...........................

COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE

IN EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE

Charles Tilly

University of Michigan

June 1978
...........................

CRSO Working Paper 178 Copies available through:

Center for Research on
Social Organization
University of Michigan
330 Packard Street
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109
 A s comcorting a s i t i s f o r civilized p e o p l e t o t h i n k of b a r b a r i a n s a s

v i o l e n t and of v i o l e n c e a s b a r b a r i a n . w e s t e r n c i v l l i z s t i o n and v a r i o u s forms

of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e have always c l u n g t o e a c h o t h e r . We do n o t need o

s t i f l e d u n i v e r s a l i n s t i n c t of a g g r e s s i o n t o account f o r t h e b u r s t i n g o u t of

v i o l e n t conCllcts i n our p a s t , o r i n our present. Nor need we go t o t h e

COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE o p p o s i t e extreme and s e a r c h f o r p a t h o l o g i c a l moments and s i c k p e o p l e i n o r d e r
I N EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE t o e x p l a i n c o l l e c t i v e s c t s of p r o t e s t and d e s t r u c t i o n . l l i s t o r i c a l l y , collective

v i o l e n c e h a s flowed r e g u l a r l y o u t of t h e c c n t r a l p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s of western

countries. People s e e k i n g t o s e i z e , h o l d , o r r e a l i g n t h e l e v e r s of power have

c o n t i n u a l l y engaged i n c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e a s p a r t of t h e l r s t r u g g l e s . Tl~e

oppressed have s t r u c k i n t h e name of j u s t l c e , t h e privileged i n t h e name of

o r d e r , t h o s e i n between i n t h e name of Cear. G r e a t s h i f t s I n t h e arrangements

of power have o r d i n a r i l y produced -- and have o f t e n depended on -- exceptionaJ

Charles T i l l y
moments of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e .
U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan
Yet t h e b a s i c forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e v a r y n c c o r d i n g t o who i s
Revised Version: J u n e 1978
involved and what i s a t i s s u e . They hnve changed profoundly i n w e s t c r n c o u n t r i c n

o v e r t h e l a s t few c e n t u r i e s , a s t h o s e c o u n t r i e s l ~ a v eb u i l t b i g c i t i e s and modern

industries. For t h e s e r e a s o n s , t h e c h a r a c t e r o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e a t a g i v e n

time is one of t h e b e s t s i g n s we have of what is golng on j n a c o u n t r y ' s p o l i t i c n l

life. The n a t u r e of v i o l e n c e and t h e n a t u r e of t h e s o c i e t y e r e i t ~ t i m a t e l yr c l a t c d .

To be p u b l i s h e d i n a r e v i s e d e d i t i o n of Hugh Davis
C o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i s normal. That d o e s n o t mean i t i s i ~ ~ l r i n s i c a l l y
Graham and Ted Robert C u r r , e d s . , Violence i n America:
desirable, o r inevitable. For c e n t u r y a f t e r c e n t u r y , t h c i n h a b i t a n t s of
I i i s t o r i c a l and Comparative P e r s p e c t i v e s (Beverly H i l l s :
s o u t h e r n I t a l y endured m a l a r i a a s a normal f a c t of l i f e ; today, American
Sage P i ~ b l i c a t i o n s ;o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n p u b l j s h e d i n 1969
c i t y - d w e l l e r s endure smog and nerve-rending t r a f f i c a s normal f a c t s of l i c e :
by U.S. Government P r i n t i n g O f f l c e , S i g n e t Books and

Rantnm Books).
 few people h a l l m a l a r i a , smog o r t r a f f i c jams. Europeans of o t h e r cen-
up f o r a l l t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s :
t u r i e s o f t e n d e s t r o y e d c h i l d r e n t h e y could n o t p r o v i d e f o r . Now i n f a n t i -

c i d e h a s become r a r e . Few o f u s mourn i t s p a s s i n g . But t h e f a c t t h a t i n - The f e e l i n g s of t h i s s i n k i n g c l a s s , t h e a n g e r , dismay, and

f n n t i c i d e p e r s i s t e d s o long i n t h e f a c e of p e r s u a s i v e t e a c h i n g s and f e a r - d e s p a i r w i t h which i t watched t h e going o u t of a l l t h e worm

some p e n a l t i e s t e l l s u s something a b o u t t h e p o v e r t y and p o p u l a t i o n p r e s - comfort and l i g h t of l i f e , s c a r c e l y s t i r t h e s u r f a c e of

s u r e under which p e o p l e used t o l i v e i n w e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s . I t may even history. The upper c l a s s e s have t o l d u s what t h e poor ought

h e l p us understand some a p p a r e n t l y b a r b a r i c p r a c t i c e s of people o u t s i d e t o have thought of t h e s e v i c i s s i t u d e s ; r e l i g i o n , p h i l o s o p h y ,

t h e West today. In s s i m i l a r way. b o t h t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of t h e phenomenon and p o l i t i c a l economy were ready w i t h a l l e v i a t i o ~ r sand ex-

of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e and t h e change i n i t s form w i t h i n European c o u n t r i e s p l a n a t i o n s which seemed s i n g u l a r l y h e l p f u l and c o n v i n c i n g

o v e r t h e l a s t few c e n t u r i e s have something t o t e a c h u s a b o u t t h e i r p o l i t - t o the rich. The v o i c e of t h e poor themselves d o e s n o t come

i c a l l i f e , and even about contemporary forms of p r o t e s t . t o our e a r s . T h i s g r e a t p o p u l a t i o n seems t o resemble n a t u r e ,

Ours Is V i o l e n t Histor)r and t o b e a r a l l t h e s t o r m s t h a t b e a t upon i t w i t h a s t r a n g e

Long b e f o r e o u r own time. Europeans were a i r i n g and s e t t l i n g t h e i r s i l e n c e and r e s i g n a t i o n . But j u s t a s n a t u r e h a s h e r o m power

g r i e v a n c e s i n v i o l e n t ways. "To t h e h i s t o r i a n s e y e s , " s a y s Marc Bloch. of p r o t e s t i n some sudden upheaval, s o t h i s world of: men and

t h e g r e a t h i s t o r i a n of f e u d a l Europe, "the a g r a r i a n r e b e l l i o n is a s i n - women--an underground world a s we t r a c e t h e d i s t a n c e s t h a t

s e p a r a b l e from t h e s e i g n l o r i a l regime a s t h e s t r i k e from t h e g r e a t c a p i t a l - i t s v o i c e s hove t o t r a v e l t o r e a c h us--has a volcanic char-

ist e n t e r p r i ~ e . " ~The c h i e f moments a t which o r d i n a r y people appeared un- a c t e r of i t s own, and i t i s o n l y by some v o l c a n i c s u r p r i e c

m i s t a k a b l y on t h e European h i s t o r i c a l s c e n e b e f o r e t h e i n d u s t r i a l a g e were t h a t i t c a n speak t h e language of remonstrance o r menace o r

moments of r e v o l t : t h e J a c q u e r i e of 1358, which l e n t i t s name t o many l a t e r p r a y e r , o r p l a c e on r e c o r d i t s c o n s c i o u s n e s s of wrong. 2

p e a s a n t r e b e l l i o n s ; Wnt T y l e r ' s populnr r e b e l l i o n of 1381; t h e German peas-

And t h e n t h e Harmnonds proceed t o r c a d t h e r e b e l l i o n of 1830 f o r s i g n s of:
n n t wars of 1525; t h e a s t o n i s h i n g p r o v i n c i a l i n s u r r e c t i o n a g a i n s t Henry
what was happening t o t h e a g r a r i a n p o p u l a t i o n of England.
V I I I i n 1536 and 1537, which come t o be known a s t h e P i l g r i m a g e of Grace;
Even w i t h t h e growth of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t i ~ t i o n n
t h e bloody r e v o l t of t h e Don Cossacks i n t h e 1660s. Much o f t h e time t h e
o r d i n a r y p e o p l e c o n t i n u e d t o s t a t e t h e i r demands through v i o l e n c e . The
peasant s u f f e r e d i n s i l e n c e . Now and t h e n he found h i s tongue, and h i s
French h i s t o r i a n o f England. E l i e HalBvy, s t a t e d t h e m a t t e r c l e a r l y :
v o i c e was v i o l e n t .

C o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n t a s v o i c e i s a metaphor which o c c u r s i n almost a l l Throughout t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y England, t h e s o l e European

h i s t o r i n n s of p o p u l a r movements b e f o r e o u r own time. In t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n c o u n t r y where t h e r e i g n i n g d y n a s t y had been s e t up a s t h e r e -

of t h e English a g r i c u l t r ~ r a ll a h o r c r , J.L. and Barbara Hsmmoned summed i t s u l t of a s u c c e s s f u l r e b e l l i o n , had becn t h e home of i n s u r r e c -

 tion. There had been an outbreak of anti-Jewish rioting in part of the United Kingdom, but barely--a real revolution woo shaping up.

1753, when the Government had decided to grant the right of Now we look back to England as a country which solved its internal prob-

naturalization to the Jews domiciled in England. The Cabinet lems peacefully.

hod yielded and repealed the statute. ... In 1768 there During the American rail strike of 1911,

were riots against the Government. The popular hero Wilkes

In New Orleans railroad workers stole company records,
triumphed in the end over the opposition of court and Cab-
switched or destroyed identification cards on freight cors,
inet. In 1780 an anti-catholic riot broke out; during four
and cut the air hoses of as many as fifteen to twenty cars
entire days the centre oE London was given up to pillage.
a day. Mobs of varying size constantly bombarded nonstrikers
A Government without a police force was powerless either to
with stones and gunfire. ... In Illinois periodic incur-
prevent these outrages or repress them promptly. The right
sions damaged or destroyed company property. On one occnsion,
to riot or, as it was termed by the lawyers, 'the right to
strike sympathizers in Carbondale turned loose o switch en-
resistance,' was on integral part of the national tradi-
gin, which rammed into a freight train on the main line. ...
tions.
3 Turbulence and bloodshed led to o complete breakdown of

That "right of resistance" was, in fact, a part of the English legal tra- civil government in sections of Misois~ippi. ... For two

dition the American colonists insisted on in the very act of separating successive nights hordes swarmed through the streets of Cen-

themselves from the mother country, and emphasized in their writings about tral City, Kentucky. They set upon men in milroad cors and

the new state they were bringing into being.

\
fired at employees lodged in temporary sleeping quarters. ...
Nor did collective violence fade out with the American Revolution, In the neighboring state of Tennessee the strike bred a rash

or the French Revolution, or the multiple revolutions of 1848, or the of mobbings, stonings, gun battles, and killing^.^
American Civil War. Western history since 1800 is violent history, full
Following the sacred ritual of such conflicts, the governor of Mississippi
enough of revolutions, coups, and civil wars, but absolutely stuffed with
declared martial law and blamed his state's troubles on "foreign agitators."
conflict on a smaller scale.
Then it was the Americans' turn to speak of revolution. Only comfortable
The odd thing is how fast we forget. When Lincoln Steffens visited
hindsight permits us to congratulate ourselves on our peaceful resolutions
London in 1910, he found distinguished members of Parliament convinced
of violence.
that England was on the brink of revolution as a result of the angry
Few French people recall that as recently as the end oE 1949 revolu-
strikes of that time. The strikes nod the talk of revolution spread
tionary committees blew up trains and seized control of railroad stations.
through Great Britain during the next few years. In prickly Ireland--still
post offices, city halls, andotherpublic buildings in a dozen major French
c i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g M n r s e i l l e , Grenoble, Nice and S t . Etienne. Then t h e livelihood, t h e day when t h e lleadley workhousc wee thrown down

newspapers screamed " r e v o l u t i o n " i n f e a r o r j u b i l a t i o n . Now November and would be remembered by t h e poor a s t h e day o f t h e t a k i n g of

December, 1947, l o o k l i k e l i t t l e more t h a n an e x c e p t i o n a l p e r i o d of s t r i k e the Bastille. But t h i s r e b e l l i o n f a i l e d , and t h e men who l e d

activity--so much s o t h a t French and American newspapers a l i k e commonly t h a t l a s t s t r u g g l e f o r t h e l a b o u r e r passed i n t o t h e f o r g e t f u l -

t r e a t e d tlie momentous b u t e s s e n t i a l l y n o n v i o l e n t s t u d e n t p r o t e s t s of May, n e s s of d e a t h and e x i l e . 5

1968, a s " t h e l a r g e s t French movement of p r o t e s t s i n c e t h e war." The mem-

T h i s s e l e c t i v e memory even o p e r a t e s a t an i n t e r n a t i o n a l s c a l e . Modern
ory mncliine h a s a tremendous c a p a c i t y f o r d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e f a c t s .
Spain and modem France have a c q u i r e d t h e r e p u t a t i o n of v i o l e n t n a t i o n s ,
There a r e many r e a s o n s f o r h i s t o r i c a l f o r g e t f u l n e s s , b e s i d e s t h e
w h i l e Sweden and England p a s s f o r a r e a s of d o m e s t i c t r n n q u i l i t y . Such
simple d e s i r e t o ignore unpleasant events. The r e c o r d i t s e l f t e n d s t o
d i f f e r e n c e s a r e h e r d t o measure o b j e c t i v e l y . But i f numbers of p a r t i c i -
covcr t h e r e b e l ' s t r a c k s . The most d e t a i l e d and b u l k i e s t h i s t o r i c a l r e c -
p a n t s o r c a s u a l t i e s o r damoge donc a r e t h e s t a n d a r d s , then t h c a c t u a l d i f -
o r d s concerning c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e come from t h e p r o c e e d i n g s of c o u r t s .
ferences a r e f a r smaller than t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n reputation. One i n t e r -
p o l i c e d e p a r t m e n t s , m i l i t a r y u n i t s , o r o t h e r a g e n c i e s of government working
n a t i o n a l e s t i m a t e oE "deaths from d o m e s t i c group v i o l e n c e p e r m i l l i o n
t o apprehend and punish t h e i r a d v e r s a r i e s . The r e c o r d s t h e r e f o r e l e a n to-
p o p u l a t i o n " from 1950 through 1962 r a t e s Sweden end England a t 0 , Spnin a t
ward t h e views of t h o s e who hold power. p r o t e s t e r s who e s c a p e a r r e s t a l s o
0.2, and Prance a t 0.3, a s compared witli 2 f o r Greece. 1 0 f o r E t h i o p i a .
e s c a p e tiis t o r y .
49 f o r South Korea. o r 1.335 f o r H u ~ i g a r y . ~Of c o u r s e Spnin and France ac-
Yet t h e most i m p o r t a n t reason i s probably t h a t s o l o n g a s h i s t o r i a n s
q u i r e d t h e i r d i s o r d e r l y r e p u t a t i o n s w e l l b e f o r e t h e 1950s. Yet d u r i n g t h e
c o n c e n t r a t e on p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y a s s e e n from t h e t o p . t h e o n l y p r o t e s t s
v e r y p e r i o d of t h e s e s t a t i s t i c s France e x p e r i e n c e d t h e g r e a t r i o t s brought
which m a t t e r a r e t h o s e which produce some rearrangement of power. The
on by t h e A l g e r i a n war and t h e s e r i e s of i n s u r r e c t i o n s which brought down
Hamonds a g a i n make t h e e s s e n t i a l p o i n t when d i s c u s s i n g t h e r e b e l l i o n of
t h e F o u r t h Republic. Obviously t h e amount o f bloodshed i s n o t what m a t t e r s
1830:
most.

T h i s c h a p t e r of s o c i a l h i s t o r y h a s been overshadowed by t h e The day-by-day r e c o r d of t h e s e c o u n t r i e s o v e r a l o n g e r p e r i o d l i k c -

r i o t s t h a t followed t h e r e j e c t i o n of t h e Reform B i l l . Every- wise r e v e a l s much more c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i n Sweden o r England t h a n t h e i r

one knows about t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e Mnnsion House a t B r i s - peaceable r e p u t a t i o n s suggest. The l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e i n n o t o r i e t y moat

t o l , and t h e burning of Nottingham C a s t l e ; few know of t h e l i k e l y comes from t h e f a c t t h a t i n Spnin and France tile p r o t e s t e r s somc-

d e s t r u c t i o n o f tlie h a t e d workhouses a t S e l b o r n e and Headley. t i m e s succeeded i n t o p p l i n g t h e regime. There a r e a l d i f f e r e n c e . an

The r i o t s a t Nottingham and B r i s t o l were a p r e l u d e t o v i c - i m p o r t a n t p u z z l e : how d i d t h e B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l system s u r v i v e p r o t e s t

t o r y ; t h e y were t h e w i l d s h o u t of power. I f t h e r i s i n g of and y e t change i n fundnmental ways, w h i l e Spanish regimes snapped and

1830 had succeeded, and won back f o r t h e l a b o u r e r h i s l o s t

 crumbled? But t h e s e c r e t i s by no means simply t h e c o n t r a s t between nn- have g r e a t e r i n c l i n a t i o n s t o r i o t i n g , c r i m e , o r f a m i l y i n s t a b i l i t y t h a n t h e
a r c h i c p e o p l e s and law-abiding ones. general population. It encourages t h e dubious n o t i o n t h a t i f poor n a t i o n s

The r e c o r d s o f a r a v a i l a b l e s u g g e - s t s t h a t the h i s t o r i e s of c o l l e c t i v e o n l y become r i c h f a s t enough t h e y w i l l a l s o become p o l i t i c a l l y s t a b l e . But

v i o l e n c e a s s u c h i n w e s t e r n European c o u n t r i e s o v e r t h e modern p e r i o d have t h e t h e o r y r u n s i n t o t r o u b l e when i t t u r n s o u t t h a t r e c e n t m i g r a n t s o r e n o t

had a good d e a l i n common. There have been l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e ways more d i s o r g a n i z e d t h a n t h e r e s t of t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h a t murder is about a s

t h e r u l e r s o f d i f f e r e n t s t a t e s have responded t o c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , o r common ( p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y s p e a k i n g ) i n t h e c o u n t r y a s i t is i n t h e c i t y , o r

i n i t i a t e d i t , and c o n s e q u e n t l y i n i t s i m p a c t . o n t h e s t r u c t u r e of power. t h a t t h e w o r l d ' s w e a l t h i e s t n o t i o n s a r e q u i t e c a p a b l e of domestic t u r m o i l .

There hove been fewer d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e e v o l u t i o n of t h e b a s i c forms and P o l i t i c s and Violence

conditions of c o l l e c t i v e violence. My own e x p l o r a t i o n s of w e s t e r n Europe, e s p e c i a l l y F m n c e , o v e r t h e

I n t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i t i s t e m p t i n g t o t u r n away from r e f l e c t i o n s l a s t few c e n t u r i e s s u g g e s t a more p o l i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f c o l l e c t i v e

on n a t i o ~ u t lp o l i t i c s o r n a t i o n e l c h a r a c t e r toward i d e a s a b o u t t h e impact of violence. F a r from b e i n g mere s i d e e f f e c t s of u r b e n i z a t i o n , i n d u s t r i a l i -

industrialization. A number o f t h e o r i e s proposed t o a c c o u n t f o r v a r i o u s z a t i o n , and o t h e r l a r g e s t r u c t u r a l changes. v i o l e n t p r o t e s t s grow most d i -

forms of p r o t e s t i n contemporary n a t i o n s a s w e l l a s i n t h e w e s t e r n h i s t o r i c a l r e c t l y from t h e s t r u g g l e f o r e s t a b l i s h e d p l a c e s i n tlie s t r u c t u r e of power.

experience suggest a standard cycle: a relatively integrated traditional Even presumably n o n - p o l i t i c a l Forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e l i k e t h e o n t l -

s o c i e t y b r e a k s up under t h e s t r e s s a n d movement of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the' t a x r e v o l t a r e normally d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t t h e a u t h o r i t i e s , nccompanied by a

s t r e s s and movement s t i m u l a t e q wide v a r i e t y of v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n s - - a t f i r s t c r i t i q u e of t h e a u t h o r i t i e s ' meeting of t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , and i n -

c h a o t i c , b u t g r a d u a l l y a c q u i r i n g a measure of c o h e r e n c e . New means of formed by a s e n s e of j u s t i c e denied t o t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e p r o t e s t .

c o n t r o l a n d ways of r e - i n t e g r a t i n g t h e d i s p l a c e d segments of t h e p o p u l a t i o n Furthermore, i n s t e a d of c o n s t i t u t i n g a s h a r p break from "normal" p o l i t i c a l

i n t o o r d e r l y s o c i a l l i f e e v e n t u a l l y develop, and f i n a l l y a mature i n d u s t r i a l l i f e , v i o l e n t p r o t e s t s tend t o accompany, complement and extend o r g a n i z e d .

s o c l e t y h e l d t o g e t h e r by w i d e s p r e a d , g e n e r a l l y p a c i f i c p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n p e a c e f u l a t t e m p t s by t h e same p e o p l e t o accomplish t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s .

emerges. I n s u c h a t h e o r y , t h e s t i m u l u s t o c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e comes l a r g e l y Over t h e l o n g r u n , t h e p r o c e s s e s most r e g u l a r l y producing c o l l e c t l v c

from tlie a n x i e t i e s people e x p e r i e n c e when e s t a b l i s h e d i n s t i t u t i o n s f a l l a p a r t . v i o l e n c e a r e t h o s e by which groups a c q u i r e o r l o s e membership i n t h e pol-

Not o n l y s c h o l a r s hold such a t h e o r y . It i s o u r p r i n c i p a l . f o l k t h e o r y i t i c a l community. The form and l o c u s of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e t h e r e f o r e

of s o c i a l change. It r e a p p e a r s almost e v e r y time o r d i n a r y Americans (and, f o r vary g r e a t l y depending on whether t h e major p o l i t i c a l change g o i n g on i s

t h a t m a t t e r , government commissions and well-informed j o u r n a l i s t s ) d i s c u s s a g r o u p ' s a c q u i s i t i o n of t h e p r e r e q u i s i t e s of membership, i t s l o s s of

r i o t s , o r c r i m e , o r family d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . It e n c o u r a g e s , For exampl.e, t h e those prerequisites, o r a stlift i n he o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e e n t i r e p o l i t i -

general. i l l . u s i o n t h a t higll.ly mobile p e o p l e and r e c e n t m i g r a n t s t o t h e c i t y c a l system.

The impact of l a r g e s t r u c t u r a l changes such a s u r b a n i z a t i o n , indus-

t r i a l i z n t i o n and p o p u l a t i o n growth, i t seems t o me, comes through t h e i r 1. by grouping p e o p l e i n l a r g e r homogeneous b l o c s ( e s p e c i a l l y v i a t h e

c r e a t i o n o r d e s t r u c t i o n of groups c o n t e n d i n g f o r power and through t h e i r f a c t o r y and t h e working-class neighborhood) than e v e r b c f o r c ;

s h a p i n g of t h e a v a i l a b l e means of c o e r c i o n . I n t h e s h o r t r u n , t h e growth
2. by f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e formation of s p e c i a l - i n t e r e s t n s s o c i n t i o n s
of l a r g e c i t i e s and r a p i d m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l t o urban a r e a s i n w e s t e r n
( n o t a b l y t h e union and t h e p a r t y ) i n c o r p o r a t i n g many p e o p l e and
Europe probably a c t e d a s a damper on v i o l e n t p r o t e s t , r a t h e r t h a n a s p u r
c a p a b l e of i n f o r m i n g , m o b i l i z i n g and d e p l o y i n g them r e l a t i v c l y f a s t
to it. That i s s o f o r two r e a s o n s :
and e f f i c i e n t l y ;

1. The p r o c e s s withdrew d i s c o n t e n t e d p e o p l e from communities i n which

3. by massing t h e p e o p l e p o s i n g t h e g r e a t e s t t h r e a t t o t h e a u t h o r i t i e s
t h e y a l r e a d y had t h e means f o r c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n and p l a c e d them
n e a r t h e urban s e a t s of power, and t h u s encouraging t h e a u t h o r i t i e s
i n communities where they had n e i t h e r t h e c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y nor
t o a d o p t new s t r a t e g i e s and t n c t i c s f o r c o n t r o l l i n g d i s s i d e n c e .
t h e means n e c e s s a r y t o s t r i k e t o g e t h e r .
For t h e p e o p l e who remained i n t h e c o u n t r y , t h e r i s e of t h e c i t i e s meant
2. l t took c o n s i d e r a b l e t i m e and e f f o r t b o t h f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l migrant
i n c r e a s i n g l y i n s i s t e n t demands f o r c r o p s and t a x z s t o s u p p o r t t h e urban
t o a s s i m i l a t e t o t h e l a r g e c i t y , and t h u s t o j o i n t h e p o l i t i c a l
e s t a b l i s h m e n t , i n c r e a s i n g l y v i s i b l e impact on i n d i v i d u a l farmers of t a r i f f
s t r i v i n g s of h i s f e l l o w s , and f o r t h e new forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r
and p r i c i n g p o l i c i e s s e t i n t h e c i t i e s , and i n c r e a s i n g l y e f f i c i e n t mcsns o f
c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n t o grow up i n t h e c i t i e s .
e x a c t i n g o b e d i e n c e from t h e t h o s e i n t h e c o u n t r y . A11 of t h e s e , i n t h e i r

I f s o , t h e European e x p e r i e n c e resembles t h e American e x p e r i e n c e . In the t i m e , i n c i t e d v i o l e n t p r o t e s t throughout Europe.

United S t a t e s , d e s p i t e e n d u r i n g myths t o t h e c o n t r a r y , p o o r , uprooted Of c o u r s e , d e f i n i t i v e e v i d e n c e on such l a r g e and t n n g l e d q u e s t i o n s i s

newcomers t o b i g c i t i e s g e n e r a l l y t a k e a l o n g time t o g e t involved i n t e r r i b l y hard t o come by. Up u n t i l very r e c e n t t i m e s , few h i s t o r l n n s have

anything--crime, delinquency, p o l i t i c s , a s s o c i a t i o n s , p r o t e s t , rioting-- t a k e n t h e s t u d y of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e a s such very s e r i o u s l y . A s Antonlo

r e q u i r i n g c o n t a c t s and e x p e r i e n c e s o u t s i d e a s m a l l world of E r i e n d s and Gramsci, t h e I t a l i a n s o c i a l i s t p h i l o s o p h e r - h i s t o r l o n . put i t :

relatives. These t h i n g s a r e a t l e a s t a s t r u e of E u r o p e a n c i t i e s .
T h i s is t h e custom of o u r time: i n s t e a d of otudying t h e o r i g i n s
I n t h e l o n g run, however, u r b a n i z a t i o n d e e p l y shaped t h e c o n d i t i o n s
of a c o l l e c t i v e e v e n t , and t h e r e a s o n s Eor i t s s p r e a d . . . they
under wlllch t h e new g r o u p s fought f o r p o l i t i c a l membership. and urbanizo-
i s o l a t e t h e p r o t a g o n i s t and l i m i t themselves t o d o i n g a biog-
t i o n ' s secondary e f f e c t s i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e s t i r r e d a v a r i e t y of p r o t e s t s .
raphy of p a t h o l o g y , t o o o f t e n concerning themselves w i t h un-
The move t o t h e c i t y helped t r a n s f o r m t h e c h a r a c t e r of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e
a s c e r t a i n e d m o t i v e s , o r i n t e r p r e t i n g tllcm i n t h e wrong way; f o r
i n a t l e a s t t h r e e ways:
a s o c i a l e l i t e t h e f e a t u r e s of s u b o r d i n a t e groups alwnys d i s -

p l a y i n g something b a r b a r i c and p a t h o l o g l c n l . ,
 v l o l e n c c have dwindled v e r y s l o w l y , b u t v e r y s t e a d i l y . Now t h e y o c c u r o n l y
r a r e l y , o n l y a t t h e m a r g i n s of o r g a n i z e d p o l i t i c s .

The r e a c t i o n a r y forms, by c o n t r a s t , burgeoned a s t h e Mt i o n a l state

S i n c e World War 1 1 , however, a c o n s i d e r a b l e number of Prench a n d
began t o grow. T h a t was f a r from c o i n c i d e n c e ; t h e y most o f t e n developed a s
E n g l i s h h i s t o r i a n s , and a much s m a l l e r number o f Americans, have begun t o
p a r t of t h e r e s i s t a n c e o f v a r i o u s comnunal groups t o i n c o r p o r a t i o n I n t o t h e
s t u d y and w r i t e h i s t o r y "from b e l o w " - - a c t u a l l y trying t o trace the experl-

e n c e s and a c t i o n s of l a r g e numbers of o r d i n a r y men from t h e i r own p o i n t of n a t i o n a l s t a t e and t h e n a t i o n a l economy. But t h e s t a t e won t h e c o n t e s t ;

view. T h i s a p p r o a c h h a s had a s p e c i a l impact o n t h e s t u d y o f p r o t e s t s and i n most c o u n t r i e s of w e s t e r n Eurooe t h e r e a c t i o n a r y forms of c o l l e c t i v e

v i o l e n c e peaked a n d t h e n f a d e d away i n t h e i r t u r n d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h
rebellions. As a r e s u l t , we a r e b e g i n n i n g t o g e t a r i c h e r , r e a r r a n g e d
century. They gave way t o modern forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , c h a r a c t e r -
p i c t u r e of t h e p o l i t i c a l l i f e of p l a i n p e o p l e i n F r a n c e and England ( a n d ,
i z e d by l a r g e r s c a l e , more complex o r g a n i z a t i o n , a n d b i d s f o r c h a n g e s i n t h e
t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t , o t h e r European c o u n t r i e s ) o v e r t h e l a s t few c e n t u r i e s .
o p e r a t i o n o r c o n t r o l of t h e s t a t e a p p a r a t u s , r a t h e r t h a n r e s i s t a n c e t o i t s
The new v a r i e t y of e v i d e n c e makes i t p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y some m a j o r

s h i f t s i n t h e predominant forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i n t h o s e c o u n t r i e s demands. Although d u r i n g v e r y r e c e n t y e a r s we have s e e n what might be s i g n s

o v e r t h e modern p e r i o d .
-
W i t h o u t t o o much s h o v i n g , we c a n p l a c e t h e f o m s
of a n o t h e r l a r g e s h i f t i n t h e form a n d l o c u s of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , f o r t h e

l a s t c e n t u r y t h e modem forms have pushed a l l o t h e r s a s i d e .

of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e which have p r e v a i l e d d u r i n g t h a t . long p e r i o d irr t h r e e

broad c a t e g o r i e s : p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y , a n d modern; The p r i m i t i v e P r i m i t i v e C o l l e c t i v e Violence

v a r i e t i e s once predominated, u n t i l c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e s began d r a g g i n g P r i m i t i v e v a r i e t i e s of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i n c l u d e t h e f e u d , t h e

Europeans i n t o p o l i t i c a l l i f e on a l a r g e r t h a n l o c a l s c a l e . As T h o r s t e i n brawl among members of r i v a l g i l d s o r c o m u n e s , a n d t h e mutual a t ' t a c k s of

Veblen put i t i n h i s s a r d o n i c I m p e r i a l Germany and t h e I n d u s t r i a l h o s t i l e r e l i g i o u s groups. ( B a n d i t r y , a s E.J. Hobsbawm h a s s a i d , s t a n d s a t

Revolution, ". . . s o soon a s t h e k i n g ' s dominions i n c r e a s e d t o s u c h a s i z e t h e edge of t h i s c a t e g o r y by v i r t u e of i t s f r e q u e n t a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e

e x i s t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n o f ppwer and w e a l t h , a n d i t s f r e q u e n t o r i g i n i n t h e
a s t o t a k e him p e r s o n a l l y o u t o f r a n g e of a n e f f e c t u a l a u r v e i l l a n c e by

neighborly sentiment . . . t h e crown would be a b l e t o use t h e l o y a l t y of

s t a t e ' s c r e a t i o n of o u t l a w s a s p a r t of t h e a t t e m p t t o e x t e n d l e g a l a u t h o r i t y

t o f o r m e r l y ungoverned a r e a s . ) P r i m i t i v e forms of k o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e
one neighborhood i n e n f o r c i n g e x a c t i o n s from a n o t h e r , and t h e r o y a l power
share several features: s m l l s c a l e , l o c a l s c o p e , p a r t i c i p a t i o n by memhers
would t h e n p r e s e n t l y f i n d no o t h e r o b s t a c l e t o i t s c o n t i n u e d growth than

the l i m i t p l a c e d upon i t by t h e s t a t e of t h e i n d u s t r i a l a r t s . " g In the of communal groups a s s u c h , i n e x p l i c i t and u ~ ~ p o l i t i c ao lb j e c t i v e s . Almost

p r o c e s s , t h e k i n g ' s r e t l n u e produced t h e a p p a r a t u s of t h e s t a t e , which t h e n r e g e r d l c s s of t h e q u e s t i o n s a t i s s u e , f o r example, Frenchmen c o u l d c o u n t on

a c q u i r e d momenLum o f i t s own. T h a t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a c c e l e r a t e d through much n n a l i o n a l p o l l t i c a l c r i s i s t o procluce b a t t l e s bctween P r o t e s t a n t s a n d

o l w c s l e r n Europe a f t e r lb00. S i n c e t h e n , t h e p r i m i l i v e forms of c o l l e c t i v e

C a t h o l i c s i n Nlmes and A l b i . A t t a c k s on t h e p e r s o n s and p r o p e r t i e s of c o r e of most of t h e p r i m i t i v e forms o f collective vioLcnce.

Jews accompanied e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y r e b e l l i o n s i n England and n i n e t e e n t h - T h i s does n o t mean t h e f i g h t i n g was a l w a y s i n r a g e and d e a d l y e a r n e s t .

c e n t u r y r e b e l l i o n s i n France. The v e n d e t t a and t h e b a n d i t r a i d , t o o , took J u s t a s t o d a y ' s lumbermen o r s a i l o r s on a weekend w l l l nuu and then t e a r up

on s d e g r e e of p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t i m e s of n a t i o n a l c r i s i s . . a b a r o u t of s h e e r boredom, f r u s t r a t i o n , o r h i g h s p i r i t s , t h e workmen of

The r i x e d e compagnonnages--the b o t t l e r o y a l between members of r i v a l B e r l i n o r T u r i n sometimes brawled f o r t h e f u n of I t . On such o c c a s i o n s , t h e

c r a f t corporations--often l e f t blood i n t h e s t r e e t s . I n 1830, a c h n r a c t e r - t r a d i t i o n a l e n m i t i e s p r o v i d e d n o more than t h e p r e t e x t . I n t h e European c i t y

istic & in Bordeaux involved 300 a r t i s a n s ; two were r e p o r t e d dead, many of t h e p r e - i n d u s t r i a l a g e , f u n e r a l s , f e a s t s , a n d f a i r s p r o v i d e d p u b l i c

werc wounded, and t h e l o c a l i n n s were l e f t a shambles. I n 1835, t h e news- o c c a s i o n s o u t of which flowed c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e o f f e r i n g d l v e r s l o n t o t h e

paper & Conatitutionnel c a r r i e d t h e f o l l o w i n g s t o r y from Chllons-sur-Sa6ne: young a s w e l l a s e x p r e s s i n g d e e p l y - r o o t e d communal r i v a l r i e s .

S t u d e n t s , a n d e v e n s c h o o l b o y s , d i s p l a y e d some of t h e same v i o l e n t
The compagnons du Devoir, c a l l e d tk?vorans, f o l l o w i n g an a l t e r -
propensities. A t t h e J e s u i t c o l l e g e of Ln F l b c h e , d u r i n g t h e c e r n i v s l days
c a t i o n on t h e p r e v i o u s day and a c h a l l e n g e by l e t t e r t o f i g h t
of 1646, t h e boys d e c l a r e d t h e y had been d i s h o n o r e d by t h e p u b l i c f l o g g l n g
t h e compagnons d e L i b c r t d , c a l l e d Gavots, i n t h e open c o u n t r y ,

a t t a c k e d t h e mother house o f t h e l a t t e r i n t h e r u e S t . An-

of some of t h e i r number, and s t a g e d a n armed mutiny. "The r e b e l s ...
s t o o d i n t h e a v e n u e s , armed w i t h swords, s t i c k s , b l a c k j a c k s , and s t o n e s ,
toine. Huge s t o n e s , b i g enough t o k i l l an ox, were thrown
d r i v i n g back t h e p u p i l s who came o u t when t h e b e l l r a n g t o go t o t h e c l a s s -
through t h e windows.
10
rooms .'i3 I n England:
Tlie very p r e v a l e n c e of such f r a c a s e s gave t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of n i n e t e e n t h -
There was i n d i s c i p l i n e and r e b e l l i o n everywhere. At Wlnct~es-
c e n t u r y French c i t i e s a wide a c q u a i n t a n c e w i t h c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . In
t e r , i n t h e l a t e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e boys occupied t h e
London, l i k e w i s e . "lt was u s u a l f o r t h e boys of S t . Anne's p a r i s h t o Eight
s c h o o l f o r two days and h o i s t e d t h e red f l a g . Ln 1818 two
t h o s e of S t . G i l e s armed w i t h s t i c k s Eor ' a week o r two b e f o r e t h e h o l i d a y s . '
companies of t r o o p s w i t h f i x e d bayonets hnd t o bc c a l l e d i n
T h i s f a c t s u r v i v e s , because i n 1722 t h e c n p t a i n o f t h e boys of S t . G i l e s , a
t o s u p p r e s s a r i s i n g of t h e p u p i l s . At Rlrgby, t h e p ~ ~ p i l s
chimney sweep aged twenty-one, was k i l l e d by a n o t h e r boy, aged s i x t e e n .
s e t f i r e t o t h e i r hooks and d e s k s and w i t l ~ d r e wt o an i s l a n d
E a r l i e r s t i l l , ' p r e n t i c e r i o t s were s e r i o u s and f r e q u e n t d i s t u r b a n c e s t o '
which had t o be taken by a s s a u l t hy t h e army. There wcrc
t h e peace of London."ll The p r e v a l e n c e of t h e rixe i n Europe b e f o r e modern
s i m l l a r i n c i d e n t s a t Eton.
14
timcs simply e x p r e s s e d t h e i n t e n s e s o l l d a r i t y of e a c h group of urban c r a E t s

men, f o r (an been s a i d of Ccrmon n r t i o n n s ) "'Tl~cir group s p i r i t t l ~ r n c d Again, t h e i n t e n s e s o l i d a r i t y of t h e s t u d e n t s - - a kind of hrotl~erliood i n

n:;nlnst otllcr jirolrpn and took nn i n s u l t t o an i n d i v i d u a l a s an a f f r o n t t o league a g a i n s t t h e i r masters--fncilitated t l i e l r i n d i g n a t i o n ancl t h d r

t h e whole n s s o ~ i a t i o n . " ~Something

~ l i k e t h a t s o l i d a r i t y l i e s c l o ~ et o t h e common a c t i o n .
 A number of t h e o t h e r common p r i m i t i v e forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e
had t h i s c u r l o u s combination of e s p r i t d e c o r p s , r e c r e a t i o n , and grim de-
t e r m i n a t i o n , a combination which t h e E n g l i s h somehow managed t o t r a n s m u t e
into the sportlng s p i r i t . The f r e e - f o r - a l l among men from d i f f e r e n t towns
(from which i t i s s a i d , i n f a c t , t h a t v a r i o u s forms of f o o t b a l l developed)
h a s some of t h i s c h a r a c t e r . So does t h e r a g , c h a r a d e , o r c h a r i v a r i . Yet
i t would be q u i t e wrong t o c o n s i d e r t h e p r i m i t i v e v a r i e t i e s of c o l l e c t i v e
v i o l e n c e a s n o t h i n g b u t e a r l y v e r s i o n s of s o c c e r . The d e a d l y v e n d e t t a ,
t h e endemic b a n d i t r y of t h e European h i g h l a n d s , t h e p e r v a s i v e S i c i l i a n
s c o u r g e c a l l e d Mafia, and t h e o c c a s i o n a l m i l l e n a r i a n movements which have
racked s o u t h e r n Europe s h a r e many t r a i t s w i t h t h e a p p a r e n t l y t r i v i a l k i n d s
of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . What s e t s t h e p r i m i t i v e forms of v i o l e n c e o f f from
t h e o t h e r s i s n o t a l a c k of s e r i o u s n e s s , b u t t h e i r a c t i v a t i o n of l o c a l com-
munal groups a s s u c h , and u s u a l l y i n o p p o s i t i o n t o o t h e r communal groups.
Reactionary C o l l e c t i v e Violence
R e a c t i o n a r y d i s t u r b a n c e s o r e a l s o u s u a l l y small i n s c a l e , but they
p i t e i t h e r communal groups o r l o o s e l y - o r g a n i z e d members of t h e g e n e r a l pop-
u l a t i o n a g a i n s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h o s e who hold power, and tend t o i n -
c l u d e a c r i t i q u e of t h e way power i s being wielded. The f o r c i b l e occupa-
t i o n of f i e l d s and f o r e s t s by t h e l a n d l e s s , t h e r e v o l t a g a i n s t t h e t a x
c o l l e c t o r , t h e a n t i - c o n s c r i p t i o n r e b e l l i o n . t h e food r i o t , and t h e a t t a c k
on machines were w e s t e r n Europe's most f r e q u e n t forms of r e a c t i o n a r y c o l -
l e c t i v e violence. The r i s k y term " r e a c t i o n a r y " a p p l i e s t o t h e s e forms of
c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e because t h e i r p a r t i c i p a n t s were comon1.y r e a c t i n g t o
some change which t h e y regarded a s d e p r i v i n g them of r i g h t s they had once
enjoyed; t h e y were backward-looking. They w e r e . n o t , however, s i m p l e
f l i g h t s from r e a l l t y . On t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e y had a c l o s e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h
r o u t i n e , peaceful p o l i t i c a l l i f e .
For o r d l n a r y Er~ropeansof a few c e n t u r i e s a g o , t h e most p e r s i s t e n t
p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s were t h e demands of t h e n a t i o n - s t a t e and of t h e n a t i o n a l
economy. And t h e food r i o t , a s u n l i k e l y a s i t seems, i l l u s t r a t e s t h e
p r e s s i n g n a t u r e o f t h e s e demands v e r y w e l l . Seemingly born of hunger a n d
doomed t o f u t i l i t y , t h e food r i o t a c t u a l l y e x p r e s s e d t h e i n d l g n a t i o n of men
a n d women who f e l t t h e y were b e i n g d e p r i v e d of t h e i r r i g h t s a n d who, by
r i o t i n g , were o f t e n a b l e t o r e s t o r e a semblance of t h o s e r i g h t s - - i f only
temporarily.
The w e s t European food r i o t had a c l a s s i c form: seizure of grain
b e i n g s t o r e d o r t r a n s p o r t e d i n a town, d e m o n s t r a t i o n s (and sometimes b o d i l y
harm) d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t t h o s e presumed t o be p r o f i t e e r i n g through t h e shipment
o r h o a r d i n g of g r a i n , a n d s a l e o f t h e g r a i n a t a p u b l i c l y - p r o c l a i m e d j u s t
p r i c e , t h e p r o c e e d s g o i n g t o t h e o v n e r of t h e g r a i n . Such food r i o t s
o c c u r r e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n England, and d u r i n g t h e f i r s t
t h i r d of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . They w e r e , i n d e e d , one of t h e c h i e f com-
ponents of England's l a r g e a g r a r i a n r e b e l l i o n of 1816. A.J. Peacock
d e s c r i b e s t h e b e g i n n i n g of one of t h e p r i n c i p a l i n c i d e n t s of t h a t , r e b e l l i o n :
A crowd had s l a r t e d assembling i n t h e mnrkct p l n c e a t ahouL
n i n e o ' c l o c k t h a t morning. About an hour l a t e r some women
came a l o n g who announced t h a t t h e i r men were f o l l o w i n g tlicm
b u t had stopped a l o n g t h e T h e t f o r d road t o c o l l e c t s t i c k s .
E v e n t u a l l y f i f t y o r more, a l l armed, and l e d by William Pev-
e r e t t , a l a b o u r e r , marched i n t o t h e s q u a r e c a r r y i n g w h i t e and
red f l a g s . W i l l e t t , t h e b u t c h e r , who was amongst t h e crowd,
t o l d P e v e r e t t t h a t t h e p a r i s h would l e t them have t h e f1011r
a t 2s. 6d. i f t h e y would d i s p e r s e , and asked f o r a deputa-
t i o n t o go a l o n g w i t h him t o meet t h e m a g i s t r a t e s . llelen
 Dyer, a married woman, had e a r l i e r t o l d W i l l e t t t h a t , a l - t h e a r e a s of g r e a t e s t famine and p o v e r t y , b u t i n t h e h i n t e r l a n d s of b i g

though s h e could not r e a d , s h e had a paper c o n t a i n i n g t h e c i t i e s and g r a i n - s h i p p i n g p o r t s .

crowd's demnnds, which s h e wanted shown t o t h e m a g i s t r a t e s . The c a s e o f I t a l y p o i n t s up t h e importonce of t h e c o n t r o l ( a s op-

posed t o t h e s h e e r q u a n t i t y ) of t h e food supply.l7 I n England, t h e c l a s s i c

On i t was w r i t t e n , "Bread o r Blood i n Brandon t h i s day."
15
food r i o t v i r t u a l l y d i s a p p e a r e d a f t e r 1830; i n Frnnce, a f t e r 1848; i n
F i n a l l y , a f t e r s e v e r a l d a y s of m i l l i n g , grumbling, s t o n i n g of windows, and
I t a l y , toward t h e end of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . The t i m i n g oC t h a t d i s -
p u l l i n g down of b u i l d i n g s , t h e m a g i s t r a t e s :
appearance c o r r e s p o n d s a p p r o x i m a t e l y t o t h e pace of technical improvements

. . . guaranteed t h e p r i c e of f l o u r st 2s. 6d. p e r s t o n e . i n t h e p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of g r a i n . It a l s o f o l l o w s t h e d e s t r u c -

w i t h on advance of wages t o 2s. p e r head f o r a f o r t n i g h t . t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t r o l s o v e r t h e g r a i n t r a d e . b u t a t a s i g n i f i c a n t

ond u n l e s s t h e m i l l e r s reduce t h e i r p r i c e s by t h a t time. distance.

t h e o f f i c e r s of t h e p a r i s h w i l l purchase t h e i r g r a i n a t The bad h a r v e s t s of 1853, f o r example, b r o u g h t food r i o t s t h r o u g h

t h e c h e a p e s t r a t e , and f u r n i s h t h e poor w i t h provisions much of w e s t e r n Europe. I n t h e I t a l i a n p e n i n s u l a , t h e r i o t s of t h o t y e a r

a t prime c o s t . c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e p r o s p e r o u s North--Piedmont, P a m . Tuscany--although

16
s h o r t a g e was a t l e a s t e q u a l l y a c u t e i n t h e s i l e n t S o u t h . The n o r t h e r n
To modern e y e s , t h e c u r i o u s f e a t u r e o f t h i s e v e n t is t h a t t h e r i o t e r s d i d
a u t h o r i t i e s had g e n e r a l l y a d o p t e d p o l i c i e s f a v o r i n g f r e e t r a d e i n g r a i n s ;
n o t l o o t , d i d n o t s t e a l , b u t demanded t o 9 food a t a p r i c e they c o u l d
i n t h e s o u t h e r n Kingdom o f t h e h o S i c i l i e s . p a t e r n a l i s m r e i g n e d .
afford. F u r t h e r m o r e , i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e crowd d i r e c t e d t h e i r a n g e r a t
I n 1859, however, t h e new, p r o g r e s s i v e King F r a n c e s c o of t h e h t o
t h e a u t h o r i t i e s , e x p e c t e d them t o a c t , a n d , i n d e e d , b a r g a i n e d w i t h them.
S i c i l i e s began t o l i b e r a l i z e t h e g r a i n t r a d e . I n 1860 he f a c e d w i d e s p r e a d
I n f a c t , t h e food r i o t was a n a t t e m p t t o make t h e merchants and t h e
food r i o t s of the S o u t h . A t t h e time of t h e O c t o b e r , 1860, p l e b i s c i t e on
m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s meet t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s : holding
t h e u n i f i c a t i o n of I t a l y t h e r e were r e b e l l i o n s i n t h e S o u t h . t o t h e theme
g r a i n w i t h i n t h e town t o meet l o c a l n e e d s b e f o r e p e r m i t t i n g i t t o e o t e r t h e
"The o l d k i n g f e d us." The o l d k i n g was F r a n c c s c o ' s f a t h e r , who had m i n -
n a t i o n a l m a r k e t , and a s s u r i n g t h e town poor of a s u p p l y of g r a i n s t a p r i c e
tained the traditionol controls.
p r o p e r l y a d j u s t e d t o t h e l o c a l l e v e l of wages. As g r e a t c i t i e s grew up i n
A l l t h i s may a p p e a r unduly complicated f o r a n y t h i n g s o s i m p l e a s
w e s t e r n Europe d u r i n g t h e s e v e n t e e n t h a n d e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , a n d n a t i o n a l
a food r i o t . That is the point: t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e s e r e c u r r e n t ,
m a r k e t s i n g r a i n developed t o f e e d them. i t became h a r d e r and l e s s p r o f i t -
a p p a r e n t l y s p o n t a n e o u s e v e n t s r e s t e d on and grew from t h e l o c a l b t r u c t u r e
a b l e f o r m e r c h a n t s and o f f i c i a l s t o g i v e p r i o r i t y t o Local n e e d s . And s o
of p o l i t i c s , and t h e e x t e n t t o which t h e c r i s e s of l o c a l p o l i t i c s d e r e
men r i o t e d t o h o l d them t o t h e b a r g a i n . The geography of t h e food r i o t ( a t
r e s p o n s e s Lo p r e s s u r e s f ron~ t h e c e n t e r . F a r from b e i n g a momentary, r u r a l ,
l e a s t i n F r a n c e , where i t h a s been b e s t mapped) s u g g e s t s a s much: not in
 20

c e n t u r y a r e t h e most important c a s e , b u t a g r i c u l t u r a l d a y - l a b o r e r s a n d
l o c a l r e a c t i o n t o m i s e r y , the food r i o t r e c o r d e d t h e u r b a n l z a t l o n and
p e t t y n o b l e s f a c e d some of t h e same problems.
c e n t r n l i z a t1o11 of European n a t i o n - s t a t e s .
The r u r a l u n r c s t o f England d u r l n g the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n i u r y f a l l s
T l ~ cfood r l o L had companions. The a n t i - c o n s c r i p t i o n r e b e l l Lon, t h e
i n t o t h i s general paLtern. I n a d d l t i o n t o r e c u r r e n t food r i o t s , t h e E n g l i s h
r c s l s t a n c e t o t h e t a x c o l l e c t o r , t h e v i o l e n t o c c u p a t i o n of f i e l d s and
c o u n t r y s i d e produced movements of p r o t e s t i n 1816, 1822, 1830, 1834-35, and
f o r e s t s , t h e b r e a k i n g of r e a p e r s o r power looms a l l had many of t h e same
1843-44, w i t h t h e 1830 r e b e l l i o n c o v e r i n g much of s o u t h e a s t e r n England.
clrorocteristlcs. Although they o f t e n a p p e a r e d i n bunches, e a c h of t h e
Durlng t h e e v e n t s of 1830, t h e v i l l a g e r e b e l s c o n c e n t r a t e d a n t h r e e s o r t s
e v e n t s was more o r l e s s l o c a l and s e l f - c o n t n i n e d . I n s t e a d o f p i t t i n g one
of a c t i o n : ( 1 ) l e v y i n g a o n c e - t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n of b e e r o r money on
comnunal group a g a i n s t a n o t h e r , they s t o o d a s i g n i f i c a n t segment of t h e
t h e l o c a l r i c h ; ( 2 ) imposing a wage a g r e e m e n t on t h e employers of day-
p o p u l a t i o n a g a l n s t t h e l o c a l e l i t e o r t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e c e n t r a l l a b o r e r s ; ( 3 ) d e s t r o y i n g new farm m a c h i n e r y , e s p e c i a l l y t h r e s h e r s . For
power. ("When t h e French p e a s a n t p a i n t s t h e d e v i l , " s a i d K a r l Marx i n 1850,
t h o s e who r e s i s t e d , tlre crowds r e s e r v e d p e r s o n a l a t t a c k s , t h e t e a r i n g down
"he p a i n t s him i n t h e g u i s e of the t a x c o l l e c t o r . " ) 1 8 The o r g a n i z a t i o n of
of b u i l d i n g s , a n d t h e b u r n i n g of h a y r i c k s . During one of t h e l a r g e r o u t -
t h e formotions taking p a r t was,rudimentary. I t was e s s e n t i a l l y t h e o r g a n i -
breaks, i n Wiltshire,
z a t i o n of everyday l i f e : u s e r s of a common m r k e t , a r t i s a n s of t h e same
The mob d e s t r o y e d v a r i o u s t h r e s h i n g machines of Mr. B e n n e t t ' s
s h o p , a s i n g l e commune's d r a f t - a g e boys, and s o on. Because o f t h i s t i e
farms, and r e f u s e d t o d i s p e r s e ; a t l a s t , a f t e r n good d e n l of
w i t h everyday g r o u p i n g s , t h o s e who took p e r t o f t e n i n c l u d e d women. c h i l d r e n ,
s h a r p laoguage from Mr. B e n n e t t , t h e y threw s t o n e s n t him.
a n d o l d people. The p a r t i c i p a n t s were e i t h e r r e s i s t i n g some new demand
At t h e same time a t r o o p of yeomanry from Hindon cnme np ond
( t a x e s , c o n s c r i p t i o n ) l a i d on them by o u t s i d e r s , p r o t e s t i n g a g a i n s t what
r e c e i v e d o r d e r s t o f i r e blank c a r t r i d g e s above t h e heads of
t h e y viewed a s a d e p r i v a t i o n o f t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s ( t h e p r o h i b i t i o n
tlre mob. T h i s o n l y produced l a u g h t e r ; t h e yeomanry t h e n bc-
of g l e a n i n g i n f i e l d s ' a n d f o r e s t s , t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of m a c h i n e r y ) , o r b o t h .
gan t o c h a r g e ; t h e mob t o o k s h e l t e r i n t h e p l n n t a t i o n s round
A l l of them, i n one way o r a n o t h e r , amounted t o a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e f o r c i b l e
I Pyt House and s t o n e d t h e yeomanry, who r e p l l e d by a f i e r c e
i n t e g r a t i o n o f l o c a l g r o u p i n g s i n t o t h e n a t i o n a l economy a n d t h e n a t i o n a l
o n s l a u g h t , s h o o t i n g one mnn dead on t h e s p o t , wounding s i x by
state. I believe--but t h i s i s a hunch f o r which l i t t l e e v i d e n c e i s y e t
c u t t i n g o f f Clngers and opening s k u l l s , and t a k i n g n g r c n t
a v a i l a b l e - - t h o t a l l the r e a c t i o n a r y forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e w i l l t u r n
number of p r i s o n e r s . 1 9
o u t t o have had a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y a p p e a l f o r j u s t t h o s e segments of t h e

Europeatr p o p u l a t i o n whose p o l i t i c a l and economic i d e n t l t i e s t h e s e changes As h o p e l e s s a s t h i s s o r t of p o p u l a r n g l t a t i o n may seem, i t nctrrnlly 11nd a

were d i s s o l v i n g . The l a r g e numbers of r u r a 1 a r t i s a n s whose l i v e l i h o o d s measure o f s u c c e s s . A s E.J. Hobsbnwm s t a t e s i t . "The d a y - l n b o r e r s auc-

d i s a p p c n r e d w i t h t h e e x p a n s i o n of urban i n d u s t r y d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h ceeded t o a l a r g e d e g r e e i n d e s t r o y i n g t h e m a c l r i n e ~ ond n c l ~ i e v i o gwngc

r a i s e s and o t h e r improvements, and t h e y h e l d o n t o t h e i r g a i n s f o r some p o l i t i c a l economy of l a i s s e z f a i r e upon, and a g a i n s t t h e w i l l and c o n s c i e n c e

y e a r s , mostly because t h e unexpected s i g h t of t h e i r massive f o r c e . . . in- o f , t h e working Far from r e a c t i n g I n a i m l e s s c o n f u s i o n . t h e

s t i l l e d a s a l u t a r y f e a r i n t h e r u r a l g e n t r y and farm owners."tO Of c o u r s e , L u d d i t e s , and most of t h e European machine-breakers, knew what t h e y were

t h i s was o n l y a d e l a y i n g a c t i o n ; t h e r e a c t i o n a r y forms of r u r a l p r o t e s t d i d doing. While t h e food r i o t and machine-breaking were q u i t e d i s t i n c t i n

n o t l a s t much l o n g e r , mechanized farming d l d win o u t , and m i l l i o n s of a g r i - form and c o n t e n t , t h e y s h a r e d t h e same s o r t of c r u d e r s t i o n s l i t y .

c u l t u r a l workers e v e n t u a l l y l e f t t h e l a n d . Nevertheless, i n t h e context Much of t h e p o p u l a r p r o t e s t which took p l a c e d u r i n g t h e I t a l i a n

t h e a c t i o n s of 1830 had a l o g i c p o o r l y conveyed by words l i k e " r i o t " and Risorgimento h a s t h i s r e a c t i o n a r y c h a r a c t e r . During t h e 1850s t h e r e were

"protest." s c a t t e r e d s t r i k e s i n t h e I n d u s t r i a l c e n t e r s and a few r e v o l t s of a f a i r l y

The same may be s a i d of t h e handloom weavers, whose nineteenth-cen- modern v a r i e t y i n c i t i e s l i k e Milan, L i v o r n o , a n d Cenoa. But most of t h e

t u r y r e b e l l i o n s s t i r r e d t h e c o i l n t r y s i d e i n most s e c t i o n s o f Europe. What d i s t u r b a n c e s took t h e f a m i l i a r form of t h e food r l o t , o r c o n s i s t e d of

we l o o s e l y c a l l Luddism took t h e form of a w e l l - c o n c e r t e d avenging a c t i o n . o c c u p a z i o n i d e l l e t e r r e - - m a a s s q u a t t i n g on l a n d s f o r m e r l y h e l d i n common

Ned Ludd, t h e m y t h i c a l enemy of shearing-frames and power-looms, who i n a s a means o f demanding t h e i r distribution i n c o m p e n s a t i o n f o r l o s t r i g h t s

1811 and 1812 i s s u e d t h r e a t s and m a n i f e s t o s from h i s r e t r e a t i n herw wood i n the comons. Even a s C a r i b l d i marchad up t h e p e n i n s u l a on h i s way t o
F o r e s t , had much i n common w i t h C a p t a i n Swing, t h e e q u d l l y m y t h i c a l l e a d e r u n i f y i n g I t a l y , S i c i l i a n s were a t t a c k i n g t a x c o l l e c t o r s and occupying t h e
i n whose name t h e a g r a r i a n r e b e l s of 1830 w r o t e t h e i r warnings. Here i s a commons. A t t i m e s , v i l l a g e r s i n t h e South s h o u t e d "Down w i t h t h e C o n s t i -

Luddite l e t t e r : tution." "Down w i t h t h e Nation," "Long l i v e t h e Kingw--a s e t of c r i e s which

r e c a l l s t h e much o l d e r m o t i f of French t a x r e b e l l i o n s , "Vive l e roy e t s a n s

We w i l l n e v e r l a y down Arms ( t i l l ) The House of Commons
gabelle."
p a s s e s an Act t o p u t down a l l Machinery h u r t f u l t o Common-
By t h i s t i m e , a raLher d i f f e r e n t ( a n d , t o u s , more f a m i l i a r ) k i n d of
a l i t y , and r e p e a l t h a t t o hang Frame Breakers. But We.
c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e had been t a k i n g shape i n t h e c i t i e s of I t a l y , a s I t had
Wc p e t i t i o n no more--that won't d o - - f i g h t i n g must.
been i n most c i t i e s of Europe. There, p o l i t i c a l clubs, s e c r e t societies.
Signed by t h e G e n e r a l of t h e Army of R e d r e s s e r s
a n d w o r k e r s ' o r g a n i z a t i o n s were o r g a n i z i n g c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n through s t r i k e s ,
Nedd Ludd Clerk
d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , b a n q u e t s , m e e t i n g s , and m l l i t a r y c o u p s . The most advanced
R c d r e s s e r s f o r e v e r Amen.
21
s e c t i o n s of t h e c o u n t r y s i d e were a l s o b e i n g drawn i n t o t h e s e newer forms of
The Army of R e d r e s s e r s , t h e y c a l l e d themselves. T h e i r pseudonym e p i t o m i z e s action. Although they were n o t i n t r i n s i c a l l y v i o l e n t i n themselves. the
t h e d e f e n s i v e , i n d i g n a n t , f o c u s e d , rule-bound c h a r a c t e r of t h e i r r e b e l l i o n . new p o l 1 t i c a 1 a n d economic forms became inc r e a s i n g l y i m p o r t a n t c o $ t e x t s f o r
"Luddism," any8 E.P. Thompson, "must be s e e n a s a r i s i n g a t t h e c r i s i s - p o i n t
c o l l e c t i v e violence.
i n t h e a b r o g a t i o n of p a t e r n a l i s t l e g i s l a t i o n , and i n t h e i m p o s i t i o n of t h e ~ h ; nand how f a s t t h i s happened v a r i e d from c o u n t r y t o c o u n t r y . But
i t happened a l m o s t everywhere. The numerous d i s t u r b a n c e s which o c c u r r e d i n antagonism, caused e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g bad blood. Besides, t h e o l d f e u d n l
France a t t h e middle of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y were mixed i n c h a r a c t e r . The t i e s between c l a s s and c l a s s , employer and employed, had been s e v e r e d .
g r e a t b u l k of them f i t t h e s t a n d a r d r e a c t i o n a r y models: t a x rebellions, Large masses of working p e o p l e had g a t h e r e d i n t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g d i s t r i c t s
food r l o t s , m e c h i n e - b r e a k i n g , and s o on. The 1848 Revolution n o t w l t h s t a n d - i n savage independence. The a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s had been debased by
i n g , s t r i k e s , d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , a n d r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements produced o n l y a t h e a b u s e s of t h e o l d Poor-law i n t o a c o n d i t i o n upon which o n e l o o k s back
small s h a r e of t h e c o l l e c t i v e violence. The v i o l e n t d i s t u r b a n c e s o f t h e
1930s, by c o n l m s t , grew a l m o s t e n t i r e l y o u t of o r g a n i z e d s t r i k e s a n d
i now w i t h h a l f - i n c r e d u l o u s horror. Meanwhile, t h e d i s t r e s s of t h e l a b o u r e r s

became more and more s e v e r e . Then a r o s e L u d d i t e mobs, meal mobs. farm

. I
'
d e m o n s t r a t i o n s ; w i t h t h e i m p o r t a n t e x c e p t i o n of tlie R e s i s t a n c e d u r i n g t h e second r i o t s , r i o t s everywhere; C a p t a i n Swing and h i s r i c k b u r n e r a , P e t e r l o o

World War, t h e 1940s ,and 1950s brought l i t t l e change i n t h i s r e s p e c t . i n between "massacres," B r i s t o l c o n f l a g r a t i o n s , and a l l t h e u g l y s i g h t s and rumours

tlie 1840s and t h e 1940s a profound t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t h e c h a r a c t e r of c o l l e c t i v e which made young l a d s , t h i r t y o r f o r t y y e a r s a g o , b e l i e v e (and n o t s o

v i o l e n c e took p l a c e . Even i n tlie mid-nineteenth c e n t u r y , a growing m i n o r i t y of wrongly) t h a t " t h e masses" were t h e i r n a t u r a l enemies, and t h a t t h e y

c o n f l i c t s involved more complex and d u r a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n , more e x p l i c i t and i might have t o f i g h t , any y e a r . o r any d a y , f o r t h e s a f e t y of t h e i r p r o p e r t y
i
f a r - r e a c h i n g o b j e c t i v e s , a forward-looking p e r s p e c t i v e . A f t e r 1848, t h e s e v e r y , and t h e honour of t h e i r s i s t e r s .
23
r a p i d l y became t h e p r e v a i l i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e e v e n t s producing c o l l e c t i v e K i n g s l e y ' s pronouncement i s bad h i s t o r y and worse e x p l a n a t i o n . But i t s t a t e s

violence. a popular theory with extraordinary force. Englishmen and o t h e r Europeans of

I n t h e p r o c e s s , s o l i d c i t i z e n s and n a t i o n a l l e a d e r s 'developed a n a c u t e t h e t i m e developed e set of b e l i e f s which o r e s t i l l widesprend todny; t h e b e l i e f s

f e a r of tlie masses and o r g a n i z e d a whole s e t of new means f o r m a i n t a i n g p u b l i c e q u a t e t h e "working c l a s s e s " w i t h t h e "dangerous c l a s s e s " and a r g u e t h n t
order. The e l i t e f e a r e d t h e o r d i n a r y p e o p l e of c o u n t r y and c i t y a l i k e , a l t h o u g h m i s e r y , c r i m e , p e r s o n a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and r e b e l l i o n s p r a n g Crom npproximately

t h e y c o n c e n t r a t e d t h e i r e f f o r t s a t crowd c o n t r o l i n t h e c i t i e s where t h e y t h e same c a u s e s and o c c u r r e d i n a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h e same segments of t h e p o p u l a t i o n .

themselves s p e n t most o f t h e i r time. I t was t r u e i n England. Looking back The c a u s e s were t h e breakdown of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l arrangements, t h e d e s p e r a t i o n
Crom t h e 18608, n o v e l i s t and pamphleteer C h a r l e s Kingsley wrote: brought on by extreme p o v e r t y , and t h e d e m o r a l i z i n g o v e r p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e

From t h e middle a g e s , up t o t h e l a t t e r y e a r s o f , t h e French war, t h e great cities.

r e l a t i o n between t h e E n g l i s h g e n t r y and t h e l a b o u r e r s seems t o have A llnlql~e e s s a y c o n t e s t run hy King Maxinil ion of nnvnrin i n 1848 pro-

been more c o r d i a l and wholesome t h e n i n any o t h e r c o u n t r y of Europe. duced hundreds o f [ e a r f u l s t a t e m e n t s from m i d d l e - c l a s s Germans c o n c e r n i n g t h e
But w i t h t h e French Revolution came a change f o r t h e worse. The Revolution r i s e of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n , mechanization, and i m m ~ r n l i t y . ~It~ m a t t e r s l i t t l e Lhnt
t e r r j f i e d t o o many of t h e upper, and e x c i t e d t o o many of t h e lower c l a s s e s ; many of t h e a n a l y s e s ( f o r example, t h o s e a t t r i b u t i n g t h e growth of t h e ~ ~ r b o n
and t h e s t e r n Tory system of r e p r e s s i o n , w i t h its bad h a b i t of t a l k i n g p o p u l a t i o n t o t h e i n c r e a s e i n i l l e g i t i m a c y ) were w i l d l y mistaken. The Fear

nrid a c t i n g a s i f " t h e government" and " t h e pcople" were n e c e s s a r i l y i n was t h e r e . And i n France:
 On t h e b o u r g e o i s o p i n i o n of t h e t i m e , we c a n t a k e t h e work of
Balzac a s t h e most remarkable p i e c e of evidence. above a l l be-
c a u s e i t b e a r s t h e marks of t h e s e two f a c t s : on t h e one hand
t h e b l e n d i n g of t h e working c l a s s e s and t h e dangerous c l a f i s e s ,
t h e p r o l e t a r i a t and t h e underworld, misery and c r i m e ; on t h e
o t h e r hand, t h e d i v i s i o n between two c a t e g o r i e s of t h e popu-
l a t i o n , t h a t d a i l y s e t t l e m e n t of d i f f e r e n c e s of which c r i m i -
n a l i t y is an e x p r e s s i o n , and t h a t s p o r a d i c s e t t l e m e n t of d i f -
f e r e n c e s of which r i o t s and r e v o l u t i o n a r e t h e e s p r e s a i o n . 25
I n response, some French, Germans, and E n g l i s h o r g a n i z e d i n q u i r i e s i n t o pov-
c r t y : o t l ~ e r so r g a n i z e d p o l i c e f o r c e s .
For s e v e r a l c e n t u r i e s b e f o r e t h i s t i m e , t h e c e n t r a l t a s k of t h e
European p o l i c e had heen c o n t r o l of t h e g r a i n t r a d e , m a r k e t s , a n d , by
extension, public assemblies. The n o t i o n of a p r o f e s s i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n
devoted mainly t o t h e d e t e c t i o n and a p p r e h e n s i o n of c r i m i n a l s t o o k h o l d i n
the nincteenth century. nut before t h a t professionalism developed, t h e
European s t a t e s were e x p a n d i n g and r e o r g a n i z i n g t h e i r p o l i c e f o r c e s v e r y
l a r g e l y a s a means o f d e a l i n g w i t h t h e new t h r e a t s from " t h e masses."
new p o l i c e began t o r e p l a c e b o t h t h e army a n d t h o s e o l d e r r e p r e s s i v e f o r c e s
which had been f a i r l y w e l l matched t o t h e p r i m i t i v e a n d r e a c t i o n a r y forms
of c o l l c c t i v e v l o l e n c e : the local m i l i t i a s , part-time constabularies,
t h e p e r s o n a l employees of J u s t i c e s of t h e peace. S i r Robert P e e l ' s organi-
z a t i o n of t h e London m e t r o p o l i t a n p o l i c e i n 1829 (which i m m o r t a l i z e d him by
t r a n s f e r r i n g h i s nickname "Bobby" t o t h e p o l i c e o f f i c e r s t h e m s e l v e s ) had t h e
w e l l - r e c o g n i z e d d u a l purpose of p u t t i n g a s i d e t h u g s and p u t t i n g down
rebellions. I t is even c l e a r e r t h a t t h e s e t t i n g up of a n a t i o n w i d e
p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e by t h e R u r a l P o l i c e A c t of 1839 "was p r e c i p i t a t e d by t h e
C h a r t i s t d i s t u r b a n c e s of t h a t y e a r a n d , i n p a r t i c u l a r , by t h e d e s i r e t o
r e l i e v e t h e m i l i t a r y o f a p r e s s u r e which was i n t h e h i g h e s t d e g r e e incon-
v e n i e n t and i n j ~ r i o u s . " ~ ~
European p o l i c e f o r c e s of t h e p e r i o d a c q u i r e d g r e a t p o l i t i c a l
importance, n o t o n l y a s a g e n t s of crowd c o n t r o l , b u t a l s o a s t h e o r g a n i z e r s
of p o l i t l c a l e s p i o n a g e v i a networks of s p i e s and i n f o r m e r s . Their reorganl-
z a t i o n throughout Europe i n t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y m r k e d a v i c t o r y
of t h e n a t i o n a l o v e r t h e l o c a l , a n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r e p r e s s i v e f o r c e s . As
Akan S i l v e r s a y s , "The p o l i c e p e n e t r a t i o n of c i v i l s o c i e t y . . . lay not
o n l y i n i t s narrow a p p l i c a t i o n t o c r i m e a n d v l o l e n c e . In a broader s e n s e ,
i t r e p r e s e n t e d t h e p e n e t r a t i o n and c o n t i n u a l p r e s e n c e of c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l
a u t h o r i t y throughout d a i l y life."27 Although t h e new p o l i c e f o r c e s by no
means succeeded i n e limina Ling c o l l e c t i v e o r i n d i v i d u a l v i o l e n c e ,from
everyday l i f e , t h e y d i d s p e e d t h e d e c l i n e of t h e o l d e r forms of p r o t e s t .
By matching more complex and s p e c i a l i z e d o r g a n i z a t i o n of r e p r e s s i o n t o t h e
more complex and s p e c i a l i z e d o r g a n i z a t i o n of the newer forms of p r o t e s t ,
they probably even e a r n e d some of t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n f o r s t a v i n g o f f
revolullon.
Modern C o l l e c t i v e Violence
The
The modern v a r i e t i e s of p o l i t i c a l d i s t u r b a n c e ( t o u s e a n o t h e r
t e n d e n t i o u s term) i n v o l v e s p c c i a l i z e d a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h r e l a t i v e l y we1 l -
d e f i n e d o b J e c t % v e s , o r g a n i z e d f o r p o l i t l c a l o r economi'c a c t i o n . Such
disturbances can e a s i l y reach a l a r g e s c a l e . Even more c l e a r l y Lhan In
t h e c a s e of r e a c t i o n a r y c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . they have a tendency t o d e v e l o p
from c o l l e c t i v e a c t l o n s which o f f e r a show o f f o r c e b u t a r e n o t i n t r i n s i -
c a l l y vlolent. The d e m o n s t r a t i o n and t h e v i o l e n t s t r i k e a r e t h e two
c l e a r e s t e x a n ~ p l e s , b u t t h e coup a n d most forms of g u e r r i l l a a l s o q u a l i f y .
These forms d e s e r v e t o be c a l l e d "modern" n o t o n l y because o f t h e i r o r g a n i -
z a t i o n a l complexity b u t a l s o because t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s commonly r e g a r d them- During t h e widespread C h a r t i s t a g i t a t i o n of t h e f o l l o w i n g two d c c a d e s

s e l v e s a s s t r i k i n g f o r r i g h t s due them, b u t n o t y e t e n j o y e d . They a r e , t h e s t a n d a r d r o u t i n e involved a f i r e - e a t i n g speech by a C h a r t i s t l e a d e r .

t h a t is, forward-looking. f o l l o w e d by a p r o c e s s i o n through t h e s t r e e t s , spewing t h r e a t s and d i s p l a y i n g

In England, t h e modern v a r i e t i e s of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e came i n t o weapons. The t h r e a t s , however, r a r e l y came t o a n y t h i n g e x c e p t when they

t h e i r own f a i r l y e a r l y . J o s e p h Hamburger, whose g e n e r a l purpose is t o confronted the Queen's s o l d i e r s . While once i n a g r e a t w h i l e a member of
r e f u t e t h e n o t i o n t h a t England came c l o s e t o r e v o l u t i o n b e f o r e t h e 1832 t h e crowd f i r e d a t t h e t r o o p s , t h e i r u s u a l t a c t i c was t o s t o n e them: "At

Reform R i l l , n e v e r t h e l e s s describes some g o o d - s i r e d d i s t u r b a n c e s i n 1831: P r e s t o n , d u r i n g t h e P l u g - P l o t d i s t u r b a n c e s , a mob which had b e l a b o u r e d t h e

s o l d i e r s w i t h s t o n e s s t o o d i t s ground f o r a w h i l e when t h e o r d e r t o f i r e was

There were a l s o d i s t u r b a n c e s i n London d u r l n g t h e d a y s imme-
g i v e n and s e v e r a l of i t s members were s t r u c k , b u t t h e s h o o t i n g of a r l n g -
d i a t e l y a f t e r t h e Lords' r e j e c t i o n of t h e B i l l . They mainly
l e a d e r , who had s t e p p e d o u t i n f r o n t of t h e mob t o e n c o u r a g e h i s f o l l o w e r s
o c c u r r e d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h a p r o c e s s i o n t h a t was o r g a n i z e d ,
t o c o n t i n u e t h e a s s a u l t , p u t a damper on t h e p r o c e e d i n g s , and c a u s e d t h e
w i t h P l a c e ' s h e l p , by two London R a d i c a l s . Bowyer and Powell.
crowd t o d l ~ p c r s e . " . ~ ~The B r i t i s h army a n d p o l i c e soon developed e f f e c t i v e ,
Organized by p a r i s h e s , p e o p l e were t o march t o t h e p a l a c e
a n d l a r g e l y . n o n - v i o l e n t , methods of crowd c o n t r o l .
and p r e s e n t an a d d r e s s i n s u p p o r t of t h e B i l l t o t h e King.
D e s p i t e t h e development of e f f e c t i v e p o l i c i n g , England s t i l l w i t n e s s e d
When i t took p l a c e on October 1 2 , 300,000 p e r s o n s were s a i d
p l e n t y of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e l a t e r i n t h e c e n t u r y . There was a wave of
t o have t a k e n p a r t . The Home S e c r e t a r y informed t h e depu-
" r i o t s " i n London i n 1866, a n o t h e r i n 1886 a n d 1887: most of t h e s e e v e n t s
t a t i o n s t h a t t h e King could n o t r e c e i v e t h e i r p e t i t i o n s , b u t
c o n s i s t i n g of d e m o n s t r a t i o n s which g o t o u t of hand. But t h e r e a l r e s u r g e n c e
t h e y could p r e s e n t them through County Members. Hume r e -
of t h i s form of v i o l c n c e came e a r l y i n t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , a s : t h e movements
c e i v e d some of them i n S t . James Square and l a t e r l e f t them
For temperance and (more i m p o r t a n t l y ) f o r woman's s u f f r a g e began t o mount
a t t h e palace. The p r o c e s s i o n t h e n marched p a s t t h e p a l a c e
d e t n o n s t r a t i o n s i n t h e c o u r s e of which t h e women showed unwonted d e t e r m i n a -
a s a d e m o n s t r a t i o n of i t s s i z e and r e s o l u t i o n . It c o n s i s t e d

of 'shopkeepers and s u p e r i o r a r t i s a n s ' ; n e v e r t h e l e s s , d u r i n g

tion: ". . . tiley s m s h e c l windows, f i r e d p i l l a r - b o x e s , slashed pictures, .
threw t h i n g s a t M.P.s, a n d even burned down c h u r c h e s a n d h o u s e s ; I n r e p l y
t h e day t h e r e were a t t a c k s on some Tory p e e r s a s w e l l a s t h e
t h e y were t r e a t e d w i t h g r e a t roughness by policemen and worse by crowds.
u s u a l broken windows.
28
They were k i c k e d and b e a t e n ; t h e i r h a i r was p u l l e d a n d t h e i r c l o t h e s h n l f -
Obviously. t h e v i o l e n c e i n t h i s c a s e was minor, b u t t h e o r d c r and s i z e of t o r n o f f ; h a t p i n s were p u s l ~ e d i n t o them; t h e y were knocked down and trampled
t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n was i m p r e s s i v e . Much more s o t h a n i n t h e c a s e o r r e a c t i o n - upon." 30
a r y d i s t u r b a n c e s , t h e e x t e n t of v i o l e n c e i n t h i s s o r t of e v e n t depends heav- 11 wns a b o u t t h i s time t h a t L i n c o l n S l e f f e n s h e a r d E n g l i s h l e a d e r s
i l y on t h e r e a c t i o n s of t h e d e m o n s t r a t o r s ' oppondnts.
 31

t a l k i n e , a b o u t Llle p o s s i b i l i t y of r e v o l u t i o n . F o r t h r e e d i f f e r e n t movements a s i m i l a r rhythm. Although they o f t e n reimposed one r e s t r i c t i o n o r a n o t h e r ,

were s w e l l i n g a n d c o a l e s c i n g i n t h e y e a r s J u s t b e f o r e World War I: the most European s t a t e s l e g a l i z e d t h e s t r i k e some time d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h
demand f o r womon's s u f f r a g e , huge ( a n d sometimes i n s u r r ' e c t i o n a r y ) s t r i k e s , century: England i n 1824, Saxony i n 1861, F r a n c e i n 1864, Belgium i n 1866,
and opposl t i o n t o war. A famous l e a f l e t of t h e time cormnunicates some of P r u s s i a i n 1869, A u s t r i a i n 1870, t h e N e t h e r l a n d s i n 1872. That d i d n o t , '

what was happening: however, make a l l s u b s e q u e n t s t r i k e s p e ~ c e f u l . O c c a s i o n a l l y t h e v i o l e n c e

began when t h e workers themselves a t t a c k e d a f a c ~ o r y ,mine, o r manager's

You e r e Workingmen'o Sons.
home. Sometimes t h e w o r k e r s d e m o n s t r a t e d , and t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n t u r n e d
When we go on S t r i k e t o b e t t e r Our l o t which is t h e l o t a l s o of
violent. More o f t e n t h e v i o l e n c e Brew from a conf r o n t a t i o n between
Your F a t h e r s , Mothers. B r o t h e r s and S i s t e r s . You a r e c a l l e d upon by
s t r i k e r s a s s e m b l e d a t a workplace a n d t r o o p s , p o l l c e o r s t r i k e b r e a k e r s s e n t
your O f f i c e r s t o Murder U s .
i n t o t h w a r t o r c o n t r o l them.
Don't do i t . ...
Don't you know t h a t when you a r e o u t of t h e c o l o u r s , and becotue a
ln trance. occasional s t r i k e s broke o u t i n the b i g g e s t c i t i e s a s

e a r l y a s the sixteenth century. I n t h e f i r s t h a l f of t h e n i n e t e e n t h

' ~ i v y ' a g a i n , t h a t You, l i k e U s , may be on s t r i k e , and You, l i k e U s , be
c e n t u r y , s e v e r a l rounds o f s t r i k e s - - n o t a b l y t h o s e of Lyon i n 1831 and
l i a b l e t o be Murdered by o t h e r s o l d i e r s .
1834--bubbled up i n t o b l o o d l , l y - r e p r e s a e d i n s u r r e c t i o n s . But t h e f i r s t s e t s
Boys, Don't Do I t .

'Thou s h a l t n o t k i l l , ' s a y s t h e Book. o f s t r l k e s a p p r o a c h i n g a n a t i o n a l s c a l e came a t t h e e n d of t h e Second

Empire, i n 1869 a n d 1870. A major s t r i k e movement swept t h e t e x t i l e a n d

Don't f o r g e t t h a t 1

I t does n o t s a y , ' u n l e s s you have a uniform o n . ' metal-working p l a n t s , o f A l s a c e i n J u l y , 1870, w i t h Rome 20,000 w o r k e r s o u t

No1 Murder i s Murder. i n t h e v i c i n i t y of Mulhouse. Then:

Think t h i n g s o u t and r e f u s e any l o n g e r t o Murder Your Kindred.

P c a c c f u l p a r a d e s took p o s s e s a l o n of t h e s t r e e t s . YLrot t h c c o r -
Help U s t o win back B r i t a i n f o r t h e B r i t i s h and t h e World f o r t h e
p e n t e r s : t h e e v e n i n g of 4 J u l y , 400 t o 500 men 'walked tllrough t h e
Workers.
31 c i t y , singing, i n an orderly fashion'. And f o r t h r e e d a y s t h e

Some of t h e s e movements ( l i k e t h e d r i v e f o r woman's s u f f r a g e ) s u c c e e d e d ; p r o c e s s i o n s c o n t i n u e d a c r o s s t h e c i t y , i n g r o u p s , men, women, c h i l -

some ( l i k e t h e v a r i o u s demands o f o r g a n i z e d l a b o r ) met a m i x t u r e of s u c c e s s d r e n , marching ' i n a f a i r l y d i s c i p l i n e d way.'32

a n d f a i l u r e ; a n d some ( l i k e p a c i f i s m ) f a i l e d u t t e r l y . England s u r v i v e d .
Then t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s grew. In a number of towns. t h e s t r i k e r s k e p t t h e
But t h e e s s e n t i a l p o i n t is t h a t t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c forms o f c o l l e c t i v e
n o n s t r i k e r s o u t by f o r c e . E v e n t u a l l y t h e t r o o p s came i n , and t h e minor v i o -
v i o l e n c c accompany in^ t h o s e movements d i f f e r e d fundamentnlly from t h o s e
l e n c e ended. T o t a l : a few i n j u r i e s , a l i t t l e p r o p e r t y damage, perhaps 70
which had p r e v a i l e d a c e n t u r y b e f o r e .
arrests.
The r i s e of t h e s t r i k e a s a c o n t e x t f o r c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e f o l l o w e d
 Not all strikes were so peaceful, however. During the same period, unions, the structure of industry, and the relations of labor management and

a number of mining strikes involved pitched battles between troops and demon- government all evolved. France's peak years for strike activity--1906. 1919-

strators. In the course of a strike of 15,000 miners around St. Etienne in 20, 1936, 1947, 1968--have all been years of great soclnl conflict in other

June. 1869, the troops killed 13 and wounded another 9 members of a crowd regards as well. Each of those crises marked a new stage in the scale and

which attacked them; this encounter went down in history as "the massacre of sophistication of conflict.

La ~icamarie." At Aubin (Aveyron), later in the year, the troops shot 30 to The Tranaitiun t o W a r n Collective Violence

40 strikers trying to break into a metal-working plant. and managed to kill Unlike t h e food r i o t o r the o c c u p a ~ i m i , a l l t h i s i s t e r r l b l y familiar

14 of them on the spot. The point is not that people sometimes died in the s t u f f t o the twentieth-century reader. ln it he sees the collective violence

course of these conflicts. It is that both the strikes involving trivial of h i s o m era. The only reason f o r rwieving it is t o notice the deep

domagc and those involving loss of life took essentially the same form. differences i n character awn8 the primitive, reactionary and w d e m form.

The tremendous Paris Commune of 1871 broke the continuity of modern They lend importancm t o the f a c t t h a t s o many western countriea shifted

collective violence to some extent. Its organization greatly resembled that from one type t o another rppidly and decisively.

of earlier Parisian rebellions, and its leitmotifs--local control, communal The nature, timing and cauaeo o f these s h i f t o from one najor 'type of
. . . .
autonomy, equolizstion of advantages--went against the prevailing nntional- c o l l e c t i v e violence t o enother a r e complicated, cuntroverelel, and verinble
, .
ization of political conflict and the formation of special-interest associa- from one country t o another. Just a e complicated, cmtroversinl and variable,

tions. But the break occurred as the Prussians marched through northern i n f a c t , a s the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s of European m t i o ~ . The transformations
'

France, as the government fled, as the rest of the nation, in effect, seceded of c o l l e c t i v e violence depended on transformations of no&iolent p o l i t i c a l

from Paris. The break was short. With Paris tamed and the national govern- life. Rather d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m emerged i n d i f f e r e n t corners of

ment reinstalled, French people returned quickly to the modern forms of vio- Europe: communiet, ' s o c i a l i s t , liberaldemocratic, corporatist. &ch had

lent conflict. a spmewhat d i f f e r e n t experience with c o l l e c t i v e violence. Yet everyvhere

Later on strlkes grew in amplitude and frequency. As they spread, they two thing. happened, and profoundly affected the cliaractar of violent protest.
1.
' became increasingly common contexts for collective violence. even though a de- The f i r s t vna the victory'of the national a t a t e w a r r i v a l povero i n

creasing proportion of all strikes were violent. After 1890, a number of toma, provinces and eatetes; p o l i t i c o netionalized. h e second was the

strikes took on an insurrectionary cliarncter, with both the doctrine and the proliferation and r i s e t o p o l i t i c a l promhence of complex apccial-purpose

practice of the general strike growing in importance. (It was at just this associatione l i k e parties, firms, unions, clubs and c r i m i ~ syndicates.
l

time that Georges Sorcl, in his famous Reflections on Violence, placed the The tw trends generally reinforced each othcr. In aomo countries, however,

"myth of the general strike" at the center of revolutionary action.) And the the a t a t e gained power f a s t e r and e a r l i e r than the organiratiunal change,

character of strike activity continued to change as the structure of labor occurred; Russia and ' ~ r a n c ea r e caseo i n point. In othere, the organicatioml
r e v o l u t i o n came much c l o s e r t o t h e n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c s ; Germany and t a n t s h i f t o f t h e t a s k of r e p r e s s i o n from m i l i t a r y f o r c e s t o p o l i c e . "Natu-

Italy f i t that pattern. In e i t h e r c a s e , t h e t i m e s of o v e r l a p of t h e two r a l " groups l i k e u s e r s of t h e same market (who were t y p i c a l p a r t i c i p a n t s i n

t r e n d s produced t h e most d r a m a t i c changes i n t h e c h a r a c t e r o f c o l l e c t i v e food r i o t s , i n v a s i o n s of f i e l d s and o t h e r s m a l l r e a c t i o n a r y d i s t u r b a n c e s ) d i s -

violence. appeared completely o v e r t h e 130-year span.

Some of t h e c o n t r a s t a p p e a r s i n t a b u l a t i o n s of v i o l e n t e v e n t s o c c u r r i n g A l t o g e t h e r , o u r t a b l e shows t h e r i s e of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and organization

i n France d u r i n g t h e t h r e e d e c a d e s from 1830 t o 1860 and t h r e e l a t e r decades i n collective violence. J u s t a s i n d u s t r y s h i f t e d i t s weight from t h e s m a l l

from 1930 t o 1960.33 The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s e t of c o n f l i c t s i n c l u d e s 1.265 shop t o t h e l a r g e f a c t o r y and p o p u l a t i o n rushed from l i t t l e town t o b i g c i t y ,

e v e n t s , i n v o l v i n g 3,015 f o r m a t i o n s ( d i s t i n c t groups t a k i n g p a r t i n t h e c o l l e c - c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e moved from t h e normal c o n g r e g a t i o n s of t h e communal groups

t i v e violence). The d i s t r i b u t i o n o v e r time a p p e a r s i n Tnble 1. Tlie f i g u r e s w i t h i n which people used t o l i v e most of t h e i r l i v e s toward t h e d e l i b e r a t e con-

- Table 1 about h e r e - f r o n t a t i o n s of s p e c i a l - p u r p o s e a s s o c i a t i o n s . Collective violence, l i k e s o

show t h a t France d i d n o t , by any means, become a p e a c e a b l e n a t i o n a s u r b a n i z a - many o t h e r f e a t u r e s of s o c i a l l i f e , went from a communal b a s i s t o nn a s s o c i a -

t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n transformed h e r between 1830 and 1960. The two t i o n a l one.

decodes from 1850 t o 1860 and 1940 t o 1950 produced t h e fewest v i o l e n t e v e n t s ; As a consequence, t h e a v e r a g e s i z e o f i n c i d e n t s went up. Toble 3 pre-

what a c t u a l l y happened i s t h a t d u r i n g two e x t r e m e l y r e p r e s s i v e regimes (follow- s e n t s measures of magnitude f o r t h e 1.265 v i o l e n t e v e n t s i n tlie sample. The

i n g Louis Napoleon's 1851 coup and d u r i n g t h e German o c c u p a t i o n and Vichy gov- - Table 3 about here - -
ernment o f t h e 1940s) t h e r e was almost no open l a r g e - s c a l e v i o l e n c e . I f we f i g u r e s , o f c o u r s e , d e s c r i b e t h e a v e r a g e e v e n t , n o t t h e t o t a l amount of v l o -

were t o omit t h e l a r g e , i f u n s u c c e s s f u l , r e b e l l i o n which g r e e t e d Louis Napo- l e n c e a decade produced. They show a d i s t i n c t r i s e i n tlie a v e r a g e number of

l e o n ' s s e i z u r e oi' power, t h e 1850s would l o o k p r e t e r n a t u r a l l y calm. The l a r g e p e o p l e t a k i n g p a r t i n a v i o l e n t e n c o u n t e r , d e s p i t e a s t r o n g tendency f o r e v e n t s

numbers f o r t h e 1930s i n c l u d e t h e f a c t o r y o c c u p a t i o n s of 1936 and 1937. Even t o narrow down t o a s i n g l e day. As t h e burden of r e p r e s s i o n s h i f t e d from t h e

w i t h o u t them t h e d e p r e s s e d t h i r t i e s would l o o k l i k e t r o u b l e d times. So would army t o t h e p o l i c e . i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, t h e u s e of widespread o r r e s t s de-

t h e prosperous f i f t i e s . In boom and b u s t , t h e French c o n t i n u e t o f i g h t . c l i n e d w h i l e t h e number of p e o p l e h u r t s t a y e d about t h e same. Relative t o the

We can l o o k a t t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of f o r m a t i o n s t a k i n g p a r t i n t h e vio- number of p a r t i c i p a n t s , t h o t meant some d e c l i n e i n t h e a v e r a g e d e m o n ~ t r a t o r ' s

l e n t e v e n t s In Tahle 2. The f i g u r e s show a d e c i d e d d e c l i n e i n t h e p a r t i c i p a - chance of b e i n g k i l l e d o r wounded. The main message, once a g a i n , is t h a t c o l -

- Tahlc 2 about h c r c - l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e p e r s i s t e d a s Frnnce became an advanced i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n , n l -

Lion of t h e o r d i n n r y , mlxcd crowd w i t h o u t any well-defined p o l i t i c a l o r eco- though t h e predominant forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e changed i n fundamental

nomic i d e n t i t y , ond a compensating r i s e i n tlie p a r t i c i p a t i o n of crowds l a b e l e d ways.

a s s t r p p o r t e r s of p a r t i c u l a r c r e e d s and programs. We f i n d no marked change i n The t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y f i g u r e s from France i n c l u d e almost no p r i m i t i v e

t h e involvement of r e p r c s s l v e f o r c e s i n c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , but s e e an impor- violence. By t h e beginning of t h e c e n t u r y , t h e p r i m i t i v e forms had heen

:
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-
-
..
2
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 involvement i n p o l i t l c s l i e b e h i n d i t s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n from t h e r e s t o f
f a d i n g s l o w l y through most o f w e s t e r n Europe f o r t f i r e e c e n t u r i e s o r more.
w e s t e r n Eueope i n t h i s r e s p e c t . S p a i n , an G e r a l d Brenan s a y s , "is t h e land
I n a t l e a s t some c o u n t r i e s , however, t h e t r a n s i t i o n from p r e d o m l n a n t l y
of t h e p a t r i a c h i c a . Every v i l l a g e , e v e r y toun is t h e c e n t r e o f a n i n t e n s e
r e a c t i o n a r y t o predominantly modern forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e o c c u r r e d
s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . As i n c l a s s i c a l t i m e s , a man's a l l e g i a n c e is
with s t r i k i n g rapidity. I n England, t h e r e a c t i o n a t y forms were a l r e a d y w e l l
f i r s t o f a l l t o h i s n a t i v e place, o r t o h i s family o r s o c i a l group i n i t ,
on t h e i r way t o o b l i v i o n by t h e time of t h e l a s t g r e a t a g r a r i a n r i s i n g , i n
a n d o n l y s e c o n d l y t o h i s c o u n t r y a n d government. I n what one may c a 11 i t s
1830, a l t h o u g h t h e y had p r e v a i l e d t h i r t y y e a r s b e f o r e . I n G e m n y , demon- I .
normal c o n d i t i o n S p a i n i s a collection of s m a l l , m u t u a l l y h o s t i l e , o r
s t r a t i o n s and s t r i k e s seem t o have e s t a b l i s h e d themselves a s t h e u s u a l
indifferent republics held together i n a loose federation. ... Instead
s e t t i n g s f o r c o l l e c t l v e v i o l e n c e o v e r t h e two d e c a d e s a f t e r t h e R e v o l u t i o n
of a slow b u i l d i n g - u p of f o r c e s s u c h a s one s e e s i n o t h e r European n a t i o n s ,
of 1848.
t h e r e h a s been a n a l t e r n a t i o n between t h e p e t t y q u a r r e l s of t r i b l l i f e a n d
The s i t u a t i o n was a b i t more c o m p l i c a t e d i n I t a l y , because o f t h e
g r e a t upsurges o f e n e r g y t h a t come, e c o n o m i c a l l y s p e a k i n g , from n o ~ h e r e . " ~ '
deep d i v i s i o n between North and S o u t h . The t r a n s i t i o n t o modem forms of
Thus S p a i n becomes t h e e x c e p t i o n t h a t p r o v e s - the r u l e . For the r u l e
collective v i o l e n c e a p p e a r s t o have been c l o s e t o c o m p l e t i o n i n t h e North
s a y s t h e s h i f t from p r e d o m i n a n t l y r e a c t i o n a r y t o predomlnantly modern forms
a t uniflcation. By t h e time o f M i l a n ' s infamous f a t t i d l Maggio of 1898,
of c o i l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e accompanies t h e more o r l e s s d u r a b l e v i c t o r y of t h e
i n which a t l e a s t two policemen and e i g h t y d e m o n s t r a t o r s d i e d , t h e newer
n a t i o n a l s t a t e a n d t h e n a t i o n a l economy o v e r t h e p a r t i c u l a r i s m s of t h e p a s t .
o r g a n i z n t l o n a l forms u n q u e s t i o n a b l y dominated t h e s c e n e . I n t h e South,
I n S p a i n , t h a t v i c t o r y was n o t d u r a b l e , and t h e forms of v i o l e n c e ~ w a v e r e d .
mixed forms of t h e food r i o t end t a x r e b e l l i o n were s t i l l a p p e a r i n g a t t h e
The p r e c i s e t l m l n g a n d e x t e n t of t h e s h i f t from r e a c t i o n a r y t o modern
end of the c e n t u r y . W i t h i n t e n y e a r s a f t e r t h a t , however, e v e n i n r u r a l
forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i n t h e s e c o u n t r i e s remains t o be e s i a b l i s h e d .
a r e a s t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s t r i k e and t h e o r g a n i z e d p a r t i s a n m e e t i n g o r demon-
F o r F r a n c e , i t i s f a i r l y c l e a r t h a t t h e s h i f t was b a r e l y s t a r t e d by 1840,
s t r a ti011 had become t h e most r e g u l a r p r o d u c e r s of v i o l e n c e on t h e l a r g e r
b u t c l o s e t o c o m p l e t e by 1860. Furthermore, France experienced g r e a t , and
scale.
n e a r l y s i m u l t a n e o u s , o u t b r e a k s o f both forms of c o l l c c t l v e v i o l e n c e i n t h e
Spaln, a s usual, i a the s i g n i f i c a n t exception: while the country a s
y e a r s from 1846 through 1851. The well-known e v e n t s we c u s t o m o r i l y lump
a whole d i s p l a y s t h e long-run d r i f t from p r i m l t i v r t o r e a c L l o n a r y t o modern
t o g e t h e r a s t h e R e v o l u t i o n of 1848 a n d t h e less-known b u t enormous i n s u r r e c -
forms of c o l l e c t i v e \.iolence, i t a l s o d i s p l a y s a marvelous a r r a y of r e g r e s -
t i o n of 1851 s t a n d o u t both f o r t h e i r magnitude a n d f o r t h e i r m i x t u r e of
s l o n s , mixtures, and h e s i t a t i o n s . Surely the country's e r r a t i c i n d u s t r i a l i -
r e a c t i o n a r y and modern disturbances, but they came In t h e company of such
zn t l o n , uncertain, f l u c t u n t i n g u n i f l c a t I o n , and e x c e p t i o n a l m i l i t n r y
 an e a r l y s t a g e c o n s i s t i n g of c h a o t i c r e s p o n s e s t o t h e d l a p l a c e m e n t s and d i s -

r u p t i o n s caused by t h e i n i t i a l development of urban i n d u s t r y . a middle s t a g e

n o t a b l e o u t b r e a k s a s t h e w i d e s p r e a d food r i o t s of 1846-47, the Forty-Five c o n s i s t i n g of t h e growth of a m i l i t a n t and o f t e n v i o l e n t working c l a s s , a l u t e

Centime R e v o l t o f 1848-49, a n d t h e u n s u c c e s s f u l coup of 1849. s t a g e c o n s i s t i n g of t h e p e a c e f u l i n t e g r a t i o n of t h a t working c l a s s i n t o eco-
If t h i s a c c o u n t o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n from r e a c t i o n a r y t o modern c o l l e c - nomic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . T h i s scheme is l a r g e l y i n c o r r e c t . C e r t n i n l y we
t i v e v i o l e n c e i n w e s t e r n Europe i s c o r r e c t , i t h a s some i n t r i g u i n g f e a t u r e s . must c o r r e c t and expand i t t o t a k e account both of o t h c r groups t h a n indus-

F i r s t , t h e t i m i n g of t h e t r a n s i t i o n c o r r e s p o n d s r o u g h l y t o t h e t i m i n g o f t r i a l workers and of t h e c o n n e c t i o n s between i n d u a t r i a l i z a t i o n and urbanieo-

i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n - - E n g l a n d e a r l y , l t a l y l a t e , a n d s o on. t i o n a s such and changes i n t h e p o l i t i c a l system a s s u c h . For t h e i n f o r m a t i o n

F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e most r a p i d phase o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n seems t o o c c u r t o g e t h e r c o n c e r n i n g t h e c h a r a c t e r of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e we hnve a l r e a d y reviewed r n i a e s

w i t h a g r e a t a c c e l e r a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l and urban growth, e a r l y , i n t h e g r a v e d o u b t s whether t h e u n d e r l y i n g p r o c e s s producing and t r a n s f o r m i n g p r o t e s t

process: England a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e c e n t u r y , F r a n c e of t h e 18509, was one of d i s i n t e g r a t i o n followed by r e i n t e g r a t i o n , and whether t h e e a r l i e r

Germany of t h e 1850s a n d 1870s, I t a l y of t h e 1890s. forms of p r o t e s t were s o c h n o t i c a s t h e scheme i m p l i e s .

Second, t h e r e is some c o n n e c t i o n between t h e t i m i n g of t h e t r a n s i t i o n The e x p e r i e n c e of Prnnce c h a l l e n g e s t h e p l a u s i b l e presumption t h a t

and t h e o v e r a l l l e v e l o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i n a c o u n t r y . Over t h e l a s t r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n produces d i s r u p t i o n s of s o c i a l l i f e which i n t u r n g e n e r a t e

150 y e a r s , i f we t h i n k i n terms o f t h e f r e q u e n c y a n d s c a l e of v i o l e n t e v e n t s protest. There i s , i f a n y t h i n g , o n e g a t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n o v e r t i m e and s p a c e

r a t h o r than t h e t u r n o v e r of regimes, we c a n probably p l a c e S p a i n a h e a d of between t h e pace of urban growth and t h e i n t e n s i t y o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e .

France. France ahead of I t a l y , - 1 t a l y a h e a d of Germany, a n d Germany a h e a d of The extreme example i s t h e c o n t r a s t between: a ) t h e 1840s, w i t h slow urban

England. France i s In t h e wrong p o s i t i o n , and t h e c o n t r a s t m u c h r l e s s than growth p l u s enormous v i o l e n c e and h ) t h e decade n i t e r 1851, w i t h very f a s t

t h e differences i n r e p u t a t i o n f o r s t a b i l i t y o r i n s t a b i l i t y , b u t t h e r e i s growth and e x t e n s i v e peace. C i t i e s , l i k e S t . E t i e n n e o r Roubaix, r e c e i v i n g

some tendency f o r tht? l a t e c o m e r s ( o r non-comers) t o e x p e r i e n c e g r e a t e r and forming l a r g e numbers of new i n d u s t r i a l workers, tended t o rcmnin q u i e t

violence. I f we tool< i n t o a c c o u n t c h a l l e n g e s t o na t l o n a l , i n t e g r a t i o n posed w h i l e c e n t e r s of t h e o l d t r a d i t i o n a l c r o f t s , such a s (.yon and Rouen, rnged w i t h

by such peoples a s t h e C a t a l a n s , and d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e a p p a r a t u s of r e p r e s - rebellion. When we can i d e n t i f y t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n p o l i t i c n l c o n f l i c t s , t h e y

s i o n , t h e c o n n e c t i o n would very Likely a p p e a r even c l o s e r . tend t o g r o s s l y u n d e r - r e p r e s e n t newcomers t o t h e c i t y and draw e s p e c i a l l y from

'Che i n f o r m a t i o n we hove on hand, t h e n , s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e p r o c e s s e s t h e " l i t t l e people1' most f i r m l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e l o c a l p o l i t i c a l l i c e of t h e

o f u r b a n i z a t i o n a n d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n themselves t r a n s f o r m t h e c h a r a c t e r o f c i t y ' s working-class neighborhoods. The geography of t h e c o n f l i c t s i t s e l f sug-

collective v i o l e n c e . But how7 We have a s t a n d a r d n o t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e g e s t s a s much. It was n o t t h e urban neighborhoods oC extreme d e p r i v a t i o n ,

l l f e c y c l e of p r o t e s t o v e r t h e c o u r s e o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and u r b a n i z a t i o n : c r i m e , o r v i c e , George Rude r e p o r t s , "not t h e newly s e t t l e d towns o r q u a r t e r s

t h a t proved t h e most f e r t i l e breeding-ground f o r s o c i o l and p o l i t i c a l p r o t e a t ,

 41

but t h e o l d a r e a s of s e t t l e m e n t w i t h e s t a b l i s h e d customs, such a s Westminster. handymen, d a y - l a b o r e r s . and farmhands, r a i l i n g a g a i n s t t h e i r f a ' t e . Within

tlle C i t y of i'ondon, Old P a r i s . Rouen, o r Lyons."3g The i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e t h e i r communities, they were a b l e t o a c t c o l l e c t i v e l y a g a i n s t power looms,

p o i n t s t o a slow, c o l l e c t i v e p r o c e s s of o r g a n i z a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l education-- farm machines, t a x c o l l e c t o r s . a n d presumed p r o f i t e e r s .

what we mny a t l e a s t l o o s e l y c a l l a development of c l a s s consctousness--within Slowly b e f o r e m i d - c e n t u r y , r a p i d l y t h e r e a f t e r , t h e i n c r e e s i n g d e s p e r -

t h e c i t y r a t h e r than a p r o c e s s of d i s r u p t i o n l e a d i n g d i r e c t l y t o p e r s o n a l mal- a t i o n o f t h e F r e n c h c o u n t r y s i d e a n d t h e expanding o p p o r t u n i t y f o r work I n

a i s e o r protest. t h e new i n d u s t r i a l c i t l e s drew s u c h men away from t h e i r r u r a l communities

A s a consequence of t h i s p r o c e s s , t h e g r e a t new c i t i e s e v e n t u a l l y became i n t o town. T h a t move c u t them o f f from t h e day-to-day p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s

t h e p r i n c i p a l s e t t i n g s of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i n France. Furthermore, c o l l e c - which had g i v e n them t h e I n c e n t i v e and t h e means f o r c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n

t i v e viol.ence moved t h e c i t y f a s t e r t h a n t h e p o p u l a t i o n d i d . Even a t t h e be- a g a i n s t t h e i r enemies. I t reairanged t h e i r imnediate i n t e r e s t s , placed

g i n n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e towns and c i t i e s of France produced a them i n v a s t , u n f a m i l i a r c o r n u n i t l e a . and gnve them r e l a t i v e l y wCak and

d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e s h a r e of t h e n a t i o n ' s c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . Yet t a x r e b e l - u n r e l i a b l e r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h o s e who s h a r e d common i n t e r e s t s w i t h them.

l i o n s , food r i o t s . and movements a g a i n s t c o n s c r i p t i o n d i d o c c u r w i t h f a i r reg- The i n i t i a l f r a g m e n t a t i o n of t h e w o r k f o r c e i n t o s m a l l g r o u p s of

u l a r i t y i n F r a n c e ' s s m a l l towns and v i l l a g e s . A f t e r t h e s e forms o f c o n t e n t i o n d i v e r s e o r i g i n s , t h e slow development of mutual a o a r e n e s s and conf i d e n c e ,

d i a a p p c n r e d , t h e c o u n t r y s i d e remained v i r t u a l l y s i l e n t f o r decades. When t h e l a c k of o r g a n 1 z a t ; i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e among t h e new w o r k e r s , a n d t h e

r u r a l c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e renewed, i t was i n t h e h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d form of o b s t a c l e s thrown up by employers and governments a l l combined t o make t h e

f a r m e r s ' s t r i k e s and marches on government b u i l d i n g s . T h i s sequence of e v e n t s de\~elopmenr.of t h e means and t h e w i l l f o r c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n o [ a l t e r i n g ,

was, t o some e x t e n t , a r e s u l t of u r b a n i z a t i o n . time-consuming p r o c e s s . C o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e d i d n o t begln i n e a r n e s t

E a r l y i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e e x p a n s i o n of c i t i e s i n c i t e d u n t i l t h e new i n d u s t r i a l workers began forming o r J o i n i n g a s s o c i a t i o n s - -

frequent rurnl protests--obviously i n t h e c a s e of t h e food r i o t , more L r o ~ l eu r ~ i o n s ,mutual n i d s o c i e t i e s , p o l l t i c a l c l u b s , c o n s p i r o t . o r l a l P,I.OUPR

s u b t l y i n t h e c a s e o f o t h e r forms o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . We have some --devoted to t h e c o l l e c t i v e p u r s u i t o f t h e i r i n t e r e a t a . I n t h i s r e n e e , the

r e a s o n t o b e l i e v e t h a t groups of people who were s t i l l s o l i d l y e s t a b l i s h e d short-rcm e f f e c t of t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f t h e French l a b o r f o r c e vaa a c t u a l l y

w l t h l n r u r a l c o m u n i t i e s , b u t were l o s i n g t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d s chrough t h e t o damp c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . Xte long-run e f f e c t , however, n s t o p r o m t e

c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f p r o p e r t y and t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r y , r e g u l a r l y new f o r m of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n f r e p u e n t l y l e a d i n g to v i o 1 , e n t c & n f l i c t m ,
s p e a r h e a d e d such p r o t e s t s . The most i m p o r t a n t g r o u p were p r o b a b l y t h e a n d t h u e to change t h e form o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i t a e l f .
workers i n c o t t a g e i n d u s t r y . T h e i r numbers d e c l i n e d c a t a s t r o p h i c a l l y a s T h i s happened i n p a r t through t h e grouping t o g e t h e r of l a r g e numbers o f
various Industries--especially textiles--moved t o the c i t y during the f i r s t p e o p l e s h a r i n g a common f a t e i n f a c t o r i e s , urhnn worktng-class neigl~borlroods,
h a l f of t h e c e n t u r y . Large numbers o f them hung o n i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e , c o n e t r u c t i o n gangs. Something l i k e t h e c l a e e - c o n e c i o u s p r o l e t s r i a t o f v h i c h )(an
doing what weaving, s p i n n i n g , o r f o r g i n g they c o u l d , e k i n g o u t l i v i n g s a s w r o t e began t o form la t h e i n d u e t r i e l c i t i e s . T h i a new e c a l e o f c o n g r e g a t i o n
 o r enhance such p o s i t i o n s . The r e a c t i o n a r y forms, f i n a l l y , c h a l l e n g e t h e
combined w i t h nev, p r e s s i n g g r i e v a n c e s , i n p r o v i n g c o w u n i c a t i o n , t h e d i f f u s i o n
b a s i c c l a i m s of a n a t i o n a l s t a t e and a n a t i o n a l economy, while t h e modern
o f new o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d e l e from government arid i n d u s t r y , and g r u d g i n g con-
forms r e s t on t h e assumption t h a t t h e s t a t e and t h e economy hove a d u r a b l e
c e a a i o n s by t h e a u t h o r i t i e s t o t h e r i g h t o f a a a o c i a t i o n . The combination
existence--if not n e c e s s a r i l y under p r e s e n t managemeyt. I n modcrn d i a t u r b -
f a c i l i t a t e d t h e formstion o f s p e c i a l - i n t e r e e t aaaociationa. At f i r a t workera
a n c e s , people contend o v e r t h e c o n t r o l end o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e s t a t e and t h e
experimented w i t h cramped,. a n t i q u e , a x c l u a i v e a a a o c i a t i o n a r e s e m b l i n g (or wen
economy.
c o n t i n u i n g ) t h e o l d g i l d a ; g r a d u a l l y t h e y formed mutusl a i d s o c i e t i e s , l a b o r
What l i n k s t h e s e f e a t u r e s t o g e t h e r historically'? The c o o r d i n a t e con-
exchanges, unione, m t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l f e d e r a t i o m .
, s t r u c t i o n of t h e n a t i o n - s t a t e and t h e n a t i o n a l economy s i m u l t a n e o u s l y weakened
The n c v a n s o c i a t i o n e f u r t h e r extended t h e s c a l e and f l e x i b i l i t y o f communica-
l o c a l systems of power, w i t h t h e r i g h t s and p o s i t i o n s which depended on them,
t i o n among v o r k e r s ; t h e y made it p o a s i b l e t o inform, m o b i l i z e and d e p l o y l a r g e
and e s t a b l i s h e d new, much l a r g e r a r e n a s i n which t o contend f o r power. In
numbers o f men f a a t a n d e f f i c i e n t l y i n a t r i k e a , d-strations a d o t h e r coamm
western European c o u n t r i e s , a s locally-bnsed groups d e E i n i t i v e l y l o s t t h e i r
actione. Theae p o t e n t i a l l y r e b e l l i o u s p o p u l a t i o n s and t h e i r demanding a a a o c i a -
s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t t h e c l a i m s of t h e c e n t r a l power, r e a c t i o n a r y c o n f l i c t s dwin-
t i o n a p r o l i f e r a t e d i n t h e b i g c i t i e a , i n t h e e h a d w n o f r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l
d l e d and modern c o n f l i c t s swelled.. The r a p i d t r a n s i t i o n from one t o t h e o t l ~ e r
capitala. They t h e r e f o r e posed a g r e a t e r ( o r a t l e a e t more v i s i b l e ) t h r e a t to
occurred where and when t h e c e n t r a l power was a b l e t o strengthen rapidly o r
t h o a u t h o r i t i e s t h a n had t h e i r a m s l l - t o v n predeceaaora. The a u t h o r i t i e s reaponded
t o expand i t s enforcement o f i t s c l a i m s . A c c e l e r a t i n g u r b a n i z a t i o n and indus-
t o t h e t h r e a t by o r g a n i ~ i n gp o l i c e f o r c e s , crcnal-control t a c t i c s and commissions
t r i a l i z a t i o n f a c i l i t a t e d such an expansion by p r o v i d i n g s u p e r i o r means of com-
o f inquiry. The a a a o c i a t i o n a , i n t h e i r t u r n , a c h i e v e d g r e a t e r s o p h i e t i c a t i o n
munication and c o n t r o l t o t h e a g e n t s of t h e c e n t r a l power, by drawing people
and c o n t r o l i n t h e i r ahow o f s t r e n g t h . Tile p r o c e s s t o o k time--perhapa a
more f u l l y i n t o n a t i o n a l markets, and by s p r e a d i n g awareness o f , and i n v o l v e -
g e n e r a t i o n f o r a n y p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p o f workere. tn t h a t l o n g e r r u n t h e
ment i n , n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s . In t h e process, special-purpose a s s o c i a t i o n s l i k e
u r b a n i z a t i n n d t h e l a b o r f a r c e produced whole new e t y l e d c o l l e c t i v e
p a r t i e s and l a b o r unions grew more and more important a s t h e v e h i c l e s i n t h e
violence.
s t r u g g l e f o r power, whether v i o l e n t o r n o n v i o l e n t . Thus u r b a n i z a t i o n and i n -
The e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l w r k e r a haa ooe m r e i m p o r t a n t
d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a f f e c t e d t h e c h a r a c t e r and t h e i n c i d e n c e of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e
.. t e a c h i n g f o r ua. In b b t h r e a c t i o n a r y and m ~ d e mf o r m o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l c n c c .
profoundly, but i n d i r e c t l y .
pnrLiclpnnto commonly cxprcso t h e i r f c c l i n g t h a t thcy have bccn u n j u s t l y dcntcd
The Logic of C o l l e c t i v e Violence
their rights. Reactionary c o n f l i c t s , however, c e n t e r on r i g h t s once enjoyed
Before r u s h i n g t o c.lamp t h i s a n a l y s i s of European collective v i o l e n c e
but now t h r e a t e n e d , while modern c o n f l i c t s c e n t e r on r i g h t s not y e t enjoyed
o n t o c u r r e n t American e x p e r i e n c e , we should pause t o n o t i c e how much of i t
but now w i t h i n reach. The r e a c t i o n a r y forms a r e e s p e c i a l l y t h e work of groups
i s a n h l s t o r l c a l a n a l y s i s - - h e l p f u l i n s o r t i n g o u t t h e p a s t and l d e n t l f y l n g
of people who a r e l o s l n g t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n t h e system of power,
t h e c o n t e x t of the p r e s e n t , b u t n o t i n p r e d i c t i n g t h e f u l u r c . 'Categories
w h i l e t h e modern forms a t t r a c t groups of people who a r e s t r i v i n g t o a c q u i r e o r
l i k e ~ , r i m i t l v e , r e a c t i o n a r y , and modern have more k i n s h i p w i t h tlmebound
 We have t o conelder another dimension: t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h e groups
terms l l k c R c n a i s s a n c e , L i b e r a l i s m , o r N e o l i t h i c t h a n w i t h r a t h e r t i m e l e s s
involved t o t h e e x i a t i n g e t r u c t u r e of power. Again eimplifying r a d i c a l l y , we
concepts l i k e urban, c l a n , o r wealth. I would n o t a r g u e f o r a rnotnent t h a t
might imagine a d i v i s i o n a m n g groups unrepreeented i n t h e eslating etructure
C o w a r d - l o o k i n g p r o t e s t s a r e n e c e s s a - i l y l a r g e r i n s c a l e than backward-
of power, groupe i n t h e proceee of acquiring p o s i t i o n s i n t h a t e t r u c t u r e ,
l o o k i n g o n e s , a l t h o u g h t h a t has been t h e u s u a l e x p e r i e n c e of w e s t e r n
groups holding defined poaitiona in t h a t e t r u c t u r e , and groups i n t h e procear
count1 i c s f o r s e v e r a l c r n L u r i e s . F o r Lhose were c e n t u r i e s of growth and
, of l o s i n g defined poeitionr. Then it would be r i g h t t o aay t h a t on t h e whole
centralization, i n which t o look backward meant t o l e a n toward the s m a l l e r
p r i m i t i v e c o n f l i c t s i n v o l v e groups h o l d i n g d e f i n e d p o s i t i o n s i n a ( c e r t a i n kind
scale. A s a g e n e r a l s t e t e m e n t , t h e a n a l y s i s i s t o o one-dimensional.
o f ) s t r u c t u r e of power, r e a c t i o n a r y c o n f l i c t s i n v o l v e groups l o s i n g such p o s i -
To t a k e t h e problem o u t of t l m e , we must d e a l w i t h a t l e a s t two
t i o n s , and nodcrn c o n f l i c t s i n v o l v c groups a c q u i r i n e them.
dimnaions. One is t h e organizational b e i s of routine p o l i t i c a l l i f e . To I

simplify t h e problem, va might d i e t i n g u i s h between p o l i t i c a based on enmll-

I S t r i c t l y speaking, theae a r e not types of violence. Th'e d i s t i n c t i a r

do not applf t o a c t s of violence, o r even t o t h e c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s char-

ecale, l o c a l , t r a d i t i o n a l groupings ~ c o n m ~ n ap lo l i t i c s ) and p o l i t i c s baaed on
a c t e r i s t ' i c a l l y producing violence. They s o r t o u t groups of people i n t o
large-ecale organizations formed t o serve one well-defined i n t e r e s t (aseociational ,
differing political eituations. ' h e i r relevanca t o violence a s such r e s t s
politics). Then we could eey t h a t both t h e p r i m i t i v e and t h e reactionary f o r m
on a eimple argument: a population'e organization and p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n
of c o l l e c t i v e violence e p r i n g from c o m n u ~ l ' b a a e r ,although under d i f f e r i n g
atrongly a f f e c t s i t e form of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n , and t h e form of c o l l e c t i v e
c i r c u m t s n c e s , while t h e nodern f o r m of c o l l e c t i v e violence develop from a n
a c t i o n s t r i n g e n t l y limitr t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s of violence. Thua each type of
eaeociational b e e . In t h e p r i m i t i v e and reactionary cases, t h a l i n k . among
group takee p a r t in a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t v a r i e t y of c o l l e c t i v e violence.
those who Join together i n c o l l e c t i v e action--whether v i o l e n t o r not--come
That c l a r i f i c a t i o n gives um t h e means of p u t t i n g t h e two dimensionr
from t r a d i t i o ~ l , localized, inherited, alw-changing memberships. The rhythm
together. We d i e c w e r t h a t t h e r e e r e edme o t h e r poeaible types not d i e c w e e d
of c o l l e c t i v e violence t h e r e f o r e followa t h e rhythm o f congregation and d i e -
ao f a r t
pereion of e x i s t i n g communal groups; market daye, holidaya, harvest daya produce

m r e than t h e i r ahare of violence. In t h e purely nodern c a m , on t h e o t h e r RELATION TO SIRUCTURE OF P(MBR

hand, d e l i b e r a t e l y - c r e a t e d formal organizations provide t h e c r u c i a l links. Acquiring Wtintaining losing
position position , poeition
The organizations h e l p ahape t h e e e p i r a t i o n s and grievances of t h e i r members,

d e f i n e t h e i r enemies, determine t h e occeeiona on which they v i l l aseemble

ORGANIZATIONAL
and t h e occaaiona on which they w i l l confront t h e i r antagonimts, and thus BASE
t h e occaaions on which violence can occur. The romrnuMl/aaeociational

d i e t i n c t i o n is o m of t h e h o a r i e e t i n t h e atudy of a o c i a l l i f e , and it turne

o u t t o apply t o euch apparently a n t i s o c i a l behavior aa violence.

It i a not s o herd t o f i l l in two of t h e blanke. There a r e r e a l l y two B e boxes a r e not air-tLght. We csn e a s i l y l o c a t e groups standing halfway
v e r i e t i e s of HDlERN c o l l e c t i v e violence, a frenzied v a r i e t y on t h e p a r t of . between t h e c o m m a 1 and a s s o c i a t i o n a l forms of organization, o r j u s t barely
people l i k e t h e S u f f r a g e t t e s who a r e t r y i n g t o storm t h e aystem, and a'more maintaining t h e i r p o l i t i c a l positions. Organized criminals come t o mind a a
controlled but massive show of a t r @ by groups l i k e p a r t i e s already an exanple of t h e f i r s t ; languishing p r o t e s t p a r t i e s s o an exanple of t h e
established i n t h e system. Violent mvemonts of p r o t e s t l i k e Poujadiam, on aecond. The point o f t h e scheme is t o suggest t h a t t h e i r usual c o l l e c t i v e
t h e o t h c r hand, resemble those I have c a l l e d reactionary except t h a t they actions, end t h e r e f o r e t h e i r usual forrns of c o l l e c t i v e violence, vill a l s o
have an a s a o c i a t i o ~ lbaae. ~t suggests placing them i n t h e lower r i g h t - f a l l halfway between those of t h e i r neighbor8 i n t h e table.
hand corncr: t h e c h a r s c t e r l s t i c c o l l e c t i v e violence of groups l o s i n g poaition A l l t h i n b o x - f i l l i n g would bc no more t h a n n t i c l ~ o l n n ~ lecx e r c l o c I f i t
i n a system b u i l t on an a s s o c i a t i o n a l baai8. were n o t p o s s i b l e t o draw some i n t e r e s t i n g f u r t h e r h y p o t h e s e s from t h e d i s -

As f o r acquiring p o s i t i o n i n a c o m n a l system, corm~onsense says it cussion. The f i r s t is t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e i r o r g n n i z a t i o n n l b n s i s , g r o u p s

can't be done. Dut we might t h r w conmon senee a a i d e and s p e c u l a t e t h a t a c q u i r i n g p o s i t i o n a r e l i k e l y t o d e E i n e t h e i r problem a s t h e a c h i e v i n g o f r i g h t s

the mlllirnarilin,, transcendental and f a n a t i c a l wvementa which rack , d u e them o n g e n e r a l g r o u n d s b u t s o Far d e n i e d , g r o u p s l o s i n g p o a i t i o n t o d e f i n e

backward a r e a s from time t o time provide men with t h e mean8 of acquiring t h e i r problem a s t h e r e t e n t i o n of s p e c i f i c r i g h t s of which they a r e baing

t o t a l l y new i d e n t i t i e s through r e l i g i o u e conversion. That w u l d l w d us deprived, and g r o u p a , m i n t s i n i n ~p o a i t i m t o pay l e a s a t t e n t i o n t o r i g h t s

t o , e x p e c t these o t h e r w r l d l y p r o t e s t s t o t u r n i n t o modern p r o t e s t a a a and j u s t i c e . Seccmd, t h e a c t i o n s of tho& acquiring o r l o s i n g position

t h e o r ~ a n i z a t i o n a lb a s i s s h i f t s from conmcnal t o a s a o c i a t i o ~ l . Some f e a t u r e s a r e l i k e l y t o be m r e v i o l e n t than those maintaining position. Third, a

of m i l l c n a r i s n mvcmcnts i n such European a r e a s a s Andaluaia and &uthern l a r g e r proportion of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s on a cornnuns1 b a s i s r e s u l t i n

. .
I t a l y lend t h i ~speculetion a snippet of p l a u s i b i l i t y , but i t is s t i l l only violence, because t h e a s e o c i e t i o n a l form gives t h e group a s u r e r c o n t r o l over

a speculation. its ovn actions, end thus permits shova of f o r c e without daagge o r bloodshed.

We have f i l l e d i n t h e b o a s . The t a b l e now looks l i k e t h i s t y h i l c h i s t o r i c a l l y t h e s h i f t from c o m m a 1 t o aseor.iationa1 bases f o r c o l l e c t i v e

violence d i d not, by any wenns, atop t h e fighting, it d i d bring i n t o being

a number of a l t e r n a t i v e nonviolent mecllenisag.for t h e regulation of

Acquiring Maintaining baing
p o s i t ion position p o s i t ion conflicts: ' t h e s t r i k e , t h e pnrlinment, t h e p o l i t i c a l campaign.
OTHER 60 when does t h i e l i n e of reasoning lead us t o cxpect tllot c o l l e c t i v e
Commu~l WORLDLY 7 PRIMlTIVB RBACTICNARY
violence w i l l be widespread? It euggeets t h a t over t h e very long run t h e

trnnsformatian of a population, a mnrenont o r a a o c i e t y from a c o ~ t ol

A s a o c i a t i o ~ l OFFENSIVE IMBRBSTCROUP DEFENSIVE
an a s s o c i a t i o n e l b a s i s of drganization diminishes its o v e r a l l l e v e l of

violence. but only over t h e very long run. I f we were t o coneider e x t e r n a l war
a s well aa i n t e r n a l c i v i l disorders, even t h a t timid inference w u l d look
dubious. The acheme implies much m r e d e f i n i t e l y t h a t c o l l e c t i v e violence
c l u s t e r s in those h i o t o r i c a l moments when the structure of power i t s e l f is
changing decisively--becsuse t h e r e a r e many nev contenders f o r pover,
because several old groups of power-holders a r e losing t h e i r grips, o r
because the locus of pover is a h i f t i n g from Eotmnmity t o nation, from nation
t o international bloc, o r i n e m other d r a s t i c vay. Violence flows from
p o l i t i c s , and m r e preciaely from p o l i t i c a l change.
The extent of violence depends on p o l i t i c a i n t h e short run a a v e l l .
Violence i s not a a010 performence, but an interaction. It i e an inter-
a c t i o n t h a t p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s everywhere seek t o mmopolire, control
o r a t l e a s t contain. Novadays a l m a t a11 ~ ~ l l e c t i v
violence
e on significant
s c a l e involves t h e p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s and t h e i r professional representatives:
policemen, s o l d i e r s and others. That happens, f i r s t , because t h e a u t h o r i t i e s
mnke it t h e i r businees t o intervene and thus m i n t a i n t h e i r monopoly on t b e
use of force: aecond, bemuse ao much c o l l e c t i v e violence begins with a
d i r e c t (but not necessarily violent) challenge t o t h e a u t h o r i t i e s themselves.
As odd no i t mny occm, authorities have far grcatcr control ovcr thc
short-run extent and timing of collective violence, especially attacks on
persons rather than property, than t h e i r challengers do. That i s true
f o r several reasons. The a u t h o r i t i e s w u a l l y have t h e technological and
organizational advantage i n the e f f e c t i v e use of force, vhich gives them a
f a i r l y great choice aumng tactic. of prevention, containment and r e t a l i a t i o n .
The l i m i t s on that discretion a r e m r e l i k a l y t o be p o l i t i c a l and moral--
Can w afford t o show veaknesat Could ve f i r e on wmen and childrent--
than technical. I f the c r i t e r i o n of success i a simply t h e minimization
of violence, repression o f t e n works. I n recent European experience, feu
countries have been f r e e r of c i v i l disorder than Spain, a normally turbulent
nation, when Spain was under t h e t i g h t diceatbrahips of P r i m d e Rivera and
Franco. In the heydays of the German and I t a l i a n f o s c l s t s , v i r t u a l l y the
only violence to occur was a t the hands of government employees.
The authorities also have some choice of whether, and with how much
muscle, t o answer p o l i t i c a l challenges and i l l e g a l actions which ore not in-
t r i n s i c a l l y violent : banned assemblies, threats of vengeance, wildcat s t r i k e s .
A large proportion of the European events we have been surveying turned vio-
lent a t exactly the moment when the authorities intervened t o stop an i l l e g a l
but nonviolent action. That i s typical of violent s t r i k e s and demonstrations.
Furthermore, the great bulk of the k i l l i n g and wounding in those samc con-
f l i c t s was done by troops or police rather than by insurgents or demonstro-
tors. The demonstrators, on the other hand, did the bulk of the domage t o
property. If we sweep away the confusion brought on by words l i k e "riot."
"mob" or "violence" i t s e l f , a l i t t l e reflection w i l l mnke i t cleor that t h i s
division of labor between maimers and smashers follows logically from the
very nature of encounters between police ond t h e i r antagonists.
A l l t h i s means t h a t over t h e ahort rtm the extent, location and
timing of c o l l e c t i v e violence depend heavily on t h e way t h e a u t h o r i t i a
and t h e i r agents handle t h e challenges offered t o them. Over a loagor':ryn,
hwever, t h e kinds of challenge# thoy face and the atrength of those
challenges depend r a t h e r l i t t l e on t h e i r t a c t i c s of crowd control and c
great deal on t h e vay t h e e n t i r e p o l i t i c a l system apportion# pover and
responds t o grievances.
Discussions of these m t t e r s e a s i l y d r i f t i n t o praise and blame,
J u s t i f i c a t i o n and condenmation, fixing of responsibility f o r violence.
I f , when, where and by whom violence should be permitted a r e inescapably
d i f f i c u l t questions of m r a l and p o l i t i c a l philosopby. review of
European historical experience has not resolved them. Its purpose, after I leave it to the well-informed reader to apply this analysis of

all, was the more modest one of sketching social processes lying behind the European experience to the civil disorders of contemporary America. Nntural-

actual occurrence of collective violence in western countries as they have ly, analogies immediately come to mind. Studies of ghetto riots of the 1960s

cxiated over the last century or so. Yet the fact that the analytic and his- produced s picture of the average rioter which much resembles what we know of

torical questions drag us so close to political philosophy underlines my many nineteenth-century urban conflicts: the predominance of young males, the

main conclusions: collective violence is part and parcel of the western polit- over-representation of long-time residents rather than recent migrants. the

ical process, and major changes in its character result from major changes in relative absence of criminals. and so on. But why search for ensy analogies7

the political system. The chief lesson of the European experience is not that riots nre all. the samc.

I f t h a t i a the case, very recent changes i n t h e character and locue Far from it! What we have seen, instead, is a close connection between the

of violent p r o t e ~ tbear c a r e f u l watching. Through much of Europe, atudents basic political process and the predominant forms of conflict, both violent
have reached a l e v e l of activism and anger never before equalledi t h e French and nonviolent. That mnkes it hard to accept a characterization of American
Evente of Xay, 1968, were only the moat spectacular episode of 8 Long aeries. ghetto riots as "mainly for fun and profit."j6 It raises doubts about at-

Scparatiet nmremente long thought dead, ludicrous o r a t l e a s t under control-- tempts to reduce current student rebelliona to one more expression of ndol-

Vcleh, Scottiah, Breton, Baaque, Slovak, Flemish--have aprung up v i t h energy. escent anxiety. It makes one wonder whether the recent revival of violent

Dcmaade f o r autononpr, coneation, insulation from a t a t e control, vhicb i and nonviolent separatist movements in such different western countrica as

v i r t u a l l y disappeared from European p o l i t i c a l debate a half-century ago,

i Belgium. Canada, Spain, France, and Great Britain indicates some larger

n w appear t o be groviag rapidly. Of courae it is poeaible t h a t the wide-

II change in international politics. For the basic conclusion is simple and

epread emir-~enceof eutonomiat t h e m e i n c o l l e c t i v e violence is a coincidence, powerful. Collective violence belongs to political life, nnd chnnges in its

a paaeing fancy o r eimply my misreading of the character of t h e new mvemnta. form tell us that something important is happening to the political system

I f none of theao i e t h e ceae, we might consider t h e poaaibility t h a t they itself.

record a tranafer of pover away from t h e national a t a t e , perhaps in part Afterti~oughts,from the Seventies

because i t a own weight keepa it from dealing v i t h the m a t burning eapirationa Thc near-decade since these reflections wcnt to press hnvc added a Brent

of i t a o m c i t i a e m , and i n part because power i a devolving t o interhational deal of collective violence to the world's record. In the same time, reams of

blocs of atetea. Then we might be vitneaaing a transformation comparable i n writing about violence have also appenred. It is easy for scholars to confuse

ecope t o t h e nineteenth-century a h i f t from reactionary t o d e r n f o r m the two, the more so because scholarly writing tends to drift wJth the current

of collective violence. n c e e a r e apeculationr, but they, too, emphasize of events: guerrilla warfare in the 1950s. riots Ln the 1960s. terrorism in thc

the p o l i t i c a l a i d i f i c a n c e of violence. 1970s. who knows what in the 1980s. Yet in looklnp, back at essays on violence -
or, more generol ly, on conflict and collecLivc ;~cLton-- written durlnp, the
 55
v i o l e n t e v e n t s : Lhc iorm of a c t i o n ( c . ~ . i n t e r - v i l l a g e f l g l i t s v s . s t r i k e s ) .
I by c o n n e c t i n g them d e l i b e r a t e l y t o t h e i r n o n v i o l e n t c o n t e x t . With some d i s s e n t
t h e s o r t s of s o c i a l groups involved ( e . g . p e a s a n t communittcs v s . po.lltica.1
from p s y c h o l o g i s t s and e t h o l o g i s t s who sought t o t r a c e c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e back
p a r t i e s ) , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h e groups involved t o t h e r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s
I t o individual a g g r e s s i o n , and from t h e r e t o fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e
a t i s s u e (e.g. defending threatened, long-established r i g h t s vs. claiming
human organism, most s p e c i a l i s t s ndopted some i d e a oC v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t a s a
r i g h t s n e v e r y e t enjoyed) and t h e tendency of o n e t y p e t o t a k e o v e r from
s p e c i a l c a s e , o r outcome, of a broader p r o c e s s which was n o t i n t r i n s i c a l l y
a n o t h e r (e.g. t h e contemporaneous d e c l i n e o f r e a c t i o n a r y e v e n t s and r i s e of
v i o l e n t : c o l l c c t i v c a c t i o n i n g e n e r a l , c o n f l i c t i n g e n e r a l , and s o on. The
i modern e v c n t s ) . I n t h e w e s t e r n e x p e r i e n c e of t h e l a s t fcw hundred y e a r s , t h o s e
Webcrian. M i l l l a n and Mnrxian t h e o r i e s on which t h e y l e a n e d encouraged them
c o r r e l a t i o n s a r e s t r o n g enough t o make a s i m p l e summary u s e f u l : p r i m i t i v e forms
t o expsnd t h e r a n g e of t h e i r a n a l y s e s . So a combination of waning p u b l i c
of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e gave way t o r e s c t i o ~ i a r yo n e s , which i n t u r n ceded t l ~ e i r
i n t e r e s t i n v i o l e n c e w i t h p a r t l y autonomous i n t e l l e c t u a l developments broke
p l a c e t o modern forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e .
up t h e once-prosperous l n d u s t r y of v i o l e n c e a n a l y s i s , and regrouped i t s
Then t h e c o m p l i c a t i o n s begin. Even i n t h e wentern h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e ,
remaining e n t r e p r e n e u r s i n o t h e r nearby e n t e r p r i s e s .
t h e c o r r e l a t i o n s a r e o n l y rough. The s t r i k e , f o r example, does indeed e n j o y
A l l t h i n g s c o n s i d e r e d . t h e s e changes were b e n e f i c i a l . They reduced t h e
a h i s t o r i c a l c o n n e c t i o n w i t h s p e c i a l - p u r p o s e workers' a s s o c i a t i o n s , h a s indeed
p r e v a l e n c e of SnRppy s l o g a n s and q u i c k f i x e s i n t h e s t u d y of v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t .
served p a r t i c u l a r l y t o advance new c l a i m s , and d i d indeed begin t o s u p c r s e d c
They t i p p e d t h e b a l a n c e toward s u s t a i n e d , c a r e f u l i n q u i r i e s , i n c l u d i n g i n t e n s i v e
a number of o l d e r forms of worker a c t i o n d u r i n g t h e ~ ~ i n e t e e n tche n t u r y . But
c a s e s t u d i e . s , c o n t r o l l e d comparisons and broad h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s e s . They
s t r i k e s have o f t e n served d e f e n s i v e purposes: h o l d i n g o f f wage c u t s , r c s l s ~ l n ~
hrougllt nbout a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t v i o l e n c e is n o t a phenomenon & g e n e r i s ,
t h e f i r i n g of union o r g a n i z e r s , s t o p p i n g speedups, and s o f o r t l ~ . Once a form
b u t o c o n t i n g e n t outcome of s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s which a r e n o t i n t r i n s i c a l l y v i o l e n t .
of a c t i o n is a v a i l a b l e , people a d a p t i t t o t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . That i s t r u e
In pnrticular. t h e f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h and r e E l e c t i o n s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e i d e a t h a t
n o t o n l y of t h e s t r i k e , b u t a l s o of t h e a r t i s a n s ' brawl, t h e d e m o ~ ~ s t r n t i o nand
,
c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , a p p e a r s a s a by-product of p o l i t i c a l
I
4 many o t h e r forms of a c t i o n which commonly produced v i o l e n c e .
p r o c e s s e s : a s s by-product of s t r u g g l e s f o r power, of c o n t e n t i o n o v e r t h e 8
The second c o m p l i c a t i o n i s j u s t a s weighty. The primittve/renctionary/modcrn
a u t h o r i t a t i v e a l l o c a t i o n of c o l l e c t i v e c o s t s and b e n e f i t s , of e f f o r t s t o defend
scheme a d v e r t i s e s i t s e l f a s a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of v i o l e n t a c t i o n s . Iaoked a t
o r augment c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s . S l n c e t h a t i d e a l a y a t t h e c e n t e r of my 1969
c l o s e l y , Lhe a d v e r t i s i n g i s m i s l e a d i n g on b o t h c o u n t s . F l r s t , t h e b a s i c acLions
e s s a y . 1 could o n l y applaud t h e new d i r e c t i o n of work i n t h e f i e l d .
which i d e n t i f y most of t h e forms involved a r e n o t v i o l e n t . Even t h e n c t l o n we
N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e f o r m u l a t i o n s of t h a t 1969 e s s a y l e a v e many problems
l o o s e l y c a l l "machine-breaking" a c t u a l l y c o n s i s t e d . f o r t h e most p n r t , of a
unsolved, and some of tl~emo b s c u r e d . To s t a r t w i t h t h e most i m p o r t a n t : t h e
sequence i n which a group of workers demanded t h a t an employer s t o p u s l n ~a
c l a s s i f i c n t i o n of v i o l e n t e v e n t s i n t o p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y nnd modern t y p e s
l a b o r - s a v i n g machlne, t h r e a t e n e d punishment i f he d i d n o t comply w i t h t h e i r
h a s turned o u t t o be a u s e f u l p r e l i m i n a r y s o r t i n g d e v i c e , b u t then t o c a u s e
demand, and o n l y broke up t h e machine when r e p e a t e d demands, e n t r e a t l c s and
more and more t r o u b l e a s a n a l y s i s proceeds. The scheme g a i n s i t s p l a u s i b i l i t y
t h r e a t s f a i l e d t o produce t h e d e s i r e d r e s u l t s . When i t comes Lo S I I C ~ forms of
and u t l l i L y from t h e rough c o r r c l a L i o n of s e v e r a l q u i t e d l f f c r e n t f e n t ~ ~ r of
cs
s mocking c e r e m o ~ ~ i c st ,l ~ cg r r a t mnJe?rlLy of cnucs
a c t l o n a s d c r n r ? ~ ~ s t r n t l t mand
 56
have o c c i ~ r r c dwi t h o r ~ tv i o l c n c c : Ln gelicral , v i o l cnce h a s on1 y o c c u r r e d when
f i g h t nhout power i n g e n e r a l . They f i g h t a h o u t t h e p a r t l c u l n r r i g h t s , p r l v i l e g c s
r i v a l groups. ; ~ u t l i o r l L l c so r r e p r e s s i v e f o r c e s have t r i e d t o s t o p t h e a c t i o n
and o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o r e a l i z e t h e i r i n t e r e s t s which c o ~ i s t i t u t ct h e i r power, o r whlch
of t h e d e m o n s t r a t o r s o r mockers.
t h e i r power g u a r a n t e e s . For l a c k of a s y s t e m a t i c d i s c u s s i o n of t h o s e L n t c r c s t s .
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e e v e n t s c l a s s i f i e d a s p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y and modern
t h e e a r l i e r d i s c u s s i o n g i v c s t h e impression t h a t power, s h e e r power, s e r v e s
a r c not r e a l l y a c t i o n s , but =actions. A food r i o t i s n o t h i n g a t a l l w i t h o u t
a s an end i n i t s e l f .
a baker, merchant o r c i t y o f f i c i a l t o a t t a c k , a s t r i k e n o n e x i s t e n t u n l e s s a
Over t h e h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s paper, two l a r g e p r o c e s s e s
boss i s somewhere on t h e scene. I f t h a t p o i n t seems o b v i o u s , i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s
made t h e g r c a t e s L difference t o t h e i n t e r e s t s of o r d i n a r y people. One was t h e
a r c not so self-evident. For It means t h a t no e x p l a n a t i o n based e n t i r e l y on
expansion O F c a p i t a l i s t p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s , t h e o t h e r t h e r i s e of t h e n n t j o n : ~ l
t h e e x p e r i e n c e s of t h e r i o t e r s o r s t r i k e r s can be a d e q u a t e ; a t a minimum,
state. I n c r e a s i n g l y , o r d i n a r y p e o p l e worked f o r wages, t h o s e who c o n t r o l l e d
an a d e q u a t e e x p l a n a t i o n of a s t r i k e l n c l u d e s an account of t h e behavior of
c a p i t a l made t h e b a s i c p r o d u c t i o n d e c i s i o n s . and t h e e n t i r e r a n g e of goods.
t h e wor:kcrs, an account of t h e h e h a v l o r of t h e employers, and an a c c o u n t of
s e r v i c e s and p r o p e r t y p e o p l e needed t o s u r v i v e became a v a i l a b l e t o b u y e r s who
t l ~ c i ri n t e r a c t i o n . The p o r t r a y a l of p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y and modern forms
could pay t h e p r i c e . That growth o f c a p i t a l i s m a t t a c k e d t h e interests of s m a l l
of c o l . l e c t l v e v i o l e n c e o f f e r e d e a r l i e r i n t h i s paper emphasizes t h e e x p e r i e n c e s
p r o d u c e r s , of people who s u r v i v e d by r e l y i n g on communal r i g h t s i n f o r e s t s and
of h i s t o r l c n l underdogs v e r y s t r o n g l y . It t h e r e f o r e l a c k s a n a n a l y s i s of t h e
f i e l d s , and many o t h e r s . I t c r e a t e d new groups o f workers and employcrs w t t h
a c t i o n s of t h e i r opponcnts, and an account of i n t e r a c t i o n s between underdogs
q u i t e d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s and r i v a l r i e s . We have s e e n t h e expansion of c a p i t n l l s m
and t h c l r opponents. A s an unintended r e s u l t , t h e l o p s i d e d argument ends up
o p e r a t i n g c o n c r e t e l y i n t h e food r i o t and t h e i n v a s l o n of f i e l d s , b u t a l s o I n
s u g g e s t i n g t h a t c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i s an e x p r e s s i o n of underdog e x p e r i e n c e
the strike. The s t a t e a l s o grew, and momentously: s u p e r s e d i n g l o c a l governments
alone -- e x a c t l y t h e s o r t of concLusion t h e paper s e t o u t t o a t t a c k .
and s q u a s h i n g l o c a l r i g h t s , demanding t a x e s , s u p p l i e s and conscripts, b u i l d i n g up
The p a p e r ' s b a s l c argument h a s a t l e a s t one o t h e r major d e f e c t : i t
a r m i e s and b u r e a u c r a c i e s . That p r o c e s s , t o o , a t t a c k e d o l d i n t e r e s t s and e s t a b l i s h e d
o f f e r s o n l y t h e v a g u e s t l d e n t i f l c a t i o n of t h e i n t e r e s t s on which p e o p l e have
new o n e s . We have s e e n s t a t e m a k i n g a t work c o n c r e t e l y i n tlie t a x r e b e l l i o n and t h e
l ~ l s t o r i c a l l ybeen prepared t o a c t c o l l e c t i v e l y . D e s p i t e some c o n c r e t e d i s c u s s i o n
anti-conscription r i o t , b u t a l s o i n tlie demand f o r fcmale s u f f r a g e . The
of t h e r i g h t s and i n t e r e s t s a t i s s u e i n such e v e n t s a s i n v a s i o n s of f i e l d s and
expansion of c a p i t a l i s m and t h e r i s e of t h e n a t i o n a l s t a t e t o g e t h e r c r e a t e d t h e
tax rebellions. I e v e n t u a l l y sum up t h e c e n t r a l p r o c e s s e s involved a s t h e l o s s ,
world we l i v e i n . They s e t t h e frame f o r t h e changing forms of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n ,
malntenance and a c q u i u i t i o n o f p o l i . t i c n l power. Another of t h o s e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s
and t h e r e f o r e of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . They d i d s o by t r n n s f o r m l n g t h e b a s i c
which s e r v e s u s e f u l l y a s a f i r s t approximation, b u t becomes a burden when pushed
I n t e r e s t s p e o p l e c o n s i d e r e d worth f i g h t i n g f o r , and t h e mcans t h e y llnd of a c t i n g
very f a r . Let me 1.eave a s i d e t h e p o s s i b l e m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s g e n e r a t e d by u s i n g
on t h o s e i n t e r e s t s . C o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e was no more than a c o n t i n g e n t by-product
t h e word " p o l l t i c a l " so broadly. The r e a l t r o u b l e l i e s e l s e w h e r e : a l t h o u g h i n
of t h e s e momentous p r o c e s s e s . Yet t h e c o n n e c t i o n between t h e c h a r a c t e r O F t h e
any g i v e n c o u n t r y i n a given perlod t h e r e a r e s t a n d a r d p r o c e s s e s by which v a r i o u s
by-product and t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e p r o c e s s e s g e n e r n t i n g i t was -- and is --
groups l o s e , mnintnln o r a c q u i r e power, and a l t h o u g h t h o s e p r o c e s s e s do, i n d e e d ,
very s t r o n g . A s a r c s ~ ~ l t h, e h i s t o r y of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c c r e f l e c t s t h e 111story
nccntlnt f o r much of t h e ehb and flow of c o l l e c t l v c v l o l e n c c , p e o p l e r a r e l y
of I~untnn ~ ( ~ l l c c t i vc xcp e r l c n c e afi a wliolc.
 NOTES 2. J.L. and B a r b a r a Hammond. The V i l l a g e l a b o u r e r (1,ondor.: Longmans. 1 9 6 6 ) . pp.

241-242.
GENERAL. At d i f f e r e n t t i m c s , t l i e S o c i a l S c i e n c e R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l and t h c

Canada C o u n c i l h a v e s u p p o r t e d t h e r e s e a r c h r e p o r t e d i n t h i s p a p e r . In recent
3. E l i e ~ a l h y( E . I . Watkin and D.A. B a r k e r , t r s . ) , England i n 1 8 1 5 (Ncw York:
y e a r s , t h e N a t i o n a l S c i e n c e F o u n d a t i o n h a s been i t s p r i n c i p a l s o u r c e o f f i n a n c i a l
B a r n e s 6 Noble. 1 9 6 1 ) . p. 1 4 8 .
support. A h o s t of people have helped w i t h t h e r e s e a r c h ; f o r t h e m a t e r i a l i n

t h i s p a p e r I om e s p e c i a l l y i n d e b t e d t o P r i s c i l l a Cheever and L o u i s e T i l l y . Summaries

4. Graham Adams, J r . , Age o f I n d u s t r i a l Violence, 1910-1915 (New York: Columbia
o f d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s o f o u r work and b i b l i o g r a p h i e s o f d e t a l l e d r e p o r t s a p p e a r i n
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) . pp. 132-136.
John Boyd. R.A. S c l i w c i t z e r and C h a r l e s T i l l y , " B r i t i s h Contentious G a t h e r i n g s o f

1828"(Ann Arbor: C e n t e r Eor R e s e a r c h on S o c l a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . U n i v e r s i t y o f

5. Hammond and Hammond, o p . c i t . , 242-243.
Elichignn. 1 9 7 8 ; CRSO Working P a p e r 1 7 1 ) ; Edward S h o r t e r and C h a r l e s T i l l y ,

S t r i k e s I n F r a n c e , 1830-1968 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 4 ) ;

6. Bruce M. R u s s e t t and o t h e r s , World Handbook o f P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l I n d i c n t o r s
C h a r l e s T i l l y , ed.. The Formation o f N a t i o n n l S t a t e s i n Western Europe ( P r i n c e t o n :
(New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 99-100.
P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 5 ) ; C h a r l e s T i l l y , L o u i s e T i l l y and R i c h a r d T i l l y .

The R e b e l l i o u s C e n t u r y , 1830-1930 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ,

Charlcs T i l l y 7. A n t o n i o Gramsci, I1 R i s o r g i m e n t o ( T o r i n o : E i n a u d i . 1950; 3d e d . ) , pp. 199-200.
1 9 7 5 ) ; l F r o m M o b i l i z a t i o n t o R e v o l u t i o n ( R e a d i n g , M a ~ s . : Addison-Wesley, 1 9 7 8 ) .

8. The g e n e r a l l o g i c o f t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n ( i f n o t tlie p r e c i s e f o r m u l a t i o n o r
I n r e v i s i n g t h i s p a p e r f o r t h e new e d i t i o n o f V i o l e n c e i n America, I h a v c
t h e e x a c t wording) a p p e a r s i n E.J. Hobsbawm, P r i m i t i v e R e b e l s ( M n n c l ~ e s t e r :
c l e a n e d up some e d i t o r i a l s l i p s and o b s c u r e p a s s a g e s , s u b s t i t u t e d b e t t e r d a t a
Manchester U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959). I t a l s o u n d e r l i e s much oE t h e argumclit
f o r t h e p r e l i m i n a r y r e s u l t s concerning French c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e r e p o r t e d i n t h e
o f George ~ u d 6 ,The Crowd i n H i s t o r y (New York: W i l e y , 1 9 6 6 ) .
f i r s t v e r s i o n , b r o u g h t t h e f o o t n o t e s up t o d a t e , and w r i t t e n a b r i e f e p i l o g u e .

Anyone who t a k e s tlie t r o u b l e t o compare t h e o l d t e x t w i t h t h e new w i l l d i s c o v e r

9. T h o r s t e i n Veblen. I m p e r i a l Germany and t h e I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n (Ann
t h a t , s e n s i t i z e d t o my l a n g u a g e by r e c e n t f e m i n i s t e x h o r t a t i o n s , I h a v e changed
Arbor: U n i v e r s l t y o f Michigan P r e s s . 1966; paperbnck c d . ) . p. 50.
n number o f m a s c u l i n e nouns ( e . g . "men") i n t o n e u t r a l o r c o l l e c t i v e forms

(c.g. "peopl e") . 10. Le C o n s t i t u t i o n n e l , 1 9 November 1835.

1. Marc Bloch, I,es c a r a c t a r e a o r l g i n n u x d e l ' h i s t o i r e r u r n l e f r a n p i s e ( P a r i s :

C o l i n . 1 9 5 2 ) . 1 , 175.
 21. E.P. Thompson, The Making o f t h e E n g l i s h Working C l a s s (London: C o l l a n c z . '
1.1. M. Dorothy George, Londoti L i f e i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y (New York: H a r p e r
1 9 6 4 ) , p. 530.
6 Row, 1 9 6 4 ; Torchbook e d . ) , p. 280.

12. Rudolf Stadelmann and Wolfram F i s c h e r , Die B i l d u n g s w e l t d e s d e u t s c h e n

llnndwerkers um 1.800 (Berl.in: Duncker h Humblot, 1 9 5 5 ) , p. 7.1.

23. C h a r l e s Kings1.ey. p r e f a c e t o A l t o n Locke (London: MacmJ.llan. 1 8 8 7 ) . x c l i .

13. P h i l i p p e ~ r i a s ,C e n t u r i e s o f Chll.dhood (New York: V i n t a g e , 1.965), pp. 317-31.8.

24. Edward S h o r t e r , "Middle C l a s s A n x i e t y i n t h e German R e v o l u t i o n o f 1 8 4 8 , "
I
I
J o u r n a l o f S o c i a l H i s t o r y 2 (1969). 189-215.
14. %, pp. 318-319. I
I
I 25. L o u i s Chevalier, C l a s s e s l a b o r i e u s e s e t c l a s s e s d o n g e r e u s e s ( P n r l s :
15. A.J. Peacock. Bread o r Blood (London: G o l l a n c z , 1965). p. 79.
P l o n , 1958). p. 469.

26. F.C. M a t h e r , P u b l i c O r d e r i n t h e Age o f t h e C h a r t i s t s (Elanchester:

M a n c h e s t e r U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 5 9 ) . p. 1 2 8 .
17. Here and l a t e r i n t h e e s s a y I h a v e r e l l e d e s p e c i a l l y on a n u n p u b l i s h e d

p a p e r by I m u i s e T i l l y . " P o p u l a r P r o t e s t i n t h e R i s o r g i m e n t o : 1850-1860"
27. Alan S i l v e r , "The Demand f o r O r d e r i n C i v i l S o c i e t y : A Review o f Some
( U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto. 1967); s e e a l s o c h a p t e r 3 ("Italy") i n Tilly, Tilly
Themes i n t h e l l i s t o r y o f Urban Crime, . P o l i c e , and R i o t . " i n David J . Bordun,
6 T i l l y , The R e b e l l i o u s C e n t u r y .
e d . , The P o l i c e : S i x S o c i o l o g i c a l E s s a y s (New York: Wiley, 1 9 6 7 ) . pp. 12-13.

18. K a r l Marx, "The C l a s s S t r u g g l e s i n F r a n c e . 1848-1850" i n Marx and E n g e l s ,

28. J o s e p h Hamburger, James M i l l and t h e A r t o f R c v o l u t l o n (New Ilnvcn: Y a l e
S e l e c t e d Works (Moscow: F o r e i g n Languages P u b l i s h i n g House, 1 9 5 8 ) . I , 213.
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 3 ) , p. 147.

19. llamond and Hnmmond, o p . c i t . , pp. 261-262.

29. Mnther, o p . c i t . , p. 21.

20. E.J. Hobsbnwn, "LC a g i t a z l o n i r u r n l i i n I n g h i l t e r r a n c l primo o t t o c e n t o , "

--
Studi Storicl. 8 (April-.rune 1 9 6 7 ) . 278.
 30. G.D.11. C o l e and Raymond P o s t g a t e , The B r i t i s h Common P e o p l e , 1746-1946 34. Cera1.d Brenan, The S p a n i s h L n b y r i n t h (Cambridge, England: Cambridge

(London: U n i v e r s i t y P a p e r b a c k s . 1 9 6 1 ) . p. 490. U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 6 7 ) . p. I x .
1

1 31. u,
pp. 453-454. 35. George Rud6, "The Growth o f C i t i e s and P o p u l a r R e v o l t . 1750-1850. wlth

P a r t i c u l a r Reference t o P a r i s " i n J.F. B o s l ~ c r , e d . . F r e n c h Government and

32. Fernnnd L ' H u i l l i e r , La l u t t e o u v r i & r e 8 l a f i n d u Second Empire ( P a r i s : S o c i e t y , 1500-1850. E s s a y s i n Memory o f A l f r e d Cobban (London: A t h l o n c
I
C o l i n . 1957; C a h i e r s d e s h i n a l e s , no. 1 2 ) . p. 65. P r e s s , 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 190.

33. Our p r o c e d u r e c o n s i s t e d o f r e a d i n g t h r o u g h two n a t i o n a l n e w s p a p e r s f o r 36. Edward C. B a n f i e l d , " R i o t i n g Mainly f o r Fun and P r o f i t " In James Q.

e a c h d a y o f t h e s i x d e c a d e s and p u l l i n g o u t e a c h r e p o r t e d e v e n t i n v o l v i n g Wilson, ed:. The M e t r o p o l i t a n Enigma (Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y

some v i o l e n c e (wounding, p r o p e r t y damage, o r s e i z u r e o f p e r s o n s o r p r o p e r t y P r e s s . 1 9 6 8 ) . pp. 283-308.

o v e r r e s i s t a n c e ) i n which a t l e a s t o n e p a r t i c i p a t i n g f o r m a t i o n had f i f t y

members o r more. As w e l l a s we c a n d e t e r m i n e , a s a m p l e t h u s a s s e m b l e d 37. Some r e c e n t e x a m p l e s a r e H e r b e r t H i r s c h and David P e r r y , e d s . . V i o l e n c e

o v e r w e i g h t s e v e n t s i n c i t i e s , and e s p e c i a l l y i n P a r i s , b u t i n a r e l a t i v e l y a s P o l i t i c s (New York: H a r p e r 6 Row, 1 9 7 3 ) ; R o b e r t M. F o g e l s o n . V i o l e n c e a s

constant fashion. The d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e e v e n t s coded come n o t o n l y from t h e P r o t e s t : A S t u d y o f R i o t s and G h e t t o s (Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday. 1 9 7 1 ) ;

newspaper a c c o u n t s b u t nl.so from l i i s t o r i c a l works and F r e n c h a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l . David S n y d e r and W i l l i a m R. K e l l y , " I n d u s t r i a l V i o l e n c e i n I t a l y , 1878-1903,"

More d e t a i l s on p r o c e d u r e s a p p e a r i n The R e b e l l i o u s C e n t u r y and From M o b i l i z a t i o n American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , 8 2 (1976). 131-162; Yoshio Sugimoto, " Q u a n t i t a t i v e

t o R e v o l u t i o n , b o t h c i t e d a b o v e , and i n Edward S h o r t e r , The H i s t o r i a n and t h e C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f P o p u l a r D i s t u r b a n c e s i n P o s t - O c c ~ ~ p a t i o nJ a p a n (1952-196D)."

Computer (Englewood C l i f f s , N . J . : Prentice-Hall, 1 9 7 1 ) ; C h a r l e s T i l l y , "Methods J o u r n a l o f A s i a n S t u d i e s , 37 (1978). 273-291; f o r b i b l i o g r a p l ~ i e sand r c v l e w s o f t h e

f o r t h e S t u d y o f C o l l e c t i v e V i o l e n c e " i n Ralph W. Conant and Molly Apple L e v i n , l i t e r a t u r e , s e e Kenneth W. Grundy and M i c h a e l W e i n s t e i n , _The T d e o l o & i e s of

e d s . . -ems i n t h e S t u d y o f Community V i o l e n c e (New York: P r a e g e r , 1 9 6 9 ) ; V i o l e n c e (Columbus, Ohio: C h a r l e s E. M e r r i l l , 1 9 7 4 ) ; James C. l l o l n ~ b e r g .

C h a r l e s T i l l y , "How P r o t e s t Modernized i n F r a n c e , 1 8 4 5 t o 1855," i n W i l l i a m "The Rush t o V i o l e n c e i n S o c i a l A n a l y s i s : A Review Essay." H i s t o r i c a l Methods

..
A y d e l o t t e , A l l n n Ilogue and R o b e r t , P o g e l , e d s . , The Dimensions o f Q u a n t i t a t i v e N e w s l e t t e r . 4 ( 1 9 7 1 ) . 88-99; Micheal J . K e l l y nnd Tliomis H . M i t c h e l l . " V i o l e n c e ,

Resenrcll i n H i s t o r y ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) ; C h a r l e s I n t e r n a l War and R e v o l u t i o n ; A S e l e c t B i b l i o g r a p h y " ( O t t a w a , Canada: Norman

T i l l y. " Q u a n t l f i c a t i o n i n I l i s t o r y , a s Seen from F r a n c e , " i n J a c o b M. P r i c e and P a t e r s o n School o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s , C a r l e t o n U n i v e r s i t y : Rlbliogrnpliy

Val Lorwin, c d s . , The Dimensions o f t h e P a s t (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , S e r i e s , 3; r e v i s e d v e r s i o n , 1977); T e r r y Nardin. " C o n f l i c t i n g Conceptions of

1972). Political V i o l e n c e " i n C o r n e l i u s P. C o t t e r , e d . , P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Ann~lnL, v o l .

4 ( I n d i a n a p o l i s : Bobbs-Merrill, 1972).
38. Examples: Anton Blok. The Mafia of a S i c i l i a n V i l l a g e (New York: Harpcr 6
39. ( c o n t ' d ) Revolutionary Society. M a s s a c h u s e t t s , 1765-1780 (New York:
Row, 1974); Daniel C h i r o t , S o c i a l Change i n a P e r i p h e r a l S o c i e t y (New York:
Academic P r e s s , 1977); M i c h e l l e P e r r o t , Les o u v r i e r s en g r e v e ( P a r i s : Mouton.
Academic P r e s s , 1976); J o e R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, G h e t t o R e v o l t s (New
1974; 2 v o l s . ) ; Walter J . S h e l t o n . E n g l i s h Hunger and I n d u s t r i a l D i s o r d e r s :
York: Mncmillan. 1973); William A. Gamson, The S t r a t e g y of S o c i a l P r o t e s t
A Study of S o c i a l C o n f l i c t d u r i n g t h e F i r s t Decade of George 111's Reign
(Homewood, I l l j n o i s : Dorsey. 1975); Ted Robert Gurr, P e t e r N. Grabosky and
(London: Macmillan. 1973); Robert D. S t o r c h . "The Policeman n s Domestic
Richnrd C. Ilula, The P o l i t i c s of Crime and C o n f l i c t : A Comparative H i s t o r y of
Missionary: Urban D i s c i p l i n e and Popular C u l t u r e i n Northern England, 1850-
Four C i t i e s (Bevcrly H i l l s , C a l i f o r n i a : Sage, 1977); Henry A. Landsberger, e d . ,
* 1 8 8 0 , " J o u r n a l of S o c i a l H i s t o r y . 9 (1976). 481-509; E.P. Thompson, "'Rough
Rural P r o t e s t : P e a s a n t Movements and S o c i a l Change (London: Macmillan, 1 9 7 4 ) ;
Music ' : Le C h a r i v a r i a n g l a i s , " Annales; Economies, S o c i & t 6 s , C i v i l i s a t i o n s ,
John Wilson Lewis, e d . . P e a s a n t R e b e l l i o n and Communist Revolution i n Asia
t 27 (1972), 285-312; A l f r e d F. Young. e d . , The American Revolution (DeKolb:
( S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 7 4 ) ; David Sabean, "The Communal B a s i s
Northern I l l i n o i s U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976).
o f Pre-1800 Peasnnt U p r i s i n g s i n Western Europe," Comparative P o l i t i c s , 8 (1976).

355-364; Michael Schwartz, R a d i c a l P r o t e s t and S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e (New York:

40. S e e Richard A. Berk, "A Gaming Approach t o Crowd Behavior," American
Academic, 1976); Joseph S p i e l b e r g and S c o t t Whiteford, e d s . , Forging Nations:
S o c i o l o g i c a l Review. 39 (1974), 355-373; R i c l ~ s r dMaxwell Brown and Don E.
A Comparative View of R u r a l Ferment and Revolt ( E a s t Lansing: Michigan S t a t e
Fehrenbacher, e d s . . T r a d i t i o n , C o n f l i c t and Modernization: Perspectives on
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976).
t h e American Revolution (New York: Academic P r e s s , 1977); Jnmes S. Coleman, Tile
Mathematics of C o l l e c t i v e Action (Chicago: A l d i n e , 1973); P e t e r K. E i s i n g e r .
39. See Ronald Aminznde, "Revolution and C o l l e c t i v e P o l i t i c a l Violence: The
"The C o n d i t l o n s of P r o t e s t Behavior i n American C i t i e s . " American P o l i t i c a l
Case of t h e Working C l a s s of M a r s e i l l e , France, 1830-1871" (Ann Arbor: C e n t e r
S c i e n c e Review, 67 (1973). 11-68; Norman F r o l i c l ~ , J o e A. Oppenl~elmerand
f o r Research on S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of Michigan, 1973; CRSO Working
Oran R. Young, P o l i t i c a l L e a d e r s h i p and C o l l e c t i v e Goods ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n
Paper 8 6 ) ; Yves-Marie Bercg, C r o q i ~ a n t s e t Nu-Pieds. Les soul8vemcnts paysans
U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1971); Sandor Halebsky, Mass S o c i e t y and P o l i t i c a l ConEllct
en France du XVIe nu XIXe s i a c l e ( P a r i s : G a l l i m a r d / J u l l i a r d , 1974); J.P.D.
(Cambridge, England: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976); Mnx H e i r l c h , The S p l r n l
h n b a b i n , Rural D i s c o n t e n t i n Nineteenth-Century B r i t a i n (New York: Holmes &
of C o n f l i c t : Berkeley, 1964 (New York: Columhia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1971);
Meier, 1974); John F o s t e r , C l a s s S t r u g g l e and t h e I n d u s t r i a l Revolution. Early
Douglas A. Hibbs, J r . , " I n d u s t r l n l C o n f l i c t i n Advanced I n d u s t r i n l S o c i e t i c s . "
I n d u s t r i n l C a p i t a l i s m i n Three Towns (landon: Weidenfeld & N i c o l s o n , 1974);
American P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e Review 7 0 (1976), 1033-1058; John D. McCnrthy and
Douglas llay e t a l . . A l b l o n ' s F a t a l T r e e . Crime and S o c i e t y i n E i g h t e e n t h -
Mayer N. Z a l d , The Trend of S o c i a l Movements i n America: I ' r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n
Century England (New York: Pantheon, 1975); Dirk tloerder, Crowd Action i n a
 66

40. ( c o n t ' d ) and Resource M o b i l i z a t i o n (Morristown, N . J . : General Learning

C o r p o r a t i o n . 1973); C l a r k McPhail and David L. M i l l e r . "The Assembling P r o c e s s :

A Theoretical and E m p i r i c a l Examination," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 38 (19731,

721-735; Anthony O b e r s c l ~ a l l , S o c i a l C o n f l i c t and S o c i a l Movements (Englewood

Cliffs, N.J.: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1 9 7 3 ) ; David Snyder. " I n s t i t u t i o n a l S e t t i n g and

I n d u s t r i a l C o n f l i c t : Comparative Analyses of France, I t a l y and t h e United S t a t e s , "

American S o c i o l o g i c n l Review, 40 (1974). 259-278; William 11. O v e r h o l t , "+n Table 1. The Frequency of V i o l e n t Events i n F m n c e , 1830-1860 and 1930-1960

Organizational C o n f l i c t Theory of Revolution," American B e h a v i o r a l S c i e n t i s t , Est imoted

Number of Number of Formations total participants
20 (1977). 493-520; Mjchael Useem, P r o t e s t Movements i n America ( I n d i a n a p o l i s : Period events formations p e r event (thousnnds)

Robbs-Merrlll, 1 9 7 5 ) ; Louise White, " R a t i o n a l T h e o r i e s of P a r t l c i p a t i o n , " 1830-39 285 563 2.2 300
!
J o u r n a l of C o n f l i c t R e s o l u t l o n , 20 (1976), 255-278; Kenneth I. Wllson and

Anthony Orum. "Mobilizing People f o r C o l l e c t i v e P o l i t i c a l Action," J o u r n a l of

P o l i t i c a l and M i l i t a r y Sociology, 4 (1976). 187-202.

41.. For an e r f o r t t o s o r t o u t t h e o r i e s of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n i n t o t h e s e

l i n e a g e s , s e e T i l l y , From M o b i l i z a t i o n t o R e v o l u t i o n , c h a p t e r 2.
T a b l e 2. Formations P a r t i c i p a t i n g i n French V i o l e n t E v e n t s , 1830-1860 and
1930-1960

T a b l e 3. Magnitudes of V i o l e n t E v e n t s i n F r a n c e , 1830-1860 and 1930-1960

Simple crowd 16.8% 17.4% 9.1% 1.6% 4.1% 1.8%

------
1830-39 1840-49 1850-60 1930-39 1940-49 1950-60

Mean number p a r t i c i p a t i n g 1,093 1,482 923 2.202 2.410 2.197

I d e o l o g i c s l crowd 13.7 9.1 12.5 47.8 19.9 34.2
Mean person-days expended 1,895 2,584 1,518 2,223 2.386 2,184
Guerrillas, bandits
and p a m m i l l t a r y 3.7 1.0 20.2 2.1 1.8 1.4 Person-days p e r p a r t i c i p a n t 1.7 1.7 1.6 1.0 1.0 1.0
forces
P e r c e n t l a s t i n g more t h a n
Publtc o f f i c i a l s * ,7.8 11.8 17.5 1.5 4.1 1.8 one d a y 16 18 24 4 4 5

Military 16.8 13.5 9.9 3.1 9.5 2.1 Mean k i l l e d and wounded 2R.2 17.6 33.0 19.4 185.2 23.0

Police 5.3 8.9 10.3 17.5 20.8 30.7 Mean a r r e s t s 30 30 139 23 23 84

M i l i t a r y and
police

Occupntional group 16.7 17.3 3.9 14.9 27.1 17.1

U s e r s o f same m a r k e t ,
f i e l d s , woods o r
water 2.5 4.4 1.9 0.8 0.0 0.0

Others -
11.9 -
11.9 -
7.6 -
4.0 -
4.5 6.9

TOTAL 100.0 100.2 99.0 100.1 99.9 99.9

*Includes formations consisting of public o f f i c i a l s plus police andlor

military.