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Rise of Virulent Nationalism

MUSCULAR nationalism, majoritarianism and populism are the


most definite manifestations of the fascist ideology that now seems
to be on the rise in various parts of the world. Ascendency of
authoritarian strongmen is causing the rollback of liberal
democratic values. The most dangerous fascist trait is the new
virulent nationalism that seeks to assert racist, political and cultural
hegemony, thus threatening not only democratic processes within
states but also regional security.

Two events in the past weeks in different parts of the world — the US and India
— are demonstrative of such increasing fascistic trends. One of these incidents,
of the kind described as domestic terrorism motivated by white supremacist
ideology, left several Americans dead. The manifesto posted by the young
shooter who on Aug 3 slaughtered more than two dozen shoppers, most of them
of Hispanic origin, at a mall in El Paso, Texas, talked about the “invasion of
immigrants”.

It echoed the rhetoric used by President Trump against non-white immigrants.


His re-election campaign too often mentions the ‘invasion’ of illegal
immigrants. Trump’s white supremacist ideology has polarised American
society as never before.

His tweets and the speeches he gives at public rallies include racist invective
and encourage jingoistic hatred. One example of his incitement of racial
grievances is his constant attack on four congresswomen of colour for their
outspoken criticism of the administration’s racist politics.

The BJP’s politics, rooted in Hindu supremacist groups,


has polarised India.
Trump’s remarks that the congresswomen should “go back’ to their countries of
origin has become a popular slogan among his supporters. He has stoked right-
wing violence and his administration has actively opposed efforts to fight it.
Given such a campaign of hatred, the increasing occurrence of racist terrorism
in the United States is not surprising.

The rise of neo-Nazism in other Western countries is a symptom of their racist


politics and populism. Most worrisome is the prospect of Trumpian populism
prevailing in other countries. Over the past years, there has been a notable rise
of more virulent nationalism and authoritarian trends. Anti-immigration
sentiments have strengthened right-wing extremist nationalism. It has also
reared its ugly face in other parts of the world.

The Indian action to annex the occupied territory and attempt to destroy
Kashmiri identity is also a part of muscular nationalism under a Hindu
majoritarian regime. It is not just a matter of territorial occupation but also a
move to turn a religious community into a minority. Driven by RSS
ideology, Modi is trying to turn India into a Hindu rashtra and marginalise
other religious communities.

Not only is this brute military force an attempt to suppress the Kashmiri
struggle for self-determination, it is also cultural subjugation of an entire
community. We are witnessing in India today the escalation of a violent Hindu
nationalism that is causing instability in the region. What has happened in
India-held Kashmir could be a prelude to the strengthening of Modi’s
authoritarian rule.

The return of Narendra Modi with a larger mandate on the wave of militant
nationalism and populism has further shaken the secular foundations of India
which had already been weakened over the years. This trend has been most
distressing for India’s minorities. The BJP’s politics, rooted in Hindu
supremacist groups, have polarised this heterogeneous country, raising fear
and tensions.

Mob violence against Muslims, who make up about 14 per cent of India’s
population, and lower-caste Hindus, has risen alarmingly. In many cases, right-
wing communal groups that form the nucleus of Modi’s support base have
perpetrated the violence. And the bloodshed often goes unpunished.

The ideology behind Hindutva as articulated by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar


views Muslims and Christians as outsiders who, according to him, “cannot
claim equal membership in the Indian nation”.

The ideology sees non-Hindus as an existential threat to Hindutva. “Their holy


land is far off in Arabia or Palestine,” Savarkar wrote in what became the de
facto manifesto of the RSS, which was founded in 1925. “Their mythology and
Godmen, ideas and heroes are not the children of this soil. Consequently, their
names and their outlook smack of a foreign origin. Their love is divided.”

For nearly a century, there has been a deep ideological battle over the idea of
India, pitting an inclusive vision of a pluralistic, multi-faith nation against
the Hindu majoritarianism of the RSS, which says Hindus should have primacy
in Indian society. The RSS was banned briefly after one of its members
assassinated Mahatma Gandhi in 1948.

Over the years, the RSS has emerged as one of the most powerful political forces
in India. It is also a component of the BJP. Modi and some other top leaders of
the ruling party come from the ranks of the RSS and are taking forward the
ideology of Hindutva and turning India into a Hindu rashtra. A big question is
whether the followers of Savarkar have won this ideological battle.

A divided and rudderless opposition will hardly be able to stop the BJP’s
communal roller coaster. The wave of aggressive Hindu nationalism has even
split the secular parties as was witnessed during the voting in the Indian
parliament on revoking Article 370 that provided a semi-autonomous status to
occupied Kashmir.

The militant nationalism also affects state institutions, even the judiciary.
Hence it is not likely that the Indian Supreme Court would strike down occupied
Kashmir’s annexation despite its legality being questioned by many top Indian
jurists.

A major cause of concern is that what has been happening in India and the
rising wave of militant nationalism elsewhere could also strengthen the right-
wing Islamic groups in Pakistan that also espouse the idea of a majoritarian
Islamic state and are still active despite the state’s claims of reining them in.
The very fact that some of the provisions in our Constitution discriminate
against non-Muslims gives the right-wing groups a sense of impunity. Some
argue that the provision whereby the state can decide who is a Muslim goes
against the spirit of Pakistan as propounded by the founders of this nation. It is
also a battle for the soul of Pakistan.

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