once again
became subject to exploitation. The rich and educated
reinstituted their self-serving mission, in complete
disregard to social values and development. A David
and Goliath analogy can be perhaps drawn to Swaraj.
Swaraj, epitomized as David in the age-old tale, and
the idea of domination and exploitation of man by
man be characterized as Goliath. This highlights that
Swaraj is an active process, and it faces a constant
battle against base human tendencies laid in the seven
cardinal sins. That is why Gandhi knew that the
struggle for Swaraj is not a sprint, but a marathon.
The individual must carefully tread the path towards
Swaraj. As one gets closer to it, the opposing scale
of reward burdens down heavily. To placate this
argument in more coherent terms; as the individual
crosses the tiers of Swaraj, he develops his mind,
body and soul. He gets farther ahead than others
when measured by social indicators. At such stage,
the opportunity and reward to change and deviate
away from Swaraj is great. If he does, the individual
may be socially and economically rewarded. When a
child is born, he has no awareness apart from minimal
instinctive reflex. Without care and attention, the child
will ultimately slip away from this realm. As he grows,
his mind expands. He sees, he observes and he learns.
He begins to develop an awareness to his
surroundings. As he moves to adolescence, he begins
to acquire the skills for basic productivity and societal
contribution. This is where the average Indian
stagnates. As the man becomes educated, he inches
towards Swaraj. As he begins to develop the discipline,
restraint and capability of self-governance, he
transcends the limits of the average Indian man. His
understanding of his self and surroundings allow him
to become an asset to the society. But to reach the
end of the path, he must remain true to the cause.
Without enlightenment and moral values, it is
easy to give up this righteous cause and exploit his
talent and development for personal gain. That is what
vitiates the development of the man as a social being.
The monumental leaders and visionaries who give up
the cause half way, cause more damage and deter
society as a whole from developing. This was
Gandhi’s fear. This fear, may perhaps be a reality,
17
considering the dark days of modern Indian history.
The cult of blind hero worship and dynastic politics
running through political parties all across country are
clear indicators of the threat to the concept of Swaraj.
On the road to Swaraj, Gandhi believed that
Gramswaraj and Panchayati Raj were integral, only
through which the final tier of the pyramid of Swaraj
could be attained. It was part of his political roadmap
for India, and he believed it necessary for the
continued sustenance of Indian culture, heritage and
freedom.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, was a man, who in his own right
was one of the most powerful thinkers in shaping
and moulding India’s struggle for ‘Swaraj’. The
Swaraj that Gandhi envisioned did not find support
with Dr. Ambedkar, since Dr. Ambedkar was first-
hand cognizant of harsh realities in our deeply
hierarchical Hindu society. The reality in village
community life is marked by great disparities in terms
of caste and status. The consequence of which was
that the lower caste individual was permanently
stunted in realizing his natural potentials. At the time
when Gandhi was emphasizing on the political
elements of Swaraj, Dr. Ambedkar with his
experience drawn from his western education and
the bitter experience as a lower caste individual,
emerged as a strong protagonist for social justice and
abolition of the caste system in the Hindu society. By
emphasizing the prevalence of Hierarchical tyranny
in our Hindu culture and society, Dr. Ambedkar
sensitized the leaders of the freedom struggle to bring
about the institutional changes. In his crusade for
social justice, Dr. Ambedkar was also greatly
supported by the contemporary social movements in
the western and southern parts of India, which
challenged the upper caste hegemony. Dr. Ambedkar
realized that caste was the sole factor in determining
the status of any individual in Hindu society and no
individual could outgrow the constraints dictated by
the caste hierarchy. With all his laurels that he earned
with his western education, Dr. Ambedkar found that
even he could not outgrow the stigma of caste.
Throughout his life, he strove for individual excellence
and found that there was no salvation for him within
the Hindu caste hierarchy. At the fag end of his life,
he became convince and embraced Buddhism as the
last bastion of hope. Dr. Ambedkar’s contribution for
18 World Focus May 2017
asserting the dignity of the Dalit community and finding
an appropriate place for them in the Indian power
structure is a testament to his legacy. Because of his
consistent struggle in espousing the cause of social
justice, the ruling elite in the Indian State also felt
compelled to address the cause of social justice. The
ground reality of electoral politics also compelled all
political parties to give due weightage to the ideas
behind social justice. Dr. Ambedkar was a voice for
the muted. At the same time, it would be a great
folly to confine Dr. Ambedkar’s role only as a crusader
for Dalit identity. His contribution in developing the
political thoughts on freedom, democracy, rationality
and scientific temper was second to none in his time.
His contribution as the Chairman of the Drafting
Committee of the Constituent Assembly and his
subsequent role as the first Union Law Minister in
independent India are significant marks made on the
pages of Indian history. Dr. Ambedkar was a principal
enactor of the basic tenets of Gandhi’s philosophical
Swaraj. He broke the chains on his mind, attained
intellectual freedom, understood the plight of the
Indian man, and worked towards the institutional
change of society. He, like Gandhi, promulgated the
non-violent movement. He substituted the mindless
violent outbursts of the Indian man, with the concrete
educational upliftment. He believed that if the common
man stood as an intellectual equal to the British Ruler,
then no Indian would remain under the thumb of the
British Raj. He was also a propagator of Swaraj in
its true Vedic sense, which was affirmed by his
dedication to the Buddhist ideas of salvation.
These two men, both having attained Swaraj
in their own right, became central forces of power
and might. However, these two mighty men had
philosophically opposite thought, especially and most
pertinently, in the political arena. The politico-
philosophical thought of Gandhi is best characterized
as rooted to ancient Indian civilization. He believed
in returning to a traditional lifestyle, like that of a self-
sustaining commune. He did not believe or have a
desire for rapid economic development. He was a
man who derived satisfaction from the simple things
in life. Dr. Ambedkar, on the other hand, was a man
of progressive thought, who believed in rationality and
the development scientific temper. He was a strong
advocate for economic progress and wanted to rival
the British in their own game.
 These distinctive personalities are not
surprising, when one understands the background of
the lives of these eminent luminaries. Gandhi was an
upper caste man, who came from a well-educated
and prosperous family. He followed in the footsteps
of his father who was a Diwan in different Princely
States in Gujarat. He acquired knowledge and was
well on his way towards becoming another self-
serving individual of the time. It is his experience in
South Africa, that changed his attitude. The first-hand
discrimination he faced, coupled with the experiences
of discrimination and injustice South African Indians
faced, propelled the Gandhi’s ideological change. Dr.
Ambedkar, on the other hand, was a man who came
from the lowest strata in the Hindu Society. He lived
a life of struggle, and had to fight every inch of the
way to get where he stood at his prime. Issues such
as discrimination, oppression and subjugation was part
and parcel of his life. Hence, his philosophy was
aligned towards growth, upliftment and progress. He
believed that India had to keep moving ahead, change
its attitude and modernize, otherwise, no matter who
rules, the innate hate prevalent in the society would
never abate. Thus, Panchayat Raj became a key
theme of ideological dispute between these two men.
Dr. Ambedkar’s critical view towards Panchayat Raj
was cemented with his first-hand experience. He
believed that if society splinters into small groups of
self-rule, the people will regress to traditional beliefs
of caste hierarchy, and subjugate the lower castes
into a menial life with no scope for educational, mental
and economic progress.
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose joined the Indian
freedom struggle as a political apprentice of the Lion
of Bengal, C.R. Das. With his firm determination to
be a part of the struggle for Indian independence, he
resigned from the coveted Indian Civil Services,
causing great agony to his father, an advocate, who
keenly looked forward to a successful career for his
son. Netaji was born and spent his formative years in
Cuttack. For his education, he moved to Calcutta
where he jumped into the Students’ Movement, which
were oriented against the policies of discrimination
prevalent in the Universities. After returning from
England, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose emerged as a
fiery agitator and leader and was groomed by C.R.
Das. He was later elected as the mayor of Calcutta
India and Her Destiny:
The Mission and Role of Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
and the led the Bengal Congress and subsequently
was elected as president of the Indian National
Congress twice. In public memory, Netaji is known
for his fierce struggle in attaining independence by
putting his life on the line on countless occasions.
Very few know about his commitment for economic
ideas on socialism and planned economy. When
Shaheed Bhagat Singh and Chandra Shekhar Azad
were leading the freedom movement by espousing
armed struggle against the British Regime, Netaji
together with Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and other
radicals came out in support of the struggles of these
young fighters, both inside the jail and in the
Courtrooms. The comrades of Shaheed Bhagat Singh
resorted to repeated Hunger Strikes during their trial
proceedings to protest the inhuman treatment of
political prisoners. On one occasion, a veteran
revolutionary, Jatindra Nath Das (not to be confused
with Bagha Jatin, the legendary patriot) continued
his hunger strike for 63 days and laid down his life
for the cause. Netaji’s rallied public support for these
great martyrs. Durgha Bhabi led the procession,
bringing the deceased from Lahore to Calcutta by
train. Large masses attended the funeral procession
from Howrah Railway Station to the Cremation
Ground. Netaji received the coffin and led the
procession from Howrah Station onwards. Netaji’s
public support of these young patriots, led to the
radicalization of Indian National Congress in
demanding complete Independence (Purnaswaraj).
The trial and hanging of Shaheed Bhagat Singh and
his comrades galvanized the young population in the
country towards freedom.
Netaji violently disagreed from Mahatma
Gandhi on the path to be followed in attaining Indian
independence. Whereas, Mahatma Gandhi was firmly
in support of non-violent struggle, Netaji did not
believe that India could attain independence only by
non-violent means. At the time when Mahatma Gandhi
and Pandit Nehru were averse to the idea of
embarrassing the British Empire in its fight during
the second world war, Netaji advocated an all-out
struggle against the British Empire, for which he
escaped from house arrest at a great risk to his life.
His escape to freedom from the British regime inspired
the young Indians united them, irrespective caste,
creed and religion. Netaji’s daring creation of the
Indian National Army and his leadership for organizing
19
an armed onslaught against the British Empire inspired
and galvanized the entire nation to rise against the
Colonial Rule. It may perhaps be said that Netaji was
the best implementer of Swaraj. He was truly a man
of action, while at the same time, not necessarily fitting
within Gandhi’s vision and scope of Swaraj. However,
his nature and character highlights that Swaraj is not
necessarily within a strictly defined limit and boundary.
The essence of Swaraj may be canvassed by a variety
of actions and causes.
Non-violent resistance is one form and cause
through which Swaraj flows. Netaji has exhibited
another form, through pure willpower, dedication and
unhinged fearlessness. It is only when the man
achieves such confidence over himself; frees himself
and his mind from the mortal and menial societal
restraints, that he can carry out such great feats. His
actions are truly remarkable. While Gandhi was one
man who society moved for, Netaji was one man
who could move society itself. It is of metaphorical
significance that the first piece of Indian soil that Netaji
liberated from British rule, was a penal colony. The
Andaman and Nicobar Islands, were a largely
overlooked part of the Indian map. For the British, it
was nothing more than a penal colony, a prison
stronghold of sorts. Challengers to the British Crown
were sent to these islands to suffer the rest of their
lives in iron destitute. The Andaman prison was an
allegory to Indians under British rule. Therefore, it is
symbolic, that the man of iron will, led a fragment of
an Indian National Army to clinch control over the
islands. This victory, sent a shockwave of pride, self-
belief and courage through the spines of every Indian
man. It surged confidence in every man. It showed
that the people of the nation are capable of achieving
anything. The island of oppression stood to become
the beacon of liberation. As the tales of Netaji’s
ventures and conquests spread throughout India, he
came to be seen as a superhero of sorts. He was
described as a force to be reckoned with. Not only
had Netaji liberated this island from British control,
but he came about to release the political prisoners
as well as expand his small but strong army. In the
classical sense, Netaji can be associated as the
harbinger of Swaraj. He acted as a guardian, as a
shield to protect those who lacked the physical drive,
determination and will to stand for themselves.
Connecting these dots to Gandhi’s Swaraj, Netaji was
the man who protected and paved the way for Gandhi
20 World Focus May 2017
to spread his message. For India to develop and gain
Independence, she had to show a flair in all elements.
If India was led only by Gandhi, a man promoting the
non-violent cause and passive resistance, India as a
nation could be labelled as weak. The ultimate result
of independence would have taken much longer than
it really did. Because, India, while being passively
resistant, would not be considered a threat. The British
would continue going on their way, mildly decreasing
their exploitation of India. India, to reach Swaraj,
needed a catalyst. It needed an active participant in
the cause who could markedly display and
demonstrate results. It needed an image that the
resistance is not merely philosophical and theoretical.
It had to demonstrate that it could set targets, show
bravery, and forcefully achieve their goals. That was
the role of Netaji. Without him, the passive resistance
may have continued without concrete result, and
gradually the fire of resistance would brim down and
extinguish. It was the valour of Netaji that fanned
the flame of the Indian spirit.
Concluding Remarks
These three unique individuals, all having attained
Swaraj on a personal level, became a tri-tonal force
that propelled India to her independence. Gandhi,
with his revolutionary insight, philosophy and the
passive resistant cause, drew in the support of the
masses. Dr. Ambedkar, with his intellect, education
and knowledge, uplifted the masses of the illiterate
and stagnating Indian population to strive and seek
education, so that they may contend as intellectual
equals against the British. Finally, Netaji Subhas
Chandra Bose, whose valiant acts of heroism inspired
hope, demonstrated result and showcased India as
an immense force. Without these three great patriots,
the shape of India, her independence and the
development of society would have been significantly
hindered. These men brought into the country the
monumental change, not just at an individual level,
but they changed the overall mindset of society and
their expectations. They were truly the heroes of the
modern world. The difficult and dark phases of their
lives became pivotal for them to evolve in thought.
They were the men who were far ahead in terms of
their era. They were all defiant to the British Colonial
Regime, and most importantly, they never lost hope,
despite the massive challenge they undertook,
dedicated and sacrificed their lives for.
 Ambedkar: A Crusader for Justice
Prof. Anil Kumar Mohapatra & Binoda Kumar Kar
Hearing the name of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
what immediately strikes one’s mind is that he had
had a great role in drafting the Constitution of India.
But Ambedkar never dreamed of that role as he did
not belong to Indian National Congress (INC) nor he
was of favour of a new Constitution initially. What
then brought him to that vital position i.e. the chairman
in the Drafting Committee of the Constituent
Assembly of India? First, his command over
jurisprudence was unmatched. And, second, he was
a great champion for the cause of the oppressed and
marginalised. His life was a saga of struggle for these
sections of the Indian society. Thus the role given to
him in the process of drafting the Constitution gave
him an opportunity to provide safeguard to their
interests through incorporating some provisions in the
Constitution of India.
It was on 14th April, 1891Mother India gave
birth to this illustrious child. He was many in one. He
was a great educationalist, teacher, anthropologist,
author, lawyer, politician, sociologist, economist,
orator, trade union leader, preacher, parliamentarian,
and above all, a social revolutionary. He is regarded
till now as the Messiah of the backward classes and
a great champion of social and economic justice. His
aim was to establish a society based on liberty,
equality, and fraternity. His rationalism and western
education urged him to envision a new social order
based on social justice. He thus became instrumental
in providing Justice to the citizens who were denied
of that over the centuries through his writings,
speeches and in the drafting of the Constitution of
India.
Before going to discuss his contribution to
establish and promote justice in India let’s discuss
the meaning of justice and social justice and then his
contribution to it.
Idea of Justice:
The fundamental role of the state is to play or
Ambedkar: A Crusader for Justice
construct a well ordered and just society and is to
provide and maintain justice within its borders.
However, it is not a very simple task to define the
idea of justice. It may be analysed in certain conditions
which can be lead us towards the better understanding
of the idea of Justice. Many questions arise to have
a clear cut idea of justice like why do people want
justice to injustice? Where justice is connected with
wisdom, benevolence and virtue. Different thinkers
illustrated justice in different ways. In order to find a
complete understanding, let us look into some of the
ideas of Justice, which would be help to grasp the
spirit of social justice.
In a general meaning justice is something
which links, ties, binds individuals with other
individuals, groups with other groups, quality with
another quality so as to build an order, a system.
According to Cicero-”Justice is an intrinsic good.”
Pythagoreans said that “Every citizen should have
his special place assigned to him in a just social order.”
In the opinion of Plato, “Justice is the virtue of the
soul. Justice is good, because it is indispensable.
Justice is not only the attribute of an individual, but
also of a whole city.” Whereas his contemporary
Thrasymarchus defined justice as “an interest of the
stronger to be imposed on the weaker” The libertarian
Philosopher John Rawls is of the view that, “justice
is the first virtue of social institution as truth is of
systems of thought.”(Sampath kumar.M 2014)
Seeing that the concept of justice owes a
broad area its meaning varies from person to person,
place to place and from time to time as it has its
references everywhere in every sphere of human life.
On the basis of the said facts numerous dimensions
of justice can be pointed out like social, political, legal,
economic and socio-economic. Among all the
dimensions, social justice occupies a pivotal role. It
reflects a just social society; its features would include
1.universal brotherhood. 2. Eliminations of all kinds
21
of discrimination. 3. Abolition of special privileges
based on birth, race, caste, creed or sex.4.social roles
to be determined by capacity. 4. Social mobility to be
an alternative to rigid stratification. 5. Equality of each
with all and all with each. Whatever it’s numerous
meanings and forms, justice is rightly related to values
like ’justness’, justly, righteousness, a perfect social
order and system. Obviously, justice implies terms
like truth, equality, and impartiality. What is lie,
obviously not justice; what is unfair is also not justice.
How can we say that discrimination, exploitation, and
oppression constitute any slightest meaning of what
justice really is. (Arora,2016:4.3).
Meaning of Social Justice:
All societies are made on the basis of caste, colour,
creed, religion, economic status etc. Some people
enjoyed a lot of privileges which are denied to others.
On the basis of colour, distinction has been made
between whites and blacks (nigroes) and the latter
are regarded inferior to the former. Religion has also
divided the Indian society into Christians and non-
Christians, Hindu and Muslims etc. similarly caste is
a major factor which divided Indian society into
Brahmins, Kshatrya, vaisha and Sudras and the lower
class people always suffer from enjoying certain
privileges what the higher class people enjoy. Rich
and poor and employer and employees can be raised
out of economic status of the society. With the
emergence of democracy, there is a strong awareness
among the people to remove these artificial creations
of diffracted Indian society with the help of social
justice.
Social justice implies that all the members of
the society should be provided equal opportunities to
grow and develop and no distinction should be made
on the basis of caste, colour, race, wealth etc. Being
a multi dimensional and quite comprehensive concept
it has been seen by scholars of political science, law
and philosophy separately. It is a bundle of rights, it is
a bridge between rich and poor and haves and have-
nots. In order to provide a stable society for securing
unity and harmony of the country it is always a social
value. Different schools and thinkers have given their
opinion in differently in the following ways.
According to Dias, justice is a complex
22 World Focus May 2017
process and a bridge between many factors. It is not
such thing which can be captured by certain formulas
once or for all. To solve the disputes and providing
change in a just manner, for bidding the excess use
of liberty and power and the rightly distribution of
advantages and disadvantages are the main task of
justice. Irrespective of caste, creed, colour, religion,
place of birth, languages, and sex how inequalities
can be removed from the society, is always a
fundamental task of social justice. it is a term which
provides sustenance to rule of law and acts like a
mediator between social rights and social controls. (
Singh,2005:78)
The utilitarian is of the opinion that social
justice as an inner part of justice stands for fraternity
and always tries to create such human social
conditions by which free fair development of the
human beings can be ensured. It helps to maintain a
balance between the deprived sections and highly
privileged sections of the population in the
society.(Khan:151)
John Rawls says “justice as fairness” which
is an improvement over utilitarian accounts of justice
as maximum welfare. He advocated a contractualist
theory of justice as it applies to institutions and
practices. It is based on the idea of fairness and
reciprocity. According to him the principles of justice
are:
1.Each person is to have an equal right to most
extensive basic liberty compatible with similar liberty
for others.
2.A. Social and economic inequalities are arbitrary
unless they are reasonably expected to be the
advantage of the representative man in income class.
B. Inequalities are to attach to positions and offices
equally open to all.
( Choptinany 1973:146)
Justice Krishna Iyar a former judge of the
supreme court of India says, “social justice is not cant
but conscience, not verbal borrowing from like
documents but the social force of the supreme law”.
Social justice is people oriented, legal justice is
canalized, controlled and conferred by law. Social
justice is the product of social injustice and seeks to
remove social and economic inequalities and ensure Ambedkar : Prophet of Social Justice :
equality of status, equality of opportunity. Social justice One cannot forget what Ambedkar had done for the
of today becomes the legal justice of down-trodden in India. His name has been written in
tomorrow.(Iyar.Krishna 1991:141) golden letters in the history of India as the creator of
social justice. Without remembering the activities and
The Supreme Court has explained the contributions of Ambedkar, it is not possible to picturise
concept of social justice i.e. “the Constitution the idea of social justice in India. He was not only the
commands justice, liberty, equality and fraternity as man of age and maker of the constitution but also the
supreme values to usher in the egalitarian social, creator of social justice. The French revolution 1789
economic and political democracy”. Social justice, had very much influenced him as he understood the
equality and dignity of persons are corner stones of term social justice means liberty, equality and
social democracy. The concept of “social justice” fraternity and the aim of social justice is to remove
which the Constitution of India engrafted consists of all kinds of inequalities from the Indian society based
diverse principles essential for the orderly growth and on caste, race, sex, power, position and wealth. Lalit
development personality of every citizen. Social justice Mansingh, the High Commissioner for India in Britain
is thus an integral part of justice in the generic sense. said, “Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was seen to be a man of
Justice is a genus of which social justice is one of its stature of Mahatma Gandhi and a great man of India.
species. Social justice is a dynamic device to mitigate He has been influenced by history: he studied Thomas
the suffering of the poor, weak, dalits, Tribes and Jefferson’s 1776 US bill of rights and the events of
deprived sections of the society.(Naveed Ahemad k.b, the 1789 French Revolution......... Dr. Ambedkar
merunandan 2006:226) realised that The Indian constitution must incorporate
the four elements: equality, liberty, fraternity, and
A renowned economist Amartya Sen says, justice. But above all, he knew the absolute necessity
the project of social justice should not be evaluated in of social justice..... His status was equal to that of
binary terms, as either achieved or not. Rather, he Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.250 million people look upon
claims that justice should be understood as existing Ambedkar as a shining light. He was a great democrat,
to a matter of degree, and should correspondingly be a great patriot and a great man his
evaluated along a continuum. Furthermore, he argues people.”(Arora.N.D 2016:11.24)
that we do not need a fully established abstract ideal
of justice to evaluate the fairness of different As a great champion or pioneer of social
institutions. He claims that we can meaningfully justice he discovered that the caste system or
compare the level of justice in two institutions without untouchability can be the root cause of social injustice
positing an ideal, transcendental idea of justice. He in the Indian society. He was also able to know that
names the opposite position institutional the age old caste system designed to protect the
transcendentalism. His aim of social justice to make interests of the high castes at the cost of the lowest
the society less unjust, rather than to make purely caste. In this context a comparison can be made
just. He want to know that what actually happens in between Mahatma Gandhi and Ambedkar. While
the world instead of on the justness of underlying Mahatma Gandhi also dedicated his life towards the
institutions. His approach to social justice focuses on removal of untouchability in India, Ambedkar differed
assuring individual capacities to gain optimal wellbeing in many ways for achieving the same objective. In
in their circumstances. order to give a social status to the untouchables with
the high castes people in the Indian society he coined
Though different thinkers have given their the word Harijans (children of God). However,
view regarding social justice, yet it will be incomplete Ambedkar wanted to calling them the Depressed
unless we made an analysiss on Ambedkar’s notion classes (Dalits) or the scheduled Castes for the
of social justice. Thus, what Ambedkar has said about upliftment of their social plight. In another sense
social justice can be analysed in the following ways. Gandhiji wanted to remove or abolish the untouchability
in a slow process by adopting the non-violence and
Ambedkar: A Crusader for Justice 23
peaceful method but Baba Saheb in his book
(Annihilation of caste: 1936) advocated the radical
solution for the eradication of this social evil. In order
to give social justice, he has advocated many reforms
for the plight of the down-trodden. They may be
discussed in the following ways.
(Gauba.O.P:2016:151).
1.Opposed to Caste System:
Ambedkar realised that inequality in Indian society
has its deep root due to the age old caste system in
the Hindu society. Caste system strongly holds
inequality and inequality breeds exploitation of the
shudras. He also discovered the fact behind this great
epidemic of caste system has its foot hold in ancient
varna system and Hindu scripts- the Manusmriti, the
Bhagwada Gita, the Ramayan, the Mahabharata. He
said that this caste system is totally unscientific.
Though equality in absolute sense is not possible but
equal treatment of men is possible. He wanted total
abolition of the caste system and untouchability
because it negates such pious ideas of equality
treatment of men in the Indian society. He wrote,
“The caste differences have destroyed the Hindu
Vansha. It drew out the Hindu society into deep
darkness, and it has made the society powerless and
weak one.”(Arora.N.D.2016:11.26)
In order to eradicate the caste system, he
recommended inter-caste dinning, inter-caste
marriage, in the Indian society. For the liberation of
the untouchables he suggested some solutions which
can be lead the shudras towards a dignitary status.
This are-
1.In order to get an equal status, the untouchables
should deny to do the traditional untouchable works,
such as lifting of dead cattle out of the village, and
also stop drinking of bad liquor and eating of beef
etc
2.They must be educated, should adopt the modern
civilization, which would restore their self respect.
3.They must take part in the governmental activities.
They must have their own representatives in all
sections or levels of the government.
4.It is the responsibility of the government to protect
the interests and create special rights for the welfare
of the untouchables.
5.When the state would supervise all the functions of
24 World Focus May 2017
the Brahmins in different ceremonies, and it should
be performed by the trained persons, then it will be
easy to eradicate all forms of caste system in the
Indian society.(Gauba.O.P.2016:pp.152-153)
2.Abolition of Untouchability:
Abolition of untouchability was another aspect of his
theory social justice. In his book “Untouchables”
published in 1948, he made a detailed analysis of origin
and practice of untouchability. As Ambedkar himself
belongs from the group of untouchables he tried to
know who the untouchables were and why they
became so. He finds the answer by using the
anthropometrics and ethnographic evidence, that is
between the struggle of Buddhism and Brahmanism,
the untouchables emerged. He also said that there
would be no racial differences between the
untouchables and the Hindus. Thus, he demanded
the total abolition of untouchability which can be
possible through both legal and social ways. To quote
Dr. Ambedkar,”There have been many Mahatmas in
India whose sole object was to remove untouchability,
and to evaluate and absorb the depressed classes,
but everyone has failed in their mission. Mahatmas
have come, Mahatmas have gone, but the
untouchables have remained as untouchables.” It has
been seen that the loss of the untouchables are the
gain of others. Thus, he said to the untouchables to
became educate, avoid blind beliefs, stop drinking bad
liquor and to refuse to do traditional untouchable works
which will lead to the abolition of untouchability.
(Arora.N.D.2016:11.26).
3.Status of Women:
Ambedkar, being a philanthropic, kind hearted social
reformer, dedicated his life for the liberation of
women. He very much influenced by Buddha who
described women as one of the seven treasures and
a thing of supreme value.
He had observed that Hindu women are tied
up with bondage of superstitions which they can till
their death. They have been always considered as a
matter of joy and amusement at such they are used
and misused by men guest to serve their evil ends.
They have been acting just like machine and
procreation. For this reason, Ambedkar blamed Manu
very much for giving women a degradation position
in the society. Women should get a proper channel of
education in order to hold an equal position in the
Indian society He sponsored Hindu Code Bill by
which women would get a equitable status in the
society. This ensures women certain rights. They are
1.Abolition of doctrine of rights of Birth.
2. Their absolute rights over property.
3.Daughter’s share in parental property.
4.Provision of divorce etc.
Finally, he also gave women the right to be consulted
by the husband in case of adoption of
child.(Mohanthy.D.K 2015:421)
Constitution of India and Social Justice:
Every democratic, republican country must have a
constitution for the administration of the country. India
being a type is not bereft of this. Through the
constitution, the state bound to distribute equal share
of basic needs to the people of the society. Though
Ambedkar the chief architect of the Indian
constitution, he was fully aware of the pattern and
problems of the society and their conflicting interests.
As the preamble of Indian constitution is the mirror
of social justice, it provides social, economic and
political to the citizen of sovereign, socialist, secular,
democratic, republic of India. Besides, Part-III of the
constitution in the fundamental rights it provides ample
opportunities to the people related to the social justice.
By establishing equality amongst all, prohibiting
discrimination on the grounds of caste, religion, sex,
creed, place of birth, abolishing untouchability, banning
human trafficking and forced labour and make special
provisions for the advancement of any socially,
educationally classes and also for the scheduled caste
and scheduled tribes, the constitution preaches social
justice . The most important part i.e. Part-IV of the
constitution in the Directive Principles of State Policy
it strongly advocates the realm of social justice.
Although this part of the constitution is not enforceable
by court, nevertheless it is very fundamental in the
governance of the country. These principles are ‘pious
declarations’, as said by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.
Particularly Article 38 and 39 provide so many
opportunities for the wellbeing of the common citizens
of the country.
Ambedkar: A Crusader for Justice
Conclusion:
The very essence of Ambedkar’s vision of social
justice was to establish a just, equitable and fair
society, where the women, scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes would get their due place in the
society and for that he did incorporate the provisions
in the Indian Constitution so that they would get
adequate opportunities so that they could be freed
from the then prevalent social evils and ill-practices
in the society. As an ardent champion of the cause,
he sacrificed his whole life for the amelioration of
the conditions of such people in the Indian society.
Therefore, he is even hailed today as the messiah of
the oppressed and downtrodden.
Reference:
1.Sampathkumar.M(2014): “B.R.Ambedkar and Social
Justice a study”, The Internatial Institute for science,
Technology and Education(IISTE), vol.13.
2.Arora.N.D(2016): “political science”, McGraw Hill
Education(India) Private Limited, New Delhi-110016.p.4.3.
3.Ibid.P.11.24.
4.Ibid.pp.11.26-11.25..
5.Surendrasingh “Dr.Ambedkar Contribution to Social
Justice” Edt. By Prof. M. Shabbir, Rawat pub.
Jaypur,2005,p.78.
6.Nazeer. H.Khan, “B.R.Ambedkaron federalism, ethnicity
and gender justice” Deep& Deep pub. NewDelhi, p.151.
7.Choptiany, Leonard. 1973, A Critique of John Rawls’s
Principles of Justice, Ethics,Vol.83, no.2(january), pp.146-
150, The university of Chicago Press, USA.
8.Krishna Iyar “B.R.Ambedkar Centenary, Social Justice
and the Undone vast Justice” B.R. pub,Delhi,1991,p.141.
9.Merunandan K.B, Naveed Ahemed, “An Introduction
to the Constitution of India “ Merugu pub. Bangalore,2006,
p.226.
10.Gauba.O.P.(2016), “ Indian Politica Thought”,Mayur
Paperbacks,Indirapuram-201014. P.151.
11.Ibid.pp.152-153.
12. Mohanty.D.K(2015), “Indian Political Tradition from
Manu to Ambedkar”,Anmol Pub.Pvt.Ltd.,New Delhi.p.421.
13.[online web]: shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/
10603/10806/10/10 chapter%203.pdf.accessedon
11.04.2017.
25
 If wishes were horses and Bose were President!
Himansu Sekhar Pati

I was a student of Ranihat High School at for anything less, contrary to the thinking of many
others within the Congress. 1939 was the year which
Cuttack in the mid sixties. I will never forget how we
saw the rise and fall of this great personality in the
used to eagerly look forward to January 23rd, the
Congress. He dared to contest the nominee of
Birthday of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. All the boys
Gandhiji, Pattabhi Sitaramayya, and defeated him for
of the school would wind our way to a mansion in
a second term as President of the INC. But finding
Odia Bazaar and assemble there to pay our heartfelt
that Gandhiji was in no mood to cooperate and allow
homage to that great son of the soil . I distinctly
him to function effectively, Subhas Bose quit office
recollect being overwhelmed by a feeling of patriotism
and set up his own party. When the Second World
and bravery as I listened to narrations about the
War broke, Subhas Bose thought it to be a God sent
exploits of Subhas Bose . It used to fill me with wonder
opportunity for him to align himself with the Axis
that God had chosen this mansion inside a lane in a
powers and strike a deal with them for securing
small city of Odisha to send one of his ablest children
Independence for India from British rule. To his utter
to earth! Though he traversed the world and became
dismay, the Axis powers were defeated and the
a great global leader, Cuttack remains enshrined in
advancement of Japan into Indian territory ended with
the history of India as the birthplace of this legendary
the British occupation of the Andaman and Nicobar
figure.
Islands. The reversal in the fate of Japan had a
As I grew up, the stature of Subhas Chandra cascading effect on the fate of Subhas Bose.
Bose only grew further in my eyes. He had been a
Subhas Bose led a very fascinating and
brilliant student, orator par excellence and patriotic
eventful life that had a great influence not only on his
to the core. He had a humble origin, starting his
admirers but also on his most avid critics. His love
schooling at Ravenshaw Collegiate School, an
for his country was absolute and uncompromising.
ordinary government school like my Ranihat School.
His sincerity of purpose rang in his every word as he
But by the stint of his brilliance, he could make his
used his oratory skill to easily win over his followers
way to reputed institutes like the Presidency College
and persuade them to make the supreme sacrifice
and Cambridge University. He did exceptionally well
for their country. His strong will-power drove him to
in the ICS exam to qualify for that coveted cadre.
achieve the impossible, whether it was escaping from
Anyone else in his place would have given up his
captivity under the very nose of the British or meeting
nationalistic ardour and joined hands with the British
Adolf Hitler (the Fuhrer of Germany). His conviction
to ensure a comfortable and brilliant career in the
in what he believed was so important to him that he
bureaucracy. But that would have been so unlike
did not hesitate to relinquish the highest office in INC
Subhas Bose. He threw away a cushy career for
simply because he did not have the freedom to carry
the hard and difficult road to Independence for his
out what he thought was best for the freedom
motherland from British rule. He started his political
movement.
career from scratch and steadily worked his way up
the hierarchy in the Congress Party. He had excellent What would have been the future course of
rapport with Gandhi, Nehru and Patel. His leadership events in our freedom movement had not Subhas Bose
qualities lifted him to the position of President of the resigned from the Presidency of the INC? Subhas
Congress Party in 1938. In the Lahore Convention in Bose had captured the mood of the nation and every
1938, the Indian National Congress (INC) adopted day his popularity was gaining ground. He believed
Purna Swaraj as the goal of the Independence that freedom could not be won by non-violent means
movement. Subhas Bose was not inclined to settle alone. This approach appealed to a sizeable section
26 World Focus May 2017
not only amongst the common people at large but
also within the Congress. Had he continued as the
President of the party when the Second World War
broke, he would have certainly bargained with the
British for preconditions to giving them Indian support.
He would have made the British agree to grant Purna
Swaraj before promising Indian support to the Allied
powers. The moment the war was over, he would
have pursued the goal of getting the British to pack
and leave our country. He would not have allowed
the British to play the religious card, for which we
had to pay a heavy price through Partition and a blood
bath greater than the Holocaust. He would have been
able to rein in Jinnah, to ensure that he did not fan
communal feelings amongst his followers. HIs
impatience would have ensured that an undivided
India achieved Independence by early 1946.
If independence would have come to the
country under Subhas Bose’s leadership, it’s likely
that he would have opted for a Presidential form of
Government. His first and foremost task as President
would have been to strengthen the new country’s
defence machinery . All able bodied Indians,
irrespective of gender, would have been compulsorily
drafted into the military. He believed that wearing a
uniform not only instills discipline in the wearer, but
also infuses him/her with a deep sense of patriotism.
Given his strong personality and tremendous sense
of sacrifice for the country, he would have turned
into a benevolent ‘monarch’.
For a person who could not be cowed down
by threats and pressure, India’s foreign policy would
have been aggressive and always from a position of
strength. He would not have allowed an incident like
the 1962 Chinese aggression, when India was so ill-
prepared to meet the serious challenge to its
sovereignty, to happen.
A tireless worker, he would have demanded
the same from his followers and countrymen The
entire country would have advanced in technological
skills, given the level of intelligence of Indians, and
the country would have seen a tremendous rate of
growth. He believed in one language and that was
English. He would have seen to it that this language
was made the only language for imparting education
and conducting business of the Government. So
another danger to national unity, catering to different
If wishes were horses and Bose were President!
linguistic regions, would not have been nipped in the
bud.
He also believed in swift action,—whether it
was carrying out instructions, achieving results,
enforcing the rule of law or imparting justice.
Everything had to be conducted swiftly. So the judicial
system as we have today would never have seen the
light of day. The law enforcement system too would
have been more responsive to the country’s needs.
The military grooming of all citizens would have
certainly made Indians in general more civil and law
abiding. Seeking votes from minorities, on the basis
of caste, creed, sex, language or religion, would never
have become the norm. What about the politician as
we see him today? His kind would never have been
able to germinate under Subhas Bose. Nepotism,
favouritism, corruption, cheating would have been
dealt with severely and swiftly.
Population growth would not have gone
unchecked. The patriot that he was, he would not
have allowed his people to die of hunger or remain
uneducated. School education would have been
strengthened as this is where character building takes
place. Similarly, higher education would have been
affordable for the common man. Health care would
have been another focus area since we need a healthy
army to keep our country safe. In industry, it’s
anyone’s guess whether he would have encouraged
industrial investment beyond manufacturing defence
related equipment. Even if industrialisation would have
taken place, it would not have been at the cost of the
environment.
Far from being a hard core politician who
speaks in sugar coated language, Subhas Bose was
a soldier who spoke from his heart. He did not mince
words nor believed in appeasement. So there would
have been no mixed economy, socialistic pattern of
society, reservation of posts/ seats/ vacancies, etc.
What about ‘federal in structure unitary in spirit’ and
a host of other jargons which tell something but mean
something else? We would have been spared such
hollow slogans. Subhas Bose meant business. The
twist of history in 1939 in INC has twisted the fate of
our country. This is not the place where Subhas Bose
wanted the country to be; nor is this the place we
were supposed to be. Sadly, the great man remains
only in our memory and in the cry ’Jai Hind’!
27
 Gandhian Approach to a Non-Violent World Order
The world has always been afflicted with
conflicts of all sorts. The last two centuries have
been extremely conflict-prone with persistent
problems, two major world wars and many proxy
wars. While wielding of power remains the prime
motive of these conflicts, many of them are acts of
retaliation too. Partly, it can be attributed to deficiency
in the spiritual and ethical values that are much
affecting the contemporary international relations.
Wars are being waged for establishing the so-called
democracies, overthrowing dictatorships, wars on
terror, and wars to liberate people from state
oppressions. Wars are also being waged without
weapons. These have taken the forms of indirect
coercion and persuasion, imposing structural changes,
penetrating liberal market economies and resource
conflicts to mention in particular. Millions are forced
to fall into the traps of hunger, poverty and
displacement. Wars are being fought at the political
and social realms involving the state and non-state
actors for reasons including political, social, cultural
and even environmental issues1.
While the above is a much unwarranted
approach to settling conflicts, efforts have often been
made by different groups in societies to settle the
issue amicably. Significant contributions towards this
end have been made by the pacifists, peace activists/
crusaders, missionary members, peace educators,
members of national and international non-
governmental organizations and those conscientious
citizens striving consistently for peace. This is not to
say that political class or leaders have not been
involved. Time and again, history was witness to the
luminaries who made peace their mission and motto
in life. Some of them have worked constantly towards
establishing a non-violent method/alternative as means
of settling conflicts.
One such figure in the world history is
Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi was vehement in his
espousal of non-violence. As he remarked, non-
violence is the law of our species as violence is the
28 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Sailaja Gullapalli
law of the brute. The spirit lies dormant in the brute
and he knows no law but that of physical might. The
dignity of man requires obedience to a higher law- to
the strength of the spirit. To him, the only thing lawful
is non-violence. Violence, he abhorred, as a man-
made method as against the law made by Nature for
man. The first requisite of non-violence, according to
him, is the consciousness of the living presence of
God within one (self). Based on this principle of non-
violence and also truth, Gandhi espoused
‘Satyagraha’. ‘Satyagraha for Gandhi always meant
far more than the various interpretations of the word
as passive resistance, nonviolent resistance,
nonviolent direct action and even militant nonviolence.
In effect it means the discovery of truth and working
steadily towards it, thus converting the opponent into
a friend’2. Gandhi’s nonviolence was most evident
in his application of the principle of Satyagraha during
his pertinent struggle in South Africa for ensuring the
rights of Indian immigrants. It was not simply a
principle not to resort to arms but to commit steadfastly
to non-violence. According to Emily Cohen,
‘Satyagraha is more than a simple definition. It is a
principle with multiple dimensions, and we must
examine its relation to the concepts of power, action,
bravery and spirituality. To Gandhi, Satyagraha was
a moral and effective way for the oppressed to seek
justice. He purported that violence can only be quelled
by nonviolence or resistance, and that retaliatory
violence were never the answer. Satyagraha worked
as a form of resistance because it was not an attempt
to seek power over another; rather it is an attempt to
influence others. It operated as a dialogue, and
genuinely sought to achieve reconciliation between
contesting parties’3.
Gandhi says that he acquired Ahimsa after a
struggle. Such was his faith in nonviolence that he
considered it, along with truth, as a supreme virtue
and a weapon of the brave. As per his confidence,
they are so intertwined that it is practically impossible
to disentangle or separate them. As he reiterated, truth
is the end and non-violence is the means4. That
Gandhi chose nonviolence as his method of waging
the struggle against the colonial rule instead of taking
up arms proves his enormous faith in the creed of
nonviolence. What constitutes this faith? Considering
the times of Gandhi, when violence was at its pinnacle
all over the world, the method of nonviolence came
as a much better alternative method to fight violence
and injustice. Gandhi was sure that his method of
nonviolence is superior because taking up arms or
violence stems out of one’s insecurity or anticipating
real or imaginary harm. While it is much easier to
become defensive through violence, it takes immense
courage to adhere to preach and nonviolence as one’s
mission, the sign of true bravery. To Gandhi, non-
violence of the strong is any day stronger than that of
the bravest soldier fully armed or a whole host5.
Why is nonviolence an important aspect of
our life? And why is to be pursued under any trying
circumstance? Is this method going to give us any
practical benefit? In this age of violence, does it hold
any relevance? The answers to the above can be too
many, too diverse and even contradictory, to some
extent. When we look in to the history, we understand
that nonviolence was highly espoused by all religious
scriptures, religious and peace teachers, and leaders.
From the Vedic times, we had a dictum ‘Ahimsa
paramo dharma’ (Nonviolence is the highest virtue).
Another concept that is closely related to nonviolence
is peace. Together, peace and nonviolence formed
core aspects of many religious teachings, scriptures
and values. The notable among them, to cite, is from
the Yajurveda (36:17):
May peace radiate there in the whole sky as well
as in the vast ethereal space everywhere.
May peace reign all over this earth, in water and
in all herbs, trees and creepers.
May peace flow over the whole universe.
May peace be in the Supreme Being Brahman.
And may there always exist in all peace and peace
alone.
Peace, peace and peace to us and all beings.
Nonviolence is thus an inherent aspect of all
the value systems. While nonviolence has been a
creed for many since centuries, it has been a much
neglected alternative as compared to the use of
Gandhian Approach to a Non-Violent World Order
violence. Gandhi himself reiterated that the lesson of
non-violence is present in every religion….but all this
practice of nonviolence is nearly dead today. It is
necessary to revive the eternal law of answering anger
by love and of violence by nonviolence6.
As the noted scholar Gene Sharp observed,
“…nonviolent action has already had a long history,
which has remained largely unknown because
historians have been so overwhelmingly concerned
with other matters. Infact, there was until recently
so little awareness of the tradition and history of
nonviolent struggle that nonviolent actionists have, by
and large, improvised their responses independently
of past practice. This situation is only now beginning
to change”7.
Nonviolent World Order
Centuries of strife, wars and disharmony have
necessitated that the world be nonviolent and establish
peace for a better life. As violence took precedence
few centuries ago, there arose a need, implicitly and
explicitly, to deal with it and do away with violence
and its practices. Political authority and power were
thought of as some meaningful means to take
authoritative action against violence as the state is
empowered to deal with these situations. But it led to
further disharmony as violence was also put into force
by the state through coercive methods and practices.
With the violence on escalation, the state would justify
it as a means of maintaining law and order. In order
to restrain the state violence, the non-actors and
armed rebels have begun to resort to violence in the
name of ensuring the establishment of a just society.
Thus violence led only to disastrous results. While
the power of violence leads to forceful submission of
the subject, ‘nonviolence’, as Gandhi observed, ‘is a
more active and more real fighting against wickedness
than retaliation whose very nature is to increase
wickedness’. Further, nonviolence is not the weapon
of the weak but the strong. Only those who are willing
to stand by truth and moral values have the courage
to fight injustice and violence. As stated by Walter
Wink, “nonviolence is a spiritual challenge of epic
proportions. It calls upon the soul’s authentic longing
for heroism, for risking one’s life for an infinite stake,
for self-transcendence in giving oneself to others”8.
For a harmonious society and world, the contribution
of various factors is essential if nonviolence is to
29
prevail. The contribution of the individual is the most
important among them for it is the individual’s action
that ends in harmony or strife in any society.
1. Individual as the Core
At the core of the society is the individual whose
actions largely determine the conduct and content of
values that operate in it. Therefore, for nonviolence
to operate totally, the contribution of the individual
holds utmost importance. It is the society that offers
the individual the scope to prevent strife and promote
universal brotherhood. To put it in Mahatma Gandhi’s
words, nonviolence is the rule of conduct for a society,
if it is to live consistently with human dignity and make
total progress towards the attainment of peace. It is
based on the reality of mankind, society and polity.
Nonviolence is an active force of the highest order.
It is soul force or the power of Godhead within us.
Imperfect man cannot grasp the whole of the essence-
he would not be able to bear its full blaze, but even an
infinitesimal fraction of it, when it become from within
us, it can work wonders9. The indestructible relation,
ideally, is the individual and the family, the family and
neighbourhood, neighbourhood and society and society
and nation. This further move on to relations between
nations and the forging of a world community wherein
there is permanent peace and harmony. The role of
the individual is therefore one of the most crucial links
for peace and order. For example, leaders like
Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King achieved
their goals of political independence and rights mainly
through peaceful approaches.
2. Means and Ends as Inseparable
Means and ends are irrevocably inseparable from
each other. To Gandhi, unjust means cannot be
employed to secure a just end. The unfair means
would only bring about undesired results, thereby
negating the very purpose of the intended action. For
example, peace cannot be attained through untruth.
The prerequisites are unselfish motives, nonviolent
means and self-sacrifice. Just and fair means also
inculcate in man the sense of justice and render him
morally superior. A man with an impure heart or selfish
motive can never progress and is a hindrance to
society in promoting peace. Naturally, unless peace
and truth prevail, the end of ‘just’ system cannot be
realised. For example, of late, the wars on terror or
even the non-state actor gaining prominence is more
30 World Focus May 2017
of cases wherein the means and ends are in contrast
and which has resulted in a perpetual state of conflict.
A just world order necessitates the practice of truth
and nonviolence in all the spheres of life.
3. Democratic World Order
Gandhi firmly believed that there will be an
international confederation only when all the nations-
big or small- constituting it are fully sovereign. This
independence will correspond to the degree of non-
violence as incorporated by the nations comprising
the world organisation. A system based on non-
violence ensures safety and security even to the
smallest of nations and will make it sovereign, at par
with its major counterparts. Gandhi’s idea of fully
independent states suggests more of sovereign
equality than just the conglomeration of nations coming
together. A world organisation based on the principles
of non-violence, cooperation, universal brotherhood
and harmony is an effective force to keep the peace
and maintain order at all times. An organisation that
does not operate in consonance with the above
principles is as good as a group of nations with little
cohesion among themselves, and which does not in
anyway, serve the purpose of its existence.
4. A World without War
One of the major unsolved problems of international
relations is war. The inter-state aggression continues
unabated even today as it was six decades ago.
Aggression on fellow a country and direct use of
military force to calm down a nation that is violent in
nature is no solution to maintain peace and order. If
force has to be used under any situation, it needs an
approval of legal recognition from the parties
concerned or the international community. Secondly,
there cannot be direct aggression; rather, penal action
in the form of sanctions or warning needs to be taken
up if negotiations fail to convince a violent nation.
The real course of war is in no way a righteous
measure as it is in contrast to the principles of
nonviolence, morality and the higher law of dharma.
War cannot be a means to settle issues in the absence
of justice. Violence and the ensuing actions resulted
in the rise of dictatorships further spreading unrest
and disharmony all over the world. According to
Gandhi, war is the law of the jungle10. It warrants no
justification. As Gandhi remarked: “If war itself is a
wrong act, how can it be worthy of moral support or
blessings? I believe all war to be wholly wrong”11.
Only when the causes of war are not understood and
radically dealt with, it becomes difficult to stop the
war. Gandhi agonizingly questioned, “Is not the prime
cause of modern wars the inhuman race for
exploitation of the so-called weaker races of the
earth”?12
5. Status of Warring Nations
War begets destruction; violence begets violence.
Gandhi was concerned at the developments that led
to the Second World War. He said that the warring
nations are destroying themselves with such fury and
ferocity that the end will be mutual exhaustion. He
said: “Hatred cannot be turned into love. Those who
believe in violence will naturally use it by saying ‘kill
your enemy, injure him and his property wherever
you can, whether openly or secretly as necessity
requires. The result will be deeper hatred and counter
hatred and vengeance let loose on both sides. The
recent war, whose members have yet hardly died,
loudly proclaims the bankruptcy of this use of hatred.
And it remains to be seen whether the so-called
victors have won or whether they have not depressed
themselves in seeking and trying to depress their
enemies”13. Gandhi felt that the possession of atom
bomb would only increase man’s thirst for wreaking
further destruction and death. As an antidote, he
recommended the spirit of nonviolence. As he said,
“nonviolence is the only thing that is now left in the
field. It is the only thing that the atom bomb cannot
destroy. I did not move a muscle when I first heard
that the atom bomb had wiped out Hiroshima. On the
contrary, I said to myself, Unless now the world adopts
nonviolence, it will spell certain suicide for
mankind”14. Without genuine peace efforts, the
warring nations will be termed forever as incapable
of receiving peace overtures and as those who are
happy unleashing violence on their helpless
counterparts.
6. Disarmament
Gandhi believed that disarmament should be the
principle to be followed by one and all and all states.
While expressing doubts if any of the world powers
would take initiative towards this, he opined that India
could show the way toward that goal. He desired
that if any armed state can disarm itself and show its
courage to the world that it is ready to tread the path
Gandhian Approach to a Non-Violent World Order
of nonviolence, it would be worthy of emulation for
truth and non-violence. He observed: “It is open to
the great powers to take it (nonviolence) up anyday
and cover themselves with glory and earn the eternal
gratitude of posterity. If they or any of them could
shed the fear of destruction, if they disarmed
themselves, they will automatically help the rest to
regain their sanity. But, then, these great powers have
to give up imperialistic ambitions and exploitation of
the so-called uncivilized or semi-civilized nations of
the earth and revise their mode of life. It means a
complete revolution. If the mad race for armaments
continues, it is bound to result in a slaughter such as
has never occurred in history. If there is a victor left,
the very victory will be a living death for the nation
that emerges victorious. There is no escape from the
impending doom save through a bold and unconditional
acceptance of the nonviolent method with all its
glorious implications”15. Gandhi felt that disarmament
is most necessary and desired towards nonviolence;
because wars breed not only violence but also
escalate the feelings of hostility towards nations using
arms. With the hostilities running high, it is much
difficult to highlight nonviolence as an alternative.
7. Law of Love and Satyagraha
Satyagraha, a weapon of the non-violent, or the
votaries of Ahimsa is eternal and prominent in Gandhi’s
scheme of national regeneration and world peace.
Ahimsa and the law of love are closely related. The
nature of non-violence discourages one from using
force or violence as a counter weapon to violence. It
is serene and balanced in approach. The law of love
and its significance has already been explained. The
two are complementary in nature and reinforce each
other. It is crucial for a Satyagrahi to follow the dictum
of ‘law of love’ if he/she has to be successful. Gandhi
explained the mutual significance and interdependence
of these concepts: satyagraha literally means
insistence on truth. This insistence arms the votary
with matchless power. This power or force is
connoted by the word Satyagraha. Gandhi propounded
the law of love to bring about the attitudinal change
in the enemy. Gandhi believes that the quality of love
can fight any number of difficulties, disobey the unjust
laws, submit to the consequent penalties and even
enables the man to face imprisonment and gallows
with an enormous strength of mind. Gandhi terms
this as the discipline of the body, mind and soul. He
31
also believes that even the crudest of enemies would
melt away before the power of love and experience
its might and spirit. Since the measure of dharma is
love, compassion and truth, the opponent is reduced
to being defenceless morally. Such is the power of
love when combined with truth and non-violence.
Gandhi believed that a non-violent person has no
enemy; hence he is fearless and has strength of
character. He bears no ill will or malice towards
anyone and is full of love and affection. Gandhi wanted
the mankind to develop this quality if it has to face
the injustice in a non-violent way. It may be long before
the law of love will be recognized in international
affairs. Force has failed to solve problems, but the
economic sanction of non-cooperation is far more
mighty and conclusive than armies and navies16.
8. Permanent Peace
Gandhi aptly observed that ‘not to believe in the
possibility of permanent peace is to disbelieve in the
Godliness of human nature. Peace is unattained by
part performance of conditions, even as a chemical
combination is impossible without complete fulfillment
of the conditions of attainment thereof. If the
recognized leaders of mankind who have control over
the engines of destruction were wholly to renounce
their use, with full knowledge of its implications,
permanent peace can be obtained. This is clearly
impossible without the great powers of the earth
renouncing their imperialistic design. This, again,
seems impossible without great nations ceasing to
believe in soul-destroying competition and to desire
to multiply wants and, therefore, increase their
material possessions. It is my conviction that the root
of the evil is want of a living faith in a living God’17.
Gandhi had an unflinching belief that mankind can
only be saved by the practice and abiding faith in
nonviolence. This itself would ensure that a visible
peace is established on earth. Permanent peace, it is
to be noted, encompasses all aspects of life- social,
economic, political, cultural. It cannot be narrowly
confined to the usage of the term in the context of
violence and use of force.
9. Towards a Peaceful World
Gandhi believed that it is feasible to attain and maintain
world peace with consistent practice of nonviolence.
These methods include pacific means to settle
conflicts, effective world government, efficient
32 World Focus May 2017
international organization, policy of disarmament and
a competent world police force though these have
some limitations. Arbitration especially appealed to
Gandhi as a worthy option to settle disputes. Gandhi
thought that a world government merits a little
consideration as it promises an element of parity and
esteem. Gandhi advocated unilateral or multilateral
state action in the disarmament arena. Disarmament
is one of the most important preconditions to peace.
Peace is a permanent solution to the ills that are
experienced by the world. Gandhi called upon the
world community to despise weaponry in the interest
of the world peace. Gandhi favoured a world police
force so long as they work in consonance with the
doctrine of peace and non-violence. Even in police
force, Gandhi emphasised, the people should be
believers in nonviolence. They will be servants, not
masters, of the people. The people will instinctively
render them every help, and thorugh mutual
cooperation they will easily deal with the ever-
decreasing disturbances. He however rendered
unwavering support to a fair world police force to
maintain international peace and security as
sanctioned under the aegis of the United Nations
Charter. Gandhi was critical and skeptical of the
efficacy of the League of Nations and later the United
Nations. The League drew Gandhi’s criticism for
not being able to maintain an effective force to keep
peace. The UN also found no favour with Gandhi for
it neglected and excluded India from the beginning of
its official proceedings. India was already waging a
non-violent struggle against the mighty colonial rule
and established itself as a peaceful entity. Its
segregation from the initiatives towards world peace
naturally affected Gandhi’s perception about the
United Nations and its ability to maintain world peace
and order18.
10. India’s Contribution towards a Nonviolent
World Order
What is India’s role in the gigantic task of contributing
to a permanent world peace and order? Gandhi
envisioned India as a nonviolent nation showing the
world the way to truth and nonviolence. He had
immense faith in its strength to consistently tread the
path of nonviolence. As he said: ‘I am not pleading
for India to practice nonviolence because it is weak.
I want her to practice nonviolence being conscious
of her strength and power. No training is required for
realization of her strength’19. For Gandhi, nonviolence dare danger and death, mortify the flesh, and acquire
is the creed, a way of life and the most important tool the capacity to endure all manner of hardships. The
of strength. He felt that nonviolence is no easy bravery of the nonviolent is vastly superior to that of
concept to understand, while practice of it is all the the violent. The badge of the violent is his weapon-
more difficult. Gandhi reiterated that his task, ‘as a spear, or sword, or rifle. God is the shield of the
lover and promoter of peace, therefore, today consists nonviolent”22. Gandhi’s conception and vision of a
in unflinching devotion to nonviolence in the nonviolent world order is not something of a utopian
prosecution of the campaign for regaining our liberty. ideal. It is for real and practical in every sense.
And if India succeeds in so regaining it, it will be the Gandhi’s ideas and thoughts were based on the
greatest contribution to the world peace’20. India, principle of equality of all. It is this faith we need to
Gandhi felt, should never imitate the west. If India inculcate as well as imbibe and make India ‘a
needs to do so, it would be a burden tenfold; not only powerful nation seeking to keep under restraint all
that, the west has proved itself as an unworthy the violent forces of the world’. It is time to ponder
practitioner of truth and nonviolence. Therefore, India
following the western world would be disastrous, Endnotes
agonizing and unwarranted. Violence, to Gandhi, is a 1
Gullapalli, Sailaja., Gandhian Approach to World Peace
weapon of the weak that is resorted to gain temporary and Order, in R.P.Misra, D.Gopal and Sailaja Gullapalli,
supremacy. Gandhi warned against treading this path (ed), World Peace and Global Order: Gandhian
and reminded that we should retain our own original Perspectives, Pentagon Press, 2014, p.264
qualities of being truthful and nonviolent. Infact, it is
2
Weber, Thomas., Gandhi, Gandhism and the
India that can show this path to the world and avoid Gandhians, Roli Books, New Delhi, 2006, p.123
going in reverse. India need not prove its cowardice
3
Cohen, Emily., Gandhi’s Concept of Nonviolence in
International Relations, Glendon Journal of International
by resorting to this meek weapon; it needs to shun
Studies, vol.2, 2002, p.34. (http://gjis.journals.yorku.ca/
violence, if it intends to, deliberately. Nonviolence is index.php/gjis/article/view/35145)
a matter of patient training. If we are to be saved 4
Harijan, 23-6-1946, p.199
and are to make a substantial contribution to the 5
Harijan, 12-5-1946, p.128
world’s progress, ours must emphatically and 6
Harijan, 30-3-1947, p.86
predominantly be the way of peace21. 7
Sharp, Gene., The Politics of Nonviolent Action-
Power and Struggle, Porter Sargent Publishers, Boston,
Conclusion 1973, p.4.
Today, the world is at crossroad- the crossroad that 8
Walter Wink., Engaging the Power: Discernment and
opens us up towards a Pandora box that has too many Resistance in a World of Domination, Fortress,
conflicts to handle. Be it the political instability, massive Minneapolis, Minn, 1992, p.207.
poverty, environmental degradation, escalating
9
R.K.Prabhu and U.R.Rao., The Mind of Mahatma
violence, threat of spread of terrorism and young Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad,
minds going wayward, or displacement, refugee 1967, p.115
problems and so on- there seems to be no end to
10
Ibid, p.170.
11
Ibid, p.148.
these conflicts that are only on the increase. The 12
Young India, 9-5-1929, p.10
realizing of a nonviolent world order seems to be a 13
Harijan, 24-2-1946, p.20.
distant dream for those seeking eternal peace. How 14
Harijan, 29-9-1946, p.335
do we inculcate this nonviolence which is so essential 15
Harijan, 12-11-1938, p.328
to us to live peacefully? How do we establish a society 16
Young India, 23-6-1919, p.50
wherein peace reigns and stays permanent? Are we 17
Message to Cosmopolitan, New York, cited in Harijan,
drifting towards and developing an uncivilized and 16-5-1936, p.109
intolerant culture? The questions are too many for 18
Sailaja Gullapalli, Gandhian Approach to World Peace
which there seems to be answers but also the inability and Order, p.272
to follow. Gandhi emphasises as to how nonviolence 19
Young India, 11-8-1920, p.3
is practical: “Nonviolence cannot be learnt by staying 20
Young India, 7-2-1929, p.46.
at home. In order to test ourselves we should learn to
21
Young India, 22-8-1929, pp.276-7
22
Harijan, 1-9-1940, p.268
Gandhian Approach to a Non-Violent World Order 33
Current Affairs / Viewpoint
JNU Debate and Ambedkar: Truths and Lies
Prof. Satish Kumar & Dr. Virendar Singh
JNU Library will be named on Ambedkar.
This decision has been taken by the highest body of
the University that is the Executive Council. For the
last few months the Akhil Bhartiye Bidhyarthi
Parishad was demanding that Library should be
named on Ambedkar. This is irony that left and radical
left wing organizations believe that Ambedkar is
merely the leader of Dalits. This is a complete contrast
to the teaching and philosophy the great leader. In
fact the deliberation on Ambedkar has divided the
great thinker into binary; lovers and haters. Those
who follow the radical ideology are in tune with
Ambedkar and those who are not declared anti-
Amedekrites. Most of the teachers of JNU wrote
and taught in the same directions. Radical and rabid
left groups started the politics on the name of
Ambedkar which was opposite to his ideas of India.
Ambedkar declared so many times that he hates left
ideology. One of the leading thinkers of RSS Krishna
Gopal said,
“ Many Marxists consider him to be a believer in the
class struggle while Ambedkar himself had
denounced communism and declared himself as the
enemy of communists and communism”. He continued
to mention that Ambedkar had strong faith in Indian
culture and Dharma. “ Ambedkar himself said that
he believes in Dharma and without the values of
Dharma, society would turn into a place of constant
struggle between the jealous and power hungry
individuals.”
Politics in JNU and Ambedkar
JNU is in news for good and bad. Recently it has
been accorded as the best university of the country.
But the bad news is weakening its vital organ. How
did an institution with the maximum funding from the
state provide space for anti-national or anti-social
elements in the campus? In the name of free speech
and expression of freedom, it gradually turned to be
a den of self-driven motivated bunch of individuals
34 World Focus May 2017
who think for themselves only. The year 2016 began
for Jawaharlal Nehru University with the protest
against the hanging of Kashmiri protagonist Afzal
Guru. A year later, the JNU fraternity is still grappling
with questions about its identity. Whatever is
happening in JNU is a left desperation. Birsa,
Ambedkar, Phule Students Association (BAPSA)
commemorating the name of Dalit and Adivasis icon.
It has influenced a new mode in the student’s
movement in JNU. The Kashmir issue has been pet
issue for the left ideology to flag off promoting
separatist forces and denigrating the fervor of
nationalism. Is it appropriate to read and explain the
thoughts of Ambedkar on Kashmir in the initial phase
which was a complete contrast of left ideology of
JNU ? On the issue of Article 370, he had a discussion
with Sheikh Abdullah in which he said,
“Mr. Abdullah, you want that India should defend
Kashmir, India should develop Kashmir and Kashmiris
should have equal rights as the citizens of India, but
you do not want India and any citizen of India to have
any rights in Kashmir. I am the Law Minister of India.
I cannot betray the interest of my country.” That
was a categorical statement of a great leader which
holds truth even today. But left narratives of JNU
tried to portray Ambedkar as if he was supporter of
Kashmir. Another ABVP National President and right
wing thinker Sunil Ambekar said, “Ambedkar was in
favour of nurturing Hindi as the national language.
That is the only medium which can unite the nation.”
Leftists are known to be the most intolerant
of dissent. There are many instances when the left
wing student union did not allow the ideology to be
heard and spoken in the campus. Arvind Gupta, adviser
to the PM has not been allowed in JNU recently. In
1997 Advani was not allowed in the campus. The
alliance of subversion, campus violence and speaking
of same language in certain campuses by separatists
and ultra-leftists are visible nowadays. We have seen
how in JNU campus demands were also made to
cater by a section in favour of beef in messes and education minister S. Nurul Hasan and JNU was no
worshipping of Mahishashur. How ideas of Ambedkar exception. JNU was, in fact, well on its way to
and Gandhi were completely misrepresented by them become a torchbearer of the Marxist ideology. Nurul
as both of the leaders fought for the cultural identity Hasan’s policy ensured a leftist stranglehold over
of India. JNU faculty, which it is still to overcome. From this
stranglehold developed three predominant narratives
It is utter nonsense and nauseating that in JNU. The first being secular vs. communal, the
handful of extreme left brigades are holding the JNU second being of conflicts and divisions, and third the
Campus to ransom and not allowing the academic narrative of a whiner. These three narratives get fed
discourse. The VC and other important offices are to the incoming students both by the leftist student
being locked. The VC and other offices have been groups and by the teachers in the classrooms.
dysfunctional. The majority of the students who Students are hammered hard from all directions and
come from different corners are clueless. The by all means, some of them not so cosier at all.
prestige and respect of JNU is under scanner. It is
important to see why it has been happening? It is not Lets us first examine secular-communal
merely the students of a particular ideology but the narrative. Secularism is a western concept. The
large chunk of JNU teachers are involved. They are Western religions have always operated on a different
desperate and frustrated with BJP Government. The plane from those ofother institutions, such as Science
desperation is not merely ideological but their social and Government. There has been a constant struggle
and economic predominance are at risk. Over the among these institutions wherein each tries to
period of time they have crooked a safe haven for supersede the other. This struggle of power led to
their misappropriation and academic luxury. the rise of a concept called ‘Secularism’. Eventually,
Ambedkar wanted Universities to be guiding light for Religion represented by the Church became the most
the society. As he himself was a professor for many dominant institution. This power equation left little or
years, he was well aware about the issues pertaining no room for any meaningful discourse, intellectual or
to students. While delivering a speech for students otherwise, outside the gambit of religion and Church.
he observed, Thus, there was a desire for promoting a general social
“Knowledge is the foundation of a man’s life and framework that would be separate from Religion and
every effort must be made to maintain the intellectual the Church. The idea of a secular state was borne
stamina of a student and arouse his intellect.” For out of such desire. A secular state does not have a
him education was meant for generating self- state religion and it does not favor one religion over
confidence. He insisted on value education and said other in matters of state policy. Dr. Ambedkar was a
that besides knowledge, students should inculcate staunch supporter for religious belief. He understood
character, politeness and discipline while studying. the Indian society better than others and said, “Indians
Ambedkar highlighted the limitation of acquiring communities are very close to religion irrespective
degree. He was well aware of the fact that faith, it cannot move without the power of Dharma.”
universities digress and intellect may not be correlated
to each other. He differentiated success in The left intellectuals and politicians of all hues
examinations and acquiring degrees from being have tried to inaccurately apply the concept of
intellectual and well educated. His expositions duly secularism in India. India historically has been a
explained the current status of JNU where nation pluralistic Dharmic society. Dharma is very much
building and value system are not part of the education. part of Indian culture and hence is non-separate.
Dharma, however, does not threaten nor is it in conflict
JNU Narratives and Relevance of Ambedkar with State. Thus secularism, in Indian context, seeks
Ever since its inception in 1969, the university has to separate the culture of the nation from its people.
been a breeding ground for the leftists. The process The opposite of secular is religious. However, in JNU
of turning institutions of higher education into Marxist context (for that matter, in Indian left-liberal parlance)
fiefdom had started under the tutelage of the then apposite of secular is considered communal – one
JNU Debate and Ambedkar: Truths and Lies 35
that creates conflict between different communities.
In JNU, every argument on secularism ends up in a
binary of secular vs. communal. But there is an
additional element to this binary – it is reserved
primarily for the Hindus. This effectively means that
any Hindu who has a penchant for his/her faith,
culture, history and traditions becomes communal, and
hence contemptuously hate-worthy.
The other predominant JNU narrative is of
conflict and division. This narrative is presented in
the form of ‘exploiter’ and ‘exploited’. Marxists
generally view literature as ‘products’ of the economic
and ideological determinants specific to that era. In
doing so, they completely ignore and discount the
timeless artistic criteria in such literatures. To a
Marxist, any literature (or other artistic expressions)
reflects an author’s own class or analysis of class
relations, no matter how sound or shallow that analysis
may be. Marxism, in its ideological implementation,
is also violent as it makes people believe that if certain
people (exploiters) are eliminated, a glorious future
awaits them. Sir Karl Popper claims that Marxism is
unscientific in its methodology as it cannot be tested
and possibly be falsified mainly because it sees the
replacement of Capitalism by Communism as
“historically inevitable”. In that sense, Marxism is
much like a “faith” than a social framework. As
understood by many, human relationship is far more
complicated to be trivialized into such simplistic
categorizations. Not all human relationships are a
result of conflict or exploitation. Marxism wrongly
discounts other social determinants such as family,
education, friendship, religion, etc. We should also
note that many societies have not only survived but
have flourished peacefully without major turmoil.
The third major narrative revolves around the
over-emphasis on the evils of the society, particularly
the Hindu society. Indian intellectuals in general and
JNU academicians in particular have a fetish for the
ills for the society for which they keep complaining
and whining all the time. Prof. Kapil Kapoor, the
former Pro-VC of JNU, aptly calls these intellectuals
Rudalis of our time. Rudalis, as you know, were
the professional mourners. The modern day Rudalis
don’t see much positive in our society. They are
constantly complaining and whining about one thing
36 World Focus May 2017
or the other. Educated primarily in the overbearing
colonial education system, these Macaulay-putra
intellectuals suffer from an overwhelming disdain for
pretty much anything Hindu or Indian.
Last decade or so has seen a perceptive
decline in the Leftists’ clout over the institutions of
higher education all over. Advances in science and
technology in general and Information Technology in
particular have not only thoroughly exposed these
Leftist academicians; it has also democratized the
process of information flow. With such developments,
it is only a matter of time that the new JNU narrative
will become part of a positively India& Dharma
centric grand narrative.
For many weeks, a small group of journalists,
students and arm-chair intellectuals kept the public
sphere cluttered with noisy arguments against those
who zealously guarded the idea of India, and ideal of
nationalism. In simple terms, this vociferous group
opposed those who condemned the anti-India
sloganeering by some students at JNU. What is
worse, this tiny, noisy group made a mockery of
freedom of speech, and inflicted an enormous insult
on democratic traditions of our nation which grants
us all respectable liberties. They abused the
government in no uncertain terms, made a mockery
of our institutions, and shamelessly went to the extent
of distorting the notion of Indian nation.
Ambedkar was more a champion of Nationalism
than Messiah of Dalits
Since last two years debate on nationalism is taking
place on the of JNU episode. It is matter of great
concern that liberal-secular narratives of JNU
intellectuals put a ban on talking about the rich cultural
heritage of India. Such themes were declared dead
and moribund in the domain of JNU. The dominant
discourses were Muslim appeasement, Naxalism and
issues of Northeast. The convergence of Left and
Congress did not like to speak on Tibet nor did they
make their stand on China’s obtrusive policy against
India. That was their understanding of exposition
against the nationalism. Let’s examine these core
issues with the ideas of India according to Ambedkar.
Muslim Appeasement and Ambedkar
He said that no individual or community is bigger than
nation. The nation is supreme. The terror of Islam is
writ large in the world polity. India has been facing
the brunt of this terror. Dr. Ambedkar had presented
a realistic analysis of this problem 75 years ago. As
he fearlessly fought against the orthodoxy and
untouchability in the Hindu society, he also opposed
the politics of Muslim society based on religious
extremism. Ambedkar wrote in his book, ‘Thoughts
on Pakistan’ why the temple at Somnath was
debased? Which were the objectives behind the
Muslim aggressions on this country? What is the root
cause of Hindu-Muslim riot? Why does the national
leadership succumb against the Muslim extremism?
Why Indian foreign policy did for many decades did
not have diplomatic terms with Israel? These are
source of resources to create a strong feet of pseudo-
secularism in Indian polity. Dr. Ambedkar opinions
were very clear.
When the national leadership was following
policy of appeasement in guise of Hindu-Muslim unity,
on January 18th, 1928 Dr. Ambedkar writes in his
editorial of Bahishkrit Bharat, “ Muslim tilt towards
the nations of Muslim culture is but natural. However,
this inclination has crossed the limits. Their ultimate
aim is to form an Islamic Union with the spread of
Islamic culture and dominate the nations of Kafirs.
That is why despite being rooted in Hindustan their
eyes are always staring towards Turkastan or
Afghanistan. It is dangerous to believe that Muslims,
who do not have a mindset of compassion for the
Hindus around, will fight for us in case of any Muslim
country.”
He was completely convinced that Muslim
leaders were very rigid that is why Pakistan becomes
a separate nation. The Nehruvian policy of
appeasement in Indian polity created a wave against
the Hindus and a fertile ground for Hindu-Muslim
riots.
Ambedkar life itself is dedicated to Nation
B.R Ambedkar obtained Master’s degree for his
thesis, “Ancient Commerce”. In May 2016, he potent instrument of social change. Customs
presented a paper on “the Castes in India”. He studied prevailing in the society are, no doubt, important but
Economics, Law and Political Science in America customs are not static. They keep on changing.
JNU Debate and Ambedkar: Truths and Lies
and later, at the London School of Economics and
Bonn University, where he wrote ‘the History of
Indian Currency and Banking’.He had an insatiable
thirst for books. In New York he is said to have
purchased about 2,000 books. And it is recorded that
at the time of the Second Round Table Conference
in London, he bought so many books that they had to
be sent to India in 32 boxes. While in the USA, he
was drawn to the fourteenth amendment of the
Constitution of the USA which gave freedom to the
Black Americans, he saw the same conditions in India.
Babasaheb Ambedkar always stressed the importance
of the constitutional methods to achieve social
objectives. In interesting observations, he once
described the methods of civil disobedience, non-
cooperation and satyagraha as the ‘grammar of
anarchy’. Babasaheb’s lecture in Kathmandu on “the
Buddha and Marx’ is a classic of its kind. It shows
how Babasaheb was working towards a revolution
through peaceful means. Dr. Ambedkar believed that
“unless law makes society move, this society will not
move”. Had he been a comfort seeker or defeated
by the caste humiliation during his student life, he
might have settled in any part of the world with all
comforts. He wanted his nation to be free from caste
evils and social moorings. That is why he chose a
difficult terrain to walk the talk.
While the Hindu Code Bill was being
discussed in the House some members felt that Bill
should be made applicable to non- Hindus also. They
said that the new Code was discriminatory in nature
because the right of the Hindus to marry more than
one woman was being taken away, while the right of
the Muslims who could marry for women was allowed
to remain unaffected. Answering this charge Dr.
Ambedkar referred to Art. 25 of the Constitution and
drew the attention of the members to the words “the
right freely to profess, practice and propagate
religion”. He said in the House, “in our country,
fortunately or unfortunately, the profession of a
particular religion carries with it the personal
law…you cannot get away from this position”.
Dr. Ambedkar viewed Parlaiament as a
37
Obviously, in a democracy parliament can play an
important role in changing customary law. Dr.
Ambedkar’s nationalism and devotion to the unity of
India is often overlooked in the face of his crusade
on behalf of the underprivileged minorities. In those
critical days when the British were trying every means
of dividing Indian political opinion, he could have
played a different game but for his nationalism. As
early as in the 1930s he had taken the following position
on the minority’s questions. “To say that the country
is divided by castes and creeds and it cannot be one
united self-governing community unless adequate
safeguards for protection of minorities are made as
part of the Constitution, is a position to which there
can be no objection; but the minorities must bear in
mind that although today we are riven by and atomized
by caste our ideal is united India. There will be day
when this issue will be resolved and there will be one
India. Dr. Ambedkar was an ardent nationalist who
exhorted that “we must be determined to defend our
independence to the last drop of our blood”.
India has been held back by the Nehruvian
approach and Congress governments that played to
minority vote banks, and undermined the country’s
yogic dharmic and spiritual traditions. David Frawley
“ I think the failure of the Nehrivian approach and
Congress governments up to 2014 set the stage. They
tried to downplay India’s profound dharmic heritage
and ended up in massive corruption, causing people
to lose their faith in the government. In contrast, the
Modi government has given a new importance to yoga
and India’s dharmic values and traditions of the
country and as a matter of foreign policy. That politics
should be karma yoga is becoming better knowledge.
Irfan Habib called it “state sponsored nationalism”.
Ambedkar concerned over Tibet and Chinese
Threat
While addressing the students of Lucknow university
students in 1951 Ambedkar said India failed to develop
a strong foreign policy. Tibet has been garrisoned by
China, it will have long term threat to India. This
statement of Baba Saheb is still relevant. Recent visit
of Dalai Lama to Tawang has stirred fresh
controversy. China threatened India for permitting
Dalai Lama to visit Tawang. Indian government has
made it clear that it was a spiritual visit and nothing
38 World Focus May 2017
to do with politics. But the anger and frustration of
China are well entrenched in the Chinese strategic
calculus. While explaining the vision of B.R
Ambedkar, it becomes interesting to connect his
thought of a strong nation and realistic foreign policy.
Despite being humiliated as a human being
in caste ridden social structure of India, Ambedkar
never undermined the importance of Nation. He
strongly advocated for a power which a country needs
to aspire. It is the only route through which it can
make its presence felt in the world politics.
Unfortunately that did not happen during the congress
regime. He was scornful of Nehruvian foreign policy,
especially with China and Erstwhile Soviet Union.
He wanted Tibet must remain an independent
country. While delivering speech in Kathmandu in
1955, he cautioned the aggressive approach of China
in Himalayan states. Almost six decades of Indian
foreign policy synchronized itself under the duress of
China from a major power to a trivial entity.
But current government is moving in the
directions of Baba Shaeb’s thought. Modi was the
first Prime Minister who visited Bhutan and Nepal
after becoming the Prime Minister. That was a break
way from established trend of Indian Prime Minister’s
entourage. Modi as a prime minister made the
Himalayan states more important. This was major
turning point in Indian foreign policy. Since then China
is very aggressive. Modi government is also working
on the long term strategy which was missing earlier.
That why at the fag-end of his prime ministership,
Manmohan Singh uttered that India did not have
strategic culture. With Modi’s doctrine China is feeling
uneasy.
Chinese Policy on Tibet
Ambedkar’s thought on foreign policy was realistic
and critic of Nehru. He said in unequivocal terms
that a strong India can only safeguard its interests.
He was very keen to protect the interests of Tibet
and Buddhist community. But Nehru was trapped
by Chinese leaders. China plays dual role. On the
one side it is keen to hijack the Buddhist structure
through its soft power diplomacy, on the other hand it
is waiting the Dalai Lama to pass away and let the
Tibetan Liberation Movement be rudderless and
leaderless. China published a white paper on Tibet in
2015 to showcase the world, how Tibet has been
converted from pastoral land to well-developed cities.
On the other hand, China claims that the Tibetan
culture and people have been much better off since
its occupation rule began in 1959. It claims: “Tibet’s
traditional culture is well protected and promoted, and
freedom of religious belief in the Region is respected,
while its ecological environment is protected, too”.
The white paper also presents data to justify its rule
over the last 50 years. It claims: Earlier Tibet did not
have a single school in the modern sense; its illiteracy
rate was as high as 95 percent among the young and
the middle-aged; there was no modern medical
service, and praying to the Buddha for succour was
the main resort for most people if they fell ill; their
average life expectancy was 35.5 year.
Even if the above data are true, there are many
aspects of which are equally true. The Tibetan
community has been killed and subjugated to slavery.
Their twin identities of faith and pastoral lives were
forcefully destroyed by the communist regime. Tibet
has been strategically cut into two parts. One part of
it, the Tibet Autonomous Regions, has been converted
into a nuclear dustbin, spreading deadly diseases such
as cancer. Thousands of Tibetans are behind the bar.
Their economic status is very low. The policy of
transferring Han Chinese into the TAR is making the
Tibetans a minority community in their own region.
China under the 2020 plan wants to transfer more
Hans in Tibet. This would strengthen China’s rule of
terror and worsen the pace of the ongoing cultural
genocide.
Dalai Lama is the most revered figure of
Buddhism. Indian government has started its
diplomatic venture by creating a Buddhist circuit from
India to South East Asia and Central Asia. China is
trying to divert this circuit towards its turfs. Tibet is
lynchpin of this diplomacy and Dalai Lama is spiritual
driver. Keeping the words of Baba Saheb, Tibet and
Tibetans dignity need to be protected, it is not merely
for the interests of Tibetans but for India. Baba Saheb
wanted India to play a larger role. It could only be
possible if India is stronger. His struggle for
oppressed class was a medium for a stronger India.
Ambedkar further writes in the statement, “ Our
quarrel with Pakistan is a part of our foreign policy
JNU Debate and Ambedkar: Truths and Lies
about which I feel deeply dissatisfied. There are two
grounds which have disturbed our relations with
Pakistan-one is Kashmir and other is the condition
of our people in East Bengal.”
Conclusion
According to him stronger a India can only stand on
its feet. It is very unfortunate that leader like
Ambedkar has been denied his right place in society.
He was a staunch nationalist who sacrificed his
comforts for the sake of nation. JNU narratives of
Ambedkar are based on intellectual farce and doping.
JNU intellectuals created a binary personality of
Ambedkar; haters and lovers. Wrong perception were
fed through text books which were written
subsequently by communist writes. That showed
Ambedkar in a very poor light. Majority of Indians
did not have opportunity to understand the towering
and pioneering thinker of India. This present
government and more so especially the right wing
organization like RSS has started the course
corrections which is extremely important to read and
understand the leader.
Foot notes
1.N.Ram , “ The Relevance of Ambedkar, Frontline,
May 15, 2015
2.Anup Surendranath, ‘ Posibilities and Limitations,
Frontline, 15, 2015
3.V. Venkatesan, “A bill in Limbo’ The Frontline, 15th
May, 2015
4.Partha Gahilote, “ Find Me An Icon As Fast As You
Can”, The Outlook April, 2016
5.Kanchan Ilaiah, “ Whose Ambedkar” 16th April, 2016
6.Chandra Bhan Prasad interview in Outlook, 16th April,
2016
7.Mohammed Badral Alam, ‘ BR Ambedkar and Making
of India’s Constitution, World Focus, March, 2015
8.Dr. Krishna Gopal, “ Mutifaceted Ambedkar:”
Organiser, April, 2015
9. Prafullla Ketkar, “ A realist Vision” Organiser, April,
2015
10.Y.S Alone, “ Mahout Who Lost The Elephant” the
Outlook, 7th March 2017
11.B.R Ambedkar the man and his message, A
commemorative Volume; edited by sudharshan Agarwal,
1991
39
 Growing Atrocities on Dalits:
Ambedkar’s Legacy and Its Contemporary Relevance
The atrocities on Dalits at Una1 (Gujarat),
the institutional murder of Rohit Vemula, and ever
growing crimes against Dalits along with the
statements against reservations by a section of RSS
leaders, have brought once again the issues of Dalit
emancipation and cast discrimination on the fore as
part of an on-going national debate since
independence. While a group of educated Dalits have
started raising their voice against Hindutva worldview,
claiming that in Hundutva scheme of things they have
no place; on the other a group of Dalit scholars,
political leaders and ideologues have started claiming
that a substantial change has been made possible with
the rise of Hundutva brigade. Appropriation of
Ambedkar’s legacy by the present political
dispensation is writ large on the horizons of Indian
politics; sometimes in an explicit manner like the use
of Bhim app etc. Opposition has taken the cudgels
against the same claiming it as misappropriation of
Ambedkar’s legacy for political vote-bank. Fact
remains that these are mere symbolic in approach
and a concrete step towards mitigation of atrocities
on Dalit are still an unfinished task, which requires to
be taken to its logical conclusion. Unfortunately, Dalits
continue to be a victim of traditional caste-community
vote-bank politics of political party of all shades. Once
again Dalits are at the cross-road of ‘Ambedkar’s
legacy’; appropriation and misappropriation of
Ambedkar’s legacy; ‘onslaught of Hindutva’;
leadership crisis within Dalits and growing atrocities
on Dalits.
The Dalit revolution that was initiated by
Ambedkar and taken forward by his followers; seems
to be searching for a new leadership with a renewed
agenda of their social emancipation in real sense of
the term. The erstwhile post-Ambedkar Dalit leaders
have become a victim of power approach to politics
and seem to have betrayed the cause of Dalits
emancipation and annihilation of caste-based
discrimination in Indian society. Today, Dalits
revolution is rudderless and awaiting the
transformation of Ambedkar’s teachings into living
realities. This backdrop has led to Dalits assertions
40 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Alok Kumar Gupta
with consequent suppression by the upper caste in
different parts of country. This paper is an endeavour
to relook into Ambedkar’s legacy, consequent changes
in Dalits status and its relevance in the backdrop of
recent Dalit backlash.
Social Reforms—Pre-independence to post-
independence:
Structural changes of society have been one of the
most important agenda since pre-independence days
in India. Indian society has produced a host of social
reformers since the days of B R Ambedkar or even
before him, who devoted their life and resources for
reforms like abolition of sati, child marriage, female
infanticide, imparting education to women, emphasis
on widow remarriage, use of swadeshi, and removing
of untouchability etc. Some of these social anomalies
or age-old traditional practices stands abolished
because of lacking any logic behind the same; and
some are gradually on the verge of extinction owing
to social, political and economic modernizations of
our polity. Atrocities on Dalits (downtrodden castes)
have been an equally rampant anomaly in Indian
society. Reformers and governments since pre-
independence days have been endeavouring to
mitigate it. Policy interventions and legal protections
have been made both by Central and State
governments in the aftermath of independence.
However, the different parts of country have been a
witness to atrocities on Dalits and caste-based
discrimination in spite of tremendous efforts at its
mitigation. Therefore, frequent eruptions of the
problem of atrocities on Dalits have been raising many
pertinent questions about the education system, policy
interventions, and implementation of legal provisions
to this effect. It makes it imperative to explore the
teaching and preaching of our leaders like Ambedkar,
Gandhi, Phule, Jagjeevan Ram, and Kanshi Ram to
name but a few. A number of cases of such atrocities
have been observed under the present political
dispensation at the centre, especially when its leaders
are all out to appropriate the legacy of Dr. Ambedkar.
Therefore, author also makes an endeavour to re-
look at the role of Ambedkar towards upliftment of
Dalits in India and what has gone wrong with it?
Increasing Incidence of Crimes against Dalits:
Despite the passage of the Anti-Untouchability Act
of 1955 and the major Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of
1989, crimes against Dalits are still a major social
problem, and Caste-based discrimination is
widespread in different parts of the country. According
to 2011 census, the total population of Dalits or the
Scheduled Castes (SCs) is 16.6% of total population
of India and that of Scheduled Tribes (STs) is 8.6%.
Together it comprises about 25 percent of the total
population of India. Indian government has constituted
many laws and policies to help the Dalit population;
yet atrocities and injustices are quite common all over
the country. India has been experiencing and
increasingly growing wary of Dalit backlash. The age-
old social issue is once again on the fore. National
Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data for Crimes in
the country in 2015 reveals that the year 2015 saw a
staggering 45,003 cases of crimes against individuals
belonging to Scheduled Castes, which works out to a
crime rate of 22.3 per 100,000 persons. Crimes against
individuals belonging to Scheduled Tribes were 10,914,
which amounts to 10.5 per 100,000.2 According to
the same source Rajasthan saw the highest rate of
Crime against SCs which was 57.3, followed by
Andhra Pradesh 52.3, Bihar 38.9 and Madhya
Pradesh 36.9 per 100,000. There has been anomaly
and sudden increase in crimes against people
belonging to SCs in Gujarat and Chhattisgarh. Gujarat
and Chhattisgarh have reported the highest crime rate
of 163.30% (6,655 cases) and 91.90% (3,008 cases)
respectively against members of SC community
during the last year.3 According to yet another source,
though couple of years old; every day, four Dalit and
adivasi women are raped while eleven Dalits and
adivasis are beaten up in the country. Further, every
week, 13 Dalits and adivasis are murdered, five Dalits
and adivasi homes are set on fire and six Dalits and
adivasis are kidnapped.4
Some Recent Instances of Atrocities:
Here are some instances of atrocities on Dalits in the
recent past which has brought the issue of Dalit
backlash on the fore once again, though it is not an
exhaustive list; rather an indicative list. A Hindu caste continues based upon the traditional Hindu social
person hacked to death a Dalit woman after her
brother married and eloped with his daughter, in
Tirunelveli, on March 14, 2016. A 30-year-old Dalit
Growing Atrocities on Dalits: Ambedkar’s Legacy and Its Contemporary Relevance
woman was allegedly raped and brutally murdered in
Thiruvananthapuram on May 2, 2016. Another 22-
year-old Dalit boy was killed in Tirupur (Tamil Nadu)
allegedly for marrying a woman from the politically
and socially dominant Thevar community, Kausalya
on March 13, 2016. Around 100 children left a school
in Kolar in Karnataka, refusing to eat the food dished
out by a Dalit cook on March 13, 2015. Dalit house in
Haryana’s Ballabhgarh set afire, 2 kids burnt to death
on October 21, 2015. A 90-year-old Dalit man died
after he was brutally attacked with an axe and set on
fire for trying to enter a temple at Hamirpur in Uttar
Pradesh on October 5, 2015. A Dalit student was
thrashed by his teacher in Jodhpur for touching the
mid-day meal plates on October 4, 2015. 17-year-old
Dalit girl in Rajasthan’s Bikaner district was raped
and murdered by her PT teacher in college in March
2015.5 In August 2015, a Jat Khap panchayat in
Haryana ordered the rape of two Dalit sisters
because their brother had love affair with a Jat girl.6
These are some isolated instances of last two years.
The important part of the saga is that such instances
of atrocities on Dalits are happening almost every
year. In June 2012, Mohan Paswan, a Dalit resident
in the Parhuti village, Bihar, was lynched when he
disobeyed a local thug by using a hand pump during
the heat wave. Even today in Dholaria Shashan village
in Rajasthan, Dalit people are scrutinised before
entering the village. They are not allowed to wear
shoes and headgear while passing any upper-caste
area. 7
Newspapers and magazines often carry
news of discrimination against Dalits in different parts
of India. Even today Dalit children are made to sit
separately for the mid-day meal. Also in some places
students belonging to Hindu caste refuse to eat the
food cooked by the ‘lower caste’ people. In some
districts of Madhya Pradesh, Dalit children are
reportedly served food from a distance. Such caste
biases in schools are not only depriving children of
education but also filling their minds with pessimism
about society at a very tender age.8 Data from the
House listing and Housing Census 2011 highlight the
continued injustice done to Dalits through the
demeaning practice of manual scavenging. These
workers collect human excreta with their brooms and
tinplate and carry it for disposal. This work division
order, which assigns to the Dalits the dirty, menial
and baser jobs. A depressing fact as revealed in the
41
2011 census data on households is that an estimated
8 lakh people are traditionally engaged in manual
removal of night soil—a great embarrassment to the
State governments that are still in denial mode.9
Crimes are being committed against Dalits almost in
every nook and corner of the country.
Steps Taken by Government:
The Government of India uses a system of
reservations, similar to affirmative action programs
in the United States, an endeavour to ameliorate the
social and economic disparities resulting from the
caste system. This system of reservation facilitates
government-mandated numerical quotas in
government employment and education programs.
There are no reservation for Dalits in military and
private sector. According to one school of thought on
reservation, the system has only been partially
successful in empowering Dalits, because they often
discriminate against each other. As for example, in
North India, a subgroup of Dalits known as the Jatevs
has become very successful in the leather industry.
This group of Dalits would never help other Dalit
groups in the area, such as Bhangi, because they
consider them lower. Therefore, due to many strata
within each caste, the reservation system has created
a ‘creamy layer’ of successful people within the Dalit
community. Such groups within the Dalits, have
focused more on solidifying their own positions rather
than helping to empower other Dalits. According, to
another school of thought existing legislations have
to a large degree been successful in protecting Dalit
rights. However, they further reiterate that India still
has tremendous work to do to end discrimination. They
advocate that this could be done through policy
interventions towards increasing Dalit access to
primary education. This is important because a vast
majority of Dalits are denied upward socio-economic
mobility due to lack of access to education, land, and
capital. This school opines that the true basis of
discrimination is economic in nature rather than caste-
based, as the haves discriminate against the have-
nots and use the caste system to perpetuate
differences between economic groups.
Third school of thought advocates that
globalization and economic liberalization have actually
hurt Dalit prospects for progress and social mobility.
This is because liberalization has the tendency to shift
more of the economy from the public to the private
sector, where hiring managers are almost exclusively
42 World Focus May 2017
from high castes and constantly discriminate against
Dalits, denying them the opportunities guaranteed by
reservations. Rapidly expanding private sector is under
no compulsion to provide jobs to Dalits, while the
public sector will have fewer jobs to offer. Such basis
of caste-based discrimination is going to continue for
next 50 to 100 years in India. When the reports of
incidents that certain persons or groups have taken
law into their own hands in the name of protecting
cows and have committed crimes, the Government
of India and the relevant ministries were awaken.
Union Home ministry issued an advisory in August
2016, asking states to have zero tolerance for self-
proclaimed ‘cow protection’ vigilante groups. The
advisory addressed a deep-rooted social prejudice that
Dalits, above all, have routinely and historically been
subjected to, when it urged states to protect subaltern
groups and minorities from unscrupulous ‘gau-
rakshaks’ and their ringmasters who use an emotive
issue to achieve their criminal and political ends.10
The present government gave tickets to many
Dalit communities like Khatiks and Dhobis, for whom
present Prime Minster Narendra Modi became a
symbol of aspiration. According newspaper reports
the ‘Hindukaran’ of Dalits is proceeding at a rapid
pace in rural areas. In the Muzaffarnagar riots of
2013 Dalits participated in the attacks on Muslims,
and in 2014 BJP got 24% of Dalit vote while BSP got
14%. A big chunk of the BSP vote shifted to BJP in
2014. Dalits are thus torn between the desire to
declare their unique identity or to be accepted into
the temples of Hinduism from where they were barred
for centuries.11 Same has been the story of Dalit
political leaders as they get torn between seizing
immediate power for office and the long term strategy
and commitment to Dalit upliftment. A section of the
Dalit class has tasted power and is unwilling to accept
any secondary status. They are largely middle class
professionals belonging to Dalit community and have
developed an inordinate sense of pride in their icons
like Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, Mayawati to name but
a few. The young among Dalits want social justice
and a modern equal opportunity. They are now craving
for economic opportunities and modern education.
Therefore, offer of mere sanscritization will not help
social emancipation of Dalits.
Legacy of Ambedkar:
On 31 January 1920, Bhimrao Ambedkar started a
fortnightly newspaper, the Mooknayak (Leader of the
Dumb), with the help of Shahu Mahraj of Kolhapur,
a sympathiser of the cause for the upliftment of the
depressed classes. The Maharaja also convened
many meetings and conferences of the ‘untouchables’
which was addressed by Ambedkar. In July 1924,
Ambekdar founded the ‘Bahishkrut Hitkaraini Sabha,
to fight the evil of untouchability. The Sabha started
free school for the young and the old and ran reading
rooms and libraries. Ambedkar took the grievances
of the untouchables to court, seeking justice and
equality. Soon he became a father figure to the poor
and downtrodden and was respectfully called
Babasaheb.12 Manusmriti, the age-old code of the
Hindus that gave rise to the caste system, was
ceremoniously burnt under the leadership of
Ambedkar and he demanded in its place a new smriti,
a law code that is devoid of all social stratification.
Ambedkar was sceptical of the Congress’s
commitment to safeguard the rights of the depressed
classes and he pressed for a separate electorate for
the depressed classes. He also supported the British
Simon Commission that was to look into setting up
responsible Government in India in 1929, when
Congress was against it. When a separate electorate
(communal award) was announced for the depressed
classes, Gandhiji went on a ‘fast unto death’ against
this decision. Ambedkar too went for a counter fast
when he was being pressurised to succumb to the
psychological pressure of Gandhiji and others.
Consequently, on September 24, 1932 Poona Pact
was signed and the demand for separate electorate
was replaced with special concessions like ‘reserved
seats’ in the regional legislative assemblies and the
Central Council of States. Poona Pact was a
compromise which was regretted later by Ambedkar.
Ambedkar also worked at local levels to eliminate
many of the practices which were derogatory and
exploitative of the Dalits like abolition of khoti system
of land tenure in the Konkan region; the Mahar watan
system of working for the government as slaves; etc.
Ambedkar also encouraged Dalits to shun Hinduism
and adopt a religion that would treat them with
equality. He though postponed it on the request of
Gandhiji for 15 years. He himself, however, embraced
Buddhism a little before his death in 1956. These are
some of the action-oriented interventions of
Ambedkar towards emancipation of Dalits from the
shackles of upper caste and the system as a whole.
What is important is the legacy that he bestowed
through his actions and protests. One thing that is
sensed in Ambedkar’s endeavour is that he understood
Growing Atrocities on Dalits: Ambedkar’s Legacy and Its Contemporary Relevance
quite well the dynamics of atrocities on downtrodden
classes and exploitation of Dalits. He rightly pointed
out that most social anomalies are rooted into the
caste system of our society. Therefore, until the caste
system is done away with, social reforms would not
be successful. He understood well the 3,000 years of
social tyranny and tried to look into its eye. It is in
this context that Ambedkar becomes more relevant
today than any other time, because of the fact that
with growing education and social, political and
economic modernization of Indian polity, the caste-
system has got increasingly entrenched, and most
distributions of resources and rewards of the state
are organized in accordance with the hierarchical
dominance of caste within the system. Therefore,
Ambedkar was right when he visualised that atrocities
and exploitation of Dalits could be mitigated only when
caste-system is dissolved and mitigated.
Ambedkar and the Contemporary Situation:
During the days of Ambedkar there was very small
Dalit middle class and the Dalits were hardly present
as a potential force. Whereas in the present society
the middle class is largest overall as well as among
Dalits the growth of middle class has been
considerable. The socioeconomic conditions of Dalits
have shown little success, and they continue to face
severe economic and social discrimination.
Secondly, during the days of Ambedkar, the Dalit
movement did not have an intellectual base or the
backing of a strong organic intellectual class that
could wage a successful movement by articulating
its demands to be placed upon the system. There
were just a few of them who have become an icon
for the Daltis today. Owing to subsequent policy
interventions and legal protection Dalit community
has its own organic intellectuals from both within its
own community as well as from other communities
in contemporary India. Many of them have become
a part of the system and have been able to occupy
the highest offices. However, the voice of Dalits
seems to have been on the wane and increasingly
meek, with growing representation of their community
within the system.
Thirdly, Ambedkar questioned and wanted dismantled
the Indian regimented village system for which he
was vehemently criticised. He projected the real image
of the village to the Constituent Assembly when he
said, “It is the very negation of republic. If it is a
republic, it is a republic of touchable, by the touchable
and for the touchable.”13 Today, the Indian villages
43
have experienced a face-lift in the wake of programs
like Mahtma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act, Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs),
Jawahar Rojgaar Yojna, Swarn Jayanti Swarojgaar
Gram Yojna, Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojna are
to name but a few. However, the caste system has
got entrenched in villages too and the practices that
existed are being continued substantially. Ambekdar
was of the opinion that the village as ‘tiny republics’
of India are an empire of the Hindus over the
untouchables; and ironically it seems it is continuing
the same even today. Reservations in the different
offices of PRIs have constitutionally mandated, yet
the discrimination continues.
Fourthly, during the days of Ambedkar Parliamentary
Democracy was not adequately consolidated in India
and was in its infancy. It was taking shape. Over the
years constitutional morality has been on the wane
as adult suffrage and frequent elections are be all
and end all of democracy in India. Parliamentary
democracy ended in a disaster in Italy, Germany and
Russia in the twentieth century because it could not
create a government of the people or by the people;
it was producing government of the hereditary ruling
class. Today, in India though governing class is losing
power owing to the reach of subaltern classes and
the Dalits in the corridors of powers; yet the complete
emancipation of Dalits has not been made possible
because democracy in India continue to be of the
few, by the few and for the few. Rather the
democracy stands degenerated today with over-doses
of caste as infrastructure of political process.
Fifthly, during the days of Ambedkar equality, social,
economic and political as enshrined in the Preamble
of Indian Constitution was a motto and dream of
political leaders. Today, it is mere slogan and is used
as rhetoric by the Indian political leadership across
all political parties. It is used as mere rhetoric, to raise
sound and fury signifying nothing. Ambedkar was
conscious enough of the fact that in an unequal society,
equality of opportunity could lead to further production
of inequality because those groups which were
already ahead in the social ladder would always have
an advantage. This is what has largely happened in
India. He therefore, rightly enshrined in the constitution
not only ‘equality of opportunity’ but also ‘equality of
condition meaning reservations for the Dalits’.
Sixthly, Ambedkar engineered the Constitution and
endeavoured to change the composition of the
institutions of power with representation of
marginalised sections. However, the fact remains that
44 World Focus May 2017
lot is yet to be done to achieve the dreams of
Ambedkar as there is still a wide gap, as marginalized
sections lag far behind despite their modest mobility.
Under such circumstances a divided society in terms
of caste, religion and class can hardly be a strong
nation and would always be struggling in its task of
nation-building.
Seventhly, Ambedkar had a strong following when
he was finding ways and means to emancipate the
Dalits, and continues to have strong ideological
followers even today; yet Dalits had to wage a battle
to get Ambedkar’s writings published in some part of
the country in the contemporary India. Today, it seems
there is Dalit backlash but it does not have an effective
leadership or the stature of Ambedkar or even Kanshi
Ram. The erstwhile leaders of Dalits have proved to
be collaborator in the corridors of political power.
Those who championed the cause of social
engineering soon degenerated into engineers of
political power and started hobnobbing with their
rivals.
Eighthly, Ambedkar resigned as Law Minister as a
mark of protest when the government failed to pass
the Hindu Code Bill ensuring property rights, among
other things, for women. Today, after seventy years
India is still struggling to give its women their due
place in social, political and economic space. Women
Reservation Bill is still in doldrums. Crimes against
women are on the rise in spite of number of stringent
legislation. Therefore, the cause and plight of Dalit
women continues to be a victim of the same political
process even today.
Indian polity has undergone a sea change
since the days of Ambedkar in almost all walk of its
life. It has made considerable progress as well
including in the field of science and technology. It
has been able to build a strong international and
regional personality of its own through its contributions
in global concerns. However, with progress and
prosperity India is still failing in its task of nation-
building because of ever-deepening social cleavages
along caste, religion and region. It is on this precisely
that India need to learn from the understanding and
advocacy of its forefathers and reformers of yester
years.
Ambedkar’s Relevance in Contemporary India:
Given the social divisions and rampant cast-based
discriminations within Indian society, one needs to
relook at the advocacy and preaching of Ambedkar.
Mere raising the statue of Ambedkar on highest
pedestals and appropriation of his legacy by any
political combination in Indian context would be not
enough and would amount to betrayal with the cause
for which he struggled. Therefore, below-mentioned
are some such articulations and understanding of
Ambedkar that requires due attention and imbibing
to contain Dalit backlash in the country and contain
the atrocities and exploitation of Dalits in different
parts of contemporary India.
First, education is the most positive instrument of
change. It has the potentials to engineer human
nature. Discrimination against Dalits is a mental
malady and it requires a mental medicine. Therefore,
education is the mental medicine that can provide
accurate and long-lasting cure to this mental malady.
Probably, that is why, Ambedkar throughout his life
advised Dalits to get educated before agitating for
their rights. Hence, the vision of Ambedkar is strongly
relevant today. Education though has been made a
fundamental right; but its implementation is poor.
Lesser said about the implementation of Article 21(A)
of the Constitution is better in today’s context.
Therefore, it is of utmost importance that both Dalits
and upper castes must be provided with education.
On the one hand, education is relevant for Dalits so
that they can understand their rights and could
subsequently demand and struggle for the same once
they stand genuinely educated, not merely literate.
On the other hand, it is relevant for upper caste or to
put it more precisely for the non-Dalits to make them
aware about the fact of being a human being and
equality among them, so that they refrain from
discriminating against Dalits. Most experts believe
the key to ending discrimination is a comprehensive
education campaign starting at the primary level to
teach acceptance of Dalits, a topic which is
completely absent from India’s public school system.
Second, Ambedkar said, in India, a man is not a
scavenger because of his work. He is a scavenger
because of his birth irrespective of the question
whether he does scavenging or not.” 14 The
Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction
of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act in 1993 has provision
of punishment, including fine, for employing
scavengers or constructing dry toilets. However,
manual scavengers are continued to be employed to
this day by municipalities, the Railways and defence
establishments. Therefore, such caste-based division
of works requires to be addressed. Present
government adopted programs like “Swachh Bharat
Abhiyan” and “Har Ghar Sauchalaya” in an
Growing Atrocities on Dalits: Ambedkar’s Legacy and Its Contemporary Relevance
aggressive manner. Its implementation seems to be a
success story according to government sources. In
Indian context such success reports are refuted once
the ruling party is out of power. Therefore, one needs
to be really cautious to believe such reports. The fact
remains that such aggressive policy and its whole-
hearted implementation is the need of the hour and it
must be taken to its logical conclusion. All such works
requires to be identified where Dalits are forced to
work for because of their caste identity.
Technologically advanced India must adopt
mechanisation of its sanitation and employ individuals
in accordance with their skill and qualification even
for the menial jobs rather than on the basis of caste.
Thirdly, technology can play a considerable role
towards mitigation of caste-based discrimination.
There are certain works related to sanitation and
processing process in industries of all sorts. Such
works are often expected to be executed by people
belonging to Dalit community. Today, there are
tremendous developments in the field of technology.
Developed countries are handling such works through
technological interventions. India too could adopt such
technology in those work-areas which are Dalit-
oriented with a pragmatic approach. Slowly and
gradually the increasing use of technology and
mechanization will emancipate Dalits and attract
people from other caste blurring the societal division
in accordance with job-role.
Fourthly, media being the fourth estate in a democracy
has tremendous role towards mitigation of caste-based
discrimination. Tremendous expansion of media has
made it increasingly possible provided it has a will to
do so. However, media today has ceased to be in
society and is now in the market. It is no more a
socially-oriented or development-oriented endeavour;
rather has become a business-oriented concern.
Media barons are seating in the lap of political leaders
and thus are functioning for the cause of political
agenda of certain political dispensation. Therefore,
media requires purging of itself and work in the
interest of the society and its inhabitants rather than
for business, trade and commerce.
Fifthly, Non-governmental Organization (NGOs)
which are already engaged in the task of caste
mitigation and nation-building requires to expand their
horizon as they too have a tremendous role to play
when governmental organizations are increasingly
failing in the task and are outsourcing many of its
functions to NGOs.
45
Conclusion
Ambedkar is more relevant today than he may have
been during his own time. Political parties are
competing to appropriate and misappropriate his
legacy. This has led to adoption of his ideas only
symbolically and theoretically to achieve political
mileage, but not in practice. This becomes evident
from the fact that Ambedkar is being dishonoured
and insulted in the very constituency of Prime Minster
of India, i.e. Varanasi. According to newspaper
reports, PM adopted a village Jayapur in Varanasi
district where he erected a giant statue of Ambedkar
in the Harijan quarter. Yet the paint on the statue is
peeling badly, the solar lamp that illuminates it, is out
of battery. This reveals the hollowness of the
appropriation of iconic personality of Ambedkar by
political leaders and parties. This establishes the
commitment, faith and trust of leaders in the ideas
and advocacy of such icons; and what they mean
when they try to appropriate their legacy. Their
concern is only the Dalit vote bank and not the
cumbersome task of Dalit empowerment and
upliftment. There is no doubt that a small segment of
Dalit population has been able to enter into the elite
club of the country at different levels. Jeans clad Dalit
millennial are rightly pointing out that their forefathers
had brooms in their hand, but they have a smart phone
or a laptop. This shows that there is change within a
significant number of Dalits and their families, which
now constitutes elites within the Dalit community and
they need to take the cudgels of Dalit emancipation.
They need to act as an organic intellectual in
Gramscian sense to articulate the need, aspiration
and demands of their brethren and take it to its logical
conclusion. They must understand, they have achieved,
what they are today, owing to the struggle waged by
Ambedkar, at one point of time; now is the time they
must work for the fulfilment of the dream of
Ambedkar. What India needs today is the annihilation
of the caste system and not merely social reforms or
educating people about humanity or human rights.
Ambekdar was quite clear in his conviction that the
caste institutions affected Dalits differently; hence
he wanted to end the caste system itself. It is in
accordance with this conviction that Ambedkar
becomes more relevant today than he was during his
days. The reason being that during the past seventy
years of India’s independence, the caste system has
got further entrenched and has developed as social
infrastructure of politics as Rajni Kothari advocated
in his magnum opus Caste in India. The standard
46 World Focus May 2017
suggestions like questioning the sanctity of Hindu
sacred texts, institutionalizing inter-caste marriages
and inter-dining, and dismantling the hereditary
priesthood; were existing then and are being
advocated even today. However, such suggestions
have not delivered substantially as it has addressed
the problem to an extent yet a lot more requires to be
done even today. Ambedkar saw that democracy
would ensure equality, liberty, fraternity, prosperity
and happiness to common man. Therefore, he
emphasized that social and economic democracies
are sine quo non for a successful political
democracy. Therefore, India requires coming out of
the clutches of crony capitalism else the economic
democracy would continue to be a dream with
consequent social consequences. India today is
strongly in the grip of populist nationalism. This is
because, blurring the line between blatant acts of
criminality, deep-rooted social prejudice and the
emotive issue of cow among Hindus is the modus
operandi of parties who sense a huge political
opportunity in fanning up the flames. Exploiting Dalit
anger is of course a legitimate political ploy but it
does little to address the historical, traditional and
cultural discrimination that Dalits have faced and are
facing today. Mere political clarity, rhetoric,
enactment, populist policies or administrative reforms
cannot shape a country, given the kind of diversity
that Indian society is ridden with. Ambedkar and his
vision continue to be relevant even today. He and his
works have emerged as an important symbol of Dalit
movement, and thus difficult in the recent times.
Outstanding tribute to Ambedkar could be not only to
continue his efforts of empowering the Scheduled
Castes and helping them overcome the vicious cycle
of caste and cultural barrier, but also to take the same
to its logical conclusion of mitigating caste as a factor
in Indian society and polity.
Footnotes
One of the brutal cases the Una incident in Gujarat triggered nation-wide protests and solidarity demonstrations in
1
several countries including the United States. Th e attack on four young Dalit men, who were skinning cows killed
by a lion, involved mob beatings with sticks and rods for several hours. The Dalits were also insulted with caste-based
derogatory words, and forced in to a veh icle, where bea tings contin ued with a n iron. Hu ma n rights orga nizations
accuse the p olice of complicit y and involvement in th e atrocities, as the police present took no action to s top the
violence, an d even tu ally lock ed u p the fou r Dalit men in p olice cus tody. See
www.id s n . org/in d ian -govern men t-atta ck -atrocities-d a lits / “In d ia Govern men t u n d er att ack for atrocities again st
Da lits .”
2
See “National Crimes Record Bureau Data, 2015: Slight Dip in Rape, Crime Against Women” September 01, 2016,
www.in dianexp ress .com
“Cases of Atrocities on Dalits in th e Recent Past”,
3
News 18, July 21, 2016, www.news18.com
4
These Statistics came up during a national meeting convened by the Centre for Dalit Rights (CDR), a Jaipur-based
think-tank along with the National Coalition for strengthening the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention
of At rocities ) Act, 1 9 8 9 . See Mah im P rat ap Singh , “Un tou ch ed b y Ju s tice”, Jan u a ry 25 , 2 0 1 3 on
www. ecn omictimes .in d iat imes .com/n ews .
5
6
Ibid., no.3 .
“Amb edk a r
’s fight to abolish untouchability in India: Why we should know more about it”, www.indiatoday.in April 14, 2016.
7
Ibid., no.6 .
Anu rodh La lit Jain, “Let’s help realis e the vision of Ambed kar for Dalits ”, The Hind u, April 14, 2 013.
8
9
Ibid., no.8. Uttar Pradesh continues to have the dubious distinction of leading the list with approximately 3.2 lakh
p eople s till in volved in man u ally removin g hu man waste.
10
Sreemoy Talu k d ar, “Atrocities on Dalits mu st b e tack led th rou gh in clusiven es s an d en forcemen t of la w, n ot
votebank politics”, August 10, 20 16, www.firstpost. com
Sagrika Ghose, “UP’s Dalits: Hindutva or Ambedkar?”, The Times of Ind ia, March 01, 2017.
11
12
R.K. Mish ra, “Role of Amb ed kar in Upliftmen t of Dalits in Ind ia”, www.you rart iclelibera ry.com
13
As quoted in R.K. Mishra, Ibid ., no. 13.
14
As quoted in Anurod h Lalit Jain, Ibid., no.8.
 Gandhi : The Political Philosopher
Gandhi was a multi-faceted personality. He
was a philosopher, social reformer, humanist practical
idealist all in one. Gandhian philosophy is the most
original contribution in the modern era which has
changed the history of India and influenced social
changes in many nations of the world. Gandhi has
not been a system builder in philosophy in the western
sense of the term. Philosophy for the sake of
philosophy has never been his concern. So one finds
inconsistencies in his thought. His views appeared to
be fresh, original, untempered by tradition or custom.
But his method of solving problems though apparently
unconvincing but ultimately successful. He was not
a dogmatist. He did not shut himself out born of
experience and experiment. Gandhi explains the
reason for alleged inconsistency in his thought.
“At the time of writing I never think of what
I have said before. My aim is not to be consistent
with my previous attempts on a given question, but to
be consistent with truth as it may present itself to me
at a given moment. The result has been that I have
grown from, I save my memory undue strain; and
what is more whenever I have been obliged to
compare my writing even fifty years ago with the
latest, I have discovered no inconsistency between
them.” (Harijan, Sept.30, p.288). Gandhian philosophy
is not a closed system of thought. He claims his
philosophy to be dynamic and its dynamism is not
limited to his life time but for future too. Gandhi does
not claim to have originated any principle or doctrine.
He simply tried in his own way to apply eternal truth
to our daily life and problem. Though not an academic
philosophy he has given new concepts and new
insights into social, economic and political ideologies.
In order to understand Gandhi’s political philosophy
we have to explore the philosophical foundation of
his thought. Gandhi’s socio-political philosophy,
cosmology, epistemology is based upon religious
convictions. Gandhi believed in transcendental reality.
His approach to reality is a priori. God and truth can
not be realized by senses as God transcends both
senses and intellect. He can only be known by faith.
According to Gandhi faith is nothing but a living, wide
Gandhi: The Political Philosopher
Dr. Bibudharanjan
awake consciousness of God within. Faith does not
contradict reason but transcends reason. Though
denying the source of knowledge sense perception
and intelligence, Gandhi asserts that his method is
scientific. Being a religious man Gandhi deduces his
theory of freedom from religion. The root of freedom
is in man’s conscience and conscience is the proof of
God’s voice. Human will is a part of divine will and
acts under divine scheme. The freedom of the
individual is a divine phenomenon. According to
Gandhi freedom does not imply that man must control
nature. Nature is creation of God and the human will
must harmonise with it. One of the important issue in
ethics is the problem of relation between means and
ends. According to Gandhi not only the ends must be
good but the means also must also be good in
themselves. Once the theory of fixed values is
accepted, every action is to be judged as right or
wrong as far as it conforms to those standards. Gandhi
points out that one can not get a rose through planting
a noxious weed. Gandhi believes that means and the
ends are inseparably related. There is inviolable
connection between means and ends. The ultimate
end of human beings is to achieve the truth, ahimsa is
the means to the end. Means to be means must be
always within our reach and so ahimsa is our supreme
duty. If we take case of the means, we are bound to
reach, we are bound to reach the end sooner or later.
Good means always lead to good ends and bad means
lead to bad ends. Gandhi goes further as he believes
ends are subsidiary and means are more important
than the end. Gandhi’s contention is that instead of
looking at the establishment of non-violent social order
one must look at its method of achievement – we
must concentrate our whole attention as the means
i.e. non-violence through which we can achieve the
end. Gandhi’s concept of non-violence is the key
concept around which his entire philosophy revolves.
His interpretation and application of non-violence in
every sphere of life is his greatest contribution. Non-
violence had remained as a religio-ethical doctrine.
But it was Gandhi who abstracted the ancient doctrine
of ahimsa from the religio-spiritual field and
transformed it into a weapon of mass resistance
47
against British colonoliasm and also to fight against
evil in any form. Ahimsa literally means non-injury
but Gandhi provided a new connotation raging that
ahimsa is not merely a negative state of non-injury
but it is a positive state of love, doing good even to
the evil-doers. According to him true non-violence
resides in the mind. It is an inner disposition. If we
keep ill-will and hatred from within but do not
outwardly strike, that is a sign of cowardice, not of
genuine non-violence. He prefers violence to
cowardice. For, he prefers a man to resort to violence
on such occasions as defending the honour of women
or nation. According to him non-violence is the soul-
force. It is one of the world’s greatest principles which
no power on earth can wipe out. Non-violence is the
greatest force at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier
than the mightiest weapon of destruction devised by
the ingenuity of man. Gandhi’s concept of non-violence
is not a theoretical concept. It is not an easy task.
When one comes down to the level of practice one
may find it very difficult to follow in day-to-day life.
We come across varied and complicated situations
where non-violence seems to have no application.
Gandhi was aware of such possibilities where violence
can have some relevance. Gandhi’s principle of ahimsa
is not universal in the sense that it admits of no
exceptions. It is absolute in the true sense of non-
attachment, love towards all being. Perfect non-
violence is not possible in human body. A man,
therefore, is to do what is morally possible for him to
do in the particular circumstance. He holds : “Perfect
non-violence whilst you are inhabiting the body is only
a theory like Euclid’s point or straight line, but we
have to endeavour every moment of our lives”
(Harijan, July, 1940). The essence of Gandhi’s
philosophy is Satyagraha or application of non-
violence in practical sphere, Satyagraha has been
described as the relentless pursuit of truth by non-
violent means of clinging to truth, adherence to truth,
insistence on truth. Gandhi believes that in every
opposition there is possibility of violence, that so why
non-violence is given more prominence, that vice of
unjust should be opposed in a non-violent way, i.e.
Satyagraha. Gandhi makes a difference between
Satyagraha and passive resistance. Passive
resistance is a weapon of the weak, and helpless.
Passive resistance does not eschew violence as a
matter of principle but only because of the lack of
means of violence or out of sheer expediency.
Satyagraha does not permit violence in any form under
favourable circumstances. In Satyagraha there is
48 World Focus May 2017
organic relation between achievement of the objective
and the inner reform of Satyagrahi. For Gandhi, the
technique of non-violent actions is not a programme
of seizure of power. He pointed out that if revolution
is brought about by violence the position will be
reversed. Gandhi analyses truth in connection with
ahimsa. For Gandhi truth is the end and ahimsa is the
means. Truth and ahimsa are intimately connected
and it is difficult to disentangle them. They are like
two sides of the same coin. To practice ahimsa is to
realize the truth and to realise the truth is to practice
ahimsa. He say ‘Ahimsa is my God and Truth is my
God’. When I look for ahimsa, Truth says find it
through me and when I look for Truth ahimsa says
find it through me. According to him Truth is God as
he repeatedly says “It is more correct to say that
Truth is God than to say that God is truth. He has
successfully applied his concept of non-violence in
the sphere of political, social and economic field.
Unless we understand his concept of non-violence,
his entire philosophy is likely to be misunderstood. A
reconstruction of society is possible only by the
change of heart, and this is possible only by the
suffering of the Satyagrahi. He must suffer instead
of giving torture to the opponent. Gandhi explains :
“I seek entirely to blunt the edge of the tyrants sword,
not putting against it a sharper edged weapon but by
disappointing his expectation that I would be offering
physical resistance. The resistance of soul that I should
offer instead would elude him, recognition of this
would not humiliate him but uplift him” (young India,
Vol II, p.864)
The success of any Satyagraha movement
depends upon the capacities of the satyagrahi to
suffer. Success is the certain result of suffering of
the extreme character voluntarily undergone. Hence
fasting unto death is integral part of Satyagraha
programme. He must always be ready to bear all
sort of losses, inconveniences, assault, beating loss
of property even death. The suffering awakens the
love in the heart of the opponent and thus develops
soul-force union enables the success of Satyagraha
movement. At various times Gandhi headed various
movements. According to circumstances there are
varied movements in accordance with the
circumstance. The weapon which a satyagrahi can
use to struggle against those elements who hamper
the way for the emergence of non-violent society is
non-cooperation. Civil disobedience is also a way of
non-cooperation. It is a complete, effective and
bloodless substitute for armed revolt. It is a revolt
against unjust laws but in a civil manner. Critics are
of the opinion that Gandhi traces morality to
conscience. But in practice we see that our
conscience is determined by our social environment.
Generally man look at his own interest which Gandhi
overlooks. Different persons have different
conscience. The vested interest of suriety will not
permit a non-violent society. How can Gandhi
convince them that his conscience is right and those
of the rested interest is wrong. Gandhi gives us a
picture of not the actual society but of a perfect
society where national reconstruction as envisaged
is possible. Gandhi advocates fixed values and on
this basis he believes good means are essential for
good ends. Gandhi appreciates the ideal of
communism but objects to the means employed to
attain it. Now let us discuss about Gandhi’s view on
the state. According to Gandhi non-violence is the
law of nature and society is governed by that law.
Every individual must enjoy his freedom of will
provided it is not a menace to others freedom. He
will rule himself and responsible to himself. In such a
situation there is no need of the state as every one is
his own ruler. It is the duty of man that he must obey
internal laws. It is self government which means
continuous effort to be independent of Government
control whether it is foreign or national. Man being a
moral being has a right to decide what is moral or
immoral. Society has no right to snatch this right from
the individual. Individual should voluntarily surrender
himself to the service of society. If it is wrested from
him, he becomes an automation and the society is
ruined. Society is the sumtotal of individuals and
society and state is a machinery imposed on the
individual from outside. Ideal society is that society
in which every individual has reached the highest
perfection where there is no struggle, no hatred, no
violence but cooperation, love and non-violence. State,
for Gandhi is an institution based on violence, the basis
of which is force and not will. Any sort of violence is
coercion and state exerts that coercion to enforce
the laws, that is why an ideal society is a stateless
society because it does not use any sort of force.
The state represents violence in a concentrated and
organized form. The state is not sovereign. Its powers
are limited. The state is corrupt and many laws
governing its conduct are positively inhuman. The state
has a limited sphere i.e. to control ‘unsoul’ in man.
Every man has a conscience, if any law goes against
Gandhi: The Political Philosopher
that conscience, he has a right to break the law.
According to Gandhi political power is a means not
an end but one of the means of enabling people to
better their conditions in every department of life.
Gandhi entrusts several functions to the state, he has
mostly an individualistic outlook, According to him
“that government is the best which governs the least”.
He urges people to be self – dependent. According
to Gandhi, man cannot fulfil all his wants alone, this
he can meet only with the cooperation of others. The
state does not have any cooperative power. It can
only command and punish those who do not obey
their command. In the Gandhian ideal society, all the
functions will be performed peacefully and non-
violently by associations based on cooperation. The
second objection against the functions of the state is
raised by Gandhi from the point of view of the
development of personality. Every individual is born
with some inherent qualities which can be developed
in free atmosphere. The state hinders the
development of personality by controlling all the
spheres of life. Gandhi says :
“I look upon an increase in the power of the state
with the greatest fear because although, while
apparently doing good by minimizing exploitation, it
does the greatest harm by destroying individuality
which lies at the root of progress” (Modern Review,
Oct, 1935)
Gandhi had also discussed the role of
Government. For Gandhi democracy is an ideal.
According to him democracy is the art and science
of mobilizing the all aspects of the people in the service
of the common good. To safeguard democracy the
people must have a keen sense of independence, self-
respect and should choose good and honest people.
He has no complaint against representative
democracy. Democracy has gems in it provided all
violence is eschewed and malpractices disappear. He
does not criticize democracy but its working. There
are many sorts of malpractices found in elections.
The men who are elected are not moral persons. Thus
the ideal which is behind democracy goes away.
Gandhi wants to decentralize state on a spiritual basis.
He holds that wider organization leaves room for wider
violence. Democracy is a wider institution, and
therefore it is liable to be greatly abused. The remedy
is not avoidance of democracy but reduction of the
possibility of abuse to minimum. The abuse can be
avoided if power is decentralized to maximum. He
evolves a system of village democracy where the
49
individual will use his authority for the sake of the
well – being of the whole village community. So the
central govt. must give more and more authority to
the village. The village panchayats will perform all
the duties in accordance with the will of the people.
Gandhi say that the greatest good of the greatest
number is heartless. It must be the greatest good of
all : Sarvodaya. Gandhi wants village to be the primary
unit of the decentralized state which he calls village
republic. Every village has to be self-sustained and
capable of managing its affairs even to the extent of
defending itself against the whole world. Gandhi
concentrated his whole attention on village panchayat
which is an organization elected directly. Gandhi does
not favour the macro state, it considers village as the
natural unity of collective life. Each village is to be
an autonomous republic and self-sufficient economic
zone. Many villages will form a panchayat which shall
have the absolute executive, legislative and judiciary
power. In an ideal state there is hardly any room for
legislation. There is the rule of love and non-violence
which precludes the possibility of conflict and discard.
So there is no room for any litigation. This renders
the existence of law-courts and throw the lawyers
out of job. Gandhi was a critic of lawyers whose sole
motive is not to resolve conflicts but to encourage
them so as to make capital out of them. For Gandhi,
justice that love gives is surrender, justice that law
gives is punishment. Gandhi does not find any
justification in the existence of multi-party system. A
party is not based on genuine difference of opinion
but on the basic craze for power. The party – interest
makes one oblivious to the real problems of the people.
As a result, the party in power to strengthen its
position enacts laws that benefits the party but not
the people which it represents. Gandhi is in favour of
party-less democracy. A party necessarily represents
a section as opposed to the rest of the society. The
democracy as it is practiced today goes by majority
opinion. This obviously implies that the minority opinion
becomes a casualty at the sacred alter of the majority
view. An untruth cannot pass for truth simply because
it has the support of the majority. The truth even
though supported by minority does not cease to be
the truth. The present democracy has the inherent
danger of legitimising evil in the name of majority
rule. Gandhi has a definite view on the economic
structure of the society. The economic inequality is
one of the basic causes of socio-political inequality.
It arises out of the very outlook of people. It is the
attitude that the intellectual labour is prized more than
50 World Focus May 2017
the physical labour. That is why Gandhi lays utmost
emphasis on physical labour. The tiller in the field
does not in any sense contribute less to the welfare
of the community than the doctor or a professor. So
in an ideal society what is necessary is that all are
called upon to engage themselves in physical labour.
The needs of the body must be supplied by the body.
In order to live one must do physical labour which he
calls ‘bread labour’. It means one should earn the
bread by the sweat of one’s own. As regards the
distribution of the economic resources he subscribes
to the socialistic notion of equality. They follow the
maxim “from each according to his ability and to each
according to his need.” As individuals differ in their
capacities, they are expected to contribute to the best
of their might. Similarly in respect of their needs, it
would differ and depend upon the station in which it
is placed. Hence equal distribution is irrational. There
should be proportionate distribution. All men are born
equal in the sense that everyone has equal night to
equal opportunity. But as the capacities differ one is
likely to earn more than the other. This will generate
surplus. Accumulation of surplus will lead to
phenomenon of private property. In this sense private
property becomes the natural growth. If there is no
proportionate reward for different works, there will
be hardly any incentive to work. On the one hand,
private property is considered as unethical and on
the otherhand it is an inevitable growth. To solve this
problem, Gandhi advances the doctrine of trusteeship
which strikes a golden mean between capitalism and
socialism. The socialist prescribes the total abolition
of private property which is only a theoretical
possibility. Capitalism, on the other hand encourages
private property. Gandhi would suggest that the
surplus accruing out of the work should not be
appropriated for oneself but is to be set aside for the
interest of the collective welfare. The surplus owner
must treat himself as trustee of the property. This is
possible when the people imbibe the ideal of non-
possession and equality. Gandhi prescribes the policy
of decentralization with regard to economic planning.
Centralisation is the necessary aftermath of
industrialization. The cottage industry and agriculture
form the mainstay of Indian economy. The increasing
industrialization threw the bulk of village population
out of employment. Gandhi was not against
industrialization. There is need of the large scale
industries which are to be run by the state. The village
industries can also as ancillary industries supplying
inputs for the bigger industries keeping in view the
requirement of the people. The product of Gandhian
thought is sarvodaya. Sarvodaya ideology is
considered as a creative blend of all humanistic and
altruistic tendencies of the age. The concept of
sarvodaya refuses to be satisfied with the progress
of a class or nation. In understanding Gandhian
political thought, one must therefore, understand two
different influences at work – one, of the moral and
ethical urge for creating a better world, and the other,
the practical needs freeing India. In Gandhi’s, political
thought the philosophy of an idealist and the
programme of a realist tends to merge. And outcome
of this rich synthesis is sarvodaya.
The word ‘sarvodaya’ is a compound Sanskrit
word comprising ‘sarva’ (all) and udaya (rising) –
meaning all – round well – being or welfare of all.
This ‘ all’ includes all living being. It can be said that
the word ‘sarvodaya’ epitomises Gandhi’s social
philosophy which aims at the attainment of both
abhyudaya (material prosperity) and nisreyasa
(spiritual realization). Sarvodaya is a regulative
principle in human relation transcending history,
politics and existing social institutions. This
fundamental truth links religion, ethics and politics in
Gandhian thought. In articulating the idea of
sarvodaya Gandhi was deeply influenced by the ideas
of Ruskin and Tolstoy. There are three basic tenets
on which the sarvodaya is based.
A : The good of the individual consists in the good of
all.
B : Every one has the same right to earn one’s
livelihood irrespective of the nature of work.
C : There is dignity of labour, be it the work of a tiller
or craftsman.
The concept for which the term ‘Sarvodaya’
stands should be distinguished from utilitarian ideal
of ‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number.
The goal of sarvodaya is not happiness but all-round
well-being. Secondly, it is the well – being not of the
greatest number but of all. Sarvodaya is both concept
and cult in one. Sarvodaya of Gandhi is our attempt
to bridge the gap between the theoretical ideals and
practice. It stands for viable socio-economic-political
order. For Gandhi the human existence is value –
centric. Besides the physico-psychic dimension, it is
the spirituality that defines the uniqueness of man.
Any change socio-political or economic necessitate
a prior change in value structure. Sarvodaya of
Gandhi envisages a value – based socio-economics
– political order. But what when is of paramount
Gandhi: The Political Philosopher
significance is that Gandhi does not rest contented in
spelling out the theory but goes into the details of the
working procedures of the strategies to translate the
ideal in to reality. Gandhi bases his Satyagraha on
non-violence or principle of love. The opponents of
Gandhi can employ Gandhian technique to oppose
Gandhism itself. How will Gandhism fight this
technique of self – suffering. How can their technique
be called violent and that of Gandhi non-violent when
their methods are the same. Gandhi analyses non-
violence in a mysterious way. Non-violence is not
that which appears in its consequences but actually it
is the conscience of persons that matters. Who will
judge who is detached from lust and hatred ? Various
sectarian groups for their vested interests can compel
to sacrifice the general will and Gandhian plan will
go astray. Gandhi’s mystification of non-violence may
give rise to fascism. M.N.Roy a strong critic of
Gandhism is the acutest and most desperate
manifestation of the forces of reaction. R. P. Dutta
characterized Gandhi as a negative force which fails
to offer an explanation of changing reality but latter
Dutta maintained that Gandhi’s greatness of spirit,
his honesty and love of humanity shine through and
transcend the many inconsistencies and contradictions.
Inspite of many draw backs in his socio-economic
theory, Gandhi’s outstanding contribution against
British imperialism cannot be ignored. Gandhi realized
the true revolutionary power of the rural masses. He
was always in touch with pulse of the people and
provided them with programme of action. At that time
people were afraid of police but Gandhi inspired the
masses and made them fearless and courageous
soldiers. He brought the Indian women out of kitchen
into active political life. He played a vital role in
eliminating the social evil of untouchability. The credit
must go to Gandhi for his success in various fields
though critics pointed out that his theory is utopian.
The conditions that led to the origin and development
of Gandhian philosophy are entirely different from
the needs and conditions of the present day society.
As practice is the test of fitness, for Gandhi, no
Gandhian should stick to all his ideas if they are not
practicable to day. Though his means may be disputed,
his aims and ends must receive earnest attention. The
present followers of Gandhi must have the courage
to change the Gandhain method in the light of the
contemporary changing situation in the national and
international sphere. If Gandhi happened to be with
us today, certainly he would have changed some of
his ideas in the pursuit of his experiments with truth.
51
 Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar: Messiah of the Masses
Dr. Ambedkar was a victim of caste
discrimination. His parents hailed from the Hindu
Mahar caste, which was viewed as “untouchable”
by the upper class. Due to this, Ambedkar had to
face severe discriminations from every corner of the
society. The discrimination and humiliation haunted
Ambedkar even at the Army school, run by British
government. Fearing social outcry, the teachers would
segregate the students of lower class from that of
Brahmins and other upper classes. The untouchable
students were often asked by the teacher to sit outside
the class. After shifting to Satara, he was admitted
to a local school but the change of school did not
change the fate of young Bhimrao. Discrimination
followed wherever he went. In 1908, Ambedkar got
the opportunity to study at the Elphinstone College.
Besides clearing all the exams successfully Ambedkar
also obtained a scholarship of twenty five rupees a
month from the Gayakwad ruler of Baroda, Sahyaji
Rao III. Political Science and Economics were the
subjects in which he graduated from the Bombay
University in 1912. Ambedkar decided to use the
money for higher studies in the USA.
Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar was not only a visionary
political leader and social reformer but also a scholar
and a thinker. He has written extensively on various
social and political matters. Some of his important
writings include, Annihilation of Caste, Who Were
the Shudras, The Untouchables, Buddha and His
Dharma etc. His thinking was based on a deep faith
in the goals of equity and liberty. Liberalism and the
philosophy of John Dewey also influenced his thinking.
Jotirao Phule and Buddha have exercised great
influence on Ambedkar,s ideas on the society, religion
and morality. His political ideas were also influenced
his legal approach. Ambedkar,s personal sufferings,
his scholarship and his constant attention to the
problem of bringing about equality for the
downtrodden untouchable community forms the basis
of his thinking and writings. He was the man of his
own destiny who dared to take on the unjust Hindu
social order head on.
52 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Deepak Yadav
Dr. Ambedkar was merciless in his
denunciations of pettiness, perversities and the
hypocrisies of Brahminism which to him, was a
wicked and mischievous agent of social exploitation
of the backward and untouchable section of Hindu
society.1 He ultimately got solace in solace in the
teachings of Lord Buddha whom he treated as
messiah of downtrodden who preached the
philosophy of complete egalitarian society.
To mobilize his followers he established
organizations like Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha,
Independent Labour Party and later All India
Scheduled Caste Federation. He led a number of
temple entry movements/satyagrahas, organized the
untouchables, established many educational
institutions and propagated his views from the
newspapers like Mooknayak, Bahishkrit Bharat, and
Janta. Despite facing backlash from Congress, he
participated in the Round Table Conference in order
to protect and defend the interests of the
untouchables. He was in the favour of continuation
of British rule till Dalits and backwards become self
dependent because he believed that once Britishers
leave the country, upper castes will capture the power
and they will reinforce the caste system. Although,
he was particularly critical of the British administration
on account of it’s over expensive character and the
general neglect of public welfare. He knew that
abrupt departure of British would result in to political
domination of the upper castes.
Ambedkar on Caste System in India
Ambedkar,s main battle was against the caste system.
According to him caste system had made Hindu
society stagnant. Due to the caste system Hindu
society has lost the upward mobility and is unable to
accommodate people from outside to its fold. This
drawback poses permanent problems for the
integration. The Jat Pat Todak Mandal, a social
reformist organisation of Lahore, had, in 1936, invited
Dr B.R. Ambedkar to deliver the presidential address
of its annual conference on the topic of the caste
system in India. Ambedkar sent the manuscript of
his speech titled The Annihilation of Caste. However,
the organising committee found some of his views,
particularly his critique of the Vedas and his inclination
to leave the Hindu fold, unacceptable. It, therefore,
suggested to Ambedkar that he delete these views,
to which he replied that “he would not change a
comma”. The speech thus remained undelivered.
Ambedkar subsequently published it in May 1936.
Among the numerous writings and speeches
of Ambedkar that run into thousands of pages, The
Annihilation of Caste is indeed his magnum opus.
Judged by any criterion such as content, logic,
argument, language, diction, exposition, urge and,
above all, the force, it is a manifesto of social
emancipation, and occupies a place similar to what
The Communist Manifesto once did in the world
communist movement. Since the book is polemical in
nature, Ambedkar did not elaborate much on the
agonies, indignities, humiliation and overall sufferings
of the Sudras, and particularly the untouchables. He
only gave illustrations of how they were deprived of
education and freedom of occupation and were
subjected to stigmatized manual labour, all resulting
in their virtual economic slavery, how they were
segregated and deprived of basic rights such as
drinking water even from public wells, and above all
how they were made victims of social persecutions.
But, according to Ambedkar, worse and unparalleled,
the Hindu Dharmashastras gave legitimacy to the
doctrine of Chaturvanya and the caste system. The
infamous Manusmriti dehumanized the Sudras and
untouchables, ruled the Hindu psyche for centuries
and created the greatest obstacle to any serious
attempt at eradicating the caste system. This made
Ambedkar publically burn the Manusmriti on the
occasion of his historical Mahad Satyagraha in 1927
for establishing the right of untouchables to drink the
water of the Chawdar tank in Mahad town in
Maharashtra.2
Hindu society has failed to satisfy the test of
being a homogeneous society. It is only a collection
of different castes which is the biggest obstacle in
the path of national integration and the national spirit.
Caste system permanently perpetuates injustice to
the lower strata of the society. They are denied
Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar: Messiah of the Masses
education, equal opportunity, livelihood and human
dignity. Lower caste people born in poverty, live in
poverty and die in poverty without any hope of change
in their fate. Therefore, the battle for removal of
poverty and untouchability becomes the battle for
human rights and justice.
In his work Who Were the Shudras?,
Ambedkar attempted to explain the formation of
Untouchables. He saw the Shudras, who form the
lowest caste in the ritual hierarchy of the Hindu caste
system, as being separate from Untouchables.
Ambedkar oversaw the transformation of his political
party into the Scheduled Castes Federation, although
it performed poorly in the elections held in 1946 for
the Constituent Assembly of India. In his 1948 sequel
to Who Were the Shudras? Which he titled The
Untouchables: A Thesis on the Origins of
Untouchability, Ambedkar said that: “The Hindu
Civilization is a diabolical contrivance to suppress and
enslave humanity. Its proper name would be infamy.
What else can be said of a civilization which has
produced a mass of people who are treated as an
entity beyond human intercourse and whose mere
touch is enough to cause pollution?.” In this book
Ambedkar argues that the Shudras were originally
Aryans belonging to the Kshatriya class.
Ambedkar further argues that the Brahmins
brought about the degradation of the Shudras.
Relations have also been drawn between the wide
acceptance of Mahars in Hinduism as outcasts and
untouchables due to their affirmation to Buddhist
practices. In a separate chapter, Dr. Ambedkar also
expresses his view regarding the Partition of India,
1947, stating that if the Muslim community demanded
a separate state their interests must be safeguarded
as a threat would lay to Indian security and stability
due to divided interests, as well as a chance of rebellion
soon after the independence of India.
Ambedkar was also critical of Islam and its
practices in South Asia. While justifying the Partition
of India, he condemned the practice of child marriage,
as well as the mistreatment of women, in Muslim
society. No words can adequately express the great
and many evils of polygamy and concubinage, and
especially as a source of misery to a Muslim woman.
Take the caste system. Everybody infers that Islam
53
must be free from slavery and caste. While slavery
existed, much of its support was derived from Islam
and Islamic countries. While the prescriptions by the
Prophet regarding the just and humane treatment of
slaves contained in the Koran are praiseworthy, there
is nothing whatever in Islam that lends support to the
abolition of this curse. But if slavery has gone, caste
among Musalmans has remained.3
Due to Ambedkar’s prominence and popular
support amongst the untouchable community, he was
invited to attend the Second Round Table Conference
in London in 1932. Gandhi fiercely opposed a separate
electorate for untouchables, saying he feared that such
an arrangement would split the Hindu community into
two groups. In 1932, when the British had agreed
with Ambedkar and announced a Communal Award
of a separate electorate, Gandhi protested by fasting
while imprisoned in the Yerwada Central Jail of Poona.
The fast provoked huge civil unrest across India and
orthodox Hindu leaders, Congress politicians and
activists such as Madan Mohan Malaviya and
Palwankar Baloo organised joint meetings with
Ambedkar and his supporters at Yerwada. Fearing a
communal reprisal and genocidal acts against
untouchables, Ambedkar was coerced into agreeing
with Gandhi.4 This agreement, which saw Gandhi end
his fast and Ambedkar drop his demand for a separate
electorate, was called the Poona Pact. Instead, a
certain number of seats were reserved specifically
for untouchables (who in the agreement were called
the “Depressed Class”).5
The confrontation between Ambedkar and
Gandhi was a historic one. It had its beginnings in the
Round Table Conferences of 1930-32. Ambedkar had
gone for the first, as the prime representative of
Dalits, or Untouchables. But when Gandhi finally
decided to attend the second conference, he argued
fervently that he represented the Untouchables,
because they were an integral part of the Hindu
fold—which he represented. To Ambedkar, the
Untouchables were not a part of the Hindus but “a
part apart” (a phrase he had once applied to himself),
a uniquely oppressed people. They could accept, even
welcome, the coming of independence and its
inevitable domination by the Congress (i.e. by caste
Hindus), but they needed “safeguards”.
54 World Focus May 2017
Ambedkar had originally felt that with universal
suffrage, reserved seats would be sufficient. But
universal suffrage was not given, and the issues at
the conference revolved around separate electorates.
Gandhi was reconciled to giving this to Muslims; he
had already accepted their identity as a separate
community. Not so for Dalits. When the Ramsay
MacDonald Award gave separate electorates to
Dalits, he protested with a fast unto death. And this
brought him into direct confrontation with Ambedkar.6
According to Ambedkar, untouchability was partly a
result of Brahminic superiority. Untouchability
resulted from the conflict between Brahmanism and
Buddhism. He denies that untouchables were
primarily non-Aryans. Instead he believed that in
Indian society we found mixture of various races living
together for centuries. Therefore the idea that
untouchables belongs to some inferior or defeated
race was unacceptable. For this question Ambedkar
provides a socio-anthropological answer. Originally
India has a large number of unsettled tribes and
frequently they came in to conflict with other
wandering tribes. These wandering tribes were
defeated and their members got scattered and became
the part of the larger settled tribes. But, their social
status remained inferior to the settled tribes. The next
round of conflict between the outsiders and settled
tribes took place on the issue of religion and beef
eating. Ambedkar argues that to meet the challenge
of Buddhism, Brahmanism adopted complete non-
killing, renunciation of meet eating and worshiping of
cows. The outsiders who were followers of Buddhism
tradionally ate the meat of dead animals. Since they
did not suspend the practice of meat eating, they were
excommunicated. The ex-communication was later
justified by incorporating it in the religious scriptures.
Thus, untouchability became a permanent and sacred
part of religion.
Ambedkar ultimately suggested that inter-
caste marriage is the only remedy to destroy caste.
In The Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar’s critique of
the Hindu social order was so strong that Mahatma
Gandhi, in Harijan, described Ambedkar as a
“challenge to Hinduism”. Ambedkar replied to Gandhi
in his usual uncompromising manner. Ambedkar did
not spare the socialists or the communists either. He
vehemently attacked the communists for their
doctrinaire approach to caste in treating it as the
superstructure and argued that unless they dealt with
caste as a basic structural problem, no worthwhile
social change, let alone a socialist revolution, was
possible.
Ambedkar on Social Reforms:
Social reforms were always on the top priority of Dr.
Ambedkar. He believed that economic and political
issues should be resolved only after achieving the
goal of social justice. If priority is given to the issue
of political emancipation, it would mean transfer of
power from British rule to the upper caste Hindus,
who are equally distant from the lower castes. Thus
injustice against untouchables and backward sections
of the society will remain and egalitarian society will
become a distant dream for them. Similarly, the idea
that economic progress will resolve all social problems
was based on immature prediction according to
Ambedkar. Casteism is the expression of mental
slavery of the Hindus. It has perpetuated age old
injustices to the people of lower castes who have
been living in misery for no faults of their own.
According to Ambedkar social reform
consisted of the reforms in the family system and
religious life. Family reform means abolition of child
marriages, sati, purda system, widow remarriage, inter
caste marriages, etc. Upliftment of women was
always on the top of agenda of Ambedkar and strongly
criticized the degradation of women in the Indian
society. He vehemently opposed Hindu religion for
not providing right to property to the women. Later
on after independence, he prepared Hindu Code Bill
which took care of cause of women and giving them
right to property. The operation of caste, both at the
systemic level and at the functioning of patriarchy,
the growing caste/class divide in feminist political
discourses made Ambedkar’s views on women’s
oppression, social democracy, caste and Hindu social
order and philosophy become significant to modern
Indian feminist thinking. The contemporary social
realities warrant close examination of the wide range
of his topics, the width of his vision, the depth of his
analysis, and the rationality of his outlook and the
essential humanity of his suggestions for practical
action. For the Indian Women’s Movement,
Ambedkar provides a powerful source of inspiration
to formulate a feminist political agenda which
Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar: Messiah of the Masses
simultaneously addresses the issues of class, caste
and gender.
Ambedkar’s legacy as a socio-political
reformer had a deep effect on modern India. He
believed that “political democracy without social
democracy and economic justice is meaningless.” In
post-Independence India his socio-political thought
has acquired respect across the political spectrum.
His initiatives have influenced various spheres of life
and transformed the way India today looks at socio-
economic policies, education and affirmative action
through socio-economic and legal incentives. His
reputation as a scholar led to his appointment as free
India’s first law minister, and chairman of the
committee responsible to draft a constitution. He
passionately believed in the freedom of the individual
and criticized equally both orthodox casteist Hindu
society. His condemnation of Hinduism and its
foundation of caste system, made him controversial
and unpopular among the Hindu right. His conversion
to Buddhism sparked a revival in interest in Buddhist
philosophy in India and abroad.8
Ambedkar on Affirmative Action
The British government had allowed separate
electorates for “depressed classes” in the 1932
announcement of future government in India made
after the Round Table Conferences in England. This
provision was made at the insistence of the
untouchable representatives, B. R. Ambedkar from
the province of Bombay and Rao Bahadur Rettamalle
Srinivasan of Madras—the two most active areas of
reform—who felt, in the face of demands for separate
constituencies from all other minorities, that proper
elected representatives could only be elected by
untouchables themselves. Mohandas K. Gandhi, then
in prison for activities against the government in the
interests of independence, thought separate
electorates were too divisive and began a “fast unto
death.” Ambedkar gave in but bargained for reserved
seats for untouchables in all elected bodies to be
elected by the general electorate.
Ambedkar was a firm believer that education
and knowledge will greatly improve the conditions of
untouchables. Education makes man enlightened,
makes him aware of his self respect and also helps
him to lead a better economic life. One of the major
55
causes of the degradation of the untouchables was
due to the denial of education. By 1935 it had become
clear that untouchable castes must be listed to
determine who exactly would be eligible for the
reserved seats and for educational and economic
benefits.
The criteria for listing stipulated specific
castes in specific areas that were denied religious
rights of entry into temples and civil rights of entry to
public places and the use of wells. The word specific
was necessary because the ways of identifying who
is an untouchable can vary. Occupation is not always
a reliable guide. Laundrymen (Dhobis) and barbers
may be untouchables in certain areas of the north but
not in the state of Maharashtra. The new term
scheduled castes, those on a list or schedule, was
applied to 429 castes.9
Ambedkar criticized the British policy of
education for not adequately encouraging the
education among the lower castes. He felt painful
that even during the British rule; the upper castes
have the monopoly on the education system.
Ambedkar wanted Dalits and backwards to go for
the liberal as well as technical education. He was
lover of the secular character of education and
opposed religious control of it. He warned that only a
secular character of education will inculcate the
values of liberty and equality among the students.
Upon India’s independence on 15 August
1947, the new Congress-led government invited
Ambedkar to serve as the nation’s first law minister,
which he accepted. On 29 August, Ambedkar was
appointed Chairman of the Constitution Drafting
Committee, charged by the Assembly to write India’s
new Constitution. Granville Austin has described the
Indian Constitution drafted by Ambedkar as ‘first and
foremost a social document’.’The majority of India’s
constitutional provisions are either directly arrived at
furthering the aim of social revolution or attempt to
foster this revolution by establishing conditions
necessary for its achievement. 10
The text prepared by Ambedkar provided
constitutional guarantees and protections for a wide
range of civil liberties for individual citizens, including
freedom of religion, the abolition of untouchability and
56 World Focus May 2017
the outlawing of all forms of discrimination. Ambedkar
argued for extensive economic and social rights for
women, and also won the Assembly’s support for
introducing a system of reservations of jobs in the
civil services, schools and colleges for members of
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, a system akin
to affirmative action. India’s lawmakers hoped to
eradicate the socio-economic inequalities and lack of
opportunities for India’s depressed classes through
these measures. The Constitution was adopted on 26
November 1949 by the Constituent Assembly.
Ambedkar was the firm believer in the
principles of liberty, equality and fraternity and these
were guiding principles of his all the writings. But he
knew that economic disparity and social injustices
are detrimental of liberties. Therefore, political
democracy without social democracy and economic
justice is meaningless. But, equality and liberty can
only be realized when there are economic resources
at the disposal of millions of downtrodden in the
society. Social justice means equal social opportunities
shall be available to everyone to develop their
personalities which is associated with equality and
social rights. According to Ambedkar, his Justice is
based on moral values and self respect. Justice
situates through social, political and economic justices
which is n regulated by the Indian constitution.
These principles of liberty, equality and
fraternity are not to be treated as separated items in
a trinity. They form a union of trinity in the sense that
to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very
purpose of democracy. These principles are
fundamental rocks of Just Society Order and were
origin from French Revolution. He admits ‘justice and
liberty are the two basic ideas of all political thought.
Every society needs some sort of concept concerning
that structure. Justice is the basic concept of social
values; it is what holds a society together. His concept
of liberty is a fundamental among political and
philosophy thoughts.
According to Ambedkar, liberty has divided
into two categories namely Civil Liberty and Political
Liberty. Ambedkar’s notions of civil liberty deals with
three basic opinions are; Liberty of movement, Liberty
of speech and Liberty of action. Civil liberties are
often formally guaranteed in Indian constitution but
ignored in practice which came from Bill of Rights.
Civil right is often used to refer to one or more of
these liberties or indirectly to the obligation of
government to protect dalits from violations of one or
more of their civil liberties.
Ambedkar wanted a casteless society in post-
independent India and to establish an egalitarian
society he included civil and political rights in to
fundamental rights. He was ferociously against Hindu
caste system in which ones fate is decided not by
work but by birth. Ambedkar’s view of Hindu religion
is that ‚Hindu law is that law of the established order
and was made by the touchable. The untouchables
had nothing to do except to obey it and respect it.
The untouchables have not rights against the
touchable. For them there is no equal right, not justice
which is due to them and nothing is allowed to them.
Nothing is due to them except what the touchable
are prepared to grant. The untouchables must not
insist on rights. They should pray from mercy and
favour and rest content with what is offered.11He
passionately believed in the freedom of the individual
and criticized equally both orthodox casteists Hindu
society. His condemnation of Hinduism and its
foundation of caste system, made him controversial
and unpopular among the Hindu right. His conversion
to Buddhism sparked a revival in interest in Buddhist
philosophy in India and abroad.
Conversion to Buddhism
According to Dr. B. R. Ambedkar “foundation of
religion is essential to life and practices of the society”
and religion is the part of one’s social inheritance.
Religion to him was the driving force to human activity.
He acclaimed that “man can not live by bread alone,
he has a mind which needs food for thought”.12 In
the search for a faith to mobilize and liberate the
Untouchables, Ambedkar‘s lifelong reading of
scholarly works on the history and teachings of
Buddhism included more than twenty thousand
volumes of rich collections throughout his school years
and subsequent visits to New York, London, and Bonn.
Ambedkar‘s frequent exposure to living Buddhist
traditions in Burma, Sri Lanka, and others, and his
appreciation of Buddhist art in various places such
as the Ellora and Ajanta caves might have influenced
on his religious endeavor too.
Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar: Messiah of the Masses
Ambedkar had considered converting to
Sikhism, which saw oppression as something to be
fought against and which for that reason appealed
also to other leaders of scheduled castes. He rejected
the idea after meeting with leaders of the Sikh
community and concluding that his conversion might
result in him having what scholar Stephen P. Cohen
describes as a “second-rate status” among Sikhs.13
He studied Buddhism all his life, and around
1950, he turned his attention fully to Buddhism and
travelled to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) to attend a
meeting of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. While
dedicating a new Buddhist vihara near Pune,
Ambedkar announced that he was writing a book on
Buddhism and that as soon as it was finished, he
planned to make a formal conversion to Buddhism. 14
Ambedkar twice visited Burma in 1954; the second
time in order to attend the third conference of the
World Fellowship of Buddhists in Rangoon. 15 In 1955,
he founded the Bharatiya Bauddha Mahasabha, or
the Buddhist Society of India. He completed his final
work, The Buddha and His Dhamma, in 1956. It
was published posthumously.16
After meetings with the Sri Lankan Buddhist
monk Hammalawa Saddhatissa, Ambedkar organized
a formal public ceremony for himself and his
supporters in Nagpur on 14 October 1956. Accepting
the Three Refuges and Five Precepts from a Buddhist
monk in the traditional manner, Ambedkar completed
his own conversion, along with his wife. He then
proceeded to convert some 500,000 of his supporters
who were gathered around him. He prescribed the
22 Vows for these converts, after the Three Jewels
and Five Precepts. He then traveled to Kathmandu
in Nepal to attend the Fourth World Buddhist
Conference. His work on The Buddha or Karl Marx
and “Revolution and counter-revolution in ancient
India” remained incomplete.17 D.C. Ahir claim that
due to Ambedkar,s influence as the architect of Indian
constitution the Ashoka Chakra was put on the Indian
flag and lions from the Ashokan pillar at Sarnath were
adopted as the National Emblem.18
Amartya Sen, said that Ambedkar is “father
of my economics”, and “he was highly controversial
figure in his home country, though it was not the reality.
His contribution in the field of economics is marvelous
57
and will be remembered forever.” 19 President
Obama addressed the Indian parliament in 2010, and
referred to Dalit leader Dr. B.R. Ambedkar as the
great and revered Human Rights champion and main
author of India’s constitution.20
Conclusion
Dr. Ambedkar was a social prophet for the
untouchables. His rise to the national politics was not
less important than Gandhi. Search for the complete
equality brought him closer to Buddhism. There is no
doubt that he was a patriot and would not be opposed
of national integration. Whatever might have been
the origin of the caste system, it has been the most
unjust social order in actual practice. Hence
Ambedkar deserves the credit having made Hindus
aware of the great tension generating social problems,
which must be tackled; otherwise they may eventually
bring about the doom not only of the Hindu society
but to the whole political system as well. It was beyond
doubt that he awakened the self respect of millions
of downtrodden from the slavery of servitude who
had been exploited for centuries in the name of caste
system. He became the voice of voiceless and taught
and gave untouchables an alternate vision to become
free forever from the bondage of casteism.
Conversion to Buddhism gave him and his people long
lasting solace to live in casteless society.
Ambedkar’s legacy as a socio-political reformer had
a deep effect on modern India. In post-Independence
India his socio-political thought has acquired respect
across the political spectrum. His initiatives have
influenced various spheres of life and transformed
the way India today looks at socio-economic policies,
education and affirmative action through socio-
economic and legal incentives. His reputation as a
scholar led to his appointment as free India’s first
law minister, and chairman of the committee
responsible to draft a constitution. He passionately
believed in the freedom of the individuals and criticized
orthodox casteist Hindu society for being non-
accommodative towards the large section of its own
society.
His condemnation of Hinduism and its
foundation of caste system, made him controversial
and unpopular among the Hindu right. His conversion
to Buddhism sparked a revival of interest in Buddhist
philosophy in India and abroad. He sacrificed his
58 World Focus May 2017
political career for not compromising his stand on
Hindu Code Bill and chose to go back among his
people for whom he fought a lifelong battle for justice.
Ambedkar will remain like a light house for the
downtrodden who despite given political rights are
unable to claim it in the absence of economic rights.
References
1. Ambedkar,B.R.,(1946) “Who Were Shudras?” Bombay,
Thacker and Company,pp.16-17.
2. Bhalchandra Mungerkar, “Annihilating caste”,
Frontline, Volume 28 - Issue 15, Jul.16-29, 2011.
3. Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji (1946). “Chapter X: Social
Stagnation”. Pakistan or the Partition of India. Bombay:
Thackers Publishers. pp. 215–219.
4. Omvedt, Gail (2012). “A Part That Parted”. Outlook
India, August 20, New Delhi,The Outlook Group).14-17.
5. Vasant G. Gandhi, “Gandhi’s Epic Fast”, http://
www.mkgandhi.org/articles/epic_fast.ht.
6. Omvedt, Gail op.cit.14-17.
7. Ambedkar,B.R.,(1946) “Who Were Shudras?” Bombay,
Thacker and Company,pp.57-65.
8. Naik, C.D (2003). “Buddhist Developments in East and
West Since 1950: An Outline of World Buddhism and
Ambedkarism Today in Nutshell”. Thoughts and
philosophy of Doctor B.R. Ambedkar (First ed.). New Delhi:
Sarup & Sons. p. 12.
9. Untouchability - The Beginnings Of “affirmative Action”,
see at http://science.jrank.org/pages/11541/
Untouchability-Beginnings-Affirmative-Action.html
10. Granville Austin (1999), The Indian Constitution:
Cornerstone of a Nation, Oxford University Press, pp.23.
11. Gopal Guru (2002): ‚Ambedkar’s Idea of Social Justice
in Ghanshyam Shah (ed), Dalits and the
State,Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi.
12. Keer, Mhatma Jyotiran, Phooley- Father of Social
Revolution, Bombay, 1965, p.39.
13. Cohen, Stephen P. (May 1969). “The Untouchable
Soldier: Caste, Politics, and the Indian Army”. The Journal
of Asian Studies , 28 (3): 460.
14. Sangharakshita (2006). “Milestone on the Road to
conversion”. Ambedkar and Buddhism (1st South Asian
ed.). New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. p. 72.
15. Ganguly, Debjani; Docker, John, eds. (2007).
Rethinking Gandhi and Nonviolent Relationality: Global
Perspectives. Routledge studies in the modern history of
Asia, London: Routledge. p. 257.
16. Quack, Johannes (2011). Disenchanting India:
Organized Rationalism and Criticism of Religion in India.
Oxford University Press. p. 88.
17. Buddha or Karl Marx – Editorial Note in the source
publication: Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and
Speeches, Vol.3.
18. Ahir D.C., “Buddhism and Ambedkar” p.185.
19. Amartya Sen “Ambedkar my father in Economics”
Atrocity News. atrocitynews.com.Archived from the
original on 3 September 2012.
 The Indian Freedom Struggle beyond the Frontiers under
Subash Chandra Bose and the Odia Martyrs in INA
This paper tries to explore the significant
contribution of Odia people to the efforts of INA
in the freedom struggle of India. The Indian
National Army (Azad Hind Fauz) of Netaji Subhas
consisted of many Odia soldiers. The Odia
soldiers had displayed their uncommon heroism
as an integral part of the Indian National Army
of Subhas. This marks perhaps the most significant
event in the annals of India’s fight for
independence. There were approximately one
thousand of Odias in the INA and among them
the number of Odias from Ganjam district alone
was six hundred. Names and photographs of INA
soldiers of Ganjam are available at the INA
Museum at Salimgarh Fort, Delhi.
The Indian National Army (INA) under the
dynamic leadership of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose
played a very significant role in the India’s struggle
for freedom outside the frontiers of India. During the
second world war Subash Chandra went to England
and exchanged ideas on the future of India with
British Labour Party leaders and political thinkers like
Lord Halifax, George Lansbury, Clement Attlee,
Arthur Greenwood, Harold Laski, J.B.S. Haldane,
Ivor Jennings, G.D.H. Cole, Gilbert Murray and Sir
Stafford Cripps. He was of the opinion that an
independent India needed socialist authoritarianism,
on the lines of Turkey’s Kemal Atatürk, for at least
two decades. For politically reasons Bose was refused
permission by the British authorities to meet Atatürk
at Ankara.[1] After returning from England Bose
organised mass protests in Calcutta near the
Dalhousie Square calling for the ‘Holwell Monument’
commemorating the Black Hole of Calcutta. He was
arrested and put in jail by the British, but was released
following a seven-day hunger strike. Bose’s house in
Calcutta was kept under surveillance by the CID.
On the late night of 16 January 1941, the night of his
escape, he dressed as a Pathan to avoid being
identified. Bose escaped from under British
surveillance from his Elgin Road house in Calcutta
about 01:25AM on 17 January 1941, accompanied
The Indian Freedom Struggle beyond the Frontiers under Subash Chandra Bose and the Odia Martyrs in INA
Dr. Dasarathi Bhuiyan
by his nephew Sisir Kumar Bose in a German-made
Wanderer W24 Sedan car, which would take him to
Gomoh Railway Station in Bihar. He journeyed to
Peshawar with the help of the Abwehr, where he
was met by Akbar Shah, Mohammed Shah and
Bhagat Ram Talwar. Bose was taken to the home of
Abad Khan, a trusted friend of Akbar Shah’s. On 26
January 1941, Bose began his journey to reach Russia
through British India’s North West frontier with
Afghanistan. From Moscow, he reached Rome, and
from there he travelled to Germany. [2]
In Germany, he was attached to the Special
Bureau for India under Adam von Trott zu Solz which
was responsible for broadcasting on the German-
sponsored Azad Hind Radio. He founded the Free
India Center in Berlin, and created the Indian Legion
(consisting of some 4500 soldiers) out of Indian
prisoners of war who had previously fought for the
British in North Africa prior to their capture by Axis
forces. About 3,000 Indian prisoners of war signed
up for the Free India Legion. In 1943, when he realised
that that Germany could be of any help in gaining
India’s independence, he left for Japan. He travelled
with the German submarine U-180 around the Cape
of Good Hope to the southeast of Madagascar, where
he was transferred to the I-29 for the rest of the
journey to Imperial Japan. [3]
The Indian National Army (INA) was the
brainchild of Japanese Major and post-war
Lieutenant-General Iwaichi Fujiwara who was the
head the Japanese intelligence unit. After the initial
proposal by Fujiwara the Indian National Army was
formed as a result of discussion between Fujiwara
and Mohan Singh in the second half of December
1941, and the name chosen jointly by them in the first
week of January 1942. [4] The first INA was however
disbanded in December 1942 after disagreements
between the Hikari Kikan and Mohan Singh, who
came to believe that the Japanese High Command
was using the INA as a mere pawn and propaganda
59
tool. Mohan Singh was taken into custody and the
troops returned to the prisoner-of-war camp. [5]
However, the idea of an independence army
was revived with the arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose
in the Far East in 1943. The Indian Independence
League was first formed by Mohan Singh in
Singapore. But it remained an unruly crowd of
Indians. Even when Mohan Singh was at its helm, he
could not convert the INA into a revolutionary army
of India’s liberation6. After that, Rash Bihari Bose
became the President of INA. Rash Bihari Bose
handed over the leadership of the Indian Independence
League to Netaji on July 4, 1943. He named it as
Azad Hind Fauj. [6]
“I have said that today is the proudest day
of my life. For an enslaved people, there can be
no greater pride, no higher honour than to be the
first soldier in the army of liberation. But this
honour carries with it a corresponding
responsibility and I am deeply conscious of it. I
assure you that I shall be with you in darkness
and in sunshine, in sorrows and in joy, in suffering
and in victory. For the present, I can offer you
nothing except hunger, thirst, privation, forced
marches and deaths. But if you follow me, both in
life and in death-as I am confident you will – I
shall lead you to Victory and Freedom. It does
not matter who among us will live to see India
free. It is enough that she shall be free and that
we shall give our all to make her free. May God
now bless our army and grant us victory in the
coming fight. Inquilab Zindabad ! Azad Hind
Zindabad !” This was the concluding remark of
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose on the 5th July, 1943 at
Singapore after taking over the charge of President
of Indian Independence League from Rash Behari
Bose on July 4, the previous day. [7]
There was a rally of 13,000 men drawn from
the South East Asian countries. Then, Netaji toured
in Thailand, Malay, Burma, Indo-China and some
other countries and inspired the civilians to join the
army and mobilized public opinion for recruitment of
Scholars, augmenting resources and establishing new
batches of INA. He promised the people that he would
open the second war of Independence and set up a
provisional Government of Free India under whose
60 World Focus May 2017
banner three million Indians of South East Asia would
fight the enemy. He made a clarion call to all Indians-
Karo Sab nichhabar bano sab fakir (sacrifice all
and be penniless mendicants for the sake of the
motherland). After the speech, his garlands were
put to auction; each garland, fetching such a fabulous
amount as ten or twenty thousand dollars at that time
and this money was earmarked as the fund of the
provisional Government. People also vied with one
another to hand over donations to Netajee personally.
[8]
After the formation of INA in Singapore a large
number of Odias joined it. The reasons behind the
joining of Odias in the INA are:
First, Subash Chandra Bose was an Odia
and the Odias were always in companion with him
since his plunge into politics and Indian Freedom
Movement. Secondly, lakhs of people from Orissa
were serving in Burma, Singapore and Malaya during
the colonial rule before the arrival of Subash. Thirdly;
they were attracted by the towering personality and
oratory power of Subash. Fourthly, there were a
number of Odias as prisoners of war in that region.
Fifthly, the main leaders of Ganjam were the active
members of the Forward Bloc of Subash Chandra
Bose. [9]
The birth of Odia press and vernacular
literature led the rising of Indian nationalism among
the Burmaese Odias. They established two printing
presses in Burma. Consequently, a number of Odias
weekly newspapers like ‘Prabhat’, ‘Burma Odia’ and
‘Lokasikhya’ could be published. Thus the Odia press
in Rangoon served as a powerful instrument for the
growth of Indian nationalism. [10]
Similarly the formation of socio-cultural and
religious associations in Burma injected a spirit of
glory and patriotism among the Burmese Odias. The
cultural troupes formed in Burma played a significant
role to unite the Odias. Purnananda Dharma,
Ramananda Dharma, Alekha Dharma, Utkala
Sangha, Pathagaras, Kalaparishads, Youth
Associations, Yatra Dals, Natya Sanghas, Kirtan Dals,
Bharat leelas, Sakhinachas, Dashkathias, Prahlad
Nataks, and Burma-Odia Ras Samiti were found to
have paved the way for the achievement of unity
among the Indians. In this context the activities of
‘Burma-Odia Ras Samiti’ was noteworthy. The
founder of this cultural troupe was Sri Krushna
Chandra Tripathy of Pitala and Sri Ganesh Rath.
Among others Sri Brundaban Panda, Ramchandra
Kar, Sri Sri Tarini Canran Patra, Krushna Behera,
Sri Dandapani Panda, Gopinath Behera, Sri
Ramchandra Biswal, Sri Utchabananda Pradhan, Sri
Madan Mohan Tripathy, Sri Somananth Panigrahy,
Sri Bhagirathy Panda, Sri Laxaman Biswal, Sri Bharat
Biswal, Sri Pitabash Panigrahy, Sri Kandha Pradhan,
and Sri Mohan Pradhan were its active members.
Sri Ram Chandra Das, Khali Padhi Sri Harihara
Patnaik were its advisers. [11] They had built a number
of temples in Burma. They formed an organization
known as ‘Rengun Odia Yuvak Sangh’. This was
formed to serve the Odiya people who were working
in Burma. There were one lakh Odias in Burma during
the freedom movement of India. It can be noted here
that, United Nations ex-Secretary General U Thant’s
father was an Odiya. [12]
The appeal of Netaji produced instant effect
on the members of Ras Samiti. They mobilized the
Indians working in Burma to join the Indian
Independence League. Forty five Odias joined the
INA in one day. They were Sri Krushna Chandra
Tripaty, Sri Brundaban Panda, Sri Utchabananda
Pradhan, Madan Mohan Tripathy, Somanath
Panigrahy, Bhagirathi Panda, Kishore Chandra
Mishra, Narayan Prusty, Mohan Pradhan,
Beerbhadra Karan, Hribandhu Karan, Kalupani
Pradhan, Bobani Mahaparta, Batcha Patra, Madhav
Maharana, Dandapani Maharana, Buddhi Behera,
Brundaban Behera, Dutikrushna Choudury, Somabari
Nahak, Kandha Dalai, Tina sethy, Arjun Pradhan,
Binayak Mishra, Udayanath Pradhan, Krushna Jena,
Ranka Pradhan, Ananda Biswal, Banamali Sethi,
Natabar Choudhury, Arjun Gouda, Raghu Behera,
Arkhita Bhuyan, Buddhi Nayak, Sridhara Swain,
Pitabash Panigrahi, Ganesh Rath, Khageswar Panda,
Hari Patra, Pandit Ramchandra Kar, Sibaram
Mahapatra, Bhobani Rana, Madhusudan Behera and
Gobinda Ram Prusty. Earlier these Odias were
working as volunteers in the Indian Independence
League. Subsequently, they joined in the INA and
performed their duties as trusted soldiers. [13] The Odiya
patriots started to donate freely for the liberation of
their motherland. The women were also inspired to
come out of their sheltered existence and volunteered
to join the women’s auxiliary corps of the INA and
The Indian Freedom Struggle beyond the Frontiers under Subash Chandra Bose and the Odia Martyrs in INA
the Rani of Jhansi Regiment. Netaji was an ardent
supporter of the cause of women’s liberation ever
since his entry into public life in India. With his
encouragement many women had joined the
mainstream of nationalist struggle in India and were
working in the Congress. In Singapore, he was
assisted greatly in his task of enrolment of women by
a young Indian lady doctor–Laxmi Swaminathan. He
met her on July 12 and they discussed on the issue of
encouraging the women to join the freedom movement
in South-East Asia at length. Nakul and Laxmi; two
teenagers of the Ras Samiti also joined the INA.
Nakul was a soldier in the Bal Sena of INA and Laxmi
was a soldier of Rani of Jhansi Regiment of INA. [14]
Gradually, Subash built his team of trusted
followers who were charmed by his personality and
were totally devoted to him. As they came into contact
with him they were tremendously influenced by his
concern for India’s freedom, his sincerity of purpose
and his optimism and they went on to follow him. [15]
The Odiya soldiers had displayed their
uncommon heroism as an integral part of the Indian
National Army of Subhas. The list of the Odiya soldiers
of the Indian National Army is available in the
Records of the Home Department. They were
classified under three categories such as ‘Black’,
‘Grey’ and ‘White’. Many Odias joined the INA of
Subash. They showed ‘acts of valour and courage’.
With the taking over of the leadership of INA by
Subhas, the Indians in Burma got excited and inspired.
Many Odias also joined the INA being inspired by
Subhas and his unqualified devotion to the cause of
India’s freedom. As per the report in Nabeen dated
16th April 1946, Sri Krushna Chandra Tripathy (who
was made Propaganda Officer in INA) and thousands
of Odias joined the Indian National Army. Sri Tripathy
had the main responsibility of bringing more and more
of Odias to the INA. On the request of Sri Tripathy,
Netaji sent Colonel Braja Mohan Patnaik, the Labour
& Development Secretary of INA and an efficient
Odiya Officer to share his burden of work which
was becoming heavy. Sri Ananta Choudhury gave all
his property to the Azad Hind Government being
inspired by Colonel Braja Mohan Patnaik. Fourteen
years old Kumari Laxmi who at that time was
desperate joined the I.N.A. and Subash and was
imprisoned in Malay. “This Kumari Laxmi or Laxmi
61
Panda is said to be the lone Odiya woman freedom
fighter in the Jhansi regiment of Netaji Subash
Chandra Bose’s I.N.A” [16]
Most of the soldiers were from Ganjam and
Puri districts. Only two of them were from the district
of Cuttack and one was from Balasore. 1100 civilians
of Southern and Eastern India were detained in Burma
which included many Odias. About fifty-five Odias
of the Azad Hind Fauz were kept in the central jail of
Rangoon. Important Odia soldiers and workers in the
Azad Hind Fauz were Braja Mohan Pattanaik,
Krishna Chandra Tripathy, Kumari Lakshmi (of Rani
Jhansi Wing), Nakula (of Bala Sena), Narasimha Das
of Lochapada (Ganjam), Utsaba Pradhan (of Pakidi),
Mohan Pradhan, Somanath Panigrahi
(Ramchandrapur), Bira Patra (of Gobindapur), Rajan
Sarangi (of Mahulia). Ganesh Rath (of Pitala), Ananta
Choudhury (of Kukudakhandi). The Odias in Burma
took an important role in the movement of the Azad
Hind Fauz for the inspiring address of the Major
General Lakshmi of Jhansi Rani Wing in Rangoon on
the occasion of Kasturba Memorial Day. [17]
Braja Mohan Pattanaik was a very efficient
Odia officer in the Army who organised the Odias
then in Burma in support of Subash. A disciple of
Krishna Chandra Tripathy named Lakshmi (of ten
years) joined the Jhansi Rani Wing and was
imprisoned in Malay for her activities in Burma. On
July 20, 1943 Subash left Singapore for a tour to other
South-East Asian countries. The main destination was
Burma whose leader Dr. Ba Maw had invited Netaji
to attend his country’s first independence ceremony
on August 1, 1943. On this occasion the Burmese
Odias presented Rs. 21,111.00/- to Subash Bose. Sri
Krushna Chandra Tripathy, an Odia patriot was
appointed as the public Relation Officer of Indian
National Army14. As many as 350 Odia people were
admitted in the Indian National Army in one day. The
top rank Odia Officers in the Indian National Army
were Colonel Brajmohan Patnaik, Doctor Birkishore
Bhuyan, lieutenant Nrusingh Charna Dash, Krushna
Chandra Tripathy, Damodar Panda, Gadadhar
Mahapatra, Agadhu Samntara and Raghunath
Behera. [18]
Laxmi Panda was one of the youngest
members of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose’s Indian
62 World Focus May 2017
National Army and the only Odia woman to have
enlisted. Laxmi Panda’s parents too formed a part of
this workers army. Laxmi was born in 1930 near
Rangoon where her parents were engaged in the
Railways. She had early memories of the exploitation
of the workers by the Gora Sahibs, and clearly
recalled that she too was engaged in the job of cutting
grass for the horses of the white supervisors. When
the Japanese overran the parts of Burma in 1942,
British air bombardments became a daily routine. Her
father was a soldier of Subash Bose’s Indian National
Army, and both her parents were killed in a British
air raid. The young Laxmi and her younger brother
became orphans. They were mute witnesses of the
death of their parents. [19] The determination to avenge
the death of her parents made her go to the nearby
INA Camp where she begged for enrolment in the
rank and file. The frail Laxmi was hardly fourteen
years of age, and was refused by the Camp
commanders. However she stayed outside the Camp
gates, and when Subash Bose came for inspection
she blocked his way. She was personally taken aside
to him, and her determination melted the hearts of
the INA leaders. She was taken in the Rani Jhansi
Regiment under Captain Lakshmi Sehgal. Initially she
was given soft jobs of housekeeping and cooking, but
the young Laxmi soon proved her mettle and won
the hearts of her superiors. She trained in
swordsmanship, shooting and espionage. As she was
well versant with the Burmese Language, she was
often sent across enemy lines for collection of
intelligence. [20] She was working with the famous
Janaki Thevar, Gown, Shah Nawaz Khan, Sehgal and
Dhillon. Laxmi Panda recollected that, Netaji
personally gave her a new name ‘Indira’, to avoid
confusing her with the famous Captain Lakshmi
Sehgal. Netaji told her that in the INA she would be
henceforth known as Indira. Six months of intensive
arms training in Burma shaped Laxmi into battle
readiness for the onward march to the battlefront on
the India-Burma border. Laxmi Panda recalled how
Netaji had instructed her regiment to break into groups
of 150 to move out of Rangoon when the INA was
retreating. Laxmi was in the second group that was
led by Janaki Thevar and had a rough retreat, their
train was bombed and the women had to walk to
Bangkok-it took 26 days of night marches braving
bombs and machine guns firing at them. Food was
scarce; they ate roots and boiled leaves. Many a time
they went hungry for days, even eating the flesh of
the pack horses that had died16. She married another
INA veteran Khageswar Panda in 1951. She was a
brave Odia lady, who had fought alongside Netaji and
Lakshmi Sehgal in Burma and had survived to come
back. She breathed her last on 15th Nov 2008. [21]
Brajmohan Patnaik was born on March 8,
1913 at Udaypur. He had established the Odisha Azad
Hind Fauz Association at Hinjilicut. His father’s name
was Radhamohan and mothers name was Natrmani
Devi. He completed his M.B.B.S degree from Patna
University and then joined as medical officer in the
Gorka Regiment under the British Army. He served
the people during the Second World War in Singapore
.when the Japan invaded Singapore he was arrested
and was kept in the Japan prisoners’ camp. By the
call of Netaji Subash he joined the Ajad Hind Fauz as
the captain of Medical Board. In 1944 he joined the
Azad Hind Government’s Labour department. He
was arrested by the British Government and was
imprisoned at Lalkilha fort in Delhi. After the
Independence of India he was released from Jail. In
1947 he was appointed as the secretary of Adaz Hind
Fauz’s Helping Committee. He lasted his breath in
1976. [22]
Born in 1914 Birkishore Bhuyan was one of
the founding members of Azad Hind Fauz. During
the Non-Cooperation Movement the British
government had banned on the publication of Press.
Defying the Government ban Dr Birkishore Bhuyan
had published a litho newspaper. For this act he was
imprisoned for six month. He was released from jail
on February 5, 1934. During the Second World War
the Indian Independent league was formed by
Rasbihari Bose and Dr Birkishore Bhuyan joined in
that organization. When Netaji came to Burma Dr
Birkishore Bhuyan met him and joined the Azad Hind
Fauz. Dr Birkishore Bhuyan served as a Medical
Officer in number 8 units of Field Propaganda Camp
of Azad Hind Fauz. After the capture of Burma by
Japan Army they were arrested and kept in Rangoon
Central Jail. He returned to Odihsa in 1949 as a
medical officer in a refugee carriageship that was
carrying the Indian refugees from Burma. [23]
Krushna Chandra Tripathy was the public
relations officer of INA. He was born at Pitala in
The Indian Freedom Struggle beyond the Frontiers under Subash Chandra Bose and the Odia Martyrs in INA
Ganjma distirct on March 24, 1916. After completion
of his school education he served as a school teacher
and came contact with Tarini Charan Patra, a noted
Music Teacher of Ganjam district. Patra and Tripathy
went Burma and started dance and music in various
places of Burma. He formed Odia Ras Simiti to
propagate the nationalism among the Odia’s living in
Burma. While in Burma he came into contact with
Subhas Chandra Bose and joined the Azad Hind Fauz.
He completed his training at field propaganda Training
Centre of Azad Hind Fauz and later on served as a
public Relations Officer in that organization. He
published a Odia news paper in Burma named
‘Swadhin Bharat’. He was captured by the British
Army and was imprisoned for 8 months in Rangoon.
He was returned to India in 1946. [24]
Utchhabananda Pradhan was born on
November 19 1927 at Pakidi near Pitala in Ganjam.
After completion of his formal education in his own
village he went to Burma in 1937 with his father. He
became a active member of Odia Ras Samiti. In 1934
he joined the Azad Hind Fauz as a special group leader.
In 1945 he was arrested and imprisoned for 8 months.
On December 1945 he was released from jail and
started a weekly newspaper named ‘Prabhat’. After
returning from Burma he served as a volunteer in
Punjab. The Punjab government arrested him and
imprisoned in Lahore jail for 4 months. He was
released from jail on August 1947. [25]
The women were also inspired to come out
of their sheltered existence and volunteered to join
the women’s auxiliary corps of the I.N.A. and the
Rani of Jhansi Regiment. The Japanese did not like
the idea of Subhas for forming women’s auxiliary
corps and Rani of Jhansi Regiment. They feared that
the inclusion of women would encourage laxity and
indiscipline in the armed forces. However, Netaji
struck to his point firmly and went ahead with the
task of enrolment of women of the INA. In fact,
Netaji was an avid supporter of the cause of women’s
liberation ever since his entry into public life in India.
With his encouragement many women had joined the
mainstream of nationalist struggle in India and were
working in the Congress. In Singapore, he was
assisted greatly in his task of enrolment of women by
a young Indian lady doctor–Laxmi Swaminathan. [26]
63
 The 48 th birthday of Netaji was
enthusiastically celebrated by the people in South-
East Asia. They donated gold and jewellery weighing
one and half times of his weight. Subhas donated all
these wealth to the war fund and went to the battle
front on the bank of river Irrawaddy to boost the
morale of his troops. Then, Netaji broadcasted a
message to Mahatma Gandhi praying for his blessings
for the Indian War of Independence. In that message
he gave justification of his escape from India,
collaboration with the Axis Powers and the objectives
of his Provisional Government of Azad Hind. He was
the first man to address Gandhiji as the ‘Father of
the Nation’. [27]
Netaji favourably influenced the
Governments of Germany and Japan and enlisted
their support for the light for freedom of India. During
World War II Burma was captured by Japan and
British army was fully defeated and INA marched
up to Imphal of Manipur through dense forests and
hills, incessant rains and inclement weather. The
patriotic slogan “Delhi chalo” (March to Delhi)
reverberated the vast areas once occupied by the
British. [28]
In May 1944 the INA captured Kohima and
hoisted the tricolour flag of independence on the
Indian soil. On 21 October Netaji inaugurated the
provisional Government of free India. But the
combined army of the allied powers rushed to north-
east India in huge number and defeated the INA.
However, they could not defeat or capture Netaji.
Netaji declared the formation of the
Provisional Government of Azad Hind and the names
of the Cabinet members who signed the proclamation.
Subhas Bose was the Head of the State, Prime
Minister and Minister for War, Foreign Affairs and
Supreme Commander of the INA. Others were Capt.
Miss Lakshmi, Women’s Organisation; S. A. Ayer,
Publicity and Propaganda; Lt. Col. A.C. Chatterjee,
Finance; Lt. Col. Aziz Ahmed, Lt. Col. N.S. Bhagat,
Lt.Col. Shah Nawaz and so on. The proclamation of
the Provisional Government of Azad Hind 1943
provided fillip to the freedom struggle and it claimed
the allegiance of every Indian irrespective of caste,
creed and class. [28]
64 World Focus May 2017
Then the ceremony of taking the oath of
Allegiance took place in an emotionally charged
atmosphere. Amidst cheers, Netaji read out the oath,
“In the name of God I take this sacred oath that to
liberate India and 38 crores of my countrymen, I,
Subash Chandra Bose, will continue the sacred war
of freedom till the last breath of my life.” His voice
failed and he wiped his eyes with his handkerchief.
He tried to overcome his emotions and with difficulty
resumed in a steady voice “I shall always remain a
servant of India and look after the welfare of 38 crores
of Indian brothers and sisters. This shall be form my
highest duty. Even after winning freedom, I will always
be prepared to shed the last drop of my blood for the
preservation of India’s freedom.” [29]
Then other members of the Provisional
Government took holy oath to liberate India and to
remain absolutely faithful to their leader Netaji.
Actually, these martyrs remained committed to this
oath till the end of their life and their immortal life
will remain an eternal source of inspiration and
enlightenment to all. Spoken as a part of a motivational
speech for the Indian National Army at a rally of
Indians in Burma on 4 July 1944, Bose’s most famous
quote was “Give me blood, and I shall give you
freedom!” In this, he urged the people of India to join
him in his fight against the British Raj. Spoken in Hindi,
Bose’s words are highly evocative.
Japanese also took possession of Andaman
and Nicobar Islands in 1942 and a year later, the
Provisional Government and the INA were
established in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands with
Lt Col. A.D. Loganathan appointed its Governor
General. The islands were renamed Shaheed
(Martyr) and Swaraj (Independence). However, the
Japanese Navy remained in essential control of the
island’s administration. During Bose’s only visit to
the islands in early 1944, when he was carefully
screened, by the Japanese authorities, from the local
population who at that time were torturing the leader
of the Indian Independence League on the Islands,
Dr. Diwan Singh, who later died of his injuries, in the
Cellular Jail. The islanders made several attempts to
alert Bose to their plight, but apparently without
success. Enraged with the lack of administrative
control, Lt. Col Loganathan later relinquished his
authority and returned to the Government’s
headquarters in Rangoon. [30]
On the Indian mainland, an Indian Tricolour,
modelled after that of the Indian National Congress,
was raised for the first time in the town in Moirang,
in Manipur, in north-eastern India. The towns of
Kohima and Imphal were placed under siege by
divisions of the Japanese, Burmese National Army
and the Gandhi and Nehru Brigades of INA during
the attempted invasion of India, also known as
Operation U-GO. However, Commonwealth forces
held both positions and then counter-attacked, in the
process inflicting serious losses on the besieging
forces, which were then forced to retreat back into
Burma.
When Japanese funding for the army
diminished, Bose was forced to raise taxes on the
Indian populations of Malaysia and Singapore. When
the Japanese were defeated at the battles of Kohima
and Imphal, the Provisional Government’s aim of
establishing a base in mainland India was lost forever.
The INA was forced to pull back, along with the
retreating Japanese army, and fought in key battles
against the British Indian Army in its Burma campaign,
notable in Meiktilla, Mandalay, Pegu, Nyangyu and
Mount Popa. However, with the fall of Rangoon,
Bose’s government ceased to be an effective political
entity. A large proportion of the INA troops
surrendered under Lt Col Loganathan. The remaining
troops retreated with Bose towards Malaya or made
for Thailand. Japan’s surrender at the end of the war
also led to the surrender of the remaining elements
of the Indian National Army. The INA prisoners were
then repatriated to India and some tried for treason.
[31]
On 6 July 1944, in a speech broadcast by the
Azad Hind Radio from Singapore, Bose addressed
Mahatma Gandhi as the “Father of the Nation” and
asked for his blessings and good wishes for the war
he was fighting. This was the first time that Gandhi
was referred to by this appellation. In the consensus
of scholarly opinion, Subash Chandra Bose’s death
occurred on 18 August 1945 after his overloaded
Japanese plane crashed in Japanese-ruled Formosa
(now Taiwan). However, many among his supporters,
refused at the time, and have refused since, to believe
The Indian Freedom Struggle beyond the Frontiers under Subash Chandra Bose and the Odia Martyrs in INA
either the fact or the circumstances of his death.
Conspiracy theories appeared within hours of his death
and have thereafter had a long shelf life, keeping alive
various martial myths about Bose. [32]
References
1.Bose, Subhas Chandra, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, New
York: Asia Publishing House, 1964, p. 318.
2.Ibid., pp. 419-422, 431-432.
3.Ganpuley, N.G., Netaji in Germany: A Little-known Chapter,
Bombay, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1959, p. 63
4.Toye, Hugh, The Springing Tiger, London, Cassell, 1959, p. 63.
5.Speeches of Netaji, Military Review of I.N.A, Netaji Research
Bureau, Kolkata, No.9/10, 1968-69.
6.Selected Speeches of S.C Bose, Publication Division, Govt. of
India, 1965.
7.Subhas Chandra Bose and Japan, 4th section, Asian Bureau,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Govt. of Japan, 1956.
8.Mishra, Gouri Sankar, Ganjam Itihas Parikrama (Odia),
Berhampur, 2003, p. 127.
9.Gorden, L. A., Brothers against the Raj, Calcutta, 1997, p. 391.
10.Ibid.
11.Asadha utkal sahitya (oriya monthly), Cuttack, 1939, p. 118,
No. 1346
12.Special Section Confidential files, Accession, Nos. 1082-1085,
Government of Orissa, Orissa State Archives, Bhubaneswar.
13.Ayer, S.A, Story of the I.N.A, New Delhi, 1972, P.38-40.
14.Special Section Confidential files, Government of Orissa, op.cit.
15.Orissa Review, English Monthly, Govt of Orissa, Aug, 2007,
Bhubaneswar. p.30.
16.Naveen, Odia weekly, April 16, 1946, Berhampur.
17.Revealed from the personal interview with K.C. Tripathy on
14.2.2005 at his village Pitalo. ( Sri Krushna Chandra Tripathy
was a native of the author)
18.Dhir, Anil, The Forgotten Soldiers of a Lost Army, New Delhi,
2009, p.14.
19.Revealed from the personal interview with Laxmi Panda on
27.12.2005 at Jeypore.
20.Toye, Hugh, The Springing Tiger, London,1959, p.194.
21.Bose, S.K., Werth, A., Ayer, S. A., A Beacon Across Asia: A
Biography of Subhas Chandra Bose, New Delhi, p.193.
22.Khan, Shah Nawaz, My Memories of I.N.A, p.143.
23Arun, pseud., Ed., Testament of Subhas Bose, Delhi, Rajkamal
Pub., 1946, p. 170.
24.British Armed Forces in the Second World War, Combined
Inter-services Historical Section, 1958.
25.Pradhan, U., Odia Azad Hindu Fauj Gathanara Itihasa,(Odia)
Hinjilicut, 1985, pp.14-39 ( Sri Pradhan was a native of the
author)
26.Majumdar, R.C., Three Phases of India’s Struggle for Freedom,
Bombay, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1967, pp. 58-59.
27.Edwardes, Michael, The Last Years of British India, Cleveland,
World Pub. Co., 1964, p. 93.
28.A Beacon Across Asia: A Biography of Subhas Chandra Bose.
Ed.in-chief: Sisir K. Bose, New Delhi, Orient Longman, 1973, p.
143.
29.Ghosh, K. K., The Indian National Army: Second Front of the
Indian Independence Movement, Meerut, Meenakshi Prakashan,
1969, pp. 127-128.
30.Sivaram, M., The Road to Delhi, Rutland, Vt., C.E. Tuttle Co.,
1967, pp. 122-123.
31.Sopan, pseud., Ed., Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. His Life and
Work. Bombay, Azad Bhandar, 1946, pp. 281-282, 284
32.Lebra, Joyce C., Jungle Alliance: Japan and the Indian National
Army. Singapore, Asia Pacific Library, p. 110.
65
 The Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the 21st Century:
A Man of Action
“Your beliefs become your thoughts. Your
thoughts become your words. Your words become
your actions. Your actions become your habits.
Your habits become your values. Your values
become your destiny.”
Mahatma Gandhi1
Ideal
The first of the names that we heard among the
freedom fighters and national heroes is that of
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi also known as
Mahatma Gandhi, or Bapu. He is on India’s currency
notes as ideal, buildings and roads are named after
him, and most importantly, the leading political party
carries out his last name through its leaders like Indira
Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi,
the name that they inherit from his lineage. Mahatma
Gandhi taught, the people of India, it’s very first
lessons of peace, tolerance, truth & non-violence,
Satyagraha, the non-cooperation movement, the Quit
India Movement, the Dandi March, and of belief in
one’s own faith. He played a crucial role in India’s
independence and made its relevance on the
international level. 2 Therefore, India’s freedom
movement places as one of the best examples of non-
violent resistance to the British occupation of India.
On August 15, 1947, India gained liberation from the
British Raj, and significantly, he was guiding in the
long struggle of freedom movement. Equally,
Mahatma Gandhi was an idealist and his actions
gained the attention of the world and stand as a
challenge to those who advocate the effectiveness
of violent resistance today.3 For instance, Mahatma
Gandhi is not physically present in Palestine, however,
he is there in spirit, and there is hundreds of thousands
of Palestinians who are following non-violent
resistance movement in the finest tradition of
Mahatma Gandhi. For Palestinians, they have adopted
in their daily lives a culture of non-violent. Moreover,
Palestinian children resist the will of their occupiers
non-violently as they make their daily journey to school
despite the long waits at the checkpoints and the
harassment at the hands of Israeli Defense Forces.4
66 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Saleem Ahmad
Moreover, Palestinians see huge potential in Mahatma
Gandhi’s philosophy, they believe, “non violence is
stronger than militant action, we can give up the fight
for a Palestinian state, but we will never give up our
fight for equal rights and for democratic rights in a
state where Israelis and Palestinians together live.
Our acknowledgment of defeat in one battle is also a
call for struggle in another battle, and it will be
remained a non-violent struggle”.5
Ahimsa
The word Gandhi is about that Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi, who on the basis of his excellent and inspiring
life and works became an icon and ideal not only for
his contemporaries all over the world, but also equally
for generations to come. The legacy, he has left through
his actions, which he successfully carried out on the
strength of the supreme human value of Ahimsa, in
fact, makes him relevant for all times to come.
Gandhism is, in simple words, a combination of
Mahatma Gandhi’s views, practices and actions. It
consists of ideas, which Mahatma Gandhi presented
before the world and his actions which he described
“as his experiments with truth”.6 He treated his
individual life in accordance with his ideas, therefore,
those who hold merely his ideas to be the Gandhism,
they are not correct. Mahatma Gandhi has
simultaneously been a man of action; it is unfair if
merely his ideas are named as Gandhism. It is
necessary to make a fair analysis of his life on one
hand, and Gandhism, on the other. Gandhism is entirely
based on Ahimsa, non-violence. Ahimsa is the most
ancient, perpetual, individual as well as social welfare
and all-timely value. It is a religion in splendour. It is
permanently present in human nature.7 Moreover, it
is an essential condition for human existence, the basis
of development and the achievement of goal in life.
It is a soul force, a virtue of the soul. The soul itself is
a part of truth. Hence, being a permanent, eternal,
and a virtue of the soul simultaneously, Ahimsa is a
truth based value; truth is perpetual, it is permanent.
Nevertheless, some of the points which are as follow:8
·To accept Ahimsa by understanding the basic spirit
at the root of non-violence, making intent underlying
the act the acid test of Ahimsa in particular;
· To identify the strength of Ahimsa, realizing its
necessity and inevitability in life with sincerity;
· To have patience toward outcomes of Ahimsa,
having full faith and trust in it and to get enough
courage produced by non-violence;
· To accept Ahimsa as a dynamic force, making it
the basis of one’s day-to-day practices and to proceed
accordingly and continuously;
· To be ready to resolve disputes, conflicts and
struggles through Ahimsa and activities related to it,
realizing the fact that non-violence is the only means
to resolve problems or there is no other effective
means available to accord success in this regard
except Ahimsa;
· To accept Ahimsa as the basic source of establishing
cooperation at larger scale, acknowledging the reality
of solution through cooperation and to take the way
of non-violent non-cooperation with the purpose of
ascertaining cooperation; to persist as a non-co-
operator until the goal is not achieved, cooperation is
not ascertained, but to be ready meanwhile to absorb
success even if it is partly;
· To accept the triumph achieved through Ahimsa as
win-win state, taking it not the victory of one and
defeat of the other as Vinobha Bhave has rightly
pointed out, “One man’s victory is other man’s defeat
is true in the realm of violence. In the spare of non-
violence one man’s victory is also another man’s
victory”.9
This is the message of Mahatma Gandhi to
the entire world. In his life, he acted himself
accordingly, in consonance with his ideas. As Gandhi’s
works and views are dedicated to Ahimsa; they are
for the welfare of one and all, Sarvodaya, therefore,
they are significant in current perspective and will be
in all times to come. If these values are refined as
per the demand of time and space, and applied
accordingly, results will themselves prove the
relevance of Gandhism.10
Satyagraha
One of Mahatma Gandhi’s principles is Satyagraha.
Satya means Truth and Agraha means firmness.
Racial discrimination in South Africa awakened
Mahatma Gandhi’s social conscience and this lead
The Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the 21st Century: A Man of Action
him to coin this word. He not only preached the tenets
of Satyagraha, but also lived and acted them. He
showed by actual examples how these basic principles
could be used to transform the world into a better
place.11 As Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Satyagraha is
the vindication of truth not by infliction of suffering
on the opponent but on one’s self.” It is not a meeting
of violence with violence. Instead, it is a struggle
from within in the purest form. Today we see men
against men and nations against nations fighting with
great military strength. This is not the world Mahatma
Gandhi envisaged. Satyagraha is the noblest and best
education. This is the education we badly need today
for humanity.12 The term Satyagraha was first coined
by Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa to express the
tendency of the Indian minds and methods of meeting
violence, injustice or of thwarting unjust laws of racial
discrimination practiced by the white minority there.
It is a method which involves a breach of the law, but
without causing physical harm to the agents of the
law.13 The purpose is to undermine the unjust system
so that it gives way and reform can be achieved. It
was conceived as a weapon of the strongest and
excludes the use of violence and hatred in any shape
or form. Satyagraha is a relentless search for truth
and determination to reach truth and it’s literally
means holding on to truth. Mahatma Gandhi called it
“soul force”. Non-violence is the basis of Satyagraha.
It is quite proper to resist and attack a system, but to
resist and attack its author is equivalent to resisting
and attacking oneself.14
Relevance
However, looking at the present state of affairs in
India as well as in the world, one would probably
think that Gandhism, whatever the term may mean,
cannot have any relevance in this 21st century. Today,
Mahatma Gandhi is remembered in India mostly on
his birthday which is celebrated as a national holiday
rather as a ritual. As a matter of fact, India is not
following any of Mahatma Gandhi’s teachings which
are mostly confined to text books. In fact, since
independence, the country has witnessed many violent
communal riots in this multi communal country. Two
of India’s former prime ministers, Indira Gandhi and
Rajiv Gandhi were assassinated by countrymen in
broad daylights.15 If one takes a survey, most Indians
would probably say that Gandhism is a flop ideology
just like communism and it is not practical in this 21st
67
century India. Many politicians in India use the term
merely as a slogan and the common man make
Mahatma Gandhi almost out of reach of the younger
generations by making Mahatma Gandhi an unwilling.
That may be one reason, why the only photo we see
of Mahatma Gandhi in India is always that of an old
man which brings the image of a very simple and
pious man who was meek and mild like Jesus Christ.
Whereas Mahatma Gandhi was not a simple man to
say the least, the above statement does not gives the
right image of Mahatma Gandhi and does not bring
any inspiration to the younger groups, however,
Mahatma Gandhi, like always, is most relevant for
the younger age group.16 Therefore, once we realize
this fact, we realize the essence of Gandhism and
realize that it would be wrong to premise that
Gandhism is dead in the world. Like Buddhism, which
is mostly prevalent now-a-days outside India, the
country of its birth, Gandhism today is alive and active
outside India. As discussed earlier, there is a global
non-violent awakening and awareness after Mahatma
Gandhi. Today, he is remembered for his passionate
adherence to the practice of his supreme humanism,
in every corner of the world. What is the significance
of Mahatma Gandhi to the modern world and what is
the secret of his success? Tibetan religious Guru Dalai
Lama puts Gandhi’s success in right perspective. He
said, “Many ancient Indian masters have preached
Ahimsa, non-violence as a philosophy.17 That was
mere philosophical understanding. But Mahatma
Gandhi, in the 20th century, produced a very
sophisticated approach because he implemented that
very noble philosophy of Ahimsa in modern politics,
and he succeeded. That is a very great thing.” As
Dalai Lama further said, “We have big war going on
today between world peace and world war, between
the force of mind and force of materialism, between
democracy and totalitarianism. To fight these big wars,
the common ordinary people in this modern age need
Gandhism”. Barack Obama, the former US President,
sees Mahatma Gandhi as an inspiration and has a
portrait of the apostle of peace in his office.18 He
commented, “In my life, I have always looked to
Mahatma Gandhi as an inspiration, because he
embodies the kind of transformational change that
can be made when ordinary people come together to
do extraordinary things.” Moreover, the people can
also take great wisdom from what Mahatma Gandhi
said, “the seven social sins: Politics without principles;
68 World Focus May 2017
Wealth without work; Commerce without morality;
Education without character; Pleasure without
conscience; Science without humanity; Worship
without sacrifice”. If we say that the 21st century is
the century of the common man, then we see that
Gandhism has even more relevance in this age, and
Mahatma Gandhi will inspire generations of
individuals fighting for goodness of the society.19
Furthermore, Raghunath Mashelkar, the
internationally acclaimed scientist, argued about
Gandhism: “… not just a mere collection of thoughts.
Collectively, it is the road map, or the way of life; it is
the anchor for a youngster in search of inspiration.”
To mention a few teachings of Mahatma Gandhi’s
like “Each of us must be the change we wish to see
in this world”; “An eye for an eye makes the whole
world blind”; “The future depends on what we do in
the present”; and “Truth alone will endure, all the
rest will be swept away before the tide of time”.20
More than ever before, Mahatma Gandhi’s teachings
are valid today, when people are trying to find
solutions to the rampant greed, widespread violence,
and runaway consumptive style of living. Anu Aga,
one of India’s foremost women achievers, says that
while, in the name of retaliation, violence and hatred
are being perpetrated today and Mahatma Gandhi’s
gospel of non-violence makes immense sense. It was
the unique non-violent movement under his leadership
that earned for India’s freedom from the colonial rule.
In spearheading, the campaign against the alien rule,
Mahatma Gandhi adopted the innovative techniques
of civil disobedience and social transformation, which
had several exemplary features.21
Besides, the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi
are still relevant in a world vexed with “intolerance
and extremism”, the President of India, Pranab
Mukherjee, reminded the students and faculty of the
University of Papua New Guinea (PNG) during his
visit on April 29, 2016. He further said, “The vision
and teachings of the father of the nation remind
humanity of the true values of harmonious co-
existence and mutual respect and the need to work
together for the equality and freedom of all individuals.
Mahatma Gandhi to this day, to be revered all over
the world as a beacon of peace and apostle of non-
violence...in a world that is increasingly vexed by
intolerance and extremism, the life and message of
this great man remain an inspiring example of the
power of truth and universal brotherhood”. 22
Therefore, his teachings and experiments are more
valid in today’s life than ever before, especially when
we are trying to find solutions to worldwide greed,
corruption, violence and runaway for luxurious
lifestyle which are putting a very heavy burden on
the world’s resources. Mahatma Gandhi’s greatest
contribution in this regard was twofold.23 Firstly, he
experimented in simple living and high thinking. He
believed that with simple living the resources of the
planet earth can sustain us comfortably and his
famous saying that “earth provides us enough for our
needs but not for our greed” is extremely suitable
today. Secondly, he insisted on all inclusive growth of
the society, and hence, he focused on rural
development and felt that India can only become a
great nation when it’s crowded and impoverished
rural masses become well off.24 Mahatma Gandhi’s
philosophy of inclusive growth is fundamental to the
building of a resurgent rural India. He believed in
“production by the masses” rather than in “mass
production”, a distinctive feature of the industrial
revolution. To quote Sam Pitroda, “While the 21st
century has been defined by globalization, free
markets, privatization, liberalization… it has also been
marked by violence, extremism, inequity, poverty, and
disparity. Amidst all this, if one poses the question of
relevance of Mahatma Gandhi to our age, one is
struck by an astounding need for him for our times.
Mahatma Gandhi’s ideals… and leadership hold an
extremely relevant moral and social mirror to our
society.” Thus, the Gandhi’s model and the modern
economy seem to be getting closer to each other.
Mahatma Gandhi did not belong to an era, or an age.
He belongs to the humanity for eternity.25
Sustainable Development
Mahatma Gandhi was man of words and action, who
always believed in leading by example, he was not
just a great political and spiritual leader; he was also
a thinker and one of the first who thought on the lines
of sustainable development. His teachings and
writings reveal his thought process in the direction of
sustainable development. Mahatma Gandhi was also
an environmentalist. Mahatma Gandhi lived modestly
in a self-sufficient residential community, wore
traditional Indian dress, woven with yarn hand spun
on a charkha. He ate simple vegetarian food, and
The Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the 21st Century: A Man of Action
undertook long fasts as means of both self-purification
and social protest.26 Mahatma Gandhi not only warned
the western society of the ill-effects their lifestyle
may bring, but also appealed to his countrymen not to
be trapped by the thought of material gains. The real
importance of Mahatma Gandhi as an environmentalist
lies not just in his vision and his understanding of the
man-nature relationship, but in the fact that he
patterned his personal life on these ideals and set a
living example for others to follow. Throughout his
life, he continued to give demonstrations on health,
hygiene and sanitation.27 Some of the other ideas
about the importance of organic farming and the
dangers of using chemical fertilizers sounded weird
and impractical at the time Mahatma Gandhi
propounded them. He said, so long as we cooperate
with the cycle of life, the soil renews its fertility
indefinitely and provides health, recreation, sustenance
and peace to those who depend on it. But when the
predatory attitude prevails, nature’s balance is upset
and there is an all round biological deterioration.28
India without Mahatma Gandhi
The 2nd October mentioned in the Indian calendar
as the birth anniversary of great man of India, each
year. It seems that Mahatma Gandhi rises like any
other old brand in Indian politics and becomes alive
suddenly and then he disappears after some time.
Can we imagine true India without Mahatma Gandhi?
Though, he is not amongst us today but by one or the
other means his name will be always associated. He
will keep coming and going in Indian politics but we
cannot forget him. Mahatma Gandhi proved that one
man can change the entire world. He came from
middle class family and had great achievements during
those days which indicated that one day this man is
going to became symbol of piece on the world map.
Today, Mahatma Gandhi is remembered not only as
a political leader, but also as a moralist who appealed
to the universal icon.29 Moreover, the birthday of
Mahatma Gandhi has been declared in India as a
national holiday, erected statues all over the country,
and hung up his pictures portrait in thousands of
government buildings. The ideas, he promulgated, of
peace and truth, of a society based on love and not
hate, of the importance of the village where the bulk
of the Indian people live, of the decentralization of
the power structure, of the removal of social ills like
untouchability, of the importance of organic farming,
69
all have suddenly begun to surface in our times.30
Furthermore, the Constitution of India recalls, the
vision of Mahatma Gandhi regarding India, where
diverse cultures would exist side by side in harmony
like flowers of different hues in one fragrant bouquet
and where the criterion for every action would be
the effect it would have on the poorest of the poor.
His thoughts and teachings which are still attracting
and offering hope to millions of our countrymen and
the strange phenomenon is being witnessed that the
oppressed and the persecuted all over the world are
finding in the Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas, the weapon,
that they need to pursue their struggle for freedom
and dignity.31
A Man of Action
Mahatma Gandhi’s ideology of social justice has
brought about a paradigm shift as far as India’s image
to the outside world is concerned. These inspiring
values propagated by him attracted world’s attention
and provided a moral canvass for the other countries
to follow suit in their struggle to create a more
egalitarian and just society that is not included of
violence and hatred. This changing identity of the
country can be traced in the tribute paid to Mahatma
Gandhi by famous scientist Albert Einstein.32 Einstein
observed in 1939 on the 70th anniversary of Mahatma
Gandhi’s birthday: “Generations to come, it may well
be, will scarce believe that such a man as this one
ever in flesh and blood walked upon this Earth”. Today
the name of Mahatma Gandhi transcends the bounds
of race, region and religion, and has emerged as the
prophetic voice of our time. He is remembered for
his passionate adherence to the practice of humanism
and worked for universal human values and his life is
a sure guide to a meaningful existence for all of us in
21st century. 33 The most effective teaching of
Mahatma Gandhi to the people is his practical life as
a role model. The importance of translating one’s belief
into action is so vital in everyday life. For instance,
“When someone slaps you on one cheek, show him
the other” this could be taken as a mean, one should
not retaliate and not using violence against violence.
As responsible adults, we should follow this advice in
simple ways every day, such as by ignoring hostile
verbal remarks, by not using sarcastic and abusing
language, by listening more attentively and, above all,
by showing respect to all irrespective of age, religion,
color of the skin or gender.34 These days, society as
70 World Focus May 2017
a whole is very conscious of protecting animals,
whether in the wild or as pets. But the disparity in
wealth between the haves and have-nots is getting
wider. The sense of selfishness is growing rapidly
and a sense of powerlessness penetrates the millions
who comprise the ‘have-nots’. Human values are
dropping off at the way side. No more helping hands
reach out to the poor and disadvantaged. At the global
level, exploitation of the disadvantaged is prominent.
The given wealth of the nature, be it minerals, fuel or
water, is more than enough to share, but the spirit of
sharing is sadly non-existent on the world stage.35
Countries, sects and geographical borders divide and
rule. Education of the younger generation to behave
with compassion and respect begins at home. Role
modeling is the best teacher. Living by the principles
of non-violence, truth and fairness can be followed if
we put our minds to it. In simple, we can express
these ideals very effectively by our actions and words.
It requires conviction, courage and the readiness to
defend these principles. The notion that “one person
acting in isolation is not going to change the world.”
It can. A journey of a thousand miles begins with the
first step.36 Mahatma Gandhi was one of the most
influential personalities of the 20th century. He
brought a lot of change and a lot of good, and the two
major aspects of his life stood out the most. The first
very important concept he taught was change. He
accomplished this by proving to his surroundings that
they could design the life that they wanted to live,
without the need of violence, greed or negativity.
Throughout his difficult years, he stood strong and
encouraged everyone around him to do the same.
He demonstrated that it does not matter how lost we
are, if we stand united we will reach the success that
we desire. He said, we have to be the change that
we wish to see in this world. To further inspect this
sentence, keep in mind that it is not a question, it is a
statement, a call to action made to show that change
originates from you. You can apply this concept right
now just write down a list of things that you dislike
about your current lifestyle.37 When you have a list
of 5 or more things, chose the ones that you truly
want to modify. Now, the most essential part, find a
solution! The solution is mostly the direct opposite of
the problem but if you can’t find it, the best idea is to
ask around, discuss the problem with people that you
trust and perhaps they have a way of helping you
find the answer that you seek. After you have found
it, don’t wait, you must implement it right away, the
sooner the better. Secondly, what we can learn from
Mahatma Gandhi are the steps of his life’s journey,
hence, the order in which he lived through his
experiences. This order is very important to know
because most times one cannot come without the
other: To begin with, here is a basic ordered list of
Mahatma’s life journey:38
·Knowledge gave him competence and confidence.
·Experience raised his awareness and motivation.
·Faith helped him believe in himself and persist.
A lot of times, if you are not able to reach
your goal, you may have skipped or simply not yet
experienced the step before the one you are at now.
If you have a burning desire which is an essential
foundation for accomplishment but you are missing
the knowledge to reach the success you want, if you
don’t educate yourself you will never be able to
achieve your dreams or vice versa, because if you
have the knowledge but no desire to put your abilities
to action then they become useless liabilities.
However, if you just don’t know why you are unable
to accomplish your dreams, then the problem is just
that: A lack of knowledge.39 Learn from Mahatma
Gandhi that if something is bothering you, you can
and must find a better way to do it, because if you do
not do it nobody will do it for you. And understand
that each success has predefined steps which are
complementary if one wants to succeed. Write these
steps down and make sure you are not missing any
of them. Therefore, Mahatma Gandhi will always be
remembered throughout history and one of the best
ways to honour his work is by applying his teachings
in our own lives. 40 Since Mahatma Gandhi’s
assassination, his body has been cremated, but not
his message. His philosophy remains a possible
answer to the global crises of human values, the
conflict between development and environment,
affluence and poverty, technology and man, violence
and non-violence, freedom and repression. He sought
truth and wisdom and cared for ‘the greatest
improvement of the soul.’ Indeed, he was the voice
of sanity and hope for peace loving and tolerant
individuals. Mahatma Gandhi was essentially a
dynamic person who went through an evolutionary
process of change in his life.41 His policy was never
static. The most outstanding contribution of Mahatma
The Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi in the 21st Century: A Man of Action
Gandhi lies in his supreme achievement of
transforming the principles of non-violent resistance
into a successful instrument for achieving liberty,
justice and peace. In the realm of violence, one man’s
victory is another man’s defeat. But triumph achieved
through non-violence is a win-win state of affairs. It
is not the victory of one and defeat of the other; it is
the concept of general welfare. In the words of Martin
Luther King, ‘Non-violence is a powerful and just
weapon, which cuts without wounding and ennobles
the man who wields it. It is a sword that heals’.42
Mahatma Gandhi, whom we call as ‘Father
of the Nation’ is no more confined to India alone. His
popularity and charisma is increasing with the passage
of time and he stands tall, untarnished by time and
tide as a world leader. Martin Luther King observed,
“…if humanity is to progress, Mahatma Gandhi is
inescapable. He lived, thought, acted and inspired by
the vision of humanity evolving towards a world of
peace and harmony. We may ignore him at our own
risk.” He followed very simple living and propounded
peace, tolerance, self control and communal harmony.
Now we live in a world with the peril of international
terrorism, religious intolerance, ethnic cleansing and
genocide.43 If we ponder about the world conditions
today, we would understand that there is a greater
need for Mahatma Gandhi’s values today than in any
other time. If we want to survive as a human race,
we have to stand for peace and humanity as
advocated by Mahatma Gandhi. His seven social sins
are again a set of values that need to be inculcated in
children right from their early childhood so that they
develop moral values. We see that these sins have
spread widely in the society today and are eating the
very roots of our society like termites. These basic
sins that pave the way to corruption and India is under
the control of this menace. Corrupt practices can be
uprooted only by inculcating values in the young. The
communal harmony and composite culture of the
nation must be maintained while ensuring social justice
and gender equality to all.44
Conclusion
T. K. Mahadevan argues that the problem with
Mahatma Gandhi has been that it has been made into
a rigid monument and put on a pedestal. That has
made Mahatma Gandhi immobile whereas its essential
strength lies in its mobility, its capacity to expand and
71
change according to the pressures of time. He further 15
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance-of-gandhi-
says, “Is Gandhi relevant today?” This question is in-modern-times.html
16
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance-of-gandhi-
asked often, and with unfailing regularity as his in-modern-times.html
birthday approaches each year on October 2. Then 17
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance-of-gandhi-
there is a parade of commemorative meetings, in-modern-times.html
18
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance-of-gandhi-
speeches and seminars, only to be forgotten till next in-modern-times.html
October 2.45 Again somebody asks, “Is Gandhi really 19
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance-of-gandhi-
relevant?” There is a hypocrisy and lack of in-modern-times.html
understanding that surrounds the ideals and beliefs
20
h t t p : / / w w w. t h eh i n d u . co m/ b o o k s / R e l ev a n c e -o f -
Mahatma-Gandhi/article15584138.ece#!
of Mahatma Gandhi today. Now Mahatma Gandhi 21
h t t p : / / w w w. t h eh i n d u . co m/ b o o k s / R e l ev a n c e -o f -
that we buy in these fast selling packs and consume Mahatma-Gandhi/article15584138.ece#!
in a state of euphoria is stale stuff. Look at the expiry 22
http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/mahatma-gandhis-
date before you buy your next pack. The modern message-still-relevant-in-todays-world-pranab-mukherjee-
1400995
acceleration of time and technology overtook this 23
http://www.speakingtree.in/blog/mahatma-gandhis-
Mahatma Gandhi long ago. But the real Mahatma relevance-today
Gandhi, to whom nobody knows, is evergreen. He 24
http://www.speakingtree.in/blog/mahatma-gandhis-
can never date. What makes Mahatma Gandhi relevance-today
25
h t t p : / / w w w. t h eh i n d u . co m/ b o o k s / R e l ev a n c e -o f -
evergreen, especially for us of this last quarter of the Mahatma-Gandhi/article15584138.ece#!
20th century, is that he warned us, at the very 26
https://www.expertsure.com/2008/10/14/mahatma-
beginning of the century, not to give up our rightful gandhi-who-first-envisioned-the-concept-of-sustainable-
place at the steering wheel.46 Man must remain the development/
27
https://www.expertsure.com/2008/10/14/mahatma-
chooser or he is finished. Against the fashionable gandhi-who-first-envisioned-the-concept-of-sustainable-
homily of our time: “Technologize or perish”, Gandhi development/
warned, “Technologize and perish.” Who listened to 28
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/kanti%20mehta.htm
29
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/20141017052624-
him? Who even heard him? His was a wail in the
23947580-why-india-can-t-forget-gandhi
wilderness. In sum, our tragedy is that we consumed 30
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/kanti%20mehta.htm
too much of the wrong Gandhi and too little of the 31
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/kanti%20mehta.htm
right Gandhi. The result: not cardiac arrest, but
32
http://twocircles.net/2013oct01/
relevance_gandhian_values_our_times.html
carcinoma computeritis. There is no cure.47 33
http://twocircles.net/2013oct01/
relevance_gandhian_values_our_times.html
End Notes 34
http://www.indianlink.com.au/why-gandhi-is-still-
1
http://www.speakingtree.in/blog/your-beliefs-shape- relevant-today/
your-destiny-214324 35
http://www.indianlink.com.au/why-gandhi-is-s
2
https://www.fairobserver.com/region/entral_south_asia/ till-relevant-today/
gandhi-where-do-his-values-stand-now/ 36
http://www.indianlink.com.au/why-gandhi-is-still-
3
http://news.rediff.com/slide-show/2009/oct/07/slide- relevant-today/
s ho w-1-ca n-gan dh ia n-prin c ip le s-so lve -p al es ti ne - 37
https://mr-robatto.com/2017/02/16/mahatma-gandhi/
conflict.htm#1 38
https://mr-robatto.com/2017/02/16/mahatma-gandhi/
4
http://www.opednew s.com/articles/The-Invisib le- 39
https://mr-robatto.com/2017/02/16/mahatma-gandhi/
Gandhi-by-Gulamhusein-Abba-100719-739.html 40
https://mr-robatto.com/2017/02/16/mahatma-gandhi/
5
http://rajmohangandhi.net/sites/default/files/ 41
Jaydev Jana, “Relevance of Mahatma”, The Statesman,
UC%20Peace%20Initiative%20Sept%2019%202010.pdf 2 April, 2017
6
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/gandhi_gandhism.htm 42
Jaydev Jana, “Relevance of Mahatma”, The Statesman,
7
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/gandhi_gandhism.htm 2 April, 2017
8
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/gandhi_gandhism.htm 43
h tt p: // ec ho o fi nd ia. com/re fl ex -act io n /rel ev an ce -
9
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/gandhi_gandhism.htm gandhian-values-present-times-116539
10
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/gandhi_gandhism.htm 44
h tt p: // ec ho o fi nd ia. com/re fl ex -act io n /rel ev an ce -
11
http://www.kabir.ca/essays/essays-1-10/the-relevance- gandhian-values-present-times-116539
of-mahatma-gandhi-to-the-world-today/ 45
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/the-mahatma-is-
12
http://www.kabir.ca/essays/essays-1-10/the-relevance- gandhi-relevant-today/1/436752.html
of-mahatma-gandhi-to-the-world-today/ 46
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/the-mahatma-is-
13
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance2.htm gandhi-relevant-today/1/436752.html
14
http://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/relevance2.htm 47
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/the-mahatma-is-
gandhi-relevant-today/1/436752.html

72 World Focus May 2017

 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and
Development of Water Resources of India
Government of India decided to observe the
birth anniversary of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar on
April 14 as “Water Day” to sensitize people on
managing the precious natural resource. 1 Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar is known as the ‘Architect of
the Constitution of India. However, he is less known
in the field of water resources. He was a pioneer in
the field of developing multipurpose projects for
independent India. On Dr. Ambedkar’s birth
centenary, under the guidance of Prof. Sukhdeo
Thorat, Central Water Commission (Water Resource
Ministry) published a book “Ambedkar’s Contribution
to Water Resources Development” in 1993.
‘World Water Day’ was first formally
proposed in Agenda 21 of the 1992 United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development in Rio
de Janeiro. In 1993, the first ‘World Water Day’ was
designated by the United Nations General Assembly
and each year focuses on a different issue. Some of
the annual themes are: ‘Water for cities: responding
to the urban challenge’ (2011), ‘Water and Food
Security: The World is Thirsty Because We are
Hungry’ (2012), ‘Water Cooperation’ (2013), ‘Water
and Energy’ (2014), ‘Water and Sustainable
Development’ (2015), ‘Better water, better jobs
(2016), ‘Why waste water?‘ (2017), etc. 2 The
objectives of World Water Day are to focus attention
on the problems related to the drinking water supply;
the importance of conservation, preservation, and
protection of water resources; and to increase
participation by governments, international agencies,
nongovernment organi­zations, and the private sector
in World Water Day activities.3
Dr Ambedkar, during his tenure as Member
(Labour) of the Viceroy’s Executive Council (1942­
1946), had steered formation of an all­India policy
for the development of water resources in the country.
For this purpose, he had laid the foundation of the
Central Waterways, Irrigation and Navigation
Commission (CWINC) which was the forerunner of
the present­day CWC. Dr Ambedkar advocated the
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Development of Water Resources of India
Dr. Sudhir Wadekar
concept of River Valley Authority or Corporation for
integrated development of rivers. He introduced the
concept of multi­purpose development of river basins
and his efforts in this direction culminated with
multipurpose development of Damodar, Mahanadi
and other rivers immediately after independence. He
was instrumental in inclusion of Entry 56 of List 1
and introduction of Article 262 concerning the
adjudication of disputes related to waters of inter­
sate rivers or river valleys.4
During the British rule, the Military Board
was looking after the irrigation and water resources
management. In 1810, the Board surveyed the old
canals of the Yamuna River. The Military Board was
reorganised in December 1830, a Canal and
Embankment Department was created. The Military
Board was abolished in 1855, and established the
Public Work Department. The irrigation work was
transferred to this Department. The Central Power
and Research Station was established at Pune in 1916.
The Government of India Act, 1919, placed irrigation
under the purview of the Provinces of British India.
I. Dr. Ambedkar in Labour Department
Ambedkar took over charge of the Labour, Irrigation
and Power portfolios in 1942. At that time, there were
three administrative units at the Centre to look after
the development of irrigation and hydropower of the
Provinces – the Central Board of Irrigation, the
Irrigation Advisor and the Electrical Commissioner.
These were inadequate. Ambedkar proposed to
create Central Waterways, Irrigation and Navigation
Commission (CWINC) and Central Technical Power
Board (CTPB). In January 1944, Ambedkar proposed
to appoint two Development Officers­ Consulting
Engineers for Irrigation and for Hydropower. In
November 1944, W.L. Woorduin, a Project Officer
of the Tennessee Valley Authority in USA, was
appointed as Consulting Engineers for hydro­power
in the Central Government. However, Ambedkar had
to use his skill to convince the Finance Department
for the appointment of the Consulting Engineer for
73
Irrigation. There was already an Irrigation Adviser
at the Centre. He argued, that ‘Irrigation Adviser’
was required to deal with the coordination of
emergency irrigation works, which had relevance to
‘grow more food’ campaign, connected with small
irrigation projects, the ‘Consulting Engineer’ was
required to plan for the development of the irrigation
on long­term basis, involving major projects and the
officer was required to tour the entire country and
coordinate with the Provinces for a plan.5
Dr. Ambedkar’s contribution in the policy
measures and plans undertaken during 1942­46 under
the Reconstruction and Economic Development Plan
(REDP) laid down the base of the water and power
policy at the centre of post­independence India.6
Government had set up five committees to
make up the REDP more comprehensive. At the apex
was the Reconstruction Committee of the Council
(RCC), to decide the general plan objectives and
thrust. Its members were all the members of the
Central Cabinet, with the Viceroy as the chairman.
Each committee had a “Policy Committee” headed
by the Council member concerned and was composed
of representatives of the Central, Provincial and State
Governments and some representatives of trade,
industry and commerce. Each Policy Committee had
an “Official Committee”, headed by the Secretary to
the department and composed of secretaries of related
departments. Policy decisions arrived at by these two
committees were submitted to the RCC for approval.
The five committees were established according to
the subject­ Irrigation, Electric Power, Industries,
Road and Transport, and Agriculture. Public Work
and Electrical Power Policy Committee and Labour
Department were responsible for the two subjects­
Irrigation and Electric Power.
For the subject Industries, the responsible
department was Industries and Civil Supplies
Department. War, Transport, Post, and Air
Department was assigned the responsibility of the
Road and Transport. The subject Agriculture was
given to the E.H. and L. Department.7
The preliminary draft statement was finalised
in the meeting of the secretaries of the ministries in
July 1943. The revised draft report, based on the
74 World Focus May 2017
views of the ministries of the Government of India,
was placed before the RCC for approval in September
1944. The aims of the Reconstruction and
Development Plan were to raise people’s standard
of living and to ensure that produced wealth was
distributed more equitably. The Plan Document stated
that, “agriculture was and would remain primary
industry but... agriculture and industry could be
developed side by side.”
For the accomplishment of the aims, planning
was for both short­term and long­term. The short­
term plan termed as the Rehabilitation or
Reconstruction Plan, naturally coalesced into the long­
term policy of development. It included measures for­
1) The resettlement and re­employment of defense
service personnel and of labour displaced from the
war industry, military work etc.;
2) The conversion of industry from war to peace;
3) The removal or adjustment of controls to suit peace
conditions.8
The long­term planning and projects came
under the heading of Economic Development. It was
to be an all­India Plan, drawn on general lined for 15
to 25 years or more. The agriculture and industrial
sector needed development of irrigation and power.
Both received high priority in the long­term objective
of the Plan. Dr. Ambedkar was a member of the
Central Cabinet as well as a member of the RCC.
He was the President of the Policy Committee for
Irrigation and Power. He was also associated with
its Official Committee.Though the RCC was the
approving authority for the plan, the Ministries had to
do the groundwork. At the Department level,
Ambedkar was President of the Department, Policy
Committee and Official Committee; he had to prepare
four statements, namely:
a) A statement regarding the broad policy of post­
war reconstruction and economic development;
b) A detailed statement of policy on subjects within
the Department’s jurisdiction­ irrgation and power;
c) An action plan; and
d) Policy stand on certain basic questions such as (i)
the question of state versus private ownership of
irrigation and hydro­electric projects and others; (ii)
role of the State and the Center in the development
of irrigation and power; and (iii) areas for Central
Government intervention or participation in these two
subjects which were under the jurisdiction of the
States. The Labour Department’s work was difficult
because, by the Act 1935 the subjects irrigation and
electricity were given to the Provincial Governments.
Central Government’s role was only to mediation in
Inter­Provincial or Inter­State disputes.
The RCC gave emphasis on all­India Plan
for the development of irrigation, power and industry.
The Plan Document stated that “It has been the
experience of other countries with federal
constitutions, the constituent states of which enjoy a
measure of autonomy far greater than that enjoyed
by the Provinces in India, that for the purpose of
economic development they have to come together
and formulate a common policy in the general interest
of the country as a whole.” Central Government
suggested adjustment, agreements and cooperation
with Provincial and State Governments for the
achievement of the objectives.
The Labour Department prepared Policy
Statement which indicated the Central Government’s
approach both to the RCC and the Provincial
Governments on the development of (a) irrigation,
waterways and drainage; (b) development of electric
power; and (c) inland water transport.9
Irrigation, Waterways and Drainage:
According to the Policy Statement development of
Irrigation, Waterways and Hydro­electric power was
basic to the industrial and agricultural development
of the country. Food supply and people’s prosperity
directly depended upon wider irrigation, soil
conservation, and flood control. Major and medium
schemes of irrigation were required to increase food
supplies and cultivable land. Importance was given
to increase the use of pumps, increase the water
supply to existing canal system, and measures against
water logging. In the Policy Statement, the planning
and execution of this subject was rested with the
Provinces and States. The Central Government was
ready to provide technical and financial assistance.
Provision was also made to appoint a Consulting
Engineer to work as a Development Officer and
reorganisation of the Central Board of Irrigation.
Inland Water Transport:
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Development of Water Resources of India
This was a Provincial subject. The use of
inland water transport was declined because of
competition from the railways and due to the
deterioration of waterways. In the Policy Statement,
importance was given to take measures to improve
the navigability of rivers and other existing waterways,
use of irrigation canals for inland traffic, construction
of new artificial waterways, development of country
craft etc.
Development of Electric Power:
The Policy Statement considered the production and
distribution of electricity as state or quasi­State
enterprise. Government secured the allotment of
manufacturing capacity for additional heavy power
equipment for electricity development undertakings
in India; the policy of furthering the industrial use of
electricity was also accepted; and decided to enhance
large­scale development of electric power throughout
India, personnel were to be trained abroad to provide
expert commercial, administrative and technical staff
for electricity undertakings.10
Ambedkar believed that the river waters
were a national heri­tage and a national policy is
needed to use the water for multi­purpose by multi­
states, to serve the larger sections of the society,
cutting across the states. Ambedkar while criticising
the Govnment of India Act of 1935, which treated
railways as a central subject and waterways (rivers)
as state subject, pointed out several disadvantages of
this error. He stated that “A province needs electricity
and irrigation and wishes to utilise its water resources
for the pur­poses but it cannot do so because the
point at which water can be dammed lies in another
province with no interest in it for various reasons,
and would not allow the needy to use the site. A
province whose lands and forests would come under
sub­mergence involving substantial relief and
rehabilitation might not allow the project to come up.
Complain as much as we like, a province can take
such an unfriendly attitude and justify it in the name
fo pro­vincial autonomy.”11
II. Policy Issues
The Policy Statement advocated greater participation
or partnership by the Central Government in the
development of irrigation and hydro­electric power
of the Provinces than was permitted under the 1935
75
Act. The Central Government did not wish to interfere
with the freedom of the Provinces to draw up and
execute their own plan. Section 135 of the 1935 Act
provided for the appointment of an Inter­Provincial
Council for the investigation and discussion of such
matter and for making recommendations. It was a
purely advisory body, with no executive power.
The policy framework had three elements:
(a) adoption of a concept of River Valley Authority;
(b) adoption of the concept of regional and multi­
purpose development of River Valley Basin; (c)
establishment of administrative and technical expert
bodies.
A) Concept of River Valley Authority:
The Labour Department concluded that the most
appropriate mechanism to implement inter­State
projects was an independent authority or a
corporation, which would derive its authority through
an agreement between the Provinces/Stats
concerned and the Centre. This matter was explained
in a letter sent in December 1944 to all Provinces.
For the Labour Department, the development of
water and power resources of the country was a
priority item, but difficulty was posed by those rivers
whose water passed through many Provinces and
States. The structure and functions/responsibility of
authority was not decided. This opportunity was
provide by the Government of United Provinces in
the case of river Sone and the Government of Bengal
in the case of river Damodar. An inter­State
conference was held in Delhi in March 1945. In the
conference, Dr. Ambedkar gave emphasis on the
importance of the scheme to the economic
development of U.P., Bihar, some Central Indian
States and the Central Province. He stated that if the
Sone’s potentialities were to be fully exploited it was
necessary to have a regional rather than a local
approach to the problem. There had to be an
agreement to set up an appropriate organistation.
In case a decision was taken to set up a Sone
Valley Authority, some provisions were suggested:
(a) Such Authority must be given, by the Provinces
and the States, power over the Sone and its tributaries.
(b) The Provinces and the States must agree that
such Authority should have the sole right to generate
electicity in the area covered by the Authority.
76 World Focus May 2017
(c) The Provinces and the States must agree not to
abstract water without the approval of the Authority
(d) The Povinces and the States in which dam sites
would be situated would have to agree to the
submergence of lands.
Further, the Authority would be set up by
Central legislation but the Provinces and the Stestes
concerned would have to give, by agreement, authority
for the erection of dams.
In August 1944, the Government of West
Bengal forwarded a copy of the report of the
Damodar Flood Enquiry Committee to the
Government of India for consideration. R.C. Casey,
Governor of Bengal, wrote to the Viceroy suggesting
that the water problem of West Bengal needed
extensive study for solution. Damodar Committee
recommended, “it will be an advantage in the solution
of flood control and soil conservation problems if
forests and rivers of India are made the concern of
the Central Government”. On October 1944, the
Labour Department responded that having regard to
the multi­purpose potentialities in any major scheme
relating to the Damodar, the quickest and most
efficient way of meeting the various problems would
be through the agency of a duly constituted Regional
Authority which would control the entire valley of
the river and on which the Central Government and
the Government of Bengal and Bihar were adequately
represented. For this, the Department suggested that
tere must be an agreement between the Provinces
and States concerned and the Centre will do whatever
is possible to promote such agreement.
The Government of West Bengal agreed to
take steps to consider setting up the Authority. It also
suggested to set up Authorities for other large rivers
flowing through other Provinces and having an outlet
in Bengal. The Labour Department had prepared two
alternative models for the establishment of Damodar
Authority for consideration by the Second Inter­
Provincial Conference held in Culcutta in February
1945. An agreement was finally reached between
the Central Government and the Government of Bihar
and West Bengal (the Governments participating in
the Damodar Valley Project) to form an Authority.
This was given legal force when the Constituent
Assembly (Legislature) enacted in 1948 the Damodar
Corporation Act to provide for the establishment and
regulation of a semi­autonomous corporation for the
development of the valley. The Damodar Valley
Corporation was the first of its kind. With its
establishment, the issue of management and control
of irrigation and power projects on inter­State rivers
was resolved.
B) Multipurpose Projects:
Multipurpose development of river basin recognises
the interrelation of resource elements in a single basin.
Multipurpose development is a recent concept. In the
Act of 1935 it was referred to “water from any natural
source of supply”. There was no mention of rivevalley
basin or catchment. Since 1930, in the engineering
field emphasis is given on the hydrological unity of a
river basin and on treating the basin as the unit of
development of its water resources. First time in India,
Ambedkar proposed in 1945­47 basin­wise plans of
multipurpose development for the Damodar Valley
and Mahanadi Valley. The Damodar Valley
Corporation Act­ 1948 defined “Damodar Valley” as
including “the basin of the Damodar river and
tributaries”. The Electricity (Supply) Act also passed
in 1948. It made the responsibility of the Central
Electricity Authority to examine whether any river
works proposed by State Electricity Boards would
prejudice the development of the river and its
tributaries for power generation, consistent with the
requirements of irrigation, navigation and flood
control.
In 1944, to response the Government of
Bengal, the Labour Department had suggested the
multipurpose development of water resources of the
Damodar river basin. The Government of Bengal’s
primary need was for flood control measure.
However, the Department suggested the to consider
coordinated economic development of entire
Damodar Valley, including irrigation, navigation,
power and water supply to industry, prevention of
erosion and of disafforestation and possibilities of
afforestation. Dr. Ambedkar argued these issues in
the Calcutta Conference of January 3, 1944. The
Labour Department also treated the Sone alley
Project as a multipurpose project. Through the
multipurpose development of water resources, the
Labour Department gave importance to the regional
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Development of Water Resources of India
and overall socio­economic development of the entire
river.
C) Technical organisations:
The technical expert bodies at the Centre were not
adequate. At the Centre, the Irrigation Adviser was
concerned with small irrigation projects under the
‘Grow More Food’ campaign. The Central Board of
Irrigation was consisted of the Chief Engineers of
Provinces. It had no continuing influence on Provincial
and States’ policy. The Labour Department wrote to
all Provincial and State Governments in December
1944 for the proposed Commission: “ There is a real
need for an expert body of advising both the
Government of India and when so required, Provinces
in regard to waterways and irrigation problems and
able in so far as Provincial autonomy permits to secure
a measure of coordination in regard to waterways
and irrigation throughout the country.... The
Government of India feels that it is advisable that
they should set up a Central Waterways and Irrigation
Commission at the Center.” This body was considered
useful in resolving inter­Province/State disputes
through agreements. It can advise the terms of
agreement.
The Labour Department made it clear that
there was no intention to usurp or encroach upon the
duties and responsibilities of the Provinces. The
Commission was intended to be a purely fact­finding
and advisory body, composed of expert members with
sufficient staff for the study and help in treating
waterways problems. The response of the Provinces
was overwhelming. The resolution to set up the
Central Waterways, Irrigation and Navigation
Commission (CWINC) was approved by Dr.
Ambedkar in March 1944 and subsequently by the
Viceroy on April 4, 1945. For the electricity, the
Central Technical Power Board at the Centre was
established in November 1944. Dr. Ambedkar being
in charge of the Labour Department was instrumental
in providing an appropriate lead and direction to the
whole policy and planning process.12
III. Efforts for the Damodar, Mahanadi and Sone
River Valley Development
Dr. Ambedkar addressed five conferences during
1943­45. Two conferences were held on the Damodar
Valley Project at Calcutta on January 3 and August
77
23, 1945. One conference was held on the Mahanadi
Valley Project at Cuttack on November 8, 1945. Two
conferences were held on Electric Power at Delhi
on November 15, 1943 and February 15, 1945.
According to him, the storage scheme would not only
give irrigation and electricity but also provide a long
line of internal navigation. The multipurpose use of
water would convert the forces of evil into powers
of good. He emphasised this perspective for projects
on Damodar, Mahandi, Sone and other inter­State
rivers.13
Damodar Valley Project:
Damodar River originates from the Khamarpet Hills
of the Chotonagpur Plateau in Jharkhand state and
enters in the plains of West Bengal in the east. It
joins the Bhagirathi ­Hugli River (Ganga River) which
falls into the Bay of Bengal. Flood in the lower
Damodar Basin has a long history since the first
recorded flood of 1730. The first project on part of
the British rulers was the excavation of the Eden
Canal so as to divert the monsoon flood water into
the Bhagirathi­Hugli River. But, Could not mitigate
the sorrow of Bengal.
The Government of India invited
Mr.Voorduin, to prepare the project report. Finally, a
Multipurpose River Valley Project under Damodar
Valley Corporation (DVC) was initiated by the
Government of India for the entire basin in 1948. In
this Project known as Damodar Valley Project (DVP),
four big dams viz. Tilaiya, Konar, Maithon and Panchet
were constructed in the upper valley and a barrage
at Durgapur in the middle valley segment instead of
eight dams as proposed in the original plan due to
shortage of funds. The River Damodar was typically
known as the ‘Sorrow of Bengal’ for its notorious
shifting and flooding activity that affected most of
the years the people of the lower Damodar Basin
mainly. In spite of its small size (540 kilometer long)
in comparison to other Indian rivers, the River
Damodar ranked high in its destructive capacity.14
The British administrator, W.W. Hunter, in
his Statistical Account of Bengal (1876) described
Damodar floods; rainwater rushing off the hills
through innumerable channels into the river bed with
such great force and suddenness that the water rose
to form a gigantic head wave of great breadth and
78 World Focus May 2017
sometimes rising up to 1.5 metres in height. These
waves and accompanying flash floods were locally
known as harka ban. These floods were
accompanied by dramatic shifts in the river’s course,
which, from 1550 to 1800, have been recorded from
old maps, and since 1880 have been mapped from
other source material such as written historical
records. The Durgapur barrage with its 137 km long
Left Bank Main Canal and 89 km long Right Bank
Main Canal with a 2270 km long network of branch
or minor canals now operate under the Government
of West Bengal whereas the Central Water
Commission overlooks the management and operation
of the reservoirs.15
The Government of India passed an Act for
the Damodar Valley Corporation. The Governor
General of India gave his assent to the Act on the
March 27, 1948. Provisions are made for the
establishment and regulation of a Corporation for the
development of the Damodar Valley in the Provinces
of Bihar and West Bengal. It has listed the functions
of the Corporation, which shows the influence of Dr.
Ambedkar’s views­ a) the promotion and operation
of schemes for irrigation, water supply and drainage,
b) the promotion and operation of schemes for the
generation, transmission and distribution of electrical
energy, both hydro­electric and thermal, c) the
promotion and operation of schemes for food control
in the Damodar river and its tributaries and the
channels, if any, excavated by the Corporation in
connection with the scheme and for the improvement
of flow conditions in the Hooghly river, d) the
promotion and control of navigation in the Damodar
river and its tributaries and channels, if any, e) the
promotion of afforestation and control of soil erosion
in the Damodar Valley, and f) the promotion of public
health and the agricultural, industrial, economic and
general well­being in the Damodar Valley and its area
of operation. 16
The Damodar Valley Corporation (DVC)
founded on July 7, 1948. It operates several power
stations in the Damodar River area of West
Bengal and Jharkhand states. The corporation
operates both thermal power stations and hydel
power stations under the Ministry of Power, Govt of
India. DVC is headquartered in the city of Kolkata,
West Bengal, India. By April 1947, full agreement
was practically reached between the three
Governments of Central, West Bengal and Bihar on
the implementation of the scheme and in March 1948,
the Damodar Valley Corporation Act (Act No. XIV
of 1948) was passed by the Central Legislature,
requiring the three Governments, The Central
Government and the State Governments of West
Bengal and Bihar (now Jharkhand) to participate
jointly for the purpose of building the Damodar Valley
Corporation.
Four dams are constructed during the period
1948 to 1959 Tilaiya and Maithon on Barakar
River, Panchet on Damodar river and Konar
on Konar river. Besides, Durgapur barrage and the
canal network, handed over to Government of West
Bengal in 1964, remained a part of the total system
of water management. DVC developed six thermal
power stations (7410 MW) and three hydro­electric
power stations with a capacity of 147.2 MW which
contribute to a total installed capacity of 7557.2 MW.
It is producing power since 1953. DVC dams are
capable of moderating floods of 6.51 lac cusec to 2.5
lac cusecs. Flood reserve capacity of 1,292 mcm has
been provided in 4 reservoirs, which can moderate a
peak flood of 18,395 cumec to a safe carrying capacity
of 7,076 cumec. 419 mcm of water is stored in the 4
DVC reservoirs to supply 680 cusec of water to meet
industrial, municipal and domestic requirements in
West Bengal & Jharkhand. The Durgapur Barrage
on river Damodar was constructed in 1955 for supply
of irrigation water to the districts of Burdwan,
Bankura and Hoogly. 30,000 hectares (300 km2) of
land in the upper valley is being irrigated, every year
by lift irrigation with the water available from 16,000
(approx) check dams and Canals: 2,494 km (1,550 mi)
constructed by DVC. In 2017, it has 8600
employees.17
Mahanadi Valley Scheme:
In a conference on the development of Orissa rivers,
Ambedkar expressed his views on conservation and
use of water resources. He criticized the
recommendations of the various committees (1872­
1945): “They (members) were influenced by the idea
that water in excessive quantity was an evil, that when
water comes in excessive quantity. What to be done
is to let it run into the sea in an orderly flow. Both
these views ... are now regarded as grave
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Development of Water Resources of India
misconceptions, as positively dangerous from the point
of view of the good of the people.” He explained that
water being the wealth of the people and its
distribution being uuncertain, the correct approach
was not to complain against nature but to conserve
water.
Dr. Ambedkar gave importance to the inland
navigation. In the Conference on Orissa Rivers held
on November 8, 1945, he observed: “During the rule
of the East India Company, provision for international
navigation canals we have in India today.... are
remnants of that policy. Railway came later, and for
a time the policy was to have both railways and canal
navigation. By 1875, there arose a great controversy
in which the issue was railways versus canals. The
battle for canals was fought bravely by late Sir Arthur
Cotton.... Unfortunately supporters of railways won.”
He suggested that “We ought to borrow a leaf from
Germany and Russia in this matter and not only revive
reconstruction of our old canals but make new ones
also and not to sacrifice them to exigencies of
railways.18
Ambedkar emphasized the multipurpose use
of water of Mahanadi River. He suggested, “Orissa
must .... adopt the method which the USA adopted in
dealing with the problem of its rivers.... that method
was to dam rivers at various points to conserve water
permanently in reservoirs. Such a storage scheme as
applied to the rivers of Orissa will have the special
feature.” Ambedkar tried to explain that Orissa could
achieve irrigation, electricity and navigation through
the multipurpose project.19
Official sanction for a scheme was
immediately pressed for with the convening of the
Orissa Multi­Purpose Rivers Conference on 8
November 1945, which met at Cuttack, and was
attended by representatives from the Eastern Agency
States, the Orissa Government and the adjoining
Central Provinces. The deliberations ended with
Ambedkar, as chairman of the Conference, endorsing
Khosla’s plan. The Mahanadi Valley Scheme, as
envisioned by Khosla, involved the construction of
three dams which he believed could be coordinated
to simultaneously harness the river for
hydroelectricity, navigation and irrigation. The first
dam was to be located at Hirakud, roughly 2 miles
79
from Sambalpur; the second at Tikkerpara, some 130
miles downstream of the first, and the third dam near
Naraj, about 10 miles upstream of Cuttack.20
Due to the strong opposition and resistance
from the Eastern States, who were expected the losses
from the submergence of their territories by the
reservoirs of the Tikkerpara and Naraj dams. The
Hirakud dam at Sambalpur appeared to be politically
feasible.21 The foundation stone for the Hirakud dam
was laid by Hawthorne Lewis, the Governor of Orissa,
on 15 March 1946. On 12 April 1948, the Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru laid a second foundation
stone and the actual construction work on the dam
was begun in the latter part of that year. The final
design for the Hirakud Dam was approved in June
1951, and the earth­cum­concrete and masonry dam
was completed in 1957. After its inauguration on 13
January 1957, the reservoir was filled to capacity in
the monsoons of 1958. Dr. Ambedkar’s efforts for
the Sone Valley Scheme were fruitful. The Nehruvian
rhetoric about dams being ‘temples of modern India’
served as a powerful endorsement to and
encouragement for Dr. Ambedkar’s efforts for
MPRVD schemes.22
IV. Constitutional Provisions:
Dealing with the question of ‘interference with water
supplies’, section 130 of the Government of India Act,
1935 referred to “water from any natural source of
supply”. basin or catchment in the Since the 1930s
emphasis had increasingly been placed, in engineering
practice, on the hydrological unity of a river basin
and on treating the basin as the unit of development
of its. For the first time in India, in 1945­47, Central
Organisations put forward basin­wise plans for the
Damodar and the Mahanadi Valley. In 1948, the
Constituent Assembly of India enacted the ‘Damodar
Valley Corporation Act’. Section 2(2) of the act
defines the ‘Damodar Valley as including “the basin
of the Damodar river and its tributaries.
List I (Union List) of the Seven Schedule to
the draft Constitution made a major departure from
(phrase “water from any natural source of supply’)
the 1935 Act. It placed the development of ‘inter­
State waterways’ under the Union List­ “74. The
development of inter State waterways for purposes
80 World Focus May 2017
of flood control, irrigation, navigation and hydro­
electric power.”
The corresponding entry in List II (State List)
was: “20. Water, that is to say, water supplies,
irrigation and canals, drainage and embankments,
water storage and water power subject to the
provisions of entry 74 of List I.”
On 1st September 1949, Dr Ambedkar moved
an amendment in the Constituent Assembly and
proposed that the following entry be substituted for
the original Entry 74. “74. The regulation and
development of inter­State rivers and river valleys to
the extent to which such regulation or development
under the control of the Union is declared by
Parliament by law to be expedient in the public
interest.”
The new entry came to be adopted in the
Constitution as Entry 56 of List I. No amendment
was made to Entry 20 in the State List in the draft
constitution and it came to be adopted finally as Entry
17 of List II.
On 9th September 1949 Dr Ambedkar moved
another amendment to insert draft article 242 A in
place of draft Articles 239­242. “Adjudication of
disputes relation to waters of inter­State rivers or river
valleys”.
“242 A. (1) Parliament may by law provide
for the adjudication of any dispute or complaint with
respect to the use, distribution or control of the waters
of, or in, any inter­State river or river valley. (2) .This
draft article came to be adopted as Article 262.
In accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution, Parliament has enacted the Inter­State
Water Disputes Act, 1956, and the River Boards Act
1956. According to the respective preambles of the
two Acts, the former provides “for the adjudication
of disputes relation to the waters of Inter­State rivers
and river valleys”, and the latter “for the establishment
of River Boards for the regulation and development
of Inter­State rivers and river valleys”. The former
is in pursuance of Article 262 of the Constitution and
the latter of Entry 56 of the Union List.23
Conclusion 6
Thorat, Sukhdeo (1998), Ambedkar ’s Role in
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was appointed as a labour Economic Planning and Water Policy. Delhi: Shipra
member in Viceroy’s Executive Council in 1942. Publication,
During his tenure (1942­46), he took important and pp. 5­6
major decisions in regards to the development of water
7
Central Water Commission (CWC) (2016),
resources of India. For the Reconstruction Policy of Ambedkar’s Contribution to Water Resources
India, he gave importance to the all­India plan. Water Development. New Delhi: Ministry of Water Resources
was a provincial subject. His department send letters (first published 1993), pp.12­13
8
Ibid. p.14
to the provinces. In the various conferences, he 9
Ibid.pp. 15­18
highlighted the importance of the multipurpose 10
Ibid. pp.18­ 20
projects. He suggested them to establish River Valley 11
Abraham , P. (2002). “Notes on Ambedkar’s Water
Corporation for the multipurpose development of the Resources Policies,” Economic and Political Weekly,
river valley. He asked to the provinces and states to Vol. 37, No. 48 (Nov.30 ­ Dec.6), p. 4772
abandon the local approach and instead accept 12
Thorat, Sukhdeo (1998), pp.12­21
regional one. Because of his efforts the first 13
CWC (2016). p. 54
corporation, Damodar Valley Corporation established 14
Ghosh Susmita, (2014). “The Impact of the
in India. Post­independence India, Government of LowerDamodar Basin in West Bengal, Eastern
India followed Dr. Ambedkar’s policies in water India,”OIDA International Journal of Sustainable
resources development. Development, Vol.07, No. 02,pp. 47­48
15
Kuntala Lahiri­Dutt, “State and theCommunity in
References Water Managemnt Case of theDamodar Valley
1
Ambedkar jayanti to be observed as ‘Water Day’,Dec7, Corporation, India”,http://www.wepa­db.net/pdf/
2016,http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/ 0612sympo/paper/Kuntala_Lahiri­Dutt.pdf
Ambedkar­jayanti­to­be­observed­as­Water­Day/ 16
Damodar Valley Corporation Act. Act No. xiv of
articleshow/55845809.cms 1948http://indiacode.nic.in/amendmentacts2012/
2
‘World Water Day’,https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ he%20Damodar%20Valley%20Corporation%20(Amendment)%20
World_Water_Day Act.pdf
3
‘WORLD WATER DAY— MARCH 22, 2001,’ Morbidity 17
‘Damodar Valley Corporation’ https://
and Mortality Weekly Report, VOL. 50, NO. 11 (MARCH en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Damodar_Valley_Corporation
23, 2001), P. 210 18
CWC (2016). pp. 52­54
4
‘BR Ambedkar’s Birth Anniversary To Be Observed 19
Ibid. p.56
As Water Day’, December 06, 2016,http:// 20
D’Souza, Rohan (2003), “Damming the Mahanadi
www.ndtv.com/india­news/br­ambedkars­birth­ river: The emergence of multi­purpose river valley
anniversary­to­be­observed­as­water­day­centre­ development in India (1943­46)”Indian Economic
1634792 Social History Review, Vol. 40, No. 81,p. 92)
5
Abraham, P. (2002), Ambedkar’s Contribution for 21
Ibid. p,93
Economic Planning and Development­ Its Relevance. 22
Ibid. pp. 103­04
New Delhi: Kanishka Publisher, pp. 62­64 23
Gulhati, N.D. (1972), Development of Inter­State
Rivers: Law and Practice in India. Bombay: Allied
Publishers pp. 31­34

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Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Development of Water Resources of India 81

 Revisiting Gandhi’s Concept of Spiritual Swaraj
The meaning of swaraj is often obscure in
recent Indian thinking. At least part of this ambiguity
may be explained by the modern Indian attempt to
trace the word to its original Sanskrit base, and then
re-interpret it’s ancient meaning for the modern
situation. The Sanskrit word sva means “own, one’s
own, my own or self.”1 Svaraj as used in the early
Vedic texts signified self-ruling, self-ruler, one’s own
rule.2 The Rig-Veda and Atharvaveda used it in this
sense of ‘self-ruler’ and ‘king’.3 This kingship could
be either divine or terrestrial, applying to Indira, ‘king’
of the gods or occasionally in a technical sense, to
earthly kings of Western India. Swaraj in the early
Vedas, then had a political meaning, signifying ‘self-
ruler’,4 in the sense that a king enjoys sovereignty
over his dominion.
However, Sva, also means, in Sanskrit, ‘self’
in the purely spiritual sense of ‘soul’.5 Swaraj in this
sense suggests soul-rule, or one who is governed by
the dictates of his own soul. A passage which shows
this usage occurs in the Chandogya Upanishads.
It argues:
The soul (Atman), indeed, is below. The Soul
is above. The Soul is to the west. The Soul is to the
east. The Soul is to the South. The Soul is to the
north. The Soul, indeed, is this whole world. Verily,
he who sees this, who thinks this, who understands
this, who has pleasure in the Soul, who has delight in
the Soul, who has intercourse with the Soul, who has
bliss in the Soul – he is autonomous (sva-raj); he
has unlimited freedom in all worlds. But they who
know otherwise than this are heteronomous
(anyarajan); they have perishable worlds; in all
worlds they have no freedom.6
According to Vedantic philosophy we are
infinite and eternal. If we thinks ourselves finite and
mortal, it is the result of Maya or Avidya.7 The
concept of swaraj has received a very prominent
place in Gandhi’s spiritual, political, social and
82 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Abha Chauhan Khimta
economic ideas and has been expressed in his writings
and speeches. He tried to re-interpret age old meaning
of swaraj in accordance with the requirement of his
time, and used the word, swaraj, to revive the sleeping
spirit of Indian people. According to Mahatma Gandhi,
the word swaraj was a Vedic word which meant
self-rule or the rule which self exercises over itself.
To quote him, “The word Swaraj is a sacred word, a
Vedic word, meaning self-rule and self-restraint.”8 It
was the right ordering of the various powers of the
self and embodied the quest for self-improvement.
Explaining the meaning of swaraj he said, “The root
meaning of Swaraj is self-rule. “Swaraj” may,
therefore, be rendered as disciplined rule from
within.”9
Gandhi regarded individual as a centre of
power. He stated that swaraj in the individual
combined the cosmic principles with one’s individual
actions. He further explained that swaraj means
‘learning to rule over oneself’ or attaining the ability
of self-rule.10 One who had attained such ability was
regarded to be free or to have attained freedom.
Gandhi considered individual as a spiritual
being, endowed with a divine mission to fulfill. He
considered individual as the soul and according to him,
his true nature was freedom, which was self-realisation
or realization of God. He said that individual who had
realized his freedom might be said to had attained his
swaraj or self-government which was synonymous
with Moksha or salvation. According to Gandhi, the
highest goal in life was to attain moksha, to become
one with or dissolve oneself into the cosmic spirit.
Moksha involved the complementary processes of
dissolving the self by eliminating desires and dissolving
the other by attaining total identification with all
creation. He considered it as a process of self-
conversion and mental revolution.
According to him, self-realisation meant
discovery of and total identification with God, that is,
Truth. He believed in the possibility of an ultimate
realization of the absolute. For him, the consummation
of men’s striving is his total identification with God,
this is self-realisation for Gandhi.11 Gandhi held that
the supreme purpose of human life was spiritual self-
realisation which he equated with the pursuit of God
or Truth. It was because he identified spiritual self-
realisation with the pursuit of Truth that he devoted
his entire life to the search after Truth.12
Gandhi used swaraj as a purity concept. It
stood for the purity of body, mind and soul taken
together.13 According to him, the spirit or the higher
self “rules” the lower self or the empirical ego. The
spirit exerts its influence on the empirical ego, on
emotions, mind and intelligence. He asserted that self-
rule was a self-achieved state of affairs, not something
granted by others. It (self-rule) was a self-
transformative activity. In other words, swaraj was
about “the constantly confirmed consciousness of
being in charge of one’s destiny, not just about liberty
but about power.”14
Swaraj, in Gandhian formulation, entails, ‘a
disciplined rule from within’. Defining swaraj as ‘self-
conversion’ and ‘mental revolution’ to experience
‘inner freedom’, he argued that “Swaraj is a state of
mind to be experienced by us (and it) consists in our
efforts to win it.”15
Swaraj as self-rule also meant inner freedom
or positive freedom. It was the rule of the self by the
self. It was the rule of the mind over itself and the
passions – the passions of greed and aggression, in
particular. Self-rule enables one to pursue artha and
kama within the bounds of dharma.16
Gandhi believed that the task in life should
be to attain deeper and deeper levels of self-
knowledge, which became possible when the mind
and the senses are properly disciplined. Thus swaraj
was seen as a state of affairs in which all factors of
the human personality were brought under proper
discipline – the mind ruling the senses, the soul ruling
the mind and the self ruling the soul.17 According to
him, it must be started with training of body in the
right direction, which had to be followed by the
training of mind. Without a disciplined mind the senses
could not be brought under control nor could the soul
Revisiting Gandhi’s Concept of Spiritual Swaraj
proceed freely into its path of moral progress. Gandhi
regarded moral development as a part of the life
process. Gandhi pointed out that worldly success
never comes to him who does not abstain from
sensual pleasures and does not thus save his body,
mind, intellect and soul. Thus according to Gandhi,
keeping one’s instincts pure, one should further
consider how to put them to use. Because man’s
highest duty in life is to serve mankind and take his
share in bettering its condition. He declined to judge
the worth of persons on the basis of what they were
presently and other various factors. He stressed on
what people could voluntarily become.
For Gandhi, swaraj also referred to a state
of affairs in which individuals were morally in control
of themselves. They did what was right, resolved their
differences and conflicts and dispensed with external
coercion. For Gandhi swaraj thus presupposed self-
discipline, self-restraints, a sense of mutual
responsibility, the disposition neither to dominate nor
be dominated by others and a sense of dharma.18
Gandhi regarded truth, non-violence, Brahmacharya,
non-possession, non-stealing, fearlessness, removal
of untouchability, commitment to bread labour, faith
in equality in religious and practice of swadeshi as
pillars of personal swaraj. He firmly believed in the
inner consciousness or sovereignty of the soul and
rejected submission to any law if it conflicted with
the moral stature of a man.
Gandhi tried to preserve and revitalize the
best in the ancient tradition so as to bring it into line
with modern sensibilities. He was more inclined to
adopt good virtues of great Indian civilization for the
moral development of human beings. He outrightly
rejected the adoption of western civilization which
was teaching mad race for materialism without
fulfilling moral objectives of human beings. Similarly,
a right form of civilization, Gandhi argued in Hind
Swaraj, “is that mode of conduct which points out to
man the path of duty. Performance of duty and
observance of morality are convertible terms. To
observe morality is to attain mastery over our minds
and our passions. So doing, we know ourselves. The
Gujarati equivalent for civilization means “good
conduct”.19
83
 Thus according to Gandhi, for realizing the
self, the first essential thing was to cultivate a strong
moral sense. While morality meant the acquisition of
virtues, acquisition of virtues was not the goal for
Gandhi, it was only a beginning of the great spiritual
adventure of self-realisation through selfless services.
According to him, swaraj was a state of mind to be
experienced by oneself. One had to win it by one’s
own strength.
Gandhi staunchly believed that swaraj could
be obtained by struggle and suffering and asserted
that only hard-work could lead to the attainment of
the swaraj. However, he left the responsibility to find
the path to attain swaraj wholly on the individual. He
provided some broad guidelines which coincided with
the basic human urge to know one’s own soul and
the state of living in such a knowing mode.20
However to Gandhi swaraj did not only imply
inner freedom – spiritual and moral freedom – it also
implied outward freedom. He related inner swaraj
or spiritual connotation of swaraj with external
swaraj. According to him, the ‘self’ at every stage is
to be understood in terms of its origin, destiny and the
relationship with other things, one who attains such
knowledge attains the mental status of equanimity
(sthitapragna steady mind or moksha), self-control
/ restraints and thus self-rule. Such persons are
known as free or liberated persons or jnani.21
Gandhi related religion and politics
complementary to each other. Gandhi claimed that
Indians kept the English in India for their base self-
interest and further strengthened their hold by
quarrelling among themselves. He pointed out that
self-centeredness or self-seeking is contrary not only
to moral and spiritual rightness but to the teachings
of practically all the great religions of the world –
including, next to Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and
Zoroastrianism. The basic idea was to purify politics
through religious values or spiritualism. In fact,
religion meant a spiritual commitment which was total
but intensely personal. He believed in the fundamental
unity of life, and rejected the distinction between public
and private, secular and sacred. Gandhi pointed out
that a person who is sincere in himself, bears no
malice, exploits no one and always acts with a pure
84 World Focus May 2017
mind is religious. He is never in doubt as to how to
serve the world.
Thus Gandhi’s statement about swaraj or self
rule and freedom are equally applicable to individuals
and to groups. He repeatedly asserted the connection
between the notions of individual and collective self-
rule and especially between individual and national
swaraj. He said, “A Sannyasin, therefore, to be true
to his creed of renunciation, must care for swaraj
not for its sake but for the sake of others.”22 Similarly
he said, “The outward freedom that we shall obtain
will be in exact proportion to the inward freedom to
which we may have grown at a given moment. And
if this is correct view of freedom, our chief energy
must be concentrated upon achieving reform from
within.”23
Soul force is the main source of power for
Gandhi. He pointed out that it was sin to suffer unjust
and unethical behaviour. He claimed that any
transformation and change in the society, state and
world at large should begin with the transformation
of the self. He wanted the masses to internalize a
sense of responsibility. He invented the concept of
soul-force in the pretext of world wars and exploitation
by British imperialism. Now this can be used against
many serious world problems like growing terrorism,
armaments, corruption, deforestation and capitalism
etc. Thus the culture of violence and brute force must
be replaced by the culture of non-violence and soul-
force in every walk of life.
Gandhi recognized that changing the social
order could not be divorced from changing the political
order. He argued that a people’s political
arrangements should be designed to recognize, sustain
and promote their moral core and capacity for self-
control and self-regulation. In contrast he saw the
modern state as essentially dehumanizing rather than
promoting an authentic humanity. Its monopolization
of decision-making and force took away from
individuals their duty of spiritual self-realization and
self-regulation.24
Thus the central point of Gandhian swaraj
was the emphasis on self-rule as self-transcendence;
liberty in his sense means “the freedom of self-
actualization in a transcendental sense”.25 He is often
cited as an example of an individual who was living 12
J.P. Suda, “The Relevance of Gandhian Thought in
and expressing his self-actualization need. He traveled Contemporary World”,The Indian Journal of Political
through life and tried to answer questions on the way. Science,29, No. 1 (Jan-Mar., 1968), p. 219.
The biggest tool of his search was his own life. He
13
N. Malla, “Swaraj, Science and Civilization”, Gandhi
experimented with it and also with the lives of others Marg,3, No. 6 (Sept. 1981), p. 346.
14
Bidyut Chakrabarty, Social and Political Thought of
and handed over all his findings to the world.
Mahatma Gandhi(London: Routledge Taylor and Francis
Group, 2006), p. 45.
Footnotes 15
Ibid.
1
Sir Monier-Williams,A Sanskrit-English Dictionary 16
Anthony J. Parel, ed.,Hind Swaraj and Other Writings
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1899), p. 1275. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1997), p. iii.
2
Ibid., p. 1276. 17
Anthony J. Parel, “The Doctrine of Swaraj in Gandhi’s
3
A.A. Mac Donell and A.B. Keith, Vedic Index of names Philosophy” in Upendra Baxi and Bhikhu Parekh, ed.Crisis
and subjects, II (London: John Murray, 1912),p. 494. and Change in Contemporary India(New Delhi: Sage
4
For details see Ibid. Publications, 1995), p. 68.
5
Sir Monier-Williams,A Sanskrit-English Dictionary,p. 18
Bhikhu Parekh,Gandhi: A Very Short Introduction(New
1275. York: Oxford University, 2001),p. 93.
6
Chandogya Upanishad,7.26.1 in Robert Ernest Hume, 19
Ibid., p. 86.
trans., the thirteen principal Upanishads (Delhi: Shivalik 20
Prasenjit Biswas, “Swaraj as a Human Value: A Gandhian
Prakashan, 2004), p. 261. Reading of Globalization”,Gandhi Marg, 21, No. 1 (Apr.
7
B.R. Rajan Aiyar, Rambles in Vedanta(London: George June, 1999), p. 44.
Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1925), p. 281. 21
B.S.R. Anjaneulu, “Gandhi’s‘Hind Swaraj’ –Swaraj, The
8
M.K. Gandhi,Village Swaraj(Ahmedabad:Navajivan Swadeshi Way”,The Indian Journal of Political Science,
Publishing House, 1962), p. 3. p. 37.
9
Jag Parvesh Cahnder, ed., Teaching of Mahatma Gandhi 22
B.S. Anjanejule, “Gandhi’s ‘Hind Swaraj– Swaraj, The
(Lahore) Swadeshi Way”,The Indian Journal of Political Science,
10
B.S.R. Anjaneyulu, “Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj – Swaraj, The p. 36.
Swadeshu Way”,The Indian Journal of Political 23
Ibid.
Science,64, No. 1-2 (Jan.-June, 2003), p. 36. 24
Judith M. Brown, “Gandhi and Human Rights: In Search
11
Saroj Mailk, “The Gandhian Concept of Self-rule in of True Humanity” in Anthony J. Parel (ed.), Gandhi,
Contemporary Society”,Gandhi Marg,24, No. 2 (July Freedom and Self-Rule,p. 92.
Sept., 2002), p. 206. 25
Ibid.

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Revisiting Gandhi’s Concept of Spiritual Swaraj 85

 Human Morality and Social Justice:
An Analysis of Gandhi and Ambedkar
“Morality is not the doctrine of how we may make
ourselves happy, but how we may make ourselves
worthy of happiness.”
- Immanuel Kant
Introduction:
The term ‘morality’ covers the vast expanse of
differentiation of intentions, decisions and actions. It
enables a distinction between those that are right and
those that are not. It may refer to certain conventional
normative standards or universal ones depending
upon one’s vantage. When we speak of it in the latter
sense it is almost invariably premised upon some
understanding of human beings being rational beings.
It is more or less a given that normativity is peculiar
to humans on account of them being conscious rational
agents. Therefore the prefix ‘human’ in the given
topic is but superfluous. Perhaps its usage here is
merely to impress upon the obvious.
When we talk about morality, there can be
mainly two approaches one being teleological or
consequentialist approach and the other being
deontological or neo-Kantian. The teleological or
consequential, as the name suggests is the view that
normative properties depend on consequences i.e.
whether an act is morally right or wrong depends
entirely on its consequences. An action is right if it
brings about the best outcome of the choices
available, otherwise it is wrong. The advocates of
this philosophy have propounded this theory’s
prototype which is also known to us by the name of
Utilitarianism. Itis the claim that an act is morally
right if and only if that act maximizes the good, that
is, if and only if the total amount of good for all minus
the total amount of bad for all is greater than this net
amount for any incompatible act available to the agent
on that occasion. The core insight of the theory of
utilitarianism is that morally appropriate behaviour
will not harm others, but instead increase happiness
or ‘utility’. This principle is a posteriori justification
86 World Focus May 2017
Bipin Kumar
for morality and is based on the principle of greatest
good to the greatest number.
Deontological ethics comprises normative
theories which regard choices as being morally
required, forbidden, or permitted. In simplistic terms,
deontontology is the ethical position that judges
morality of an action based on the action’s adherence
to a rule or rules. It presupposes the existence of an
incontrovertible duty, while denying the moral worth
of consequences. This ethical theory is best
understood in contrast with consequentialism.
Immanuel Kant, the very proponent of deontological
ethics argues that it is not the consequences of actions
that make them right or wrong but the motives of the
person who carries out the action. In his book
Metaphysics of the morals he argues that “Nothing
in the world - indeed nothing even beyond the
world - can possibly be conceived which could
be called good without qualification accept a
good will”i.e. only thing that is truly good in itself is
a good will and a good will is only good when the
willer chooses to do something because it is that
person’s duty which is out of respect for the moral
law. According to him, the consequences of an act
cannot be channelized to determine whether a person
has a good will rathergood will exists when he acts
out of respect for the moral law by conceiving it as
his duty. Kant gave an a priori justification for this
deontological theory of ethics. For example the notion
of war from the consequentialist point of view is that
all wars want to achieve the final end by stabilizing
the society and establishing peace, it doesn’t matter
how many humans being killed in the war whereas
the deontologist would argue that the very notion of
killing humans is immoral per se and it is against the
very nature of human beings.
The second part of the subject under
consideration deals with Social Justice that is Justice
culminated and exercised within a society as it is
practiced by and among the various social classes of
the society. The word “Social Justice” is comprised
of two words which are Social and Justice, the former
deals with the Society or something in relation with
the social framework whereas the latter as described
by Aristotle is the highest form of virtue which is not
unqualified but is in relation to somebody else. Rather,
it can be said that justice is the only virtue that is
regarded as someone else’s good, because it secures
advantage for another person. He related justice to
situational factors that are largely external to the just
individual and treated the virtue of all individual justice
as a matter of being disposed to property and thus
promoted a just social arrangement. According to him,
all individual virtues (which were treated as learned
dispositions in his theory) lie in a mean between the
extremes which were polar opposites and thus justice
was considered to be a mean to be achieved through
lawfulness and fairness in the society.
John Rawls in his work “Justice as Fairness”
draws a utilitarian insight from the works of Bentham
and Mill, the social contract ideas of John Locke and
the categorical imperative ideas of Kant; where
society is seen “as a fair system of cooperation over
time from generation to the next. He gave two ideas
of justice as fairness, the first idea related to the
equality i.e. everyone is equal no matter in which
family or which caste he belongs (negative thesis)
and the second being equality-based reciprocity which
simply meant equal distribution of social goods among
equals (Positive distributive thesis). His two guiding
ideas are articulated in his two principles of Justice:
Each person has the same indefeasible claim to a
fully adequate scheme of equal basic liberties,
which scheme is compatible with the same scheme
of liberties for all.
Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy
two conditions:
They are to be attached to offices and positions
open to all under conditions of fair equality of
opportunity.
They are to be to the greatest benefit of the least
advantage members of society.
Social justice provides the very foundation
for a healthy community. It grows out of our sense
that each person has a value, and it only by recognizing
Human Morality and Social Justice: An Analysis of Gandhi and Ambedkar
that value and dignity of each person we build a
healthy community to live and prosper. If this theory
is seen in the light of the classical theory of justice by
Aristotle then these principles can be implemented
by a state to achieve justice in society.The said
principles find expression in Articles 14, 15 and 16 of
the Indian Constitution. Also the state has giving
equality of opportunity for the weaker sections i.e.
socially and economically backward class of Indian
society through affirmative action. This is done to
reach the goal of social justice enshrined in the
Preamble to the Constitution of India, as well as part
four i.e. Directive Principles of State Policy. These
provisions, in a manner of speaking, exemplify Rawl’s
theory.
When we explore the connection of morality
and the above sense of justice it comes to notice that
the very foundations of justice are coagulated with
that of fairness which has been derived from the
morality, that is to say being fair is the state of being
moral because morality in its true sense is the ability
of an individual to differentiate between the virtue
and the vice or it can be said that it is an ability to
differentiate between what is fair and what is unfair.
But this expression of morality should be used in the
teleological sense because it deals with the relation
of a human with another in a society and hence deals
with the broader perspective of morality i.e. human
morality in a social context and not as individual virtue.
Moreover, the idea of fairness has its base in the
particular section of philosophy of ethics which in a
way deals with the morality.
It was Aristotle who said that justice is the
highest virtue which can be achieved either through
lawfulness or fairness in society. Fairness is a larger
expression and usually there is a relationship between
what is lawful and what is fair. There can be
discrepancy where something might be lawful but
unfair, and hence justice would not be achieved in
such a situation. But if there is a system where there
is a convergence or the distance between what is
law and what is fair is minimal, then justice prevails
in such a system. Moreover, law in a society is not
only defined by its formal structure but also by the
substantive objectives which are indispensable to a
proper understanding of that law. As we have already
discussed how morality falls into the category of
87
fairness which further fosters justice, now we will be
dealing with the laws which prevail in the society and
their moral justification as to achieve social justice.
Let us take an example of a constitutional provision
which empowers government to take affirmative
action for the up-liftment of the weaker sections of a
society. Reservation policy in India which can be
traced back to its root in the Indian Constitution in
Art. 15 and 16 which are the facets of Art. 14 of
chapter III is of utmost importance whenever we
talk about social justice. The reservation policies were
implemented to provide an equality of opportunity in
the field of education and employment in state owned
institutions. This very policy provides justice as the
relative distance between lawfulness and fairness is
being shortened by such state action. Policies like
MGNREGA started by the Ministry of rural affairs
of India which ensures sixty days employment to
every person who is below the poverty line living in
rural India can be viewed in the light of deontological
school of ethics where the state acting as a welfare
state under the light of directive principles of state
policy enshrined in the Constitution of India, aims at
providing employment to the weaker section i.e. the
poor people belonging to the rural India and thus state
acting on moral grounds at providing social justice by
the way of legislation. This policy can also be refuted
by the teleological and more precisely the advocates
of utilitarian theories that though these policies/
legislations primarily aim at providing social justice
by employing the weaker sections but the
implementation of such a policy in the hands of the
corrupts is creating bedlam and hence the
consequence being denial of justice. The utilitarians
would argue that the main object of policy being
providing employment to the belonging to a particular
class i.e. the rural people below poverty line is being
implemented in a such a manner that it digresses from
its main object of providing social justice. Moreover,
it is creating a culture where people are awarded
payments for free and in return they are not doing
the work which is to be done by them, they are sitting
idle which is in a way a big loss for them and the
state. But then again when we talk about the policy,
it provides social justice per se and for them who
argue about the ill-effects and bad consequences of
the policy must keep in mind that it is not the policy
but its implementation which is leading to such a
topsy-turvy. The policy is a very good adaptation of
88 World Focus May 2017
social engineering theory propounded by Roscoe
Pound way back in 1954 where he asserts that the
law is a social institution whose aim is to satisfy social
wants - the claims and demands and expectation
involved in the existence of civilised society - law as
a means of more efficacious social engineering,
satisfying maximum wants of the subjects. As social
justice can be administered either by law i.e. the
legislation passed by the representative of the people
or without law. Social Justice administered by law in
a way of legislation like MGNREGA can be traced
back to the very idea of such legislation which is based
on the human morality and fairness whereas the
administration of justice without law can achieved by
the social morality of the society in consideration and
hence it is contextual and hence relative. Therefore
social justice can only be achieved through law which
is principally moral and therefore just.
MAHATMA GANDHI’S VIEWS ON HUMAN MORALITY &
SOCIAL JUSTICE
Although, Mahatma Gandhi did not specifically deal
with justice, the premise of most of his writings was
social justice. He was considered as the pioneer of
Social Justice in India, specifically his movement
against the discontents of caste system in India
namely discrimination on the basis of caste and
abolition of untouchability.When we talk about social
justice, its ambit is wide and multidimensional, and
therefore, analysing his writings on truth & non-
violence, Swaraj, sarvodaya, satyagraha and ram
rajya. Philosophically, these theories tend to achieve
social, economic and political order in a society and
thus furthering justice in this backdrop.
Mahatma Gandhi, in one of his writings
observed that:”My idea of village swaraj is that it
is complete republic, independent of its neighbors
for its own vital wants, and yet interdependent
for many others in which dependence is a
necessity”, thusadvocating for decentralization of
power and authority for achieving individual freedom.
Panchayati Raj and Local Self Government, which
has been incorporated under the Constitution through
73rd Amendment, was the brainchild of Mahatma
Gandhi’s views on individual liberty.
He was a great advocate of equality, in terms of social,
economic, and political. He observed that: “Economic
equality of my conception does not mean that
everyone would literally have the same amount.
In simply means that everybody should have
enough for his or her needs...” According to him,
economic equality can be achieved by keeping in mind
the following five considerations viz. decentralization
of money and power, Cottage and small scale industry,
opposition of consumerism, equal distribution and
trusteeship.
Gandhi Ji was great proponent of economic
justice and the same can be found in his writings on
decentralized economy, labour welfare and
trusteeship. He goes on to suggest that “It also means
that the cruel inequality that obtains today will
be removed by purely non-violent means.”
While, Ganjhi Ji has been conceived as the
champion of non-discrimination, nonetheless his belief
on varnashrama dharma (i.e. observing one’s varna
dharma strictly in spirit of duty and service) and in
the vedic doctrine of four social division, seems to be
against the foundation of equality. However, this
reflects the principle of “justice as fairness rather
than equality”, and the differentiation between caste
system & varnashram dharma.Gandhi Ji directed to
combat the ill impacts caused by social injustice by
emphasising on the education front. His movement
against caste system and untouchability, aimed to
achieve social justice. He condemned this practice
and observed: “For the general persecution of the
lower orders of Hinduism, especially the so-called
untouchable, I am as a Hindu doing penance
every movement of my life.” He says that abolition
of untouchability will not just be service to a society,
but whole humankind.
B.R. AMBEDKAR’S VIEWS ON SOCIAL JUSTICE
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was one of the main proponent
of social justice and was the chief advocate of social
rights of the depressed class in India. Although, he
did not made any attempt in defining his version of
‘social justice’, yet, his thoughts and ideas do reflect
the theory of social justice as enshrined in the writings
of plato and rawls. Further, one can draw many
similarities both in terms of cultural as well as
structural principles of social justice.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar considered Justice to be
a manifestation of liberty, equality and fraternity. Thus,
Human Morality and Social Justice: An Analysis of Gandhi and Ambedkar
in his writings the main attention is to provide equal
distribution of welfare resources, abolish
discrimination on the basis of social and class
differences and achieving human equality. According
to him the spirit of social justice lies in mutual
sympathy and respect. Influenced by rationalists such
as John Dewy, Carlyl, Karl Marx, Kabir, Mahatma
Phule etc., his main emphasis was on equality,
sympathy and liberty. He not only propounded these
principles but operationalised them in order to serve
the socially and economically backward class and
for the upliftment of the socially marginalised persons.
He said: “Equality may be fiction but nonetheless one
must accept it as the governing principle.” In order
to bring principles of liberty, equality and fraternity in
a post independent nation, Ambedkar argued that: “we
must...not...be content with more political democracy.
We must make sure our political democracy a social
democracy as well.”25 In his own words, “What does
social democracy mean? It means a way of life which
recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the
principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality
and fraternity are not to be treated as separate items
of trinity.”
Although, the main problems faced by the
socially marginalised or the Dalits was w.r.t. to social
acceptability and discrimination, however, according
to Ambedkar the main problem of Dalits was a political
one. He said: “It is wrong to say that the problem
of untouchables is social problem. For, it is quite
unlike the problems of dowry, window remarriage,
age of consent, etc., which are illustrations of what
are properly called social problems. Essentially,
it is a problem of quite a different nature in as
much as it is a problem of securing, to a minority,
liberty and equality of opportunity at the hands
of a hostile majority which believes in the denial
of liberty and equal opportunity of the majority
and conspires to enforce it policy on the minority,
viewed in this light, the problem of the
untouchables in fundamentally a political
problem.”
He thus advocated for political reservations for the
socially and economically deprived class of the society
and further opined that the deprived section of the
society should also have a share in self governed
state.
89
 Evaluation of Dr. Ambedkar’s Inter-Disciplinary
Approach in Research and Its Relevance in the 21st Century
Dr. Ambedkar’s ideas have inspired innumerable
scholars across disciplines and ages. Dr.
Ambedkar was much ahead of his times and
contemporaries. He gave crucial insights in the
then prevalent problems which hold relevance
even till date. Hence his views still have universal
appeal. This paper tries to establish the relevance
of Dr Ambedkar’s ideas in the 21st century, a
century which is scientific, hi-tech and virtual,
yet provide enough space for timeless ideas. The
paper highlights Dr Ambedkar’s contribution
towards original research. A focused study of his
works prove that good research based upon
science, tutored by theory and fuelled by action
and supported by inter disciplinary approach is
a fruitful exercise which benefits generations
across centuries. Another objective of the paper
is to highlight his ideas in the field of economy,
education and women empowerment which are
otherwise being overshadowed by his thought on
caste system.
Introduction:
“A great man is different from an eminent one in that
he is ready to be the servant of the society”. Dr.
Ambedkar was a great man because he achieved
eminence yet he preferred to serve the society in the
most humble manner. Babasaheb as he is popularly
called; is primarily remembered as a leader of the
untouchables and fondly remembered as The Father
of the Indian Constitution, unfortunately, his
credentials as an efficient research scholar are
unknown to majority of us. Dr. Ambedkar’s works
are a testimony to the fact that a good research work
should be tutored by theory yet prepared with field
work. His works are based on scientific study and
most importantly on inter disciplinary approach.
The paper is divided into three parts. The
first part deals with the 21 century research in social
sciences and tries to establish the relevance of Dr.
90 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Snehil Kacker
Ambedkar in the present times. The second part aims
to trace inter- disciplinary approach in Dr.
Ambedkar’s works. The third part is a summary of
the survey based on a questionnaire on Dr. Ambedkar
and the relevance of his ideas in the 21 century.
Social Sciences and experimentations in the 21
century
Nicholas. A. Christakis (Professor of Social and
Natural Sciences) at Yale University believes that
rediscovery of experimentation is going to radically
change the social sciences in the 21 century. He gives
an example from his own virtual laboratory created
online where volunteers from different parts of the
world participate in the experiments where they are
assigned different networks and different worlds.
Their behaviour in these worlds and networks is
keenly observed. The results of such experimentation
are as follows-
1.In the beginning 65% of these volunteers co-operate
with their neighbours, however co-operation declines
when neighbours are abusive and rude towards each
other.
2.Co-operation decline in fixed networks.
3.Co-operation was maintained when volunteers could
rewire their networks (they could cut ties with
abusive people and form ties with those who were
co-operating).
4.There is a deep relationship between social network,
human behaviour and co-operation. Human social
orders that are fixed and do not permit reworking by
choice of the members do not lead to compatibility
and co-operation between the members.1.
This experiment conducted in the Yale
University in present times reconfirms what Dr.
Ambedkar proved decades before when he talked
about the fixity of the Hindu Social Order, its graded
inequality and fixation of people in their respective
classes. In his own words,
“What a free social order endeavours to do is to
maintain all channels of social endosmosis. This is
possible only when the classes are free to share in an
extensive number of common interests, undertakings
and expenses, have a large number of values in
common, when there is a free play back and forth,
when they have an equitable opportunity to receive
and to take from others.”2.
Inter-disciplinary approach
Dr. Ambedkar also stood for the importance of an
individual in a social group. He made a detailed study
of caste in his work “Castes in India – Their
Mechanism, Genesis and Development”.
In this work his interest in Sociology is
highlighted He makes us understand that caste is based
on the principle of endogamy. (Marriage within a clan,
tribe or other social group). In order to maintain the
principle of marriage within the caste, forced
widowhood, sati and girl marriage is encouraged.
These practices address the problem of the surplus
women and surplus man in a caste. (Surplus because
either the husband or wife has passed away). Thus
his understanding of caste system is not superficial
or merely a collection of data.3. (Though he has done
the task of enumerating the different caste as well
sub-caste in India very well) According to him when
he was living there were 1886 sub-caste of Brahmin,
469 sub-caste of Saraswat Brahmins and 890 sub-
castes of Kayasthas of Punjab. The above example
shows the acceptability of the evil practices. It also
highlights the position of an individual in a social order
which is relevant till date because caste system in
India suppresses individual identity and talents and
values. Caste has become stronger today and
therefore Dr Ambedkar’s ideas on the caste system
are more relevant in contemporary times.
His understanding of the caste system and
the different castes in India is a research work
involving a lot of knowledge and effort yet he is not
as renowned in the community of sociologists like M
N Srinivas and M S Ghurye who have dealt with the
caste system in India. Dr Ambedkar also traces the
origin of caste and untouchables thereby taking his
studies back to the realm of History in his book
Untouchables: Who were they and Why they
Became Untouchables” trace the origin of
Evaluation of Dr. Ambedkar’s Inter-Disciplinary Approach in Research and Its Relevance in the 21st Century
untouchability even among Non-Hindus. The primitive
society along with the Irish and Welsh settlements
also practised untouchability. He quoted Sir Henry
Maine and Mr.Seebhom to support his argument.4.
“Annihilation of Caste” also includes many references
from history which prove the presence of divisions
of society in the western world.
a.The social division between patricians and plebeians
(Roman history)
b.Tussle between Catholics and Protestants (Ireland)
Dr Ambedkar studied History to prove that
social and religious problems have a major impact on
the political life of a nation, so also social and religious
reforms are precursors to political reforms.
Reformation led to political emancipation. 5 Dr
Ambedkar should not only be admired to study the
origin of untouchability but should also be credited to
bringing forth the importance of social and religious
reforms which are essential for a healthy polity.
If Dr. Ambedkar goes back to history to study
untouchability he goes even deeper in the field of
Science to prove his point that untouchables were of
the same race as the Aryans. He takes the help of
Anthropometry (scientific study of the measurement
and proportions of the human body). According to
Dr. Ambedkar “The nasal index of the Chuhra of
Punjab is same as the nasal index of Brahmin of the
united province, that of the Chamar of Bihar is not
very much different from the Brahmin of Bihar, the
nasal index of the Cheruman of the Tamil belongs to
the same race as the Brahmin of the Tamil Nad”
6.
21st century depends on the biological revolution and
social science cannot escape it. Scientific computation
of data and extensive dependence on the natural
sciences has added quality to research in the social
sciences. Dr. Ambedkar understood the significance
of science and included it in his research.
Despite being politically active, Dr. Ambedkar
could find time to pursue his research interests. His
works prove that he always went the extra mile to
feed his intellectual curiosity. Research in those times
must have been a difficult exercise, Dr. Ambedkar’s
pursuits led to invaluable outputs. His meticulous
understanding and interpretation of different
Religions and the religious texts show the expanse
of his knowledge. In his works, he has quoted from
91
Manusmriti, Vedas, Upnishadas and Bhagwad Gita
among others. In his prominent work on Buddhism,
“Bubddha and His Dhamma” ,he carefully explains
Buddha’s teachings, at the same time he interpret
His teachings in a new light.eg. he explains the
difference between “Nibbana” and “Parinibbana”.
According to Dr. Ambedkar Nibbana does not mean
extinction of passion, it means no addition of fuel to
the fire of passion. On the other hand, Parinibbana
means body becoming completely disintegrated with
all its sensations dying away and all ceasing of
activities.7.In the same book, Dr. Ambedkar also
challenges the common understanding that Buddha
took ‘Parivraj’ because he was sad at the sight of a
sick man, a dead man and an old man. Dr. Ambedkar
challenges this common notion of the cause of
Parivraj and gives an alternative understanding of the
same. Siddartha took Parivraj at the age of 29. It
cannot be expected that till this age he had not
witnessed such sights. The real reason to leave home
was to prevent a war between the Shakya and the
Koliya clans over the issue of water. Siddartha came
to know about the peace between the two clans yet
he continued his renunciation because he wanted to
find an ultimate answer to the problem of the tussle
between classes. According to Dr. Ambedkar, the
‘Four Aryan Truths’ are not a part of the original
teachings of Buddha. Babasaheb questioned the basis
of the ‘Four Noble Truths’ and argued that Buddhism
cannot be a religion that offers sorrow. If life and
death are sorrow, how can Buddhism offer happiness
to a common man? Why should a common man
embrace such a religion? Religion should offer hope
and a promise of betterment; hence Babasaheb
presented Buddhism to the non-Buddhist in a new
light. Buddhism does not aim at ‘Dukh’ rather it aims
to end the suffering. 8.This interpretation of the
teachings of Buddha by Dr. Ambedkar are
commendable. In an age of ‘information overload’
we find difficult to interpret the available data in the
most effective manner. The easy availability of the
numerous possibilities of the numerous interpretations
of the same data leads to confusing and complicated
deductions. Babasaheb’s effort to stay close to the
text as well as the context in which it was written
motivates us to be thorough with the primary and
secondary sources so that we can make our research
reliable and relevant.
92 World Focus May 2017
We have made a study of Dr. Ambedkar’s
inter- disciplinary approach. It is interesting to know
that being a trained Economist he also contributed
towards the development of a broad understanding
on some of the then relevant economic issues.
Babasaheb’s deep insight into the economic problems
not only present him as an academic economist but
also makes him relevant in contemporary times. Dr.
Ambedkar was not merely involved in academic
writing but tried to balance it with the real progress
of policy making and economic planning. He was a
minister (in charge of labour, irrigation and power
portfolio) during 1942-1946.He insisted on
industrialization for the overall development of our
economy. He suggested that excess of population
from agriculture can be utilised into gainful
employment in industry. It should not be misunderstood
that he was against agricultural development but the
imbalanced economy had to be remedied by intensive
industrial development so that both agriculture and
industries can flourish together, not at the cost of each
other. Dr. Ambedkar also stressed the importance of
increasing labour productivity. He differed from Pandit
Nehru on the point that growth in the national income
should be the aim of economy, rather he insisted on
adequate standards of living for all and the recognition
of the basic rights of all Indians in sharing the national
wealth.9.We cannot deny the fact that his ideas are
so relevant today. The Skill India programme initiative
of the present government is a testimony to the fact
that investment in labour is a good investment.
Gender Studies- Sharmila Rege (feminist
Scholar who wrote about intersection of gender and
caste) believed that Dr. Ambedkar is under-
represented in the Universities, In her own words “It
seems appalling that students and teachers, like myself,
can in most cases sail through postgraduate and
research degrees in social sciences and practise
women ‘s studies in the academia without even having
read the writings and speeches of Ambedkar”10.Dr.
Ambedkar is not only under-represented but also
misunderstood. During the debates on the Hindu Code
Bill he spoke about the necessity of the share of a
widow, a daughter, widow of a pre-deceased son in
inheritance. In addition to this, the share of a daughter
and a son should be equal in the property of the father.
Dr. Ambedkar is not only relevant in contemporary
times but his ideas need much propagation in times
when daughters and sisters are hesitant to seek share greatest contribution. 45% respondents consider
in inheritance and fathers and sons unabashedly enjoy Upliftment of Untouchables as his greatest
complete ownership rights of property. contribution. And none of the respondents consider
Women Empowerment as his greatest contribution.
Relevance of Ideas of Dr. Ambedkar in the 21
century: Survey Report 3. Have you read any book written by Dr.
Aim of the Survey Ambedkar?
As a part of academic interest and to understand the
importance of Dr. Ambedkar and his ideas among
the youth of today, a survey was conducted on the
“Relevance of Dr. Ambedkar in the 21 century”
Profile of Respondents
20 people were randomly selected to participate in
the survey. A total of 5 questions were included in
the questionnaire. Only adults in the age group of 18-
21 were selected to complete the survey. All the Findings:
respondents completed Senior Secondary School. The above pie chart depicts that 75% respondents
have read book written by him and 25% have not
Questions put to the respondents and their read any of his books.
response –
1. How do you remember Dr. Ambedkar as? 4. Is untouchability still prevalent in India?

Findings:
The above pie chart depicts that 50% respondents Findings:
remember Dr Ambedkar as the leader of the The above pie chart depicts that 100% of the
Untouchables, 35% remember him as Father of Indian respondents consider untouchability still prevalent in
Constitution and just 15% remember him as a great India.
scholar.
5. Do you support Inter-caste marriages?
2. What is Dr. Ambedkar ’s greatest
contribution?

Findings:
The above pie chart depicts that 55% respondents
consider The Constitution of India as Dr Ambedkar’s
Findings:
The above pie chart depicts that 100% of the
respondents support Inter-caste marriages.

Evaluation of Dr. Ambedkar’s Inter-Disciplinary Approach in Research and Its Relevance in the 21st Century 93
Summary of the Survey Report
The survey shows that Dr. Ambedkar’s scholarly
pursuits are lesser known in comparison to his
popularity as a leader of the untouchables and the
father of the Indian Constitution. The second question
reaffirms the responses to the first question. These
are important results of the survey because the
respondents are of the age group of 18-21 years.
This means our youth are also taken over by the
predominant images created by society. The young,
independent minds are to a certain extent, conditioned
by the popular myths and beliefs. The responses to
the third question bring comfort in the sense that some
of the present young population has read Dr.
Ambedkar’s works. The fourth question highlights
the level of awareness of the youth to the prevalence
of Untouchability. The responses to the last question
is a testimony to the fact that there is change in the
mindset of people towards inter- caste marriages.
The 100% response in its favour by the young
respondents proves that change is inevitable.
Conclusion
Dr. Ambedkar was a multi faceted individual. The
paper aimed at highlighting the vast expanse of his
knowledge. It also tried to project Dr. Ambedkar in a
different light –As a scholar par excellence and as
an active academician. David Easton appealed the
academicians to engage in solving problems of the
society .Dr. Ambedkar exemplifies an academician
who not only expanded the horizons of knowledge
with his rich contributions but also actively participated
in solving the problems of society.
Babasaheb should be followed by the
academic fraternity who find it difficult to balance
teaching and personal research in contemporary times.
It is good to discuss the relevance of his ideas in the
21 century, but we must also understand that 21
century also reiterates what Babasaheb said years
ANALYSIS OF INDIAN DIPLOMACY, FOREIGN POLICY
AND
STRATEGIC AFFAIRS CONVERGE AT
WORLD FOCUS.
94 World Focus May 2017
before in a more conservative and closed society.
The Universities in India have started offering papers
on Dr. Ambedkar and students are also interested in
his studies. It is suggested that Dr. Ambedkar should
be included at the school level in a more creative
manner which make the malleable minds aware of
the diverse achievements of Babasaheb, and this will
be a real tribute to Dr. Ambedkar.
References
1. http://www.edge.org>conversation>nicholas
2. “Ambedkar,B.R., “The Hindu Social Order: Its Essential
Principles” Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar,Writings and
Speeches, Volume 3, ,Dr.Ambedkar Foundation,1987
ISBN(set)-978-93-5109-064-9
3. Ambedkar B.R,..,”Castes in India-Their Mechanism,
Genesis and Development”,. Babasaheb
Ambedkar.Writings and Speeches,Vol ,1,Dr.Ambedkar
Foundation, ISBN(set)-978-93-5109-064-9, 1979.pp9-13
4. Ambedkar,B.R..”The Untouchables Who Were They
And Why They Became Untouchables” part i,part ii
5. Ambedkar,B.R, “Annihilation of Caste”Dr.Babasaheb
Ambedkar Writings and Speeches,Vol 1,Dr.Ambedkar
Foundation, ISBN 978-93-5109-064-9,2014,1979pp 43-45
6. Ambedkar,B.R..”The Untouchables who Were They
And Why They Became Untouchables”,Part iii Chapter
vii
7. Ambedkar,B. R..”The Buddha and His Dhamma”pp-130
8. Omvedt,Gail”Liberty,Equality,Community : Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Vision of a New Social Order”
pp12-13
9. Thorat,S,”Economic System,Development and Economic
Planning”, in Thorat, S. And Aryama (eds),Ambedkar in
Retrospect:Essays on Economics,Politics and Society”,
Delhi:Rawat Publishers, 2007,pp-30-33
10. Rege,S.,”Against the Madness of Manu”,in B.R.
Ambedkar’s Writings on Brahmanical Patriachy ,Navyana
publication,pp-13-59
 Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of the Ideal State
and His Relevance in Contemporary World :
A Brief Overview
Revered the world over for his Non-violent
philosophy of passive resistance, Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi was known to his many
followers as Mahatma, or “the great soul.” We
are today passing through an extremely
controversial phase of terrorism and much
explosive violence around the world. Mahatma
Gandhi was unique in this modern world to
advocate his non-violent methods for solving
social, economic, political and religious problems.
It is in this context that we have to examine the
efficacy of warfare without weapons and also the
relevance of Mahatma with a contemporary eye.
Gandhi is regarded and would be regarded in
world history as the most visible, most spectacular,
most single-minded and most pure-hearted symbol
of redeemed humanity. In this paper the discussion
shall gradually highlight Gandhi’s concept of
ideal State and its sublime meaning along with
some conceptual issues. The paper concludes by
arguing that the secret of Gandhi’s relevance in
the threshold of contemporary world was his great
spirit of universal love and renunciation. He had
trodden the pathway into India’s heart.
Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948) was an
original thinker, a unique leader and above all a true
rebel and played an important part in the awakening
of modern India. Gandhian philosophy has always
been a topic of discussion especially in this
contemporary world where his ideas appear
redundant amidst the pragmatism and materialism.
In this fast globalizing world where capitalism is
gradually becoming the word of the day, Gandhi’s
concept of decentralization of means and resources
and his model of economic development which talked
of developing villages as an independent production
and administrative unit has become more relevant in
order to save us from various economic, social, ethical
and emotional hazards which are the consequence
of this large scale industrialization and have become
silent killers of the human race. Gandhi too talked of
Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of the Ideal State and His Relevance in Contemporary World
Dr. Pratyay Dutta
globalization but in a positive manner. His uniqueness
did not lie in the fact that he was extraordinary but in
his being extraordinarily ordinary and this simplicity
of his was reflected in his thoughts too. His idea of
swadeshi which talks of ‘production for neighbours’
if applied to the world at large with his theory of
‘antyodaya’ or the ‘the last man’ which speaks of
every individual with the basic necessities can negate
the effects of globalization by ensuring everyone fruits
of developmental process. In this context, his
philosophy of satyagrah which according to him
meant ‘the force which is born of truth or violence’
is required more in the contemporary world scenario
where accumulation of nuclear weapon has become
the means to attain supremacy. Despite the efforts
of various peace keeping forces the threat of nuclear
war persist in the sub consciousness of world and
the only method which has potentially to remove this
‘ever lingering fear’ is satyagrah. It is true that a
vast difference has come in the approach and mindset
of Indians in these more than sixty years of
independence, thus it is imperative that people will
look askance at individuals who try to propagate
Gandhian principle but despite this it is impossible to
deny his relevance. The only change that can be made
is to serve the same cuisine on a different platter to
remove the spiritual veil which covered it and modify
his philosophy so that it appeals to the scientific mind
of today’s generation. Besides, the vedantic
philosophy of ‘asto ma sadgamay’ subjugates to the
engulfing darkness. It is here when Gandhi’s weapon
of ‘satya’ and ‘compassion’ come into play and helps
in restoring the light to the darkening world. He
was not an ivory tower philosopher, rather a political
scientist in modern sense of the term. Gandhi was
essentially a man of people and vibrant action. To
him, the greatest fact in the history of mankind was
not what the common people achieved materially but
the growth of their soul from age to age in its true
search for the moral truth and wisdom. Gandhi had a
profound faith on the idea of nation building in India.
The latter entirely desired a thorough modernization
95
of India along with the removal of abject poverty and
degradation of the Indian people. His theory of social
change, that is why, was mostly grounded on the
lexicon of Indian perception of history and
simultaneously, was a true champion of so-called
Indian nationalism. In the archives of world history,
the greatness of Gandhi exists not only in his heroic
struggle for India’s freedom, but also for his total
insistence on the creative power of the soul. Gandhi
also campaigned to improve the lives of the
untouchables, whom he called Harijans (the children
of God). Gandhi popularly known as Father of Nation
played a stellar role in India’s freedom struggle. As a
seeker of truth, he always kept his mind open and
remained susceptible to any political ideology or
system, whatever it might be, provided he could
perceive in it a greater possibility of attaining the
desired human values of equality, freedom,
brotherhood and above all, peace. Understandably,
he laid overwhelming emphasis on moral compass,
personal integrity, steady correspondence between
though and deed and finally a strong sense of public
accountability. It was an ideal of morality deeply
rooted in empathy and tolerance which was vastly
inseparable from freedom. Gandhi’s profound concern
for freedom, truth and morality with the passage of
time made him an unyielding opponent of
totalitarianism in its entirety, including Communism
and Fascism. Implicitly, he believed in a system that
minimized governmental and maximized community
initiative. If this accounted for his political association
with the sarvodaya movements, his quest for an
Indian from of democracy that would ensure freedom
without atomizing and alienating the individual drew
him to the ideal of a living “communitarian society”
along the modern village panchayat pattern
functioning within the basic framework of democracy.
In the light of this context, his socio-political approach
to every problem was solely humane, transcending
the rigid barriers of caste, religion and the country in
its entirety. In 1969, J.P. wrote: “Gandhi’s non-violence
was not just a plea for law and order, or a cover for
the status quo, but a revolutionary philosophy. It is
indeed a philosophy of Total Revolution, because it
embraces personal and social ethics and values of
life as much as economic, political and social
institutions and process.”1 Gandhi himself admitted:
“to see the universal and all pervading spirit of Truth
face to face, one must be able to love the meanest
96 World Focus May 2017
creation as oneself. And a man who aspires after
that cannot afford to keep out of any field of life.
That is why my devotion to truth has drawn me into
the field of politics; and I can say, without the slightest
hesitation and yet in all humanity, that those who say
that religion has nothing to do with politics do not
know what religion means.” 2 Like Buddha and
Mahavira, he accepted an integrated view of life and
as such he condemned the division of religion and
politics. He was devoted worshipper of the soul and,
by that relation, of God and His humanity. The
purpose of the article is to highlight Gandhi’s concept
on the origin and nature of the ideal state and His
relevance in the realm of contemporary world.
Social and Political Ideas of Gandhi: A Synthesis
of Religion and Politics
The relevance of Gandhi is unquestionable and it is
so much time tested that in spite of the global
apprehension and debate about it, that last hope of
human kind is Gandhi and Gandhi alone, but Gandhi
is so humble and docile that he warns the posterity to
refrain from his views, ideas and thoughts as
‘Gandhism’. Gandhi rightly said, ‘There is yet nothing
like Gandhism’ but Kripalani prefers the title ‘The
Gandhian Way’. Gandhi all through, went on his
experiments in the practice of Truth and Non-violence.
Gandhi was neither an academic philosopher nor a
system builder. He was essentially freedom fighter, a
social reformer and a practical man. Not like a social
scientist, but like a scientist, Gandhi was highly
experiment oriented. So his aim was to bring every
problem, social, political and economic or otherwise,
face to face with truth as it may present itself at a
given moment. Gandhi’s autobiography is called The
Story of My Experiment with Truth. His close
associate, Dhirendra Majumdar said that philosophy
is nothing but only a way of life. So is the case with
Dada Dharmadhikari, one of the greatest interpreters
of Gandhian ideology, when he said that there is
nothing like ‘ism’with Gandhi. As a freedom fighter,
as a philosopher, the Mahatma is relevant not for
today only but for tomorrow as well. At a global level,
when violence is being condemned, Gandhi is the only
hope of survival for the whole of the humanity at
large. In the preceding paras, a detailed study of
Gandhi’s idea on ideal state and relevance of Gandhian
thought from different angles shall be presented as
follows:
 The orthodox occidental scholars think that
although Gandhi was a great spiritual leader like
Buddha and Mahavira, he was not a political thinker
as he did not exclusively dilate on the state and its
related problems. Further, they think that whatever
ideas Gandhi expressed on political questions as those
of the nature and functions of the state, form of
government, distribution of wealth and the question
of individual freedom , and whatever methods he
adopted in fighting for India’s freedom were mostly
inconsistent and impracticable. But this is not correct.
We form such an opinion when we see him as a soul,
and when we take into account the fact that he was
one who refused to make compromises between his
head and his heart, who declined to go against his
own conscience, who viewed all events not from the
mundane standpoint, but as avenues for soul-learning
for himself and of soul-service of others. He
accomplished his philosophy, he lived up to his
principles, and therefore he remained a puzzle of
varying bafflement to all who compromise and so
remain in a disintegrated state of mental confusion.
In hindsight, no doubt, some people speak of Gandhi
as a mystic and religious man, he was best known to
the world as the political leader of India, no matter of
a different type and caliber. As an integrated being
he expressed his views on the various political,
economic and social questions. His idea was of a
new social order based on universal love and ahimsa.
Under his thesis of new social order he discussed the
idea of establishing a non-violent society and related
to it his conceptions of stateless society, democracy,
decentralization of economic and political powers,
Varna Vyavastha, trusteeship and so on. However,
in a world where the rulers of nations are relying
more and more upon brute force and the nations
trusting their lives and hopes to systems which
represent the denial of law and brotherhood, Gandhi
stood out as an isolated and most impressive figure.
He was a ruler obeyed by millions, not because they
feared him but because they loved him, not as the
master of wealth and secret police and machine-guns,
but as holding that spiritual authority which, when it
once dares to assert itself, seems to reduce almost to
impotence the values of the material world.3
Gandhi was not only a great individualist and
practical idealist but also a first rate egalitarian and
socialist. He firmly believed that, “the idea of non-
Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of the Ideal State and His Relevance in Contemporary World
violence could be achieved only if the gulf dividing
the rich and the poor was made as small as possible.”4
In fact, the whole range of Gandhian social
and political thinking is superimposed by the “influence
of the concept of the soul.”5 Unlike Marxist thinkers,
Gandhi’s idea of Socialism was based exclusively on
decentralized power. He was not a politician in the
Machiavellian sense but did what his knowledge
taught him through his practical experience of life.
Like Machiavelli and other modern political thinkers
including Marxists, Gandhi did not separate religion
from politics but tried to provide a synthesis of the
two.6 In the light of this context, it can be mentioned
that Marx and his followers did not assign religion a
part to play in determining individual and social
actions. Contrary to this, Gandhi primarily based all
his social and political doctrines on the religious and
spiritual view of human life. The Gandhian idea of
sarvodaya was the apex of Gandhian socialism.
Implicitly, Gandhi’s concept of religion is
accomplished; there shall be no scope of hatred,
animosity, enmity, war and destruction. If we have to
save the world of today from catastrophe, there is
only way and that is the Gandhian way to carry out
the universal religion which shall herald an era of
peace, tranquility and harmony on earth. This is how
Gandhi’s concept of Religion is of eminent value for
all time to come. Politics has regarded as a game to
achieve power, to regain power and to retain power.
In the western concept, politics till date has been
viewed as power politics, where morality or value
had no place but now this concept has almost been
abandoned. Now even western thinkers have started
talking about the moral values in politics, whereas
from the very beginning, from Gandhi, politics was
all pervading and hence, his was Indian independence
had to be fought with the twin weapons of Truth and
Non-violence, which ultimately became a movement
and he called it Satyagrah. For him, politics opens
the door of ‘service’ and not for using or usurping
power. According to Gandhi, politics is moral problem
of value. In modern times, we see that politics is
rooted in deceit and dishonesty and is bound to create
greater deceit and greater dishonesty. Hate must
generate hate and violence greater violence. Thus
the need of the hour is to “moralizing politics.”7
Through Satyagrah (Non-violence Resistance),
Gandhi resisted injustice and exploitation and thus
97
purified the politics. Thus Gandhian Politics has a
dominant and constructive role to play. His concept
of politics was for higher values, he said, “I seek to
deliver the so called weaker races of the earth from
the crushing wheels of western exploitation.”8 And it
happened so and in due course most of the weaker
nations emerged as free nations after India achieved
independence. We fought for others Independence
also and the latest in the series is the war of
Bangladesh’s freedom in 1971. Now, the politics of
exploitation has been uprooted and the politics of
service is visualized through democratic ideals. Party
politics is being replaced by people’s power. Service
to the people and their amelioration is gradually
becoming relevant all over the world and hence
relevance of Gandhian Politics cannot be minimized.
Besides, Gandhian concept of Self Rule (Swaraj)
was real democracy where people’s power rested in
the individuals and each one realized that he or she
was the real muster of one’s self. There was
contradiction in the statement of Gandhi about
parliamentary democracy but while dividing deep into
the democratic ideals, he has said: “Democracy,
disciplined and enlightened is the finest things in the
world.”9 At the same time, he also cautioned people
against a whole-scale copying of the Western Model
of democracy, where, according to him, there were
only nominal democracies. However, he had highest
regards for Democracy and he called it as ‘a great
institution’ and again conscious people and said: “It is
liable to be greatly abused.” 10 Gandhi never
sanctioned the doctrine of caste war, class struggle
and fight between races. For Gandhi, removal of
untouchability was not a matter of political arithmetic
but it was to be the genuine transformation of the
heart. Gandhi was a protagonist of the common good
of all the inhabitants of India because as a religious
man, he believed in Hindu-Muslim unity on moral
grounds. Gandhi all through his life experienced and
stood for the communal harmony. Gandhism is an
inarticulate and mostly unwritten philosophy but
nevertheless, it presents a definite pattern of beliefs
and the world, capable of generating very active force
towards ‘social change’ or ‘social revolution.’ Broadly
speaking, for developing Gandhian thought Acharya
Vinoba and to great extent, Jayaprakash Narayan
(JP) and Dada Dharmadhakari adhered hard to bring
about social changes purely on Gandhian pattern and
principles. Hence, Vinoba put emphasis on Third Force
98 World Focus May 2017
(Tisri Shakti) and Women Power (Stri Shakti) and
J.P’s emphatic pursuit of People’s Power (Lok
Shakti) and Youth Power (Yuva Shakti) have to be
studied very carefully. For instance, in 1974,
Revolution, Youth Force (Yuva Shakti) was renamed
as Chatra Yuva Samgarsh Vahini (Student-cum
Youth Action Force). This organization became the
vanguard of Total Revolution during 1974-77.
Gandhi’s economic philosophy was inspired
by John Ruskin (1819-1900) and he was immensely
inspired, almost ‘captured’ by his book Unto This
Last. Gandhi was against industrialism and Big
Machines and not against machines as such. He was
firm believer in Rural Economy and ownership of the
land by its tillers. For him, khadi was the symbol of
Swadeshi. Ironically, concept of Trusteeship was
derived from the conception of Aparigrah (non-
possession) of the Gita. With the passage of time,
Gandhi went on adding on economic and sociological
content to the rather moralistic conception of
trusteeship. He stated that in case, the rich would not
become willing trustees; satyagrah was to be
resorted to, against, the holder of wealth. In 1938, he
said: “A trustee has no heir but the public.”11
According to Gandhi, the aim of education
should be to build the whole man and develop his
integral personality. Aim of education should be to
develop to the full potentialities of energy of the
children. Mahatma Gandhi wrote: “Nationalism is not
the highest concept; the highest concept is world
community. I would not like to live in this world, if is
not to be one.”12 Gandhi’s idea of nationalism, fierce
though it is, is not exclusive, not designed to harm
any nation or individual. His nationalism was the
essential precondition of sound internationalism.
Gandhi had categorically pleaded for a world
government because it would have heralded an era
of peace. He was a perpetual moral rebel who called
for organized movement against imperialistic,
virulence, social exploitation, economic oppression and
slavery to immoral propensities.
Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of
the Non-violent Ideal State
According to Gandhi, non-violence is not merely a
personal virtue. It is also a social virtue to be cultivated
like other virtues. To him non-violence was the basic
percept in his political activities; he cultivated all the
political techniques purely based on non-violence. He
used non-violence to achieve his political aims. He
felt that the society is mostly directed by the expression
of non-violence in its reciprocated dealings. The state
must be built on non-violence otherwise it will be
inconsistent with the natural development of people.
Gandhi visualized that the stateless society is the
means to the non-violent state, it should have minimum
interference in individual’s autonomy and non-
coercive. Contextually, he explained the practicability
of Ahimsa-the non-violence and placed it as an
effective weapon for direct action, was purely unique
in itself. Through the ages, non-violence is remained
in worldly life in various types both in theory and
practice. Besides, Gandhi, who, perhaps for the first
time in the entire human history, declaring it to be a
social virtue or as a value also, called upon humanity
to cultivate like other virtues or values in routines. In
his own words: “Non-violence is not a cloistered virtue
confined only to the Rishis and the Cave-dwellers. It
is capable of being practiced by the millions, not with
full knowledge of all its implication, but because it
the law of our species. It distinguishes man from the
brute. But man has not shed the brute in him. He has
to strive to do so. This striving applies to the practice
of non-violence (in all walks of life including political),
and not merely to the belief in it.”13 Further, he wrote:
“Surely society is largely regulated by the expression
of non-violence in its mutual dealings. What I ask for
is an extension of it on a larger, national and
international scale…The purest non-violence is
characterized in upholding the propensity towards the
advantages of both spiritual-physical unto to each and
everyone with altruistic and pre thought. The whole
world realizes that non-violence (Ahimsa) is the
basis.”14
Gandhi led his compatriot to the freedom
movements of their homeland, India and guaranteed
liberation from the centuries back age old fetters of
slavery and educated the meaning and purpose in a
comprehensive and the way of universal wellbeing,
explained a unique, evergreen and exemplary path to
the populace of the whole world to attain freedom
and protected justice in all levels. Gandhi’s ideal state
is to be non-violent. According to him a state embodied
with violence in a concentrated and organized form,
becoming non-violent state is a contradiction in terms.
Ultimately, when non-violence is the governing
Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of the Ideal State and His Relevance in Contemporary World
principle of society, we cannot consider it as a state.
It can only be considered as a non-violent and
stateless society. And that peaceful society is the ideal
egalitarian for Gandhi.
In that non-violent social order everyone
would understand automatically to scrutinize their
social responsibilities without the operation of the
government. The need of law enforcement arises if
people are in deficiency. Gandhi felt the endeavour
to achieve self-rule is self-rule itself. It is a developing
ideal and is better than the best. He calls it as
indefinable. In the background of the freedom
movement of India he said that self-rule did not mean
simply political sovereignty but many other things. In
Gandhi’s ideal world there is no space for the armed
and other violent force, yet in the actual state due to
the ethical slenderness of its people there is a provision
for it. It is said that the non-violent state is the realistic
possibility and is the greatest model of Gandhi. He
believed that government to be best which governs
least, and yet he held that “there are certain things
which cannot be done without political power, even
though there are numerous other things which do not
at all depend upon political power…It would, of
course, be incorrect to suppose that.”15 Gandhi’s
real state granted the appeal for utilizing the armed
and the police to deal with anti-social rudiments and
protect the country. In a nutshell, his approach admits
the weakness not of the principle of Ahimsa or of
Satyagraha, but of the persons who follow it.
Whatsoever the political institution Gandhi accepted,
he did it through the transitional device, which is to
go beyond by better ones. No institutional device is
final. They must evolve with the evolution of
individuals. In actual practice, it would be a
combination. It is an eternal fact that that the
centralization as a system it is inconsistent with non-
violent structure of society. He anticipated that the
state’s rule would predispose towards militarism of a
customized character.16
Gandhi observed that modern state is more
powerful than ancient or medieval states because it
is more organized and centralized. According to
Gandhi, individual has a soul but the state is a soulless
machine. Indeed, Gandhi condemned political power
on moral ground and not on historical or economic
ground. He was sure that if non-violence or ahimsa
99
could be adopted as a universal principle of human
behavior, political power as well as state would
become redundant. He felt that the state is not an
end but one of the means of enabling people to better
their condition of life through representatives. The
concept of stateless democracy is also an important
part of Gandhi’s concept of the state. In stateless
democracy everyone acts as his own ruler. This
stateless democracy is known as ‘Ram Rajya’. Three
important pillars of Ram Rajya are: Democracy,
Equality and Exploitation-free society. Gandhi was
of the view that happiness of the people can only be
ensured through decentralization of power. He
believed in cottage and labour intensive production.
The Gandhian theory of state has been criticized on
the following grounds:
Firstly, the Gandhian thought is vague and
contradictory.
Secondly, the principle of ahimsa or non-violence is
abstract and impractical proposition.
Thirdly, the economic theory of Gandhi is also
criticized on the ground that it may place a country to
the position of a backward economy.
Gandhi on Stateless Society and Political Power
In Gandhi’s assessment, the state (Western Type)
was the symbol of violence in concentrated form.
Hence, in order to ensure allegiance from the citizens
the state (which means its authority) applies coercion
or violence measures mercilessly. In fact, he gathered
experience in South Africa that more and more power
to the state meant more and more violence or greater
amount of coercion. In the name of the maintenance
of law and order in South Africa’s white government
acquired enormous power and this led to the ruthless
administration, exploitation and curtailment of
individuals’ liberty. He once said that a political
organization based on violence would never receive
his approval. Rather, he is always afraid of such an
organization. What he felt about the Western state
system is quite explicit in a comment which he made,
“I look upon an increase in the power of the state
with greatest fear, because although while apparently
doing good by minimizing exploitation , it does the
greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality
which is at the root of progress.”17 From the above
analysis it is absolutely clear that Gandhi by and large
rejected the state of Western model on the ground
100 World Focus May 2017
that it represented violence or coercion. The modern
state according to Gandhi, was about to destroy
individuality-that individual freedom and spontaneous
urge to work. The individualism is the root cause of
progress and Gandhi believed that nothing could be
done by applying coercion.
The two great utilitarian philosophers –
Bentham (1748-1832) and J.S. Mill (1806-1872) –
wanted to put curb upon the activities of the state to
enhance the quantum of freedom of the individual.
Henceforth, the state, prescribed by Bentham and
Mill, is called limited state. Both Bentham and J.S.
Mill did not approve coercion for demanding allegiance
from the individual’s. But Gandhi appears to us as
more aggressive. Under any circumstances the
individual’s freedom cannot be sacrificed. Gandhi’s
love for individual freedom ranks him with the great
anarchist philosophers. The central idea is that to
Gandhi state is an undesirable political organization
because of its close connection with violence.18
Though Gandhi does not deal with society and its
relationship with state it is not difficult to frame certain
conclusions about his attitude to society keeping his
general outlook and philosophy in mind. His
extravagant love for liberty, rights of the individual
and democracy and most importantly strong opposition
to violence and coercion make it abundantly clear
that he stressed more importance on society and lees
importance to state. In his judgment society is the
best place for the free play of individual’s opinion; in
society people enjoy freedom of speech and
expression and mainly in society individuals get ample
opportunities to mould and remould their views. This
is due to the fact that the area of state is vast and
always it is not suitable for individual’s tree and
spontaneous activities. In Hegelian philosophy the
society had no special importance but Gandhi did not
share this view. In his political philosophy absolute
sovereignty had no place-naturally society was more
important. He believed that through the society people
can develop their individuality properly. In his account
state is to some extent foreign to the individuals. Not
only Gandhi many others have been found to think in
the same time.
Gandhi felt by Ram Rajya is meant
sovereignty of people on pure moral authority. In Ram
Rajya there shall exist a maximum amount of
consummation (perfect relationship) between equality,
liberty and morality of the people. Furthermore, in
Ram Rajya the king/ruler will rule the kingdom not
for his personal benefit or gratification but for the
general upliftment of all categories of citizens. The
Ram Rajya is amoral political organization and it
resembles Plato’s ideal state and Rousseau’s moral
public person.19 And an important aspect of Gandhi’s
Ram Rajya is he has combined politics with ethics
and morality. Hence, he clearly disowned the
Machiavellian concept of separation of politics from
morality and religion. He was firmly convinced that
only the amalgamation of politics with religion and
morality could provide a perfect social order. Gandhi’s
Ram Rajya primarily as a Hindu concept but at the
same time, he never preached religious division of
society. Thus Gandhi’s ideas of limited and relative
loyalty of the state and of conditional anarchy were
very similar to those of the pluralists, particularly like
Maclver, Leon Duguit and Harold J.Laski. But unlike
them, he provided ample safeguard against anarchy
by making disobedience non-violent.
Gandhi on Democracy, Decentralization and
Popular Sovereignty
Any analysis of Gandhian theory of state is bound to
be incomplete without any reference to democracy
because he imagined of a state which must be
democratic. Hence, his state is from top to bottom
democratic. Contextually, Gandhi viewed democracy
not simply as a political concept. The latter felt a true
democracy can be set up only when India achieves
Swaraj. A foreign-ruled state cannot have a
democracy. It must be associated with truth and non-
violence. People can never set up a democratic
structure with violent means and untruthful ways. So
Gandhi held there is an inherent contradiction between
democracy and violence. Gandhi, we come to know
from his writings, is very much sensitive about
freedom. He believed that if freedom is lost the entire
individuality is also lost. Gandhi imagined only Swaraj
can ensure true democracy and in such a system
there can exist freedom.
In Greek city-states there was a system of
decentralizing the political power. Afterwards, in the
writings of Rousseau we get support for
decentralization of power. Of course, Rousseau did
not directly deal with this concept but his advocacy
Gandhi’s Concept of the Origin and Nature of the Ideal State and His Relevance in Contemporary World
for open assembly concept provides a basis for
decentralization. In modern constitutional system
decentralization is stressed. But, Gandhi’s
decentralization has a different character. Through
the decentralization of political power individuals will
get full scope to participate in the affairs of state and
they can do it absolutely in non-violent way. Again,
decentralization is the best means for the realization
of all democratic rights and freedoms. So, without
decentralization all these will remain distant hopes.
Gandhi viewed coercion and violence is associated
with centralization. Thus, we find that Gandhian
perspective of state, democracy, freedom,
participation and non-violence all are closely
connected. Gandhi was not an uncompromising
individual because he admitted the utility of state. But
he did not support the emasculation of state like the
anarchists.20 To sum up, Gandhi stands between
Herbert Spencer and the advocates of monastic
theory of sovereignty.
In the Western political thought sovereignty
has two forms-monastic theory of sovereignty and
pluralist theory of sovereignty. Though the latter form
insists upon giving more freedom and autonomy to
individuals and organization, ultimately the state will
have freedom and authority to use coercive power.
Naturally even the pluralist approach of sovereignty
failed to impress Gandhi. To conclude, both forms of
sovereignty failed to create a favourable impact upon
the mind of Gandhi. He also viewed sovereignty in
the light of morality. Gandhi felt that it is also immoral
to force a man to support an immoral, unlawful act.
Gandhi did not admit its dissociation from ethics,
morality and other universal ideals and values. Gandhi
was an ardent advocate not of traditional state
sovereignty but of poplar sovereignty strongly
advocated by one of the social contract theoreticians
J.J. Rousseau (1712-1778). In the scheme of
Rousseau’s popular sovereignty the citizens had the
opportunity to assemble in open places periodically
and to participate in the variety of functions of state.
Gandhi contemplated the same type of popular
sovereignty for India. In fact, Gandhi did not think of
imposing of any decision upon the citizens against
their wishes. Gandhi came very closer to Rousseau
than many other philosophers of the Western world
like J.S. Mill and Herbert Spencer.21
101
Conclusion: Relevance of Gandhi circumstances. Gandhi even at the fag end of his life
At a time when thinkers in the realm of philosophies spoke to himself that he had never stopped to grow
and social sciences are trying to take stock of the and therefore, he had been learning from “Experiment
Eastern Heritage and Western thought, Gandhi stands with Truth”, as he named his Autobiography. If
as a symbol of the conjunction of the East and the anyone was asked to give the essence of the political
West. Gandhi’s political philosophy was a fusion of philosophy of Gandhi in one word, he should call it
individualism, idealism and socialism. And the key Non-violence. Gandhi so much emphasized this
words of his economic and political programme were principle that this almost sums up his approach in
self-sufficiency, non-competition, equitable distribution social, political and economic fields. Replying to his
and decentralized production. He incarnated India’s critics who called his philosophy utopian and visionary
traditional ideal of saint, but on the other hand, he he said, “I am not a visionary; I claim to be a practical
belonged to the most modern type of mass-leader. idealist…The fact that there are so many men still
The service of Gandhi in awakening the soul of Asia alive in the world shows that it is based not on the
and Africa is of immense importance. Romain Rolland force of arms but on the force of the truth and love.
had recognized the moral significance of the work of Therefore, the greatest evidence of success of this
the Mahatma. Both Einstein and Tagore testified to force is to be found in the fact that in spite of wars of
the spiritual eminence of Gandhi. At a time when the world, it lives on.”23
cultural norms are collapsing and structure of
civilization is imperiled, the deathless spirit of Gandhi Notes and References
stands as a mighty Himalaya an immense source of 1
For a detailed understanding of J.P’s admiration on Gandhi
regarding his various socio-political philosophies and its
strength to those devoted to the emancipation of practicality in the light of the contemporary socio-political
mankind.22 perspective see, Jayaprakash Narayan, Sarvodaya to Socialism:
A
Now in the 21st century, Gandhi is a world Revolutionary’s Quest,ed by Bimal Prasad, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi, 1980, pp. 171-190.
phenomenon. He is being recognized as a great leader 2
M.K.Gandhi, Sarvodaya, Bharatan Kumarappa (ed), Navajivan
of action, a Liberator and a Prophet Martyr all over Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1958, pp.61-63.
the universe. What is needed at the hour is to
3
N.Dhar, Aurobindo, Gandhi and Roy, Calcutta Book House,
Calcutta, 1986, p.27.
implement his deeds, actions and thoughts into practice 4
J.D.Sethi,Gandhi Today, Vikas, New Delhi, 1978,p.12.
and thus, his relevance in different fields is 5
Ibid.,pp.14-16.
unquestionable and unchallengeable. The 6
M.K.Gandhi, Sarvodaya, Bharatan Kumarappa (ed), Navajivan
Publishing House, Ahmadabad, 1958, p.61.
quintessence of divine wisdom, “Vasudhaiv 7
Ibid., pp.70-71.
Kutumbkum” or (“Mankind is one family”), 8
Ibid., pp.73-74.
proclaimed by India millennium ago, was the ultimate 9
Hiren Mukherjee, Gandhiji: A Study, National Book Agency,
aim of Mahatma and his thought. Hence, his greatest Calcutta, 1958, p.76.
10
Ibid., pp.80-81.
follower, adviser and interpreter, Acharya Vinoba 11
Ibid.,pp.102-104.
Bhave had a great slogan ‘Jai Jagat’ or ‘Hail one 12
Ibid.,pp.106-107.
World’. Gandhi was an activist; he worked for the
13
For a detailed understanding of the nature and characteristics
of Gandhian Non-violent state, see, M.K.Gandhi, Bunch of Old
upliftment of society. However, in the field of politics Letters,5 October, 1945. pp.12-16.
he understood the issues with special consideration 14
Ibid.,pp. 17-18.
based on Indian nature of socio-economic and politics. 15
Ibid., pp.21-27.
16
Ibid.,pp.29.
Thus, he defined politics as the best means to regulate 17
For details see,www.gandhifoundation.net/ as accessed on
the national life and also he concluded that its power 19th March, ’17 at 6:5 p.m.
should decentralize in equitable manner. Gandhi never 18
H.M.Vinacke, Gandhi: A Political Reader, Laxmi Narain
claimed as an original thinker, his political philosophy Agarwal, Delhi, Agra, etc. 1961, pp.45-61.
19
Ibid.,pp.70-72.
got the roots from different philosophical systems of 20
Ibid.,pp.74-76.
both Eastern and Western ideologies. Gandhi had 21
Ibid.,pp.89-90.
revised his opinions from time to time though his
22
B.K.Malik, Gandhi: A Prophecy, Hind Kitabs Ltd.,
Bombay,1948, p.90.
conceptual framework remained the same. His speech 23
M.K.Gandhi,My Ideal is Equal Distribution, Young India,
and writings are the response from particular March 17, 1927.

102 World Focus May 2017

 Ambedkar on Nation and Nationalism
Shalini Prasad

Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956),
the great Constitution maker of India and was one of
the leading nation-builders of modern India. He
championed the cause of strong nationalism. He
fought for human rights of liberty, equality and justice
in a serious and a moral way. The mind of Ambedkar
is more practical than theoretical. He does not live
merely in the world of ideas but lives too perpetually
in the world of actions. For words such as society,
nation and country he says are “just amorphous if
not ambiguous terms. There is no gain saying that
nation through one word means many classes”. He
likes to use the word nation in that sense which points
out to the area of society rather than that of state. To
him, “Philosophically, it may be possible to consider a
nation as a unit but sociologically, it cannot be regarded
as consisting of many classes and the freedom of the
nation, if it is to be a reality, must vouchsafe the
freedom of the different classes comprised in it,
particularly of those who are treated as the servile
classes” (Ambedkar 2012).
Hindu society on the basis of the caste, creed, religion
etc, it cannot be designated as nation.The Hindu state
merely shares similar habits, customs, beliefs and
thoughts which alone cannot build a nation. For
example celebration of festivals by Hindus are alike
anywhere but this cannot determined that the Indian
society is united. It is so because it has failed to bind
the people into a national integration as a whole
(Ambedkar 1936).
A society which is divided on the basis of
caste and religion will never constitute a nation. A
nation is a feeling of oneness but in the Indian society
there are habits of oppression and exploitation towards
another caste. It is inaccurate to term a country like
India as nation where there is deprivation of civil and
equal rights for some sections of the Indian society.In
a nation success of one means success of all and
failure of one means failure of all. The caste system
prevents these common bondages to prevail in the
Hindu society(Ambedkar 1936).

According to Ambedkar view, a nation Nation as an Ideal society

consists of two things: First a nation consist of at Secondly, Ambedkar ideal society which inbuilt the
least two things. First, a nation includes the whole nation is based on three parameters: liberty, equality
society, in all the varied range of life that is groups and fraternity. Liberty to choose one’s profession, right
and classes which enjoy different tradition and to life and right to movements etc. If a pre modern
achievement. Secondly a country comprises of an India was composed of several castes as quasi culture
area which is the physical feature of the land and or power groups, the modern India nation is to be
thus a nation is made of two factors- society and the comprised of the principles of castelessness (Aloysius
land it resides on (Jatava 2001). 2007). The Hindu society could never become an ideal
society until the caste ridden evil society curtails the
Nation as a Consciousness of Kind freedom of the dalits. Similarly an ideal society must
Ambedkar’s views on nation is a ‘consciousness of treat men equally on the basis of occupation,
kind’ which does not prevail in the Hindu society employment education etc. which is absent in the
because Hindu society is a consciousness of caste Indian society. The caste system in India forbids
system. Even if the Hindus think they are one nation developing a feeling of brotherhoodand oneness
and unity in diversity prevails but the real truth is that among the fellow beings. Human beings are treated
with the presence of so many stratifications in the inhumanly because of their birth and occupation
which constraints the feeling of oneness among the
people. There is no sense of brotherhood and
Ambedkar on Nation and Nationalism 103
integration in the society where one class treats
another class as depressed and down trodden just
because of their birth and caste. Hindu society could
not succeed as a nation until it eradicates these social
evils and ascertain a free, liberal and equal society
(Ambedkar 1936).
One Nation One language
The next issue pertaining to the creation of the Indian
nation is recognition of the demerits of the diverse
regional languages which dissolves the unity of the
nation. Ambedkar laid stress on the need of one
official language in order to strengthen the unity and
spirit of nationalism as wellas to remove cultural
conflicts. Through one common language, Ambedkar
wanted to establish unity and initiate the genesis of
nation building. He had the arguments in support of
his claim that people speaking different languages
will be unable to exchange thoughts and actions of
other people irrespective of race, caste and religion.
Moreover, one language would not only strengthen
the sense of human unity in a nation but also remove
racial and cultural conflicts. But inspite of this he also
favoured that these regional and diverse languages
should be given full independence and recognition in
their own provinces which would helpthem to
maintain their distinct culture and
religion(Ambedkar1979).
According to him India is not a nation as
supported by the nationalists just because India
possesses a geographical unity. A nation is not only a
combination of common culture commom language,
common religion or common race or one geographical
unity. Nationalism is feeling of oneness belonging to
one own group and longing not belong to any other
group. In India the feeling as Bengalis and Gujarati
comes first rather than the feeling as the Indian.
People feeling for own community is more strong
and intense rather than feeling of one country, one
nation. They all love their community firstand then
they recognise themselves as an Indian. (Ambedkar
1975) This is the essence of national feeling; therefore
India cannot be termed as nation. It is just not enough
to secure apolitical unity but a true nation makes a
union of heart and soul which comprises of social
unity.Without social union, political unity is difficult to
be achieved.
104 World Focus May 2017
Nationalism
Nationalism in general is an ideology based on
devotion to or love of one’s country either by birth or
choice. Nationalism for Ambedkar is ‘ the desire for
a separate national existence for those bound by this
tie of kinship’(Gellner 1983). It is closely related with
man’s life, pride, activity and well being. In the view
of Dr Ambedkar nationalism is the principle of self
realisation which articulates the aspirations of a people
who are united by common ideals and common
purposes. It is the feeling of oneness towards the
country which is above the barriers of caste, language
and communalism. Ambedkar, the believer of one
nationalism, advocates for religious tolerance and
condemns all kinds of hypocrisy and oppression in
the name of religion and nationalism.It is true that
Ambedkar never fought for India independence but
that does not meanthat he was not a true nationalist.
He says “ nationalism is a fact which can neither be
eluded nor denied. Whether one calls it an irrational
instinct or positive hallucination, the fact remains that
it is a potent force which has a dynamic power to
disrupt empires. Whether nationalism is the cause or
the threat to nationalism is the cause, is a difference
of emphasis only”(Ambedkar 1975).
Nationalism is not a matter of political nexus
or cash nexus, for the simple reason that union cannot
be the result of calculation of mere externals. Where
two communities live a life which is exclusive and
self - inclosed for five years, they will not be one
because they are made to come together on one day
in five years for the purpose of voting in an election.
Political unity alone cannot make nationalism but
should be supported by social unity. Without social
unity, political unity is difficult to achieve( Ambedkar
1975).
According to him, the national movement is
only the removal of colonial rule. Secondly, there is
only representation of one sections of the society,
Hindus which belonged to the exploiting class.
Ambedkar observed that the Congress which is
fighting for the freedom struggle was basically a
Hindu body and not a nationalist body. In view of
Ambedkar’s, Congress is ‘a body which is Hindu in
its composition and is bound to reflect the Hindu mind
and Hindu aspiration ’(Ambedkar 2001)
Gandhi and the Congress never looked into
the inhuman conditions of the Shudras and the
Untouchables. In his opinion true freedom or true
Swaraj would never be attained just by overthrowing
the alien rule, but it would only be achieved if the
miseries and conditions of the scheduled castes are
improved and their conditions are uplifted(Kuber 1973)
In a word, Ambedkar’s idea of nationalism creates a
spirit of social brotherhood, feeling of oneness and a
firm determination to improve the people who remain
oppressed in the same country (Ray and Ray 2011).
He was a true nationalist as when he was a
student, he had criticised the British economic and
financial policy. He held the British rule responsible
for neglecting the welfare of the millions of people in
India. Secondly In the First Round Table Conference
on 20 November 1930 he vehemently favoured India
freedom and welfare. Speaking in the Plenary session
of the Conference he asked the British government
to free Indian and let Indian people be alone to form
a good government of independence. Introducing the
subject, Ambedkar said the bureaucratic form of
government should be replaced by a government
which will be a government of the people and for the
people.
Thus he argues: “We must have government
in which men in power will give their undivided
allegiance to the best interest of the country. We must
have a government in which men in power, knowing
where obedience will end resistance will begin will
not be afraid to amend the social and economic code
of life which the dictates of justice and expediency
so urgently call for. This role, the British government
will never be able to play. It is only a government
which is of the people for the people and by the people
that will make this possible” (quoted in Jatava1998).
He even clarified his position. At present “I am the
most hated man in Hindu India. I am represented as
a traitor. I am denouncedas an enemy of the Hindus;
I am cursed as a destroyer of Hinduism and branded
as the greatest enemy of the country. But believe me
when I say that, when after some days the dust
Ambedkar on Nation and Nationalism
settles down and are view of the proceeding of the
Round Table Conference is dispassionately taken by
future historians, the future generations of the Hindus
will acclaim my services to the nation. If they do not
recognise,well I would not care for their
disapprobation. My great satisfaction is that depressed
classes have implicit faith in my work and undivided
devotion to the mission for which I stand. It is my
solemn vow to die in the service and cause of those
down trodden people among whom I was born, I was
brought up and I am living (BAWS 2001).
In view of Ambedkar, nationalism means
expression of inner unity of a people and it is a process
of social assimilation. Therefore, irrespective of caste,
colour and creed, nationalism gets perfect harmony
if social brotherhood of men prevails everywhere
within a nation. To Ambedkar, nationalism is
elimination and eradication of the caste spirit which
is deeply enrooted in India. He emphasised to fight
against casteism, linguism, communalism and
separatism because in his opinion this social
wickedness divides the people into small social units
which are against the spirit of nationalism. In view of
Ambedkar,communalism being one form of groupism
is a threat to national integration which creates hurdles
in the way forequally and fraternity. In short,
Ambedkar viewed nationalism as a spiritual
phenomenon rooted inhumanism (Ray and Ray 2011).
Jawaharlal Nehru gave the national
movement a social and economic dimension Dr
Ambedkar gave it the social democratic goal. He was
never opposed of political freedom for India but he
thought that the anti colonial Indian nationalism is
insufficient in including many other social dimensions
in the country.That is why he thought of social
freedom along with political freedom of the country.
To him the political freedom from British colonialism
would remain incomplete unless it is followed by
complete eradication of sufferings and deprivation of
the depressed classes. He argued one must distinguish
between freedom of a country and the freedom of
the people in the country. Thus his main stress was
on the freedom of the people in the country (Guru
1998).
105
 Without freedom, nationalism become a
mean of slavery, forced labour and organised tyranny
for the poor classes. He realised that he would have
to fight firstly with the British colonialism and then
with the caste Hindus. Thus he stressed upon the
social and economic independence with the political
freedom for the national unity and integrity (Guru
1998).
He criticised the Hindu society which on the
one hand preach to the world the theory of (universal
brotherhood) and the principle of basic unity of all
things but one the other hand never even give a
thought to inhuman and sinful treatment of the
scheduled castes. There was no evidence of the
Hindu ruling class ever being really concerned about
the heinous social crime which is prevailing in the
society (Gaikwad 1998).
The Indian national movement is not merely
a struggle to wrest political power from foreign rule
but, it is also, a struggle to lay the foundation of modern
India based on attitudes beliefs and ideas of liberty
equality and fraternity. It is not generally realised that
a national struggle for freedom has an internal aspect
too which is to make unequal society equal. The
complex process of nation- building involved of
necessity currents which were in the final analysis
helping to secure the ultimate goal of ‘freedom’ -
freedom from both external and internal oppression
and exploitation.
Conclusion
Ambedkar’s notion of nationalism and nation results
primarily rest on both political and social aspect. It
did not envision a state based on one group dominated
body which is primarily the Hindu dominated body.
As he was critic on the view of the nationalist leaders
like Gandhi and more particularly the Hindu
nationalists who just focussed on freeing the country
from the clutches of the British rule.
The real freedom denotes a state where every
single person is allowed to live his life with dignity
and respect. It is true that Ambedkar’s never
participated in the freedom struggle rather he opposed
it. But, it isindeed a fact that his opposition helped to
106 World Focus May 2017
widen the internal scope of the freedom which made
it reallysignificant for thousands of oppressed people.
Nation is a spiritual reality binding a people into deep
comradeship. Nationalism is not is a blind faith or
blind patriotism. His concept of nation and nationalism
also contributed to the broad social foundation on
which the present Indian nation state stands.
References
Aloysius G (2007), Caste and Nationalism, in Sukhadeo
Thorat and Aryama (eds.) Ambedkar in Retrospect:
Essays on Economics, Politics and Society, Rawat
Publications, New Delhi.
Ambedkar, Bhim Rao, (1936) Speeches and Writings Vol.I.
Annihilation of Caste, 50-51.
Ambedkar (1975).Pakistan or the Partition of India, (VII)
AMS Press.
Ambedkar (1979), Writings and Speeches compiled by
Vasant Moon and published by the Education Department
of Government of Maharashtra.
Ambedkar,Bhim Rao (2001),Writings, Speeches, Higher
Education Department Government of Maharashtra, 17 (1).
Ambedkar,Bhim Rao (2012), What Congress and Gandhi
have done to the Untoucables, Samyak Publication.
Gaikwad, M. S. (1998), “Ambedkar and Indian
Nationalism”, Economic and Political Weekly, 33(10): 515-
518.
Gellner Ernest (1983), Nations and Nationalism, Cornell
University Press, Ithaca New York.
Guru, Gopal, (1998), “Understanding Ambedkar’s
Construction of National Movement”
Economic and Political Weekly 33(4): 156-157.
Jatava, R D (1998), B R Ambedkar Unique and Verstalie
,Blumoon Book: New Delhi.
Jatava, R D (2001),Political Philosophy of B.R. Ambedkar
,National Publishing House: Jaipur.
Kuber,W.N(1973), DrAmbedkar –A Critical Study,People’s
Publishing House: University of Michigan
Ray, Ishita and Sarbapriya Ray (2011), “An Insight into
B.R Ambedkar’s Idea of Nationalism in the Context of
India’s Freedom Movement”, Developing Country Studies
1(1):1-10
 Netaji’s Modernism versus
Mahatma Gandhi’s Spiritual Swaraj
Introduction
Subhas Chandra Bose, as an outstanding leader of
the Indian National Movement became a legendary
figure to be almost worshipped as a great hero and a
charismatic leader. A study of his biography unfolds
before us his unflagging zeal, as an empiricist, in
gaining a theoretical foundation for a plan of action,
in his own personal life and in Indian freedom
movement and in this respect he was influenced by
his own parents, Beni Madhab Das, Headmaster,
Revenshaw Collegiate School, teachings of
Ramakrishna, Vivekananda and Aurobindo Ghosh,
C.R. Das, Lenin, Mustapha Kemal Pasha, De Valera,
Joseph Mezzini, Count Cavour, Garibaldi, and the
impact of freedom movements in other countries such
as American War of Independence, Italian struggle
for liberation and unification, liberation struggle in
Czechoslovakia and Irish struggle for freedom. In
this background his social, economic and political
concepts were empirically formulated for an objective
observance and ramification with the sole objective
of emancipation of Mother India from the British rule
of exploitation and oppression and reconstruction of
Free India.
Subhas Chandra Bose, being a Secularist,
had an attitude of impartiality towards all religions.
According to him, the Government of Free India must
have an absolutely neutral and impartial attitude
towards all religions and leave it to the choice of every
individual to profess or follow a particular religion of
his faith; Religion is a private affair, it cannot be made
an affair of the State. It was the shrewd and subtle
diplomacy of the British that the communal problems
in dependent India assumed such a dangerous
proportion. According to Subhas Chandra Bose, a
nation-wide freedom struggle would result in
psychological metamorphosis on political front. Bose
was of the firm opinion that economic issues cut across
communal divisions and barriers. The problems of
poverty and unemployment, of illiteracy and disease,
of taxation and indebtedness affected the Hindus and
Netaji’s Modernism versus Mahatma Gandhi’s Spiritual Swaraj
Dr. Pitam Ghosh
Muslims and other sections of the people as a whole.
That the remedy lies in the solution of the
political problem on the establishment of a national,
popular and democratic government in which people
will have direct right to participate and indirect right
to criticise. Scientific propaganda was prescribed by
him on the above lines to combat communalism. Shah
Nawaz Khan said that, for Subhas there were no
religious or provincial differences. Hindu, Muslim and
Sikh soldiers in the Indian National Army were made
to realise that they were sons of the same motherland.
That most of ardent supporters and admirers of Netaji
were found to be Muslims. Another close associate
of Netaji, S.A. Ayar said that, communal harmony of
a high order prevailed among the ranks. He regarded
Chittaranjan Das as his political guru. Bose had been
in civilian politics close to two decades (1921-1940),
inclusive of his 11 imprisonments, working for India’s
independence at home and abroad. He was
essentially a political thinker and philosopher who put
forth his ideas in numerous speeches, books, essays
and letters. A ‘faith philosophical’ was the anchor of
his actions. He said in his unfinished autobiography
“An Indian Pilgrim”, that Reality, therefore, is Spirit,
the essence of which is Love, gradually unfolding itself
in an eternal play of conflicting forces and their
solution. It shows how his mind was at a plane
different from that of career politicians of the day
(he himself had been the Chief Executive Officer
and later Mayor, Calcutta Corporation.
On the other hand Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi born in 2nd October 1869 was the pre-
eminent leader of the Indian independence
movement in British-ruled India. Employing
nonviolent civil disobedience, Gandhi led India to
independence and inspired movements for civil rights
and freedom across the world. The honorific
Mahatma (Sanskrit: “high-souled”, “venerable”)
applied to him first in 1914 in South Africa now used
worldwide. In India, he is also called Bapu He is
unofficially called the Father of the Nation. Born and
107
raised in a Hindu merchant caste family in
coastal Gujarat, western India, and trained in law at
the Inner Temple, London, Gandhi was first employed
as an expatriate lawyer in South Africa, in the resident
Indian community’s struggle for civil rights. After his
return to India in 1915, he set about organising
peasants, farmers, and urban labourers to protest
against excessive land-tax and discrimination.
Assuming leadership of the Indian National
Congress in 1921, Gandhi led nationwide campaigns
for easing poverty, expanding women’s rights, building
religious and ethnic amity, ending untouchability, but
above all for achieving Swaraj or self-rule.
The doctrinaire conflict between two
individuals can be unambiguously identified when they
consistently articulate their principled stands and
follow their principles through their actions. The
distinction becomes challenging when one or both
vacillate and/or act contrary to their stated principles.
Subhas Chandra Bose has been consistent throughout
in his demand for political independence by virtue of
complete severance from the British. While in India,
he pushed Congress to launch mass movements
demanding complete independence, and from outside
India he led the Indian National Army to liberate India
through war. He wanted to develop free India as a
modern, industrialised nation with focus on
advancement in science, livelihood, and education for
the masses. He has also been unambiguous that he
would seek political emancipation through the most
efficacious means which could involve armed conflict
or even a total war.
Mahatma Gandhi, on the other hand,
identified Spiritual Swaraj, which would cure Indian
civilisation from evils such as doctors, lawyers,
railways, mill made cloth, heavy machinery, medicine
and contraceptives, as his goal early on. He
subsequently verbally demanded Dominion Status
with membership in the British Commonwealth most
of the time, without, however, revoking his articulation
of spiritual Swaraj. In 1942, however, expecting that
the British would lose the second world war, he sought
complete severance from them, but reverted to
demanding Dominion Status as soon as the tides of
the war turned. Nonetheless, other than the Quit India
movement of 1942, none of the mass movements
launched by Gandhi demanded even Dominion status
108 World Focus May 2017
- they were mostly centered around social agenda,
specific grievances, extra-territorial Muslim Caliphate,
and financial reforms .(1)
Unlike what is commonly believed, Gandhi
and Bose did not differ on their choices between
communism and capitalism. Both were socialists, as
per their stated positions, and disassociated
themselves from Communism (Bose certainly did).
Again, unlike what is commonly believed, Gandhi was
not opposed to violence , (he helped British recruit
soldiers from India during the first world war); he
was however opposed to the violent overthrow of
British by Indians, except during 1942 when he
appeared to condone violence. But, he reverted to
his insistence on eschewing violence against the
British as soon as they were back to their winning
ways in the second world war. Given Gandhi’s
substantial flexibility in doctrines, or “flexible
conscience” as Bose would call it, the conflict
between the two had more to do with personal control
over Indian dissent and perhaps collateral British and
business interests that conflicted with Bose’s agenda.
At the same time Gandhiji virtually gave up the
use of the word `independence’ and substituted
in his place the more elastic expression,
`substance of independence’ or another
expression especially coined by him-namely, Purna
Swaraj, which he could interpret in his own way
Concept of Modernity and Gandhian view:
Modernity has often been seen in connection with
the ideas of liberty, equality, progress and rationality.
These concepts merged in the mottos of the
Enlightenment and the French Revolution, and later
on split up and expressed in the two political doctrines
of liberalism and socialism. On the other hand, political
and ideological figures such as Hitler and Stalin
provoked a different perspective on the connection
between ideals of the Enlightenment and political
modernity. From a pessimistic point of view one can
say that modernity also paved the way for twentieth
century totalitarianism, namely Nazism, through its
dreams about Volksgemeinschaft, holistic community
and the final solution. In his post-modern approach
Zygmunt Bauman shares this pessimistic view in order
to explain the Holocaust, as a consequence of
modernity and its Zweckrationalitat. According to
Philip K. Lawrence, his book Modernity and War:
The Creed of Absolute Violence”, the leitmotiv of
modernity has been Western civilization’s “dominion
over other peoples and lands, the place of science in
the construction and ordering of the polity, and the
rise of technocratic and instrumentalist rationalism”.
In other words, modernity’s essential elements of
positivism, scientism and instrumental rationality
became excuses to use extreme violence against
those indigenous cultures who were not in the line of
the Western ideology of progress. In promulgating
the creed of “progress” modernity unveiled its more
destructive consequences. To repeat what one of the
characters of Luchino Visconti’s film , The
Conversation Pieces, says: “The price of progress is
death”.
In today’s world, the consolidated effect of
modernity, the picture of man as the rational
autonomous individual endowed with free will, is
complete. The individual is individualistic: self-
interested, egoistic, clamoring for more and more
power, wealth and social status. Modernity which
brought freedom from the authority of various non-
secular traditions went too far and liberated the hidden
greed lying curled up in the human heart. In this culture
of greed-satisfaction , rational violence plays a role
in the process of ideological brainwashing and the
marginalization of those who refuse to surrender to
power relations of dominant epistemic discourse. In
short, the modern dynamic of civilizing process has
created a close link between the modern individual
personality and the political formation of the modern
state. In this elation, most social historians and political
scientists would accept the rough outline of what
Norbert Elias has argued: a gradual intensification of
self-discipline, a shift from social control based on
public humiliation, neighborhood surveillance, priestly
condemnation and fear to internalized norms and
values.(2)
In Gandhiji’s own words Hind Swaraj ‘is a
severe condemnation of modern civilization’.
Gandhiji’s negative opinion about modern civilization
extended to all its aspects. Modern technology,
machine being the fundamental constituting unit of it;
and Western social institutions, particularly those
pertaining to law and medicine, came in for the most
severe criticism. The purpose of this article is to
explore whether a unifying framework exists within
Netaji’s Modernism versus Mahatma Gandhi’s Spiritual Swaraj
which Gandhiji’s views regarding various aspects of
modernity could be understood. At one level one might
think of such an exercise as quite superfluous in view
of the facts that on the one hand Gandhiji’s
commitment to non-violence was of a very high order
and on the other he saw embodiment of violence in
every feature of modernity. If in the value-system of
a person non-violence figures very high and his
characterization of a particular social order or
civilization is such that violence figures in it in a
prominent way then the evaluative judgment of that
social order or civilization being unacceptable follows
immediately; without any recourse to analysis within
a complex framework. The reason why the above
simple and straightforward way of understanding
Gandhian rejection of modernity will not do is that
regardless of how committed a person might be to a
particular value it is inconceivable that a person would
not be subscribing to other values. Once there is a
multiplicity of values, conflicts of values are almost
inevitable. Gandhiji was not only committed to non-
violence; he was also committed to truth and other
important human values
In his dress and demeanour Gandhi almost
belongs to the ascetic tradition of the East. Not only
in his choice of such and image, but in the essential
making of his philosophy and politics, he took recourse
to an innovative set of words and symbols. Gandhi
proposed a concept of People’s Swaraj based on truth
and non- violence for which Khadi was an apt symbol.
Moreover, this symbol also linked the concept of
Swaraj with the concern for the poor- the last man
and village, the supported bastion of backwardness.
Prior Gandhi, the nationalist leaders had acquiesced
in by an large to a western concept of nationalism;
Gandhi not only critiqued that but provided an
alternative concept, more deeply rooted in the tradition
and encompassing all Indians, rich and poor alike, He
gave a moral perspective to the national movement
for which a set of new symbols were created by him,
Khadi Ramraj, and Satyagraha he was designing a
new framework of ideology more appropriate for the
teeming millions of India, eighty five percent of them
residing in the country side. His critique was not
merely, an alternative ideology, it was a plan of mass
action that he visualized was again not merely a
political programme but a social and economic agenda,
to quote one of his sentences: “Khadi service, village
109
service and the Harijans service are one in reality,
thought three in name”.
He was critical of pursuit of materialism
which was the characteristic of the advancement of
the west. He was generally opposed to machines and
centralization of production and favored on the
contrary a life of labour for everyone in the society,
succinctly contained in his concept of bread labour.
He believed in the ideal of economic self- sufficiency
of the villages. He described his idea of an ideal socio-
economic order in the following words:”Independence
must begin at the bottom, Thus every village will be a
republic or Panchayat having full powers. In this
structure composed of innumerable village there will
be ever widening, never ascending circles. arguably
the most important arena for the introduction of
modernity in India. Designed as it was by the colonial
masters, besides. From his earliest days in Indian
public life Gandhi was critical of the Western system
of education for much of what it stood for in his
opinion His philosophy about education is more
comprehensive than that of the literal meaning. He
thought that education is closely associated with the
socio-economic development of the society. He took
up scheme for basic education in which vocational
training or work experience is the utmost important.
Gandhi thought education in terms of discipline. It is
regarded as one of the most important parts and
parcels of education. It is stated that the goal of
education consists of character-building. Such
character-building requires the moral, intellectual and
social behaviour under all circumstances i.e., strength
of personality, the virtue of compassion, kindness, fair-
mindedness and the spirit of dedication. Gandhi
strongly holds that education is not end in itself but it
is the most powerful weapon which creates all
persons of genuine characters.(3)
The stated visions of Gandhi and Bose
differed substantially with respect to their desired
evolution of India and her politics. Gandhi advocated
a “back to the roots” vision comprising of spinning,
khadi and local self-sufficiency at village level while
Bose held steadfast to a futuristic vision of large scale
industrialisation and a politics devoid of irrationality
and religiosity. While Bose believed that for a people
so prone to mysticism and supernaturalism, the only
hope of political salvation lies in the growth of a sane
110 World Focus May 2017
rationalism and in the modernisation of the material
aspect of life. Gandhian economics do not draw a
distinction between economics and ethics. Economics
that hurts the moral well-being of an individual or a
nation is immoral, and therefore sinful. The value of
an industry should be gauged less by the dividends it
pays to shareholders than by its effect on the bodies,
souls, and spirits of the people employed in it. In
essence, supreme consideration is to be given to man
rather than to money. The first basic principle of
Gandhi’s economic thought is a special emphasis on
‘plain living’ which helps in cutting down your wants
and being self-reliant. Accordingly, increasing
consumer appetite is likened to animal appetite which
goes the end of earth in search of their satisfaction.
Thus a distinction is to be made between ‘Standard
of Living’ and ‘Standard of Life’, where the former
merely states the material and physical standard of
food, cloth and housing. A higher standard of life, on
the other hand could be attained only if, along with
material advancement, there was a serious attempt
to imbibe cultural and spiritual values and qualities.
The second principle of Gandhian economic thought
is small scale and locally oriented production, using
local resources and meeting local needs, so that
employment opportunities are made available
everywhere, promoting the ideal of Sarvodaya – the
welfare of all, in contrast with the welfare of a few.
This goes with insisted on everybody doing some
‘bread labour’.The third principle of Gandhian
economic thought, known as trusteeship principle, is
that while an individual or group of individuals is free
not only to make a decent living through an economic
enterprise but also to accumulate, their surplus wealth
above what is necessary to meet basic needs and
investment, should be held as a trust for the welfare
of all, particularly of the poorest and most deprived.
The three principles mentioned above, when followed,
are expected to minimise economic and social
inequality, and achieve Sarvodaya.
Gandhi sought to attain Gram Swaraj or
economy that is self sufficient at the village level. He
sought to popularise spinning not only as part of Gram
Swaraj, but also as a political The inconsistency
between the practice that Gandhi followed and his
stated theory makes one wonder if Gandhi’s message
was to accentuate the religious aura surrounding his
persona or did he ever intend to de-industrialise India
?Bose articulated why India needed industrialisation:
Firstly, industrialisation is necessary for solving the
problem of unemployment. Scientific agriculture will
increase the production of the land, which would imply
that same amount of food grains would be generated
by fewer men. This will therefore accentuate
unemployment. So, if food, clothing and education is
to be given to every man and woman, industrial
production has to be enhanced and a good portion of
the population will have to be transferred from land
to industry. Secondly, he perceived socialism to be
the basis of national reconstruction and presupposed
industrialisation. Thirdly, industrialisation was
necessary if India were to compete with foreign
countries. Lastly, industrialisation was necessary for
improving the standard of living of the people at large.
Subhash Bose realized that heavy industries in the
then India was no doubt of the greatest value for the
rapid economic development of the country. Heavy
industries according to Netaji could form the backbone
of India’s national economy. But unfortunately, in pre-
independent period, India could not make much
headway in that direction until and unless the people
of India could capture power at the Centre and secure
full control of our fiscal policy. Bose further stated
that medium-scale industries could flourish on the basis
of initiatives taken by business leaders with
Government co-operation. Industrialization therefore
did not mean in that context of colonial India a turn
back to cottage industries. Under such circumstances
the business and political leaders would have to
determine the categorization of cottage and large scale
industries. Bose further stated that in the context of
a peculiar national economy with the availability of
limited resources, only the national leaders could
mobilise the process of rapid economic growth and
development through industrialization where cottage
and large scale industries would emerge
simultaneously.(4)
Netaji’s interpretation on Modernity: Subhash
Bose on the other hand sought to focus on the growth
and development of the mother industries, viz, power
supply, metal production, machine and tools
manufacture, manufacture of essential chemical,
transport and communication industries. He wanted
the conference to consider: 1) a proper economic
survey of each province 2) co-ordination between
cottage and large scale industries with a view to
Netaji’s Modernism versus Mahatma Gandhi’s Spiritual Swaraj
preventing overlapping 3) the advisability of having
regional distribution of industries 4) rules regarding
technical training in India and abroad for students 5)
provisions for technical research 6) advisability of
appointing a committee of experts to give further
advice on the problems of industrialisation. Bose did
not believe that India would earn her freedom by
spinning. He started expressing his ideological
differences with Gandhi on modernisation in general,
and spinning as a political program in particular, early
on. He advocated activism as opposed to passivism
which was being preached from Sabarmati ashram
of Mahatma Gandhi and Pondicherry ashram of shri
Aurobindo Ghosh. Netaji Subhash also pleaded for
the modernisation in the material side of life.
In his presidential address at the 51st
Sessions of the Indian National Congress held at
Haripura in February 1938, Subhas Chandra Bose
spelt out his ideas about economic planning and
industrialisation of Free India, “The very first thing
which our future National Government will have to
do, would be to set up a Commission for drawing up
a comprehensive plan of reconstruction.” Bose
wanted that on the advice of the National Planning
Commission, State would adopt a comprehensive
scheme for gradually socializing our entire agricultural
and industrial system in the spheres of both production
and distribution. He also spoke about abolition of
landlordism and liquidation of agricultural
indebtedness. Subhas Chandra Bose constituted a
Planning Committee under the Chairmanship of
Jawaharlal Nehru for rapid industrialisation of India
on modern lines in consideration of the latter’s close
relationship with Mahatma Gandhi, who was not in
favour of Industrialisation Programme. According to
Subhas, liberty broadly signified political, economic
and social freedom. For him economic freedom was
the essence of social and political freedom.. According
to him the appalling poverty, high incident of
unemployment and low standard of living were due
to the foreign domination. In view of all this he desired
economic reconstruction and industrialisation on
modern scientific and technological methods. Subhas
Chandra Bose said that the moment India would be
free, the most important problem would be organising
of India’s national defence in order to safeguard the
country’s freedom in the future. For that India should
have to build up modern war industries; so that, India
111
might produce the arms that she should need for self-
defence. This would mean a very big programme of
industrialisation. He felt the necessity of modernising
the backward agriculture which in turn would
aggravate the problem of disguised unemployment
and to remedy this development of industry would be
indispensable to absorb the surplus labour from
agriculture. He was much impressed by the
exemplary success attained by the U.S.S.R. in
effecting economic development through rapid
industrialisation within a very short period of time,
and became a staunch protagonist for similar forced
march like Soviet Union and not a gradual one as in
Great Britain. Subhas Chandra Bose classified
industries into three categories, namely Large-scale
or Heavy Industries, Medium-Scale and Cottage
Industries. According to him, heavy industries are
important for rapid economic development. In the
category of Large-Scale Industries, mother industries
produce the means of production or make other
industries run successfully and these are metals,
heavy chemicals, machinery and tools, and
communication industries like railways, telegraph,
telephone and radio. He was very much in favour of
large-scale industries but at the same time he never
lost sight of cottage and small industries in an
underdeveloped country like India.
Bose wanted that women should be given a
very elevated position in the family and society, and
believed in female emancipation in the true sense of
the term and in liberating women from all shackles
and artificial disabilities - social, economic and
political. According to him, in the Free India, there
must not be any discrimination on ground of caste,
race, sex, creed or wealth. The glorified role played
by women in our national struggle, especially during
the Civil Disobedience Movement, with undaunted
bravery and exemplary spirit of sacrifice, shaped his
attitude towards women. formulated a recipe which
included literacy, physical and vocational education
or training on light Cottage Industries. He was a
supporter of widow remarriage and abolition of Purdah
system. Subhas Chandra Bose in the later years
commended the glorified role played by Indian women
in the freedom movement notably in the Congress
movement and Civil disobedience struggle led by
Mahatma Gandhi in which they had been equal to
men in addressing public meetings, conducting election
112 World Focus May 2017
campaign, taking out processions in the face of lathi
charges by the brutal British Police and undergoing
privation of prison life, torture and humiliation.(5)
According to Subhas Chandra Bose,
education was necessary for character building and
all round development of human life. Education brings
forth the internal discipline in the form of control or
regulation of mind and thoughts, which in its turn
produces external discipline of control of action or
deeds. His spiritual mentor Vivekananda was of the
view that education is the manifestation of perfection
already in mind. Education would boost of character,
morale, virility and freedom of man. Likewise, Bose
in his reconstruction plan, dreamed of an independent
India where citizens would be raised to the full status
of man in the true sense of the term so that they
would breath a free air of social, economic and
political justice and liberty.(6) The problem of illiteracy
was a fundamental problem to him. The idea
profounded by John Stuart Mill that the democracy
based on universal suffrage must be preceded by
universal education was well understood by Bose and
therefore, he advocated elementary education for all.
As a socialist and humanist he wanted mass primary
education for all and as an individualist he was in
favour of higher education for deserving meritorious
and intelligent students. The massive educational
reconstruction effected within a very short time in
the U.S.S.R. provided a model for Bose to support
State controlled educational system for solving our
educational problems. Bose realised that education
is a great force in bringing about a sense of national
unity and solidarity and for that he was in favour of a
common educational policy with a common script
which should be ‘Roman Script’, the common lingua
franca being Hindustani. In regard to the system of
primary education, Bose was deeply influenced by
the kindergarten system in Germany and Scandinavia,
the Nursery School of England and the Ecoles
Meternelles of France. He was in favour of visual or
sensory method of education. Vivekananda’s
concepts of man - making and character - building
elements in education influenced Bose so much so
that, he wanted men of character to free India from
the foreign domination. Bose firmly believed that no
educational plan would be successful without a
comprehensive system of teachers’ training.(7)
 Conclusion: The so-called Gandhian doctrine
of non-violence did not totally lack simplicity, but it
certainly lacked simplicity to some extent. Perhaps
some of Gandhi’s followers were not as simple as
Gandhi himself was in their personal lives. This
difference in the style of functioning between Gandhi
and some of his followers became very noticeable to
outside observers. In fact, the contest between
Subhash Bose and Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramaiya for the
Congress Presidency in the All India Congress
Committee was a contest between these two styles
of functioning. Maybe Gandhi was a simple man, and
that is why he remarked in unambiguous language at
the defeat of Sitaramaiya and the victory of Bose,
“Sitaramaiya’s defeat is my defeat.” Subhash Bose
never allowed this question of the difference between
himself and Gandhi to interfere in their personal
relationship. Gandhi also did not allow this to happen.
But some ambitious leaders of the Congress exploited
this situation. The expression of their personal
animosity and the serpentine noose of so-called
Ahimsa was one of the main reasons why Subhash
Bose had to leave the country. Some politicians,
instead of entering into more meaningful politics,
branded Subhash Bose as a misguided patriot and a
quisling because of their own superficial knowledge
of politics and their desire to slander him. They did
not understand, for example, that Britain, France and
America could sit together at the dining table with
the Soviets and discuss the sovereignty of their
respective countries although their professed
economic doctrines were poles apart. What wrong
did Subhash Bose do if he, as the representative of a
freedom loving country which was trying to attain
Independence and which was devoid of any military
force, sought the help of the Axis powers (Germany,
Italy and Japan)? In fact, the Second World War was
a war between two imperialistic and expansionist
forces. Neither the Axis nor the Allied powers were
the holy copper vessel and basil leaves that are bathed
in the water of the Ganges. The opponents of
Subhash Chandra Bose would undoubtedly have
maligned him regardless of which party he joined for
the independence of India. Those who declared that
Subhash Bose’s style of functioning and his idealism
were “Subhashism” are wrong for there is nothing
like Subhashism. Subhash Bose only longed for the
independence of his country and he longed for this
passionately. This was the reason why he seized the
Netaji’s Modernism versus Mahatma Gandhi’s Spiritual Swaraj
opportunities that arose to work for the freedom of
India. If anybody criticizes him, we can conclude that
such critics wanted to make political gains by taking
the least political risk – without even risking the least
scratch to their bodies. While the Allied powers
(Britain, France, and the USA) criticized Subhash
Bose for their own social and political reasons and
declared Tojo a war criminal, was it justifiable for
those Indian people who may have differed with him
and his techniques of struggle to criticize him and join
in the propaganda chorus of the Allied forces?
The fact is that where there is a serious
difference between the style of functioning or
approach of people, clear vision and rational intellect
become clouded. This makes each and every ripple
of social life turbid and is not at all conducive to lofty
thinking. This divisive mentality is the nastiest
expression of geo-sentiment and demonstrates that
people are poles apart in their views.
Notes and References
(1) Ananda M. Pandiri, A Comprehensive, Annotated
Bibliography on Mahatma Gandhi: Biographies, Works
by Gandhi, and Bibliographical Sources Greenwood
Publishing Group, 1995 (p. 349).
(2) LLoyd Rudolph and Susanne Rudolph: “Modernity of
Tradition: Political Development in India”, Chicago
University Press, 1965, pp.241-245.
(3) ”Father of Our Nation” (Address to Mahatma Gandhi
over the Rangoon Radio on 6 July 1944) The Essential
Writings of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Edited by Sisir
K Bose & Sugata Bose (Delhi: Oxford University Press)
1997 p. 301.
(4) Samar Guha,: “The Mahatma and the Netaji : The Two
Men of Destiny of India” Sterling Publishers, New Delhi,
1986, pp.25.26 .
(5) Nirad C. Chaudhuri (December 1953). “Subhas Chandra
Bose-His Legacy and Legend”. Pacific Affairs. 26 (4): 349–
350.
(6) Judith Brown (1994). Modern India. The Origins of an
Asian Democracy (2nd ed.). Oxford. pp. 293–316, 328 .
(7) , R. C. Roy Social, Economic and Political Philosophy
of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose . Orissa Review, 2004
pp. 7–8. on 10 April 2009.
113
 Safeguards of Minorities Rights in India:
Understanding Dr.Ambedkar’s Viewpoints
The issue of minority is a universal
phenomenon. There is no country in the world without
having presence of some kind of minority. Yet, the
nature of minority, the relationship between minority
and majority in the majoritarian democracy and the
problems of minorities are different from time to time,
region to region and from country to country. As the
problems of minorities are of universal in nature
hence several international instruments such as the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the
International Covenants on Civil and Political
Rights(1966), and the Declaration on the Rights of
Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious
and Linguistic Minorities(1992), articulate the
minority rights in universal terms with the underlying
belief that these instruments provide the broad
guidelines for nation-states to frame policies towards
their minorities (MohapatraB.N.2010). From the
very beginning India is a strong supporter of
International Conventions on Minority rights having
been a multicultural and multi-religious diversified
nation. It houses all the major religions of the world
with eighty percent of its population are Hindus and
while the remaining twenty percents are minorities.
However, the term ‘minority’ is not easy term to
define. Who are the minorities and how are they
belongs to minority community is very difficult to
ascertain in a multicultural society like India.
Generally speaking ‘minority’ is a community
numerically weak to the rest of population with
identical language, culture, and religious faith.
Moreover, the minority status also varies from place
to place and time to time. Take for example, Muslims
are religious minority in all-India level but in a state
like Jammu and Kashmir, Muslims are majority
community. In many ways the state plays pivotal role
in identifying and giving minority status to a particular
community on the basis of religion, language and
socio-economic well-being.
However, after sixty seven years of the
Constitutional Republic in work yet, the minorities in
114 World Focus May 2017
Dr. Chittaranjan Mallik
India have expressed their feeling of alienation. Even
the track record of the Indian state’s responsibility to
protect the lives of the minorities is not satisfactory.
On the other hand, the rise of Hindutav politics and
their growing mobilisation around temple issues
underlines the deep-seated disquiet over religious
minority for state’s continuous policy of appeasement.
The Hindu majoritarianism is currently functioning
with enough impunity where Muslims are facing an
equal measure of threats and violence along with
dalits. Recently several incidences of harassment,
beating, torture, and lynching of dalits and Muslims
on suspicion of cow-smuggling or beef-eating has
been reported. The emergence of gau-rakshaks (cow
protectionists) and their inhuman acts are squarely
against the will of Ambedkar and his magnificent
Constitution which gives us a secular country with
fundamental rights to life and liberty assured to every
citizens. Thus, in the contemporary minority discourse,
this article is an attempt to relook into Ambedkar’s
understanding of safeguards of minorities rights in
the Constitution of India which is still continues to
invoke.
Though the Constitution does not define the
term ‘minority’ yet it mentions of religious and
linguistic minorities in India. However, the problem
of minorities in India figured prominently in the
Constituent Assembly, Dr.Ambedkar as the chief
architect of the Constitution included several
provisions and guaranteed several protections to
minorities in different ways while drafting the
Constitution. And it was agreed to form three separate
Commissions for religious, linguistic and backward
classes for the integration of Indian community. The
Constitution of India has given recognition to a number
of languages in the Eight Scheduled and there are
five religious groups which have given the official
status of minorities, namely, Muslims, Christians,
Sikhs, Buddhists and Parsees. Ambedkar has
expressed his views in this regard that since the
depressed classes struggled hard for social equality
and they have been discriminated by the caste Hindus
from time immemorial so they should be called as a
‘minority’.
Dr.Ambedkar convinced that the rights of
dalits cannot be fully protected as long as they are
clubbed with larger community of Hindus. For him,
as a community, dalits are distinct and separate from
the Hindus, a separate element in the national life of
India. According to Ambedkar, dalits as a separate
and distinct element it is entitled to Constitutional
safeguards. He further added that ‘An element,
making a claim for constitutional safeguards, must
show that it is definable as separate and distinct from
the rest. If it shows that it is separate and distinct, its
right to constitutional safeguards is held admissible
(Ambedkar, BR.1990). Thus, Ambedkar had argued
that dalits had their own independent identity even
as part of the Hindu religion. Because of this
independent identity, the dalits, he believed are to be
considered as one of the minorities, he also cleared
this position while giving evidence on behalf of the
dalits before the South-borough Committee in
1919(Massey,james.2003). His position further
becomes clear when a memorandum was submitted
to the Constituent Assembly under the name “States
and Minorities”. In it Ambedkar outlined in details
their rights and means to secure them in the
Constitution of free India. However, the
memorandum defined fundamental rights, minority
rights and safeguards of for the scheduled castes
(Kuber, W.N.2001). But his most clear statement on
this issue is in his address, to the second sitting of
the “Sub-Committee No.III’ on Minorities on 31th
December 1930. The expression used at that time
for dalits was the ‘Depressed Classes’, about whom
Ambedkar told the Committee. On the other hand, if
you take the Depressed classes, they are a minority,
which comes next to the great Muslims minority in
India, and yet their social standard is lower than the
social standard of ordinary human beings (Ambedkar,
BR.1982). He further added that weightage is to be
conceded because a minority is weak, either in
numbers, or because it’s social standing is low, or its
educational standing is backward as compared with
others, or because it’s economic strength is not
sufficient to place it on a fighting par with other
communities (Ambedkar, BR.1982). Hence, dalits
are minority because they were not recognised and
Safeguards of Minorities Rights in India: Understanding Dr. Ambedkar’s Viewpoints
not given their due share in political and administrative
powers of the country. Critics are of the opinion that
though the backward classes like religious and
linguistic minorities are socio-economically weak but
they can’t be put into the same basket of minorities.
Ambedkar, the father of the Constitution of India,
intended to guarantee and secure to all the people of
India justice- social, economic and political-equality
of status, of opportunity, and before the law, and
freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith and
worship (CAD.1946). Part-III of the Constitution of
India provides a set of “Fundamental Rights” for all
its citizens. It too contains rights that are meant to
be enjoyed only by specific groups. For instance, the
Right to Equality(Articles 14-18), Right to
Freedom(Articles 19-22), and Right to Freedom of
Religion(Articles 25-28) which are the fundamental
rights meant for all the citizens of the country. Some
of the key fundamental rights are non-discriminatory
in nature. Article 15(1) prohibits discrimination against
any citizens on grounds of religio0n, race, caste, sex,
place of birth or any of them. Moreover, Article 16(2)
says that there shall be no discrimination on the
ground of religion, race. Caste, and sex, place of birth,
or any of them against any employment or office
under the state. In a strict sense, these rights are not
minority rights; but their significance for the minority
community is relatively more significant. In addition,
Ambedkar incorporated the Directive principles of
State Policy in Part IV of the Constitution. These
Directive Principles are fundamentals in the
governance of the country for achieving economic
and social goals. However, the Directive Principles
includes the following provisions having significant
implications for the Minorities as well:
Article38 (2) of the Constitution directs the
state “to endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status,
facilities and opportunities”, not only amongst
individuals but also amongst groups of people residing
in different areas or engaged in different vocations;
Article 44 of the Constitution also directs the state
“to endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform
civil code throughout the territory of India” and
Article 46 of the Indian Constitution, directs the state
“to promote with special care” the educational and
economic interests of “the weaker sections of the
people” (besides Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes).
115
 The Constitution of India provides some
specific provisions for the protection of minorities
whether based on religion or language. These
provisions are Cultural and Educational Rights of
Minorities, and Rights of Linguistic Minorities.
Cultural and Educational Rights of Minorities
Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India provides
protection exclusively to cultural and educational
rights of the minorities of the country. Article 29(1)
of the Constitution says: “Any section of the citizens
residing in the territory of India or any part thereof
having a distinct language, script or culture of its own
shall have the right to conserve the same”. Similarly,
Article 30 gives the minorities based on religion or
language, the right to establish and administer
educational institutions of their choice’.hese specific
rights of the minorities enshrined in the Constitution
are undoubtedly based on a solemn pledge of the
nation to the minority communities and these rights
have been in the same spirit consistently interpreted
in a sympathetic manner by the Courts. Besides the
above mentioned articles, the Constitution of India
also contains special provisions for the education of
the linguistic minorities as well.
Rights of Linguistic Minorities
The Constitution of India has provided certain specific
provisions to safeguard the rights and interests of
Linguistic Minorities. Article 347 of the Constitution
provides a guarantee to the use of minority languages
in the administration. It authorises the President to
issue directive to a State Government for the
recognition of a minority language as official language
in that State. It may be noted that in this connection
that the reference here in the Article is ‘to any
language spoken by them’ and not merely to the
languages enlisted in the Eighth Schedule to the
Constitution. So the scope of this provision is wide
enough as the number of languages spoken and
written in India runs into some hundreds. Further the
words ‘used in the Union or in the State’ in Article
350 would suggest that the language of the petition
need not be limited to the official language of the
Union or the States, as the case may be, but could
also be in other languages even those spoken by
minorities. Further, Article 350 A of the Constitution
provides that every States should endeavour to provide
adequate facilities for children belonging to linguistic
116 World Focus May 2017
minorities to have institution in their mother tongue
at the primary stage of education. Article 350B
empowers the President to appoint a Special Officer
for linguistic minorities under the Constitution and
report to the President.
Dr.Ambedkar had argued that in our country
both the minorities and majorities have followed a
wrong path. It is wrong for the majority to deny the
existence of minorities. It is equally wrong for the
minorities to perpetuate themselves. A solution must
be found which will serve a double purpose. It must
recognise the existence of the minorities to start with.
It also enable the majorities and minorities to emerge
someday into one, the solution as proposed by the
Constituent Assembly is to be welcomed because
this solution serves two-fold purposes. One is that
minorities are an explosive force which, if it erupts,
can blow up the whole fabric of the state. The other
is that the minorities in India have agreed to place
their existence in the hands of the majority. They
have loyally accepted the rule of the majority, which
are basically a communal majority and not a political
majority. It is for the majority to realise its duty not
to discriminate against minorities. Whether the
minorities will continue or vanish must depend upon
this habit of the majority. The moment the majority
loses the habit of discriminating against the minority,
the minorities can have no ground to exist. They will
vanish (Ambedkar,B.R.1998).
Nevertheless, state has to empower and
encourage all the stake holders to be a part of
mainstream political process; and so far as minorities
are concerned it must ensure physical security and
non-discrimination atmosphere. And the state must
prioritised to remove educational backwardness and
augment the economic status of the minority groups
of the country. Undoubtedly, the foundation of
inclusive democracy and its solid edifice was built
by Dr.Ambedkar, an intellectual stalwart, thinker, a
philosopher, erudite scholar and maker of modern
India. His idea of constitutional democracy with
universal adult franchise is not merely a
representative democracy, but beyond that, much
more an inclusive and participatory democracy meant
to protect the distinct cultural or linguistic or religious
identity of the minority communities. In the end, it is
the imperative on the part of the government to create
a healthy ambience that can promote fraternity and
we-felling among the fellow citizenries, enabling them
to play a meaningful role in the nation-building.
References:
Mohapatra, Bishnu N. 2010. ‘Minorities and Politics’ in
Niraja gopal Jayal and Pratap Bhanu Mehta(ed) Politics
in India, New Delhi, Oxford University press, P.224.
Ambedkar, B.R.1990: Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and
Speaches, Vol 9, Mumbai, Education department,
Government of Maharashtra, pp.181-2.
Massey, James.2003: Dr.B.R.Ambedkar: A Study in Just
society, New Delhi, Manohar, p.65.
Kuber, W.N.2001: Ambedkar: A Critical Study, New Delhi,
People’s Publishing House, p.184.
Ambedkar, B.R.1982: Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and
Speaches, Vol 2, Mumbai, Education department,
Government of Maharashtra, p.529.
Ambedkar, B.R: Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and
Speaches, Vol 2, Mumbai, Education department,
Government of Maharashtra, p.533.
CAD.1946: Constitutional Assembly Debate, Vol.1, New
Delhi, p.59.
Ambedkar, B.R.1998: Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and
Speeches, Vol 13, Mumbai, Education department,
Government of Maharashtra, pP.62-63.

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Safeguards of Minorities Rights in India: Understanding Dr. Ambedkar’s Viewpoints 117

 Gandhi and His Concept of Peace-
A Way to Conflict Resolution
Dr. Muzammil Ahad Dar & Rameez Raja Mir
“If humanity is to progress, Gandhi is
inescapable. He lived, thought and acted, inspired by
the vision of humanity evolving toward a world of
peace and harmony. We may ignore Gandhi at our
own risk.”
—Martin Luther King, Jr.
Gandhi was a philosopher and his are
philosophical techniques to reformation. The concepts
Ahisma and Satyagraha had used by Gandhi in its
pure Indian traditional colour (Nanda, 1985, 33).
Ahimsa and Satyagraha, the two words are a
condensed form from Sanskrit language reflecting
Indian socio-cultural milieu. Ahimsa and Satyagraha
apart from their word meanings need to be understood
within Indian socio-cultural context. Such findings will
reflect the relevance of Ahimsa and Satyagraha as
practiced by Gandhi. The basic concept of Gandhi’s
philosophy was Truth and peace or truth-in-peace
(Dennis, 1998, 63). How peace could be established?
The opposite of peace is conflict and the removal of
conflict will establish peace. How conflicts can be
resolved? It could be overcome by practicing truth
or remaining firm on truth. Gandhi suggested two
ways of holding on truth i.e. Satyagraha and Ahimsa.
The application of Satyagraha and Ahimsa in resolving
conflict, as Gandhi had said, depends largely on the
(whether they are relevant or not) relevance of these
two novel concepts of Gandhi. Therefore, the
relevance of these two concepts is the crux on which
the whole gamut of conflict resolution depends.
Moreover, Indian socio-cultural tradition may help us
to understand the prospectus of Satyagraha and Non-
violence. Gandhi’s charisma of making use of these
tools to achieve independence has its own importance
.The tools how they become the weapons of resolution
to conflicts is the end of the (this) paper.
Behaviouralism: Ghandhian Concept of
Satyagraha and Ahimsa:
Behavouralists believe that human actions are
118 World Focus May 2017
determinants of internal as well as external
environments. Human behaviour therefore reflects
the impact of social system. It is also according to
Robert Dahl that “allocation of values” transmits in
the actions and reactions (behaviour) of the people.
Therefore societal impact determines the thinking
patterns of life and beliefs of the people. So thinking
has to be re-formulated towards the concept of
Satyagraha and non-violence. (Can we do it let us
see. Take the example of Indian society-the socio-
cultural pattern similar to Satyagraha and non-
violence.)Ahimsa and truth, argued Gandhi, ‘are so
intertwined that it is practically impossible to
disentangle and separate them. Nevertheless Ahimsa
is the means and truth the end (Diwarkar, 1946, 44).
According to Bhikhu Parekh, “the quest for Truth
involves ‘tapas’ or self-suffering..... The pursuit of
truth is true Bhakti.
Mahatma Gandhi by equating truth with self-
suffering upheld the Indian traditions supporting self-
suffering for truth. Gandhi applied two techniques
Ahimsa and Satyagraha, in its pure traditional Indian
form, letting the scope of these two concepts more
akin to India to attain his goal-Truth. So despite that
there is transforming Indian society [going on], there
is ample scope for Satyagraha and non-violence
especially in the present era of India (Mukherji and
Sushila, 1998, 78).The people of India have a
passionate social setting. The people are simple, and
tolerant. India as a whole represents traditional village
life where, tolerance and self-suffering like traits have
become the parts of the behaviour of the people.
Gandhi believed that “Satyagraha is the tool of the
brave”- the brave who is tolerant and ready to accept
self-suffering. Therefore, Indian society [a village of
tolerance and self-suffering] possesses the qualities
where Ahimsa and Satyagraha can remain as long
as Indian society exists. As Gandhi himself explained;
“As I proceed in my search for truth it grows upon
me that truth comprehends everything; what is
perceived by a pure heart and intellect is truth for
that moment; the wonderful implication of the great
truth Brahma Satyam Jagatmithya (Brahma is real,
all else unreal) has grown on me from day to day. It
teaches us patience. This will purge us of harshness
and add to our tolerance (Bandyopadhyaya, 1969,
34). It will make us magnify the mole-hills of our
errors in to mountains and minimize the mountains of
others’ errors in to mole-hills.
Religion plays an important role in the life. In
India it is followed more enthusiastically. It shapes
and re-shapes the life of the people. It is a determining
factor of human behavior (life).Gandhi was a
conflated combination of religions who taught to
practice Satyagraha and non-violence. Satyagraha
means truth and firmness on truth .Ahimsa means
non-violence. Every religion teaches non-violence and
Satyagraha i.e. to remain firm on truth. But these
two principles are much more akin to Indian society
because India is a multi-religious country. So as long
as religion is followed Satyagraha and Ahimsa remain
the bedrock of Indian society and therefore relevant.
So long Indian multi-religious tradition remains
Satyagraha and non-violence exist (Chatterjee, 1983,
83).
Satayagraha and Ahimsa: The Tools of Peace
Gandhi’s ideals of Ahimsa and Satyagraha are based
on Hindu percept .Satyagraha was an instant success
because it drew on Satya, Ahimsa and Tapasya of
Indian philosophy (Denis, 1998, 98). Not only to an
ordinary Indian mind does such an innovation for
obvious reasons could have attracted any type of
mentality. What was novel in Gandhi was not that he
laid the foundation of these ideals but a confidence
he built among Indians, that those traditional idioms
could be used to attain independence. Even though
people were not adamant to these ideals, even though
the extremist or revolutionary mist was on sweep,
Gandhi was able to construct positive atmosphere
for such ideals, the only way, for articulating their
desires for freedom. People in large were not aware
about these principles and had never known the
power of Satyagraha and Ahimsa if Gandhi would
not had popularized them. Before Gandhi who could
have thought of Satyagraha and Ahimsa which seem
idealistic in nature were going to be the front-rank
principles of the Indian freedom struggle (Iyer, 2000,
23). It was he who created such kind of atmosphere.
Gandhi and His Concept of Peace- A Way to Conflict Resolution
He emerged as the only leader who felt the pulse of
the people more correctly than any other else and
the consequence were obvious. Not that everyone
was attracted to his principles he had some adversaries
who always bluff at the success of those spiritual
principles. Pt. j. Nehru say, ‘‘He attracted people.
They did not agree with his philosophy of life, but the
action that he proposed was something tangible which
could be understood and appreciated intellectually step
by step he convinced us of the rightness of the action,
and we went with him, although we did not accept
his philosophy. Gandhi being essentially a man of
action and very sensitive to changing condition, the
road he was following was the right one thus far, and
if the future meant a parting it would be folly to
anticipate it.
Gandhi Charisma:
In Mohandas Gandhi’s terminology, truth (satya)
implies love, which should engender firmness/
dedication (agraha) -thus, Satyagraha refers to the
“firmness in a good cause.” Gandhi’s philosophy of
Satyagraha is often conflated with the passive
resistance in social movement literature. Gandhi
emerged as a leader with different kinds of mobilizing
techniques (Dolton, 1998, 87).
The importance in him was that he was able
to infuse, in an organized manner, among the masses
the goodness of Satyagraha and Ahimsa. Satyagraha
is a form of persuasion, which aims not at the
conquest of the opponent but at the removal of conflict
through genuine agreement. Based on truth, non-
violence and self-suffering, Satyagraha is a force to
effect change. The concept of Satyagraha as change
has a spiritual meaning for Gandhi.
To effect the change through Satyagraha
Gandhi emphasized on spiritual innovations. The
change within or soul -force. This is Gandhi’s spiritual
concept of Satyagraha for conflict resolution.
Satyagraha provides strong moral strength to the
satyagrahee who is himself willing to endure self-
suffering. Since the cause of ill will among people or
nations which leads to conflict is selfishness or self-
interest or self-gains to avoid self-suffering. The
Satyagraha teaches how to change selfishness into
selflessness by offering self-suffering unto him. In
the economic perspective Gandhi applied the concept
119
of self –sufficiency. He argued that ‘‘Earth provides
enough to satisfy every man’s need, but not [a] man’s
greed”. Greed is the result of selfishness in human
nature. This selfishness has to be reduced, if not
removed completely, from human nature through self-
sacrifice by holding the good ideals of Satyagraha
and remaining non-violent even in provocation.
“Furthermore, given the importance of
Ahimsa or Non-violence in Satyagraha, the
Satyagrahee does not intend to inflict injury though
he may, by his act, cause injury to himself. Ahimsa
denotes not merely refusal to use violence, it also
contains a positive psychological element seeking to
eliminate ill-will. Love is an important constituent of
Ahimsa, without love Ahimsa will remain a mere
theoretical conceptualization.” Gandhi explained that
‘‘individual freedom can have the fullest play only
under a regime of unadulterated Ahimsa. However
the success of Ahimsa could be attributed to the moral
strength of those endorsing the ideal of Ahimsa.
Ahimsa and Satyagraha can succeed in a spirit with
moral strength. Moral strength needs an attention
possibly through education.
The foundational idea for Gandhi is Satya -
truth. For Gandhi, Satya represented the supreme
value, the raison d’etre of human existence. Through
Satyagraha combined with Ahimsa Gandhi wanted
to lay the foundation of the satya, i.e., truth, because
for Gandhi Satyagraha, Ahimsa and the truth are
intertwined to each other. Thus by establishing the
concept of truth through Satyagraha and non-violence
Gandhi wanted to install the peace in society where
conflict has no role.
Gandhian Democracy: Equal Freedom for Peace
in Society
Non-Violence in institutional vocabulary is a means
to pursue freedom. Gandhi emphasized that every
individual should be represented as a free moral agent
(Terchek, Gandhi and Democratic Theory, in Thomas
Pantham). Therefore, giving primacy to our being as
human, non-violence helps us to ensure freedom of
all individuals through mutual respect and common
understanding. Locke’s contractualism that we
surrender the same what we received back from the
covenant is a metaphor relevant to understand the
chain reaction of Gandhian principle of Non-violence.
120 World Focus May 2017
Gandhi strongly believed that respecting the individual
moral worth of ourselves and other could we achieve
justice. Such a moral posture meant that individual
must be treated end in itself. He viewed that treating
other individuals as means and we are willing to
excuse violence as justified. According to him means
are after all everything. As the means so the ends,
there is no wall of separation between means and
ends (Young India: July 17, 1924) Gandhi believed
that political Solutions could not be understood apart
from social and economic relations (Terchek, Gandhi
and Democratic Theory, in Thomas Pantham). The
fragmented Indian society on basis of castes, language
and tribal or ethnic cleavages often bring the deprived
sections into conflict with upper or developed sections.
He believed that sarvodyha can ensure faire and
distribution and equal opportunity for all and therefore,
social justice will prevail.Gandhi was proponent of
Substantive democracy that the procedural
democracy. He believed that submission to
majoritarian rule is a kind of slavery. Democracy must
ensure equal opportunity for weakest like strongest.
This can never happen, except through non-violence
(M.K. Gandhi, ed. Non-Voilence in Peace and War.
Vol. 01, Ahmadabad: Navajivan, 1948).
Gandhi Concept of Peace: A Conflict Resolution
Mechanism
The conflict to which Gandhi was talking was conflict
within and conflict outside i.e. two dimensions of
conflict. Example conflict with self and conflict with
British Government (system).He said if you want to
change the world the change must be within (self).
He was successful in fighting at both the battles
against his self and the British rule by using
Satyagraha and non-violence that is why he is
regarded the Mahatma. India practiced Satyagraha
against British rule but not against the self that is
why Indians failed. Conflict is a state of opposition,
disagreement or incompatibility between two or more
people or groups of people, which is sometimes
characterized by physical violence. Conflict not only
represent the clash of individuals[persons] as material
being but deep inside is a clash of views,
ideas[principles] , as Gandhi put it the differing “angles
of vision” illuminating the same truth. Conflict is a
part of life and we cannot avoid it. When there is a
clash of interest, idea, value or action, conflict always
results. Conflict occurs as a reduction of one
motivating stimulus which coincides as a rise in another
stimulus. There are various types and modes of
conflicts. The basic idea of Gandhi’s approach to
conflict is to redirect the focus of conflict from person
to principles which means grasping into truth (Young
India 1919). So for Gandhi conflict is a means to grasp
truth. When it is turned into intellectual judo that
definitely give rise to new knowledge leading to truth.
When the truth is manifest upon man the conflict is
resolved. Gandhi contented that different views
representing conflict also are different reflections of
truth. He did not believe in a perusal accommodation
and compromise but withstood in for a win-win
situation for both parties. He believed in undertaking
painful means to achieve the desired goals. This is
exactly the goal of the Gandhian approach of
Satyagraha.
Conclusion
Gandhi and his concept of peace is a way to conflict
resolution has to be taken together with the concept
of Satyagraha and non-violence. His way to conflict
resolution is strong adherence to the principle of truth.
Truth and peace for Gandhi become complementary
to each other giving rise to the notion of his concept
of Rama Rajya where justice reigns supreme.
Actually the Gandhain concept of Satyagraha is to
remain firm on truth. Non-violence is another thing
that needs attention. The importance of non-violence
is becoming more and more relevant due to myriad
types of violence today. Violence has to be understood
in the pretext to get a panacea of evils of violence
around us. Indian socio-cultural tradition may help us
to understand the prospectus of Satyagraha and Non-
violence. The belief system- in tradition, traits and
values, is important to infuse the concepts of two
.
tools of Gandhi’s fight to reach to truth.
Thus Satyagraha and non-violence and the concept
.
of truth need attention.
Religion plays an important role in the determination
of human thinking and actions. India is a multi-
religious country. Every religion teaches Truth
(Satyagraha) and Non-violence. Thus it has more
prospects to flourish in India. Re-awakening religious
.
knowledge can help us in this endeavor.
Re-allocate the goodness of Satyagraha and non-
violence. Robert Dhal says values are allocated in
society but these two principles are already been
allocated, the need is to revive them.
Gandhi and His Concept of Peace- A Way to Conflict Resolution
. It is highly viable to revive the concepts of
Satyagraha and non-violence in India so that societal
impact may influence the behavior of the man. Moral
education exhibited in religions need to be focused to
develop the minds towards goodness of truth.
. When the truth is manifest upon man the conflict is
resolved.
.
Different views representing conflict are different
reflections of truth. So truth needs to be emphasized.
.
Redirect the focus of conflict from person to
principles which means grasping into truth.
.
Suggestions:
As already said these two principles are inherent
in Indian society. Creation of an atmosphere akin to
concept of Satyagraha and Non-violence are
required. — reallocate the values of Satyagraha and
.
Non-violence.
Socio-cultural patterns of Indian society amply
imbibe the strength in which Non-violence and
Satyagraha are the searching torches of Gandhi’s ideal
.
Ram Raj.
Ram Raj and Hindu society are complementary to
.
each other.
More attention needs to the concept of non-violence
.
as against violence.
Development of moral strength through education
.
is necessary.
Satyagraha and non-violence need attention in
society so that human behavior can be influenced.
Biblography
1.Weber Thomas, Conflict Resolution and Gandhian Ethics, The Gandhi
Peace Foundation, New Delhi, 1991.
2.Juergensmeyer Mark, Gandhi’s Way: A handbook of Conflict Resolution,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003
3.Diwakar R.R., Satyagraha-Its Techniques and Theory, Bombay: Hind
Kitabs, 1946.
4.Iyer Raghavan N., The Moral and Political thought of Matahama Gandhi,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000.
5.Chakrabarty Bidyut, Social and Political Thought of Matahama Gandhi,
Routledge, New York, 2006.
6.Bandyopadhyaya Jayantuja, Social and Political Thought of Gandhi,
Allied Publishers, Bombay, 1969.
7.Chatterjee Margaret, Gandhi’s Religious Thought, Macmillan, London,
1983.
8.Dolton Dennis, Non-violence in Action: Gandhi’s Power, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1998.
9.Mukherjee Subrata and Sushila Ramaswamy (eds), Non-violence and
Satyagraha, Deep & Deep, New Delhi, 1998.
10.Nanda B.R., Matahama Gandhi, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1985.
11.M.K. Gandhi, ed. Non-Voilence in Peace and War. Vol. 01, Ahmadabad:
Navajivan, 1948
12. Thomas Pantham, “Thinkers of Modern India,”
121
 Contributor’s Profile
Prof. Tridib Chakraborti Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata
Prof. Anuradha Mukherjee Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata
Dr. Ashok Kumar Panda Founder Member of P.U.C.L. & D.R., P.U.C.L., and a well known
Human Rights Leader; Senior Advocate, Supreme Court of India
Prof. Anil Kumar MohapatraDept. of Social Sciences, Fakir Mohan University, Balasore (Odisha)
Himansu Sekhar Pati Former Director, H.R., SAIL, New Delhi now based in Bhubaneswar
Dr.Sailaja Gullapall Research Associate, Gandhi Smriti and Darshan Samiti, New Delhi
Prof. Satish Kumar Head, Dept. of Political Science, CUH, Haryana
Dr. Virendar Singh Associate Professor, MMH College, Ghaziabad
Dr. Alok Kumar Gupta Associate Professor, Centre for Political Studies, Central University of
South Bihar, Gaya, Bihar
Dr. Bibudharanjan An author based in Puri, Odisha
Dr. Deepak Yadav Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Kalindi College,
University of Delhi
Dr. Dasarathi Bhuiyan Assistant Professor, P.G. Department of Political Science, Berhampur
University, Berhampur, Odisha
Dr. Saleem Ahmad Assistant Professor at Department of Political Science, School of
Humanities & Social Sciences, Galgotias University, Greater Noida
Dr. Sudhir Wadekar Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, BPHE Society’s
Ahmednagar College (Pune University), Ahmednagar, Maharashtra
Dr. Abha Chauhan Khimta Assistant Professor of Political Science, Department of Political
Science, H.P. University, Shimla
Bipin Kumar Assistant Professor, National Law University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan
Dr. Snehil Kacker Assistant Professor, Lady Shri Ram College for Women, D.U.
Dr. Pratyay Dutta Lecturer, Vidyasagar Evening College, Department of Political Science,
University of Calcutta
Shalini Prasad Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Vivekananda
College, Delhi University
Dr. Pitam Ghosh Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Bangabasi
Evening College, Kolkata
Dr. Chittaranjan Mallik Assistant Professor in Political Science, Bagnan College, Howrah
Aniruddha Purushotham Advocate, Supreme Court of India
Binoda Kumar Kar Research Scholar, Berhampur University, Odisha
Dr. Muzammil Ahad Dar Department of Politics and IR, Pondicherry University
Rameez Raja Mir PhD Scholar, Center for EU Studies, Pondicherry University

122 World Focus May 2017

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