Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Many people are more sympathetic with King Lear then with Hamlet
as it seems
Lear did not fully deserve his punishment .
However, like Hamlet, Lear can be seen as an architect of his
tragedy. This is because he wanted to release himself from the
responsibilities of being King, whilst retaining the status, title, power
and authority. He gives his daughters an opportunity to win the
throne which lead Goneril and Ragan who do not truly love him to
gain power, of the kingdom. When he hands over his power he still
asks to keep the title and one hundred knights.
This show the Kings motive was to pass on all of the hard work of
ruling a kingdom to his daughters to enable him to live in comfort and
enjoyment. By handing over his power he is crafting his own destiny
as if he kept his kingdom his tragedy would not have been created.
This leads to his downfall as the kingdom has been passed to the
daughters who cared more about power than they cared about their
father.
Both 'King Lear' and ‘Hamlet' are tragedies and the main characters
can be described as tragic heroes. Aristotle’s defines a tragic hero as
a character with noble importance but not without imperfections. A
fatal flaw (harmatia) of the hero enables ordinary people to identify
with the hero. The hero's downfall is triggered by their tragic flaw.
However, the misfortune is not entirely deserved and the punishment
exceeds the crime. Aristotle suggests that the function of a tragedy is
to stimulate the emotions of disappointment through the realisation of
their mistakes/errors and fear through a catharsis which will cleanse
the audience of the 'unhealthy' feelings of shame and fear.
The tragic hero must be sacrificed in order for the natural order to be
restored. Through
Aristotle's definition of a tragic hero it can be suggested that King
Lear and Hamlet, although it is their flaws that create the tragedy,
have no control over their destiny as they have to be sacrificed in
order for the natural order to be restored. We can clearly see that
both King Lear and Hamlet are tragic heroes for different reasons.
King Lear inspired his own downfall because he banishes the only
daughter that truly loved him. He can not see the motives behind
Regan and Goneril's professions of love and the consequences that
follow are a result of his blindness. On the other hand, Hamlet's flaw
is not wilful ignorant bliss but his harmatia is his ability to over think.
He had multiple opportunities to retaliate his father's death , but he
kept making excuses and frequently becomes frustrated with the task
he has been asked to do and with himself. An example of this is
when Hamlet says;
Lear and Hamlet are critically flawed and towards the end of both
plays the characters can be accused of madness. King Lear truly
goes mad. Whereas it can be argued that Hamlet only pretended to
be mad, and uses ‘devious madness' to deceive his family and
friends.
Taking this into consideration, this means that Hamlet and Lear can
not be architects for their tragedies as they were not in control of their
actions. In the anagnorisis, described by Aristotle, it suggests that the
character of Lear has moments where he is not in lane of reason
which suggests that Lear's madness is not constant. This would
imply that his madness was only used as a dramatic device.
This led to the tragedy as they refused to take care of him, eventually
making him go mad therefore his daughters can be seen as the
architects instead of Lear.
This shows the reason for his delay in action against the new king
because he does not feel that he has the strength to carry out the
actions and he feels it would be impossible to set the world right not
to.
Lear's flaw is clear from the first scene of the play, as he asks his
daughters 'which of you shall we say doth love us most? ’ From this
question we can see his insecurity and his fear of feeling worthless.
He appears vain and self satisfying as he wants to unburden himself
of all his responsibilities of being King whilst maintaining the power
and status, 'only we shall retain the name and all additions of being
king'. The test shows his values are empty and he priorities the
appearance of love over actual devotion. This is evident by the way
that he asks his daughters the question, 'which of you doth say you
love us most' instead of asking 'which of you doth love us most'. This
shows he values public and fake, displays of love over real love. This
is the reason behind the tragedy because if Lear had not demanded
fake display of love, he would not have banished Cordelia and
therefore he would have retained his power.
Works Cited
Aristotle also felt that a true tragedy did not have violent scenes in it.
Shakespeare did not leave out very many acts of violence. The first
murder by Macbeth is shown in great detail, Macbeth even said,
"And on thy blade and dudgeon gouts of blood," (2.1.46). The next
murder scene that Shakespeare shows is that of Banquo. The three
murderers all jumped on him and he began to yell. Then
Shakespeare adds a stage note that Banquo is dead. Some may
argue that this is not a true murder scene because it is at night and
therefore in the dark. But, no theater during Shakespeare's time
would have been dark enough to conceal the violent scene. The
most violent murder scene of all is that of Macduff's family. The
murder takes place on stage, and the stabbing of the little son is
shown while his mother watched his painful death, and finally died
herself. These murders make Macbeth seem more like an action
movie than a tragic play.
Works Cited:
• Chinua Achebe
• Loreto Tod
• Bach - 392
• Vaughn
Exploration Of Post-Colonialism From
Different Readings
1981 Words 8 Pages
Readings allow responders to create meaning of the text and
compose within their own and others context. Exploration of
"Feminist", “Freudian”, and “Marxist" readings, allows the readers to
view certain concepts and explore themes from various different
perspectives. All these readings encompass certain thematic
concerns, from which a certain degree of parallelism from each
perspective can be established, as well as differing concepts and
issues.
The feminist reading explores ways in which texts may depict the
place of women within society. In particular, it draws upon the
oppression of women, and the different, conflicting perspectives
regarding their roles, behaviour and function within a society.
Exploring cultural and personal identity, which determines ways in
which these may shape an individual relationship with others, is
known as a "Freudian" reading. It states that the experiences an
individual has incurred as a minor or in the past can ultimately shape
their perceptions regarding life. This occurs particularly if they have
left it without a sense of closure. These two readings are in stark
contrast to the "Marxist" reading. The Marxist reading mainly focuses
on the struggle of classes though history. This reading states that
people think and behave in response to surrounding factors.
Dominant groups in society, because, of their power and control,
influences and dictates the beliefs and values of the majority.
FEMINIST READING
Empowerment of Women
To show the equality between man and women, most feminist texts
explore the juxtaposition of a society governed by a man to that of
woman. This is effective in the sense that it may portray the
weaknesses and strengths of both society, or it may empower the
society governed by a women, but degrade the society ruled a man,
consequently depicting the female as being superior to a misogynist
male. This may be implemented through the labelling of the society
governed by the misogynist as being corrupted, violent, and
sometimes atrocious. In most cases, feminist authors often juxtapose
the way in which each gender governs the system, thereby providing
an unbiased perspective of the prowess of both men and women,
and the unity between them. This brings to the fore how feminists
authors may often exhibit the alteration of the beliefs and values of a
misogynist in their texts. Also, it reflects their beliefs and values
regarding the oppression of women and their feministic mindsets.
Freudian Reading
MARXIST READING
The Marxist reading, or Marxist literary criticism, assess the social
and class distinction within society through the medium of literature.
It evaluates the role of the government, and other factors within
society which influence and dictate the beliefs of the majority. This
particular reading can be referred to as an approach to literature
which mainly focuses on the culture, race, class and power of
society. It is through this reading, that conflict between different
classes can be clearly established, as well as deciphering the source
of these conflicts. The two main aspects of Marxist reading are:
social distinction, power
Much ado about nothing
Social distinction within a text can be extensively reflected through
the way the characters interact with each other, and their status. This
is explored in William Shakespeare’s play, “Much ado About
Nothing”. In the play, language is used as means to acceptance.
The Insider
To kill a Mockingbird.
The Accord Duality: Underlying Oppression
and Continual Colonialism
2193 Words 9 Pages
Since the formation of Canada in 1867 much of the dealings have
been based off of two distinct language groups: the Francophone
and the Anglophone. Despite the colonization of Canada centuries
before and the nation to nation agreements preceding, and
proceeding after, the formation of Canada the First Nations people
have been a part of the Canadian periphery. The conduction of the
Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord are examples of
the First Nation people’s continual placement in the hinterland of
Canadian political and legal action. This conduct of business
impeded upon the original agreements of “nation-to-nation”
agreements that were created for the, supposed, benefits of both
states. Regardless of these previous stipulations the Canadian
government, both provincial and federal, left the First Nations people
in the dark, unacknowledged, without their own devices of legal and
political process. Thus, the Meech Lake Accord and Charlottetown
Accords were direct attacks from the Canadian government upon the
First Nation People’s treaties and their rights and freedoms as
dictated in the Constitution of Canada.
Both accords, Meech Lake and Charlottetown, were direct disregards
to the past relationships between Canada and the First Nations
people, thus to understand the effects of these accords it is important
to understand the pretext preceding the new constitutional
arrangement under the Trudeau administration. Canada is a country
that is based upon colonialism through the countries of France and
England. For centuries there has been a strict recognition of this
duality rather than an all-encompassing view of Canada as three
separate nations living harmoniously. Just because the First Nations
people appeared to be nomadic and lacking religion in lifestyle did
not delegitimize their attachment to land or the makings of a civilized
culture, but under the context of European thought these stipulations
were enough to depose the First Nations of their lands, although this
is a direct defiance to international law; Canada, being a colony
under Great Britain’s rule was a municipal extension, thus not holding
the power to actually enter into nation-to-nation agreements until
1931 under the Statute of Westminster, yet the law was abused and
unacknowledged. Despite this abuse of the law, the First Nations
were recognized as a nation having the right to self-determination
and self-governance along with other stipulations (Venne, 2011, pp.
43-46). Throughout history these inherent rights for the First Nations
have been disregarded: in 1982, with the new Constitution of
Canada, it seemed that would change, but to no avail.
In 1982, under the Trudeau administration, a new constitution was
being formed. Preceding this new Canadian constitution the
discussion around land claims was underway since the powers of
Canada could not just disregard the First Nations as they had in the
past since it was evident that they would not disappear. A few
clauses were put in place for the First Nation People such as
affirming existing aboriginal titles and committing to conducting
further discussion upon the topic. Despite this clause little discussion
occurred and caused a wave of disparagement through the First
Nations community (Johnston, 1993, p. 44). The constitution that
Trudeau had attempted to pass failed to be ratified due to Quebec’s
unwillingness to agree, thus the Meech Lake Accord was born in
1987 under the relatively recently elected Mulroney administration.
The swiftness of the Meech Lake Accord’s discussion and finalization
to be voted upon was another blow to the First Nation Peoples.
Preceding the creation of the Meech Lake Accord the Canadian
Government had four high profile meetings spanning five years
where the various First Nation groups, the premiers of all the
provincial governments, and the Prime Minister’s administration
would conduct a discussion regarding the rights of First Nations and
self-governance; nothing really became of these discussions, just
further frustrations on both sides. In the span of just one day of
consultation between the premiers of the provinces and the federal
government an agreement had been reached referring Quebec’s
qualms with the previous constitutional agreement (Peach, 2011, pp.
4-9). The most infuriating aspect of the agreement was not the
apparent ability to conduct agreements in a concise and effective
manner it were the stipulations that were put in the Meech Lake
Accord for Quebec’s benefit that caused an outcry in the First Nation
Peoples.
A report conducted in 1968, known as the Hawthorne Report,
outlined that aboriginal people should be equal citizens plus. This is
the same ideal that the Quebec provincial government was trying to
achieve: be recognized in Canada, but with additional rights. The
Hawthorne Report was quickly counteracted by the infamous Just
Society speech given by Trudeau (Dickason, 2011, pp. 355-358).
Unlike the First Nations, Quebec, seen as an important part of
Canada’s “dual” society, had made demands and actions were
quickly taken to integrate them as Quebec saw was needed. The
First Nations of Canada and Quebec both wanted to be recognized,
explicitly, by the Canadian government. The harm created was that
Quebec was labelled as a “distinct society” in a highly ambiguous
manner that would overlap in the courts, thus being possibly
damaging to the interpretation upon the First Nations. In this regard,
the authors of the Accord at Meech Lake were oblivious to the
repercussions it would have on First Nations society (Chamberlain,
1988, p. 12).
The Distinct Society Clause within the Meech Lake Accord had three
major aspects that made it offensive. Firstly, the clause was an act of
power: one group defining another. Being aware of one’s distinction
is an important aspect of knowledge-of-self, but outside of self a
group defining another only leads to a cycle of condescension.
Secondly, the clause impeded upon the constitutional tolerance for
allowing effective expression of aboriginal sovereignty. The treaties
conducted in previous years had already defined the First Nations,
but that was a nation-to-nation agreement. The Meech Lake Accord
was created under no Aboriginal input, thus the accord was
fundamentally contrary to the long term interests of the First Nation
Peoples. Lastly, the clause would create a disparity between the
possible discussions of Aboriginal self-governance in Canada. In
1871Canada made a commitment to recognize Aboriginal
sovereignty, but this Accord impeded upon all previously agreed
upon rights, understandings, and commitments (Chamberlain, 1988,
pp. 12-16).
The act of recognizing the First Nations and the government’s
commitments is not a new one, referring to the Quebec Act, Union
Act, Confederation, and the new constitutional agreement, but in one
day this changed (Smith, pp. 272-273). Political values of tolerance,
accommodation, and a celebration of difference were not
represented within the Accord. The Accord thus failed to uphold on of
the roles of the Canadian constitution: the expression of social vision.
The accord lacking ethnic pluralism thus combatted everything the
multiculturalist society of Canada was attempting to uphold (Whyte,
1988, p. 268). These egregious terms and effects combined together
led to the political shape of Canada being stirred by one of the most
famous advocates against the Meech Lake Accord: Elijah Harper.
It would be erroneous to state that Harper was the only advocate
against the Meech Lake accord, but he is most famously recognized
for doing so; the Assembly of First Nations, the Inuit Committee on
National Issues, and the Native Council of Canada all, also, opposed
the amendments the accord would introduce. It must be noted that
even before the deadline of June 23rd, 1990 support for the accord
was faltering. Concerns for First Nations well-being became
prevalent and reform began to be sought after as early as 1988.
Harper, at the time, was an MLA in the province of Manitoba and
member of the Red Sucker Lake First Nations. The Meech Lake
Accord had a specific deadline to be ratified by or the accord would
be dead. The deadline was not met due to Harper disallowing its
motion through the Manitoba government. A few days before the
deadline of the accords ratification, Newfoundland assisted in
quashing the ratification of the Meech Lake Accord (Peach, 2011).
The other provinces disapproval was based a few facts ranging from
injustices for the Canadian public to the ideals of what right do eleven
men have to change the constitution (Alacantara, 2013, p. 37). This
defeat of the Meech Lake Accord further exacerbated the First
Nations attempts at separating from the colonialist regime of Canada
that has dominated the narrative of history for centuries.
The Francophone and Anglophones, as previously mentioned,
colonized the America’s. The Meech Lake Accord was just another
extension of this colonialist regime that has been imbedded within
Canada. This is one of the strongest underlying issues that were tied
to the “distinct society” definition placed upon Quebec: besides the
ambiguous nature of the definition and the narrow mindedness
surrounding the entire accord this further entrenched the separation
between “Canada” and the First Nations people. There is a clause
within constitution of Canada, section 37.2 and 37.3 stating that
representatives from the First Nation cultures would be invited if the
agendas contained issues that would directly affect them, thus the
Meech Lake Accord further supported a colonialist agenda excluding
the First Nations from national politics and legal proceedings
(Canada, Constitution of Canada, 1982). From the quashing of
Meech Lake the Charlottetown Accord was birthed as a rebuttal in
one last attempt to ratify the Canadian Constitution.
The summer after the failed Meech Lake Accord was one of vast
political strife attributed to the events that occurred at Oka Crisis. The
First Nations militancy solidified their frustrations with the
government’s political processes due to the First Nations people
being relatively passive in the past in the forms of physical violence.
Besides the Oka Crisis, in the wake of the previously failed accord
three main questions surrounding Indigenous rights were left
unanswered: would First Nations People’s inherent right to self-
governance leave them outside of the Charter of Rights and
Freedoms? Would this system of government be exempt from a
democratic test? Finally, would the provinces be adversely affected
by this new form of government within Canada? It was in the heat of
this political aftermath that the Charlottetown Accord came to be. The
Charlottetown Accord was brought into being in 1992 with some
reforms in an attempt to appease Quebec, the Western Provinces,
and the Aboriginal people of Canada in one grand package
(Johnston, 1993, pp. 43-45). Yet this new “grand package” still left
something to be desired in regards to Aboriginal rights in Canada.
Little had changed from the Meech Lake Accord to the Charlottetown
Accord and, at this point, the public in Canada began to doubt
whether or not the Canadian government could adequately deal with
the First Nation Peoples and their qualms with past actions. The
Meech Lake Accord was strongly opposed by First Nations for a
number of reasons, one being the distinct society clause; in the
Charlottetown Accord it was not removed, but merely evolved into a
more ambiguous term that was described as a “hedged recognition
of Quebec being defined as a distinct society (Johnston, 1993, p.
43).” Despite these supposed limitations the Charlottetown Accord
still impeded upon the First Nations rights as dictated in the Charter
of Rights and Freedoms simply by not allowing representatives to
discuss the situation at hand.
Unlike the Meech Lake Accord, the Charlottetown Accord did
included reference to the First Nations people with an amendment to
section 2 of the Constitution;
The Aboriginal peoples of Canada, being the first peoples to govern
this land, have the right to
promote their languages, cultures and traditions and to ensure the
integrity of their societies, and their
governments constitute one of three orders of government in Canada
(Charlottetown Accord, 1992, p. 1).
The Canadian governments attempts to be well intentioned was a
dubious proposition; ironically, within the section 2 amendment
stating the First Nations were a governing body, the First Nations had
no representation during the proceedings of the accords discussion.
Although with this new amendment to section 2 the Charlottetown
Accord remained flawed due to the ambiguous wording such as
“Aboriginal groups should retain the right to make representations to
the federal government respecting candidates to fill vacancies on the
Supreme Court (Charlottetown Accord, 1992, p. 6). This type of
ambiguity would only impede on First Nation and Canadian relations:
words like “should” in amendments will only lead to a continual cycle
of political and legal disparity.
The Charlottetown Accord was then voted upon by bands across
Canada, but something peculiar happened: reserves that may have
hand thousands of people had less than a hundred people voting
whether “yes” or “no” towards the Charlottetown Accord. Little public
support was sported for the bill; Chief Strator of the Crowfoot people
was the only chief to voice public opinion in support of the accord.
The surprisingly low amount of votes accounts for the elders of tribes
boycotting the accord, staying in silence, since the package did not
honour Canada’s previous sacred binding arrangements as outlined
in the numbered treaties (Venne, 2011, p. 43). Although there were
the four national Aboriginal organizations present during the
negotiations, the chiefs of the tribes across Canada were excluded,
thus solidifying their stance to boycott the accord since four
Indigenous people cannot decide for them all: if the accord was
conducted as the treaties were, nation-to-nation, the accord may
have turned out entirely differently (Murphy, 2008, p. 208).
Much of the strife felt by the First Nations people has been kept
secret from much of the Canadian public; the Meech Lake and
Charlottetown Accords are two examples of work being conducted
behind closed doors, and when Elijah Harper stood up against the
Meech Lake Accord it was the first time for many Canadians to see
some of the First Nation peoples’ struggles and how they actually felt
about the Canadian government and their conduction of business
over time: people finally understood, to some degree, that Canada
made up three nations where distinction is important for a definition
of self, but not for one group to define another and leave the
ambiguity to overlap and destroy a cultures rights. The Meech Lake
and Charlottetown Accords may have been well intentioned and the
authors just ignorant to all those peripheral groups in Canada and the
effects it would cause on those people, but this seems unlikely.
Through the egregious terms, the lack of respect to the treaties and
charter of rights and freedoms, and the disregard of adequate First
Nations representation the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords
were documents that were ultra vires and were thus defeated.
Works Cited
Works Cited
Hawthorne, Nathaniel. The Scarlet Letter. New York: Penguin, 1986.