DON HONORIO VENTURA STATE UNIVERSITY

GRADUATE SCHOOL

Entrepreneurial
Intentions and
Capabilities of
Women
Research Paper

Submitted to:
Dr. Juris C. Ponio

Submitted by:
Kim Arrianne A. Cunanan

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Chapter I: The Problem and It’s Background

Women and men aren't as different as you might think: A review of dozens of studies found

that men and women are basically alike when it comes to personality, thinking ability and

leadership. The differences that do exist may reflect social expectations, not biology. Despite this

evidence, the media continue to spread the idea that the sexes are fundamentally different — with

real-life consequences. ("Men and women: no big difference")

Entrepreneurship has traditionally been defined as the process of designing, launching and

running a new business, which typically begins as a small business, such as a start-up company,

offering a product, process or service. It has been defined as the "...capacity and willingness to

develop, organize, and manage a business venture along with any of its risks in order to make a

profit. (https://psu.pb.unizin.org/ist110/chapter/13-2-entrepreneurship/)

For centuries females have taken the back seat in male oriented social systems. Globally,

the number of women entrepreneurs lags behind the number of men. In the Philippines, though

women are playing a key role in society, still their entrepreneurial ability has not been properly

tapped due to the lower status of women in society. The main purpose of this paper was to find out

the entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of women in a rural area. The researchers used the

quantitative research with survey questionnaire and a total of 150 women was targeted as

respondents of this study. Other relevant information was gathered through an online researches.

The adequate related literature and studies gave the researchers the proper direction on how the

investigation was done. Most of the women were aged 23 - 30, single or married, with at least two

children, and a baccalaureate degree holders. They managed their own businesses and earning a

monthly income of Php 10,001 to Php 20,000. The women entrepreneurs were good in marketing

(selling), record keeping, business management, critical thinking, planning and research, decision-

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making, organization, and oral communication skills. However, they needed training in written

communication and managerial skills. The local government unit must encourage more women to

join seminars and training to improve their skills in the identified areas, and community must

promote and institutionalize the women's business activities to promote their enterprises.

Many researchers and policy formulators consider entrepreneurship as the link to increased

and sustained economic development and growth. While this is particularly the case in developing

countries with significant poverty and high unemployment rates, it also relates to developed

economies because entrepreneurship is considered a driver of accelerated economic growth as

opposed to stagnating growth (Ambrish, 2014; Meyer, 2017; Meyer and Meyer, 2017).

According to the Asian Development Bank (2007), females in Asia contribute significantly

towards economic development, but face different constraints and opportunities when compared

to males. McAdam (2013) adds to this by indicating that female entrepreneurship has drawn

enormous attention to policy formulation, literature studies and practical research since

entrepreneurship of this type is recognised globally as contributing to the growth of many

countries’ economies. Furthermore, female entrepreneurial activity has been accepted as a vital

part of the economic profile of a country, as has the argument that empowering female

entrepreneurs act as fuel for flourishing economies (Ambrish, 2014; Kot et al., 2016).Carter et al.,

(2006) assert that females are becoming essential change agents within the social and economic

environments and are globally responsible for making valuable contributions towards job and

wealth creation and economic growth. Notwithstanding the impact and role females have in

today’s economies, their contribution is often understated and undervalued (Carter et al.,

2006).Despite female enterprises being a growing phenomenon and comprising a noteworthy

proportion of economic production in many economies, women still face tremendous challenges

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when it comes to the growth and expansion of their businesses. In some cases, even starting a

business can be a challenge for some females (Gatewood et al., 2009). Over the decades, many

different definitions explaining the terms entrepreneur and entrepreneurship have been formulated.

Schumpeter’s definition during the early 1930 considers entrepreneurs to “be those who create

new combinations, new markets, product, or distribution systems” (De Bruin et al., 2006). More

recent definitions by Shane (2003) and Ambrish (2014) also refer to an entrepreneur as an

individual who possesses the skill to exploit opportunities by introducing new or better ways to

provide goods and services to the economy, to enhance methods and improve ways of organising

and by establishing a new business or revitalising an existing one by such means as improved

service or product delivery. Historical and recent definitions in the field of entrepreneurship

include the following character words: opportunism, innovation, risk-taking, designing new

combinations of processes; while one of the principal traits of entrepreneurship is ultimately

starting new organisations (Bird and Brush, 2002). Various definitions for female entrepreneurs

have also been established in recent years. In the UK and US, a female-owned business refers to

one that is either fully or majority (51% or more) owned by females. The Indian government

defines a female entrepreneur as one owning at least 51 percent of a business and ensuring that at

least 51 percent of employment provided by the business should be to female employees (Ambrish,

2014). Based on the aforementioned, the question could be posed: If the concept of

entrepreneurship has been clearly defined by so many researchers and experts in this field, why is

it so important that continuous new research paths focussing on females entrepreneurs be

developed?

As more females venture into the field of entrepreneurship globally, research approaches

and theoretical perspectives to understand the role women play within this sector require clearer

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definition (De Bruin et al., 2007; Onyishi and Agbo, 2010).Since females have been formally

entering the sector of entrepreneurship during the last few decades, they can be considered as one

of the fastest growing entrepreneurial populations in the world (Brush and Cooper, 2012).

According to the OECD (2004) female entrepreneurship needs to be studied as a separate group

for two reasons. Firstly, it has been recognised as a valuable and unexploited source of economic

movement and growth that creates not just jobs for themselves, but for others as well. In addition,

females in some cases often provide society with alternative solutions to various social problems.

Secondly, the topic of female entrepreneurship has previously been neglected in social sciences

and in general society. However, this is slowly changing as more women are entering into the

market and policies assisting in the development and management of such entrepreneurship are

gradually becoming more prevalent in many countries. The World Bank (2015) states that the

empowerment of women is fundamental in achieving continued sustainable development and that

succeeding in this endeavour could enhance economic efficiency. Because business and

entrepreneurship are still perceived in many countries and cultures as a male dominated sphere, it

remains a priority to provide women with equal access to opportunities and continuous research

on female entrepreneurship could assist in doing so. Bird and Brush (2002) and De Bruin et al.,

(2006) suggest that historical theory and research on entrepreneurship focussed on men and that

the perception was created that entrepreneurship is formed around male experience and

capabilities. Various allusions regarding entrepreneurship as a male dominated field have been

made in the past. In 1921, a reference was made to the “active businessman” while in 1934 an

entrepreneur was described as a “captain of industry” (Scranton, 2010). This trend continued with

a statement made in 1968 terming an entrepreneur as a “hero who perceives the gaps and connects

markets” (Bird and Brush, 2002) whereas, in 1982 Hebert and Link referred to an entrepreneur as

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the “key man”. It makes sense that the literature and theory was viewed from a male perspective

in the past, because for many years females were not active in the business and economic sector.

But as times have changed and women are entering this previously male dominated industry, the

need for new and female-relevant research is growing (Heber and Link, 1982). Leading researchers

in the field of female entrepreneurship have emphasised the importance of studying this as a

separate research entity as there are significant differences between male and female motivations,

characteristics and business growth and development with regard to entrepreneurship. There are

also clear distinguishing features in some of the methods and ways that female entrepreneurs

manage their businesses and compile strategies(Bird and Brush, 2002; Greene et al., 2003; Brush

et al., 2006; Carter et al., 2006; Meyer and Mostert, 2016). Carter et al., (2006) specifically refer

to women being more risk and debt averse, which could lead to certain conclusions about why

their businesses are in many cases not attracting the investment opportunities that their male

counterparts so often do. In addition, Botha et al., (2007) suggest that some women might need

more assistance with regard to self-esteem and confidence than traditional male entrepreneurs.

Barsh and Yee (2011) further contend that women face different structural obstacles, lifestyle

issues and individually embedded mind-sets when compared to men. While there is proof that

similarities between certain entrepreneurial traits in men and women exist, there are clear

differences in many other aspects. Greene et al., (2003) report that over the last 25 years various

research have identified similarities between male and female entrepreneurs, but that these

investigations lack substantial discussion of the differences. Some of the most compelling

differences between male and female entrepreneurs include: reasons for starting a business, the

choice of business, how they finance their start-ups, governance structures, growth patterns and

some aspects of the entrepreneurial process. Various differences are present in the traditional way

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in which entrepreneurship is perceived when compared to a female perspective. The dimensions

of the entrepreneurial process: time, concept of reality, action and interaction, ethics and power

are all often performed in a different and more subtle manner when viewed from a female

perspective. In addition to this, Bird and Brush (2002) further explain that there are clear

differences in the way that traditional and new ventures and organisations are started and the way

that they would be managed from a female perspective. For example, the way a traditional

entrepreneur might make use of resources would be to “lease” people, show low commitment and

be a promoter, whereas a female entrepreneur might take a different approach by committing to

people and taking the form of a trustee. There are also differences in the structure, method of

controlling of systems, culture and policy integration. McAdam (2013) asserts that there are many

similarities in the operating profile of small businesses despite the varying traits of the owners, but

that there is indeed a significant difference within the operating profiles of female owners. Many

still follow a feminised working pattern, trying to balance work, home and childcare. While some

might say this pattern is acceptable, many may see it as discrediting the value and growth potential

of the business (McAdam, 2013). This need for supplementary research on female

entrepreneurship further extends to developing and emerging countries where culture still plays a

huge role in the development and empowerment of women. Many cultures still believe that women

are solely responsible for home and family related tasks as well as purposes of reproduction (De

Bruin et al., 2006; Karanja and Bwisa, 2013). This could restrict women from starting a business

or hinder their growth potential owing to their status within the community. Many African cultures

still implement a policy where women are not allowed to own any assets and which holds that

everything they own actually belongs to their husbands, creating structural and cultural challenges

for female entrepreneurs (Chitsike, 2000; Mungai and Ogot, 2012). According to the Global

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Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) women tend to lack confidence compared to their male equals

when it comes to business matters, despite their origin, education level, work status and so forth

(Herrington et al., 2009). Research has also consistently confirmed that early-stage entrepreneurial

activity (TEA) is gender sensitive due to societal, cultural and economic issues (Singer et al.,

2015).Furthermore, perceptions that women are less capable than males in the field of business,

are still widely held by many cultures; even by some westernised economies. McAdam (2013)

asserts that females are a diverse group and that deeper studies into culture, ethnicity, class and

education are also important and could indeed influence the way women perceive business

ownership and manage their ventures. As research in many cases have a direct and indirect link to

management policies and improvements in strategies, having more high impact data available

could contribute to improved management in certain cases.

Due to the increased participation and growth in numbers of women business owners, many

would agree that more, and a better body of research is needed in the area of female

entrepreneurship. One of the discussions by experts in the literature concerns the gap in research

into female entrepreneurship. Despite more studies in this area being undertaken over the past few

decades, there is still a gap in the available literature. From the studies on female entrepreneurship,

one may note that many of them focus on investigating individual level and/or country or regional

profiles. Few studies pursue general research on entrepreneurship that involves analysis at firm

level and integrated-level (De Bruin et al., 2007). It has also been suggested that cross-country

studies will be desirable in future. In addition to this, comparisons between different women

groups or samples are necessary. For example, will women from a rural African community

display the same entrepreneurial characteristics as women from a sophisticated first world

country? Greene et al., (2003) furthermore suggest that additional research is required on the role

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of human capital, strategic choices and structural barriers in female entrepreneurship. A report

issued by the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) in South Africa indicated that there is a

major absence of high quality empirical studies on female entrepreneurs and that statistical data is

lacking (Jiyane et al., 2012). Brush and Cooper (2012) further assert that female entrepreneurship

is understudied and not well-documented. De Bruin et al. (2006) scrutinised the number of

publications placed in the top eight entrepreneurship journals between 1994 and 2006 and found

that a mere six to seven percent related to female entrepreneurship. In addition to this, Greene et

al.,(2003) prepared a similar study on nine of the leading entrepreneurial journals from 1976 to

2001 and found that in 661 issues published during that time, a mere 129 articles concentrated on

women entrepreneurship or business development. Adding to this is the fact that most of these

publications appeared after 1990 and that just 7 percent of these articles used a conceptual

approach or were based on literature reviews. Ahl (2002) found that some of the so-called “A-

journals” in the field of management did not publish noticeably on entrepreneurship and even if

they did, there was almost nothing on female entrepreneurship. She found that of seven of the

leading American based management journals (Journal of Management, Academy of Management

Journal, Management Science, Organization Science, Academy of Management Review,

Academy of Management Journal, and Administrative Science Quarterly) between the years 1985

and 1999 just 97 articles out of 5291 were entrepreneurship related and of these, just three reported

on female entrepreneurship. This equals a mere 0.056 percent of all articles from these journals.

She conducted a similar search in five leading European journals ranging from 1981 to 1993 (first

publication issues of each journal) until 2002 and found just 12 research articles that were on the

topic of entrepreneurship while none of these addressed female or gender related entrepreneurship.

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The literature on mainstream entrepreneurship primarily focusing on the male entrepreneur

emerged in the 1930s. The late 1970s witnessed the emergence of an explicit sub-domain of

women entrepreneurship (Jennings and Brush, 2013). This section outlines the chronological

history of development of the literature on women/female entrepreneurship. Table 3 presents a

summary of the key historical milestones in this sub-domain.

In 1976, Schwartz published the first academic paper on female entrepreneurship in the Journal of

Contemporary Business and the first policy report in this area titled “The bottom line: Unequal

enterprise in America” was released in 1979 in Washington DC. Hisrich and O’Brien (1981) made

the first academic conference presentation on women entrepreneurs at the Babson College

Conference on Entrepreneurship in 1981. The first academic book on female entrepreneurs was

published in 1985 (Goffee and Scase, 1985).

Initial research on entrepreneurship assumed that male and female entrepreneurs were

generally the same and there was no specific need for a separate investigation (Bruni et al. 2004).

As a result, the sub-domain of women entrepreneurship did not develop as a significant area until

the late 1990s to early 2000s (Jennings and Brush, 2013) with the launch of two dedicated

conferences. First, a policy oriented Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development

(OECD) Conference on women entrepreneurs in small and medium sized enterprises was held in

1998. Second, an academic conference Diana International was held in 2003.

It was not until 2009 that a niche journal titled the International Journal of Gender and

Entrepreneurship was launched. Eventually, leading journals in the mainstream Entrepreneurship

area recognized the growing need for research in this area. The journal of Entrepreneurship Theory

and Practice published a special issue on women entrepreneurship in 2006 and 2007 (de Bruin et

al. 2006) and then again in 2012 (Hughes et al., 2012).

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Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM, http://www.gemconsortium.org/) also published a

special report on women and entrepreneurship in 2006 followed by subsequent reports in 2010,

2012 and 2015. In 2015, Global Entrepreneurship Development Institute published the Female

Entrepreneurship Index report that analyzed conditions for fostering women entrepreneurship in

77 countries. As per the report, the top ten countries for female entrepreneurs in 2015 were- United

States, Australia, United Kingdom, Denmark, Netherlands, France, Iceland, Sweden, Finland and

Norway (Terjesen and Lloyd, 2015).

In recent years, the debate about the marginality of women in academic science has

been extended to academics’ engagement with industry and their commercial efforts (Tartari

& Salter, 2015). Globally, women’s entrepreneurship is increasingly understood to be a key driver

of economic growth and job creation. Indeed, an estimated $4.5 trillion would be added to Asia

and the Pacific’s gross domestic product by 2025 by closing the gender disparities in economic

opportunities. Widely recognized as a key component of women’s economic empowerment,

women’s entrepreneurship has the potential to contribute significantly to advancing women’s

rights and increasing their influence (The Asia Foundation, 2018). Women form a nation’s

significant human resource (Pierce, Achdiawan, & Roshetko, 2016; Tartari & Salter, 2015). They

should be sued as instruments for the growth and development of the economy as well as to their

community. Women, on the other hand, are willing to take up business and lend their contributions

to the growth of the nation. Women are now ready to do all business and enter all professions like

trade, industry, engineering, etc. (The Asia Foundation, 2018; Pedro, 1942; Pierce et al., 2016)

The role and participation of women are recognized and steps are being taken for the promotion

of women entrepreneurship, women must be shaped up properly with other entrepreneurial traits

and skills to face the challenges of world markets, meet the changes in the trends, be competent

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enough to sustain and strive for excellence in the entrepreneurial field (Bumatay, Sulabo, &

Ragus, 2008; Fini, Marzocchi, & Sobrero, 2009; Holwerda, 2018). Complete entrepreneurial

development in a nation can be achieved by the participation of women and therefore the

growth and development of women entrepreneurs must be accelerated. Entrepreneurship plays

an imperative role in the growth of any community. Development of entrepreneurship culture

and qualitative business development services are the major requirements for industrials

growth, especially contribute to the growth of every woman. Entrepreneurial skills are essential

for industrialization and for the alleviation of mass unemployment and poverty. Today, women

in advanced market economics own more than 25 percent of all businesses and women-

owned businesses in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, and Latin America are growing rapidly. In

some regions of the world, the transformation of the market economy, women entrepreneurs is

a growing trend. A woman as an entrepreneur is economically more powerful than as a mere

worker because ownership not only confers control over assets and liabilities but also gives her

the freedom to make decisions. Through entrepreneurship development a woman will not only

generate income for other women in the locality, but also will have a multiplier effect in the

generation of income and poverty alleviation (Emm, Ks, Gomolemo, & Oa, 2017; García-

rodríguez & Gil-soto, 2017; Junior, Antonio, Gimenez, & Wendling, 2018; Mamun, Binti, Nawi,

Farhah, & Binti, 2016; Sánchez-escobedo, Fernández-portillo, Díaz-casero, & Hernández-

mogollón, 2016). A woman as an entrepreneur is economically more powerful than as a mere

worker because ownership not only confers control over assets and liabilities but also gives her

the freedom to make decisions. Through identifying entrepreneurial skills, a woman generation

the skills for their own self-development (I. Ismail, Husin, Abdul, Mohd, & Che, 2016;

Jovane, Seliger, & Stock, 2017; Wickstrøm, Liu, & Schøtt, 2017). Empowering women is a

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challenge. Micro-enterprises not only enhance national productivity, generate employment,

but also help to develop economic independence, personal and social capabilities among women.

Economic empowerment of women by micro-entrepreneurship led to the empowerment of

women in many things such as socioeconomic opportunity, property rights, political

representation, social equality, personal right, family development, market development,

community development and at least the nation development (D. Ismail, Khairy, & Domil, 2014;

Schneider, 2017; Suzana et al., 2014). Entrepreneurship development among women can be

considered a possible approach to economic empowerment of women. Human resources and

technology are the two important factors of growth in the new economic order. To activate these

two factors require entrepreneurship development in a big way in an economy. Entrepreneurship

and economic development have been found as positively correlated variables in various

research studies conducted in different nations. The growth of developing economies may be

attributed to a large extent to the growth of their entrepreneurship. Further, the growth of women

entrepreneurship has been relatively high in developing nations as compared to developing

countries(Khayri, Yaghoubi, & Yazdanpanah, 2011; Nardi & Fella, 2017; Rachwa, 2011;

Sánchez & Sahuquillo, 2012; Stephany, Fontinele, Maria, Barros, & Moraes, 2017; Yang, Liu,

& Mai, 2018).

The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) Report for Women 2016/17 reports that 274

million women were already running their own businesses across 74 economies, of which 111

million were running well-established businesses by 2016. As globalization is breaking down the

barriers that limited businesses by cultures, gender and geography, many partnership and trade

agreements have been developed in an attempt to encourage global economic activity among

women. Women are known to give back about 90 percent of their earnings to the health and

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education of their communities and families, contributing to development directly, so it’s easy to

see why it is critical. Understanding women’s entrepreneurial attitudes, trends and activity from

all over the globe will help shape government policies at various levels along with the numerous

educational and training programs aimed at improving the business environment for women.

Here are some interesting findings -- and paradoxes -- from the GEM Women report:

1. Developing economies see a higher male-female parity among entrepreneurs than developed

economies.

Asia and Latin America showed the highest parity between male and female entrepreneurs,

resulting in higher Total Entrepreneurial Activity (TEA) in factor-driven economies. Economies

at the innovation-driven stage of development saw women start businesses at 60 percent the rate

of men -- a surprisingly sharp decline from factor-driven economies. Despite the advantage of

technology in a typical innovation economy, fewer women were inclined towards

entrepreneurship.

2. More women than men cite opportunity motives for business.

More women than men, about 20 percent more, cite opportunity as the primary reason for

venturing into business even in factor-driven economies. This only becomes more pronounced in

the innovation-driven group, where women are three and a half times more likely to cite

opportunity motives rather than necessity motives.

The increased opportunity perception is associated with the higher TEA. Also, the report shows

that women entrepreneurs have a 5 percent greater likelihood of innovativeness than men across

all 74 economies.

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Related: Danica Patrick Spent Years Preparing to Retire -- by Laying the Groundwork for a New

Career

3. More women than men never start their business.

Though the number of women who aspire to start their businesses is closer to the number of men,

the gap widens among business-owners, indicating that women are less likely to start their business

and also more likely to exit at early stages or between phases of transition (4 out of 10 in factor-

driven economies). This trend slightly improves in innovation-driven economies where there are

two exits for every 10 businesses owned by women.

Business discontinuance among women is associated with lower growth expectations and dealing

with their expected roles as primary caregivers for their families.

4. Women gravitate towards community-driven initiatives.

In the developed economies, more than half of women-led businesses are seen to be clustered

around government, health, education and social services. The report shows that women are geared

towards sectors typically dependent on human capital -- possibly due to women’s inherently

greater emotional appeal.

5. Entrepreneurial activity declines as economic development increases.

Surprisingly, entrepreneurial activity among women showed a decline when economic

development improved, resulting in a wider gender gap.

While developing countries showed higher entrepreneurial activity, fewer enterprises were likely

to transition to a mature stage. Innovation-driven economies were seen to be more conducive for

sustainable businesses but registered slower growth than men-owned businesses. Interestingly,

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women in innovation-driven economies displayed a less favorable view of their own capabilities

than women in developing economies.

Laurel Delaney, founder of Women Entrepreneurs Grow Global and author of the bestselling book

“Exporting: The Definitive Guide to Selling Abroad Profitably,” says “Even in a developed

economy, women business owners are less likely to explore and expand their products or services

because they think they can’t do it, or that they don’t have access to the right training, education,

advisory networks, mentorships and community programs. This perceived deficiency makes it

difficult for women to access markets, conduct marketing and establish relationships.”

Related: A Day in the Life of Jen Gotch, the Female Badass Behind the Multimillion-Dollar

Company Ban.do

6. Entrepreneurial activity declines as education level increases.

Entrepreneurial participation was seen to decline with an increase in the level of education,

suggesting that general education is less relevant for building entrepreneurial skills or

competencies.

This fact is demonstrated by the emergence of entrepreneurial activities in the most unexpected of

places. A refugee camp in South Sudan was found to be flourishing with micro-enterprises and

small businesses, mostly led by women. Technology, the massive game changer is crushing

barriers between geographies and cultures, and unifying businesses with the perfect customer to

get them hooked without prohibitive costs.

“A global mindset starts with self-awareness, reflects an authentic openness to and engagement

with the world, and employs a heightened awareness to the sensitivity of cross-cultural

differences,” noted Delaney.

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A person’s intention to act entrepreneurially is a strong predictor of entrepreneurial action,

especially starting a firm. This begs the question, what explains entrepreneurial intention?

People’s intentions have been considered consequences of their personal traits, demographic

background, cognitive make-up, and their context. Here we combine these approaches into a two-

level model to account for how intention is shaped by individual and cultural conditions around

the world. We hypothesize that intention is promoted by perceived capabilities, risk propensity

and awareness of opportunities, and that these are affected by demographic attributes, especially

formal education and entrepreneurial training, and by cultural context. We use the GEM adult

population survey in 2008 in all the 34 nations where people were asked about their entrepreneurial

training. We also use the World Values Survey in which national culture is measured along two

major dimensions, traditionality versus secular-rationalism and materialism versus self-

expressionism. The hypotheses are tested by regressions. We find that people’s entrepreneurial

intention is promoted by their risk propensity, opportunity awareness and especially their

perceived capabilities. This entrepreneurial mindset is variously shaped by demographics, notable

gender in the way that men more often than women consider themselves capable, risk-willing and

aware of opportunities. People’s entrepreneurial attitude is also shaped by their cultural context in

the way that traditionality, more than secular-rationalistic culture, promotes perceived capabilities,

and also in the way that self-expressionism, more than materialistic culture, enhances perceived

capabilities and opportunity awareness.

Social psychology offers strong models of behavioural intentions with significant demonstrated

predictive value for several behaviours. Such models offer sound hypothetical structures that

particularly delineate the procedures underlying intentional acts. Metaexaminations (Kim &

Hunter, 1993) empirically demonstrate that “Intentions effectively predict behaviour and attitude

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(states of mind) effectively predicts intentions.” Over an extensive variety of studies identifying a

wide range of behaviours and intentions to take part in those behaviour’s, attitudes explain more

than half of the changes in intentions. Intentions clarify at least 30% of the changes in behaviour.

Clarifying 30% of the difference in behaviour analyses positively to the 10% level and is ordinarily

clarified straightforwardly by quality measures or attitudes (Ajzen, 1987). More distal marvels, for

example, profession decisions will probably bring about a smaller effect. Still, intentions remain a

huge, unbiased indicator of career choice (Lent et al., 1994).

The theory of reasoned action (TRA) (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980) generally

asserts that “The central cause of an action/behaviour is the intention, more specifically

behavioural intention, that is, what one anticipates doing or not doing.” The intention, on the other

hand, is dictated by attitude (evaluation of the action/behaviour) and a subjective norm (evaluation

of other available options) (Trafimow, 2009). TRA is comprised of three noteworthy constructs:

(1) the behavioural intention that relies upon (2) subjective standards (nor) (3) dispositions

(attitudes). The more grounded the inspirational dispositions toward conduct are and the more

grounded the social standards toward conduct are, the more grounded the intention is.

Behavioural Intentions measures the quality of the intention to execute a predefined activity.

Subjective standards depict the weight by associates or companions to conform to standards. If,

for instance, entrepreneurship is viewed as excessively unsafe by guardians and companions, an

individual will be more averse to entrepreneurial conduct. Attitudes comprise the assumptions

about the outcomes of performing a predefined activity. Behavioural beliefs are assumed to be a

principle impact on one’s attitude towards performing a certain action/behaviour; normative

beliefs on the other hand impact one’s subjective norm towards performing an action/behaviour

(Madden et al., 1992). In summary, according to the theory of reasoned action, the immediate

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precursor of behaviour is intention which is a function of information and beliefs (Madden et al.,

1992).

The TPB (Ajzen, 1985) extends the limit of unadulterated volitional control indicated by the TRA.

This is accomplished by including convictions with respect to the ownership of essential assets

and opportunities to proceed with a given conduct. The more assets and opportunities people think

they have, the more prominent their apparent behavioural control over their conduct ought to be.

As an account of behavioural and standardized convictions, it is additionally conceivable to isolate

these convictions and regard them as halfway autonomous determinants of conduct (behaviour)

(Madden et al., 1992). Marketing researchers, as well as social psychologists, have had significant

achievements utilizing intention-based models in pragmatic applications and fundamental

research. Such reliable, vigorous and replicable ideal models have been generally applied in

practical circumstances, such as career/profession preferences, weight loss and coupon use (Ajzen,

1987; Kim & Hunter, 1993). TPB distinguishes three attitudinal predecessors of expectation. Two

mirror the apparent attractive quality of playing out behaviour: individual attitude toward results

of the behaviour and perceived social standards/norms. The third, perceived behavioural control

reflects observations that the behaviour is individually controllable. Perceived behavioural control

reflects the apparent feasibility of playing out behaviour and is accordingly identified with a view

of situational competence (self-efficacy). TPB additionally determines the forerunners of each of

these attitudes.

Shapero’s model of the Entrepreneurial Event (SEE) is another important theory in the

entrepreneurship intentions world. It has been referred to as an implicit intention model specific to

the entrepreneurship domain (Krueger et al., 2000). In this model, the intention to venture into

business is said to be derived from the propensity to act upon opportunities, perceptions of its

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attractiveness and lastly, likelihood of its success (Krueger et al., 2000). The model assumes that

“human behaviour is guided by inertia until an outside force interrupts that inertia.” The

interruption is most often negative such as an abrupt job termination; however, sometimes the

interruption of the inertia can be due to positive events such winning a lottery (Shapero & Sokol,

1982). The interruptions trigger a change in behaviour and the victim is always forced to make

decisions that seek the best opportunity available. (Krueger et al., 2000) According to Shapero,

behaviour depends on credibility and propensity to act. Credibility demands behaviour to be both

feasible and desirable. Thus, entrepreneurial events require both in order for the desired

potentiality, to start a business, to be achieved. In summary, the entrepreneurial event is viewed as

a result of cultural, social and personal factors further, Shapero defines perceived desirability as

the attractiveness of starting a business, i.e., both intra and extra personal impacts and defines

perceived feasibility as the level to which one feels capable of venturing into the entrepreneurship

world. This is achieved empirically by using his proposed testable, eight-item, inventory questions

that aim at various aspects of perceived feasibility and desirability.

“People act on decisions based on their own personal disposition and thus reflect the aspects of

intentions.” Acting on an opportunity is highly dependent on control perceptions; the urge to gain

control as a result of taking action.

According to Ajzen, the interpretation of a behaviour is the set of the attitude towards it (i.e.

behavioural beliefs or perceived desirability), subjective norms (i.e., normative beliefs or

perceived feasibility) and perceived behavioural control (i.e., control beliefs or self-efficacy). The

attitude towards a certain behaviour is the degree to which an individual assesses a certain

behaviour or action to be beneficial and useful; thus, it indicates the personal favourable or

unfavourable evaluation of the intention to become an entrepreneur. The social norm is the social

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pressure that considers people’s opinions of the proposed behaviour. It depends on the expectation

of aid from other important people, such as parents in the case of young entrepreneurs. The

perceived behavioural control represents the propensity to act and the perceived feasibility of

exhibiting a particular behaviour. It is the individual’s perception of situational capabilities (i.e.,

self-efficacy). In our case, this predictor refers to students’ perception of the ease or difficulty of

performing the entrepreneurial behaviour, and it is assumed to reflect past experiences as well as

anticipated impediments and obstacles. Ajzen clarified that the exact nature of these relationships

remains uncertain and is still an empirical issue, as there is a general adherence to the particular

context of reference. In this study, we focused on the prediction of entrepreneurial intentions rather

than on its realisation because the increasing flexibility of jobs has led to increasing uncertainty of

permanent work. Hence, given that the excess of flexibility has brought context to an excess of

uncertainty, people prefer the entrepreneurial way to avoid unemployment concerns.

Studies on Women Entrepreneurial Intentions Women would also like to try the way of

entrepreneurship. Indeed, the number of “pink” businesses increased in the last years. However,

many studies have found that males have a higher preference for entrepreneurship behaviour than

females. This preference is not due to a greater capacity of one compared to the other but rather to

the difficulties that women often meet, for example, in obtaining a bank loan because women are

perceived as less creditable than men. Different studies, however, analyse the determinants of

entrepreneurial intention according to the gender of people interviewed, but final results are still

mixed. Kolvereid (1996) found that males have a significantly higher preference for self-

employment than females. The author concluded that gender influences self-employment

intentions indirectly through their effect on attitude, subjective norm and perceived behavioural

control. Similarly, Veciana et al. investigated the attitude, social norms and perceived behavioural

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control for entrepreneurship according to students’ gender in Spain and Puerto Rico and concluded

that, although the female students interviewed had a favourable perception of the attitude towards

entrepreneurship, their perceived social pressures were not positive and their intentions were

relatively low. It might seem obvious that women could have a high entrepreneurial intention

because governments often develop policies and special programs addressed to them to encourage

innovation and business development; however, despite these facilities, women often find barriers

in their entrepreneurial activity. Indeed, Davidsson (2003) investigated the determinants of

entrepreneurial intention based on Swedish participants and concluded that gender has little or no

direct influence on entrepreneurial intentions. In contrast to the aforementioned studies, Hackett et

al. found that gender differences are mediated by changes in self-efficacy. This was confirmed by

Krueger et al. who stated that the role of gender enhances our understanding of entrepreneurial

intention. Similarly, Wang and Wong explained entrepreneurial interest of students in Singapore

based on personal background. The study reveals that gender, family business experience and

education level are significant factors in explaining entrepreneurial interest. (Exploring the

Entrepreneurial Intention of Female Students in Italy)

Females who perceive themselves as entrepreneurially-skilled have higher intentions because it

also strengthens their motives to pursue entrepreneurship, and are willing to be more risky toward

achieving them. This is not the case by PBC, suggesting their push toward certain entrepreneurial

beliefs may be more resource-dependent than belief-based. This effect is consistent whether there

are or not necessity-related responses controlled for, suggesting necessity, risk taking and an

intrinsic motives toward entrepreneurship may be intertwined. A serial mediation effect from

motives and risk propensity between skill and intention is significant, whether there are necessity-

related responses controlled or not.

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Males PBC of entrepreneurial endeavors does not increase intentions because is strengthens their

motives, nor perceiving themselves as entrepreneurially-skilled. Neither of these variables

increases their intentions as an effect of becoming riskier either. This effect is not consistent when

there are necessity-related responses controlled for. When they are, neither their motives, nor their

willingness to take risk, become impactful in any way whatsoever toward entrepreneurial

intentions, nor mediate any effect, suggesting they are better driven in our sample by job security.

Females answered in a way that, the more skillful they feel, the higher they would perceive their

propensity to take risks, which also significantly impacts their intentions for business. This same

statement applies for their motives to pursue entrepreneurship. This means both beliefs get pushed

by perceiving highly their abilities. Langowitz and Minniti (2007) also found a relation between

skill and intention in female students, and others, like Kickul et al. (2008) did with high school

students. We further strengthen and boost on these findings by including these indirect effects.

Unexpectedly, this is not what we found for males, neither by skills or PBC. It is worth noting that

their answers for risk taking propensity are not significantly different from females, which means

is not because they wouldn’t be risk takers themselves.

Risk taking propensity as an entrepreneur trait has been previously questioned (Brockhaus, 1980),

and have found its usefulness as phase-specific (i.e., only for intentions; Zhao et al., 2010). These

results indicate some significant relationship (and only in one group), although, like some of them

would argue, it does not hint as an entrepreneur trait neither. Risk taking behavior varies according

to its context, regardless if people rate themselves as high risk takers (Nicholson et al., 2005).

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It’s not very likely that this case points to excitement for novelty or sensation-seeking for riskiness,

as it’s sometimes attributed to entrepreneurs [which has also been linked to biological responses

related to certain risk-taking behaviors, but usually involving danger (Zald et al., 2008), which we

seriously question it’s the entrepreneur case]. In fact, people in Spain rank higher than their

European neighbors in fear of failure (Peña et al., 2019), and has been expressed as a reason for

not being entrepreneurs, more so by females (Sánchez Cañizares and Fuentes García, 2010;

Alemany et al., 2011; Peris-Ortiz et al., 2014). This hints the relation to riskiness in this case may

be out of a different reason.

The relation would likely sum up to whether people dare to stand up and take risks as a composite

of, both, an adaptive response to high uncertainty in the country, such as that given by

unemployment, and a personal likeability for business. Unlike males, necessity responses do not

dampen any path on females. What was found with the female sample is that the effect of skill,

combined with an increase of personal motives and risk propensity to intentions is present

regardless of the effects of necessity, suggesting they generally become riskier toward venture

creation to avoid unemployment, while finding achievable personal goals through it (which also

gets impacted by the prospects of job security). In other words, because they want it and because

they could use it to evade uncertainty. For the male sample, this does not seem to be the case, and

works dichotomously: being driven by necessity factors, but not for personal goals or motives.

Instead, it looks as if males may be considering entrepreneurship as a hypothetical second option

or failsafe, which may explain the non-significant relationship of risk-taking with intentions.

Results also show females have stronger motives for entrepreneurship than males, which could be

due to some reasons. The first instinctual explanation would be because it’s an artifact defect, as

the variable lacks some items that have been found of importance to males, such as economic

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ambition or the inherent challenge of what implies creating a business (Maes et al., 2014). In other

words, the variable slightly favors females. While this may be valid argument, however, it is also

linear thinking to fit results to an assumption: that males are always supposed to find it more

attractive, which can be a defect in reasoning. The item composition of this variable shows females

actually responded higher in all four of its items, and the difference in their mean is significantly

different. It can be said for certain the female sample is looking for independence, novelty, and a

feel of personal achievement as goals through entrepreneurship slightly higher than males, and

these impact their intentions, but not in males.

We believe this is partly due to field demographics. Males and females distribute among different

business sectors (Klapper and Parker, 2011), the latter more prone to create small, single handed

business (Coleman, 2007), which is the most common type in Spain (Peña et al., 2019). Second,

more than half of the female participants are education or social-related (i.e., Psychology) students,

which is a female-dominated market in business (Kelley et al., 2017). These results are logically

reasoned if they their motives to pursue entrepreneurship are higher, and means there are likely

some sectors where females are looking for entrepreneurship because it fills them as individuals

more than in males. Irrelevant of the size of the difference, this is important for female

entrepreneurship literature.

Competitive environment is a powerful control that is perceived by women to start a business,

where they feel that they have a competitiveness with male entrepreneurs and produce competitive

products in the market, it will cause a strong intention to behave entrepreneurship. The study also

show that government support has no direct influence on the perceived behavioural control but

influence on competitive environment. Based on the research, the government role is still lacking

in enhancing women entrepreneurial intention.

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Entrepreneurship training conducted by the government still does not reach the rural areas, so

many women entrepreneurs are lack managerial knowledge. To enhance the intention of women

entrepreneurs, the government must have an active role in facilitating women. Coaching and

mentoring programs are an effective way to enhance the women entrepreneurial intentions,

especially in rural areas. Therefore, the promotion of women's entrepreneurship as social choice

will be very relevant instrument to enhance women entrepreneurial intention.

(https://www.globalilluminators.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/327.pdf)

The growing viability of entrepreneurship has promoted individual career options of

entrepreneurship. In recent years, female entrepreneurship has been increasingly popular and it

plays a more and more important role in economic development (Verheul, Thurik, and Grilo,

2006), contributing to job creation and social wealth, as well as the diversity of entrepreneurship

(Langowitz and Minniti, 2007). However, the rate of women entrepreneurship still falls far behind

that of men. Women business ownership only accounts for about half of that for men (Fairlieand

Robb, 2009) and the lower rate of women entrepreneurship has been found in different countries,

such as Canada, US, Portugal, and UK (OECD, 2008). Although the increase in entrepreneurship

rate, males seem to dominate the entrepreneurship world. The disparity between females and males

regarding their entrepreneurial career interests and attitudes has provoked loads of study on the

effect of gender on entrepreneurship. For example, researchers found that several factors influence

the participation of male and female entrepreneurs, including financial support, risk-taking

propensity (Verheul, Thurik, and Grilo, 2006), alertness to existing opportunities (Langowitz and

Minnitti, 2007), and internal control (Wilson, Kickul, and Marlino, 2007).Some researchers

believed that the divide between men and women is determined by their gender stereotypes which

impact people’s cognition and behavior (Gupta et al., 2005). Entrepreneurship is traditionally

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considered masculine, so men tend to have higher intention to pursue an entrepreneurial career

(Johnson, Stone, and Philips, 2008; Langowitz and Minnitti, 2007; Petridou, Sarri, and Kyrgidou,

2009). To encourage entrepreneurship for both females and males, governments and academics

concentrated on entrepreneurship education, which is recognized to improve entrepreneurial

intention and performance (Linan, Rodriguez-Cohard, and Cantuche, 2011). Many scholars argued

that education and training on entrepreneurship are crucial to fostering the entrepreneurial

intention that predicts entrepreneurial behavior (Dickson, Solomon, and Weaver, 2008; Dutta, Li,

and Merenda, 2010; Souitaris, Zerbinati, and Al-Laham, 2007). These studies, however, did not

investigate the effect of entrepreneurship education by gender, i.e., what are the differences

between male and female students being exposed to entrepreneurship education? Or does

entrepreneurship education have a different degree of impact on entrepreneurial attitudes and

intentions of females and males? As the perception of females and males about entrepreneurship

are different (Gupta et al., 2005), the influence of entrepreneurship education on their

entrepreneurial attitudes and intentions would be different.

The interaction between gender and entrepreneurial intent as it relates to Communal Tendency, in

which women with intent to become entrepreneurs endorsed more communal tendencies than men,

has an important implication. Whereas entrepreneurship has classically been conceptualized as an

individualistic, masculine endeavor, much research has shown that women entrepreneurs often

endorse motivations that are inconsistent with that model of entrepreneurship (Allen & Curington,

2014; Kirkwood, 2009). Our finding highlights that women may already bring a different

entrepreneurial personality to the table. Illuminating diversity in entrepreneurial personality could

encourage more women to start their own businesses and expand the field in general.

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Studies have shown that gendered stereotypes about entrepreneurship have a profound effect on

intention to become an entrepreneur. Women are more likely to see feminine traits more consistent

with entrepreneurship than men (Gupta, Turban, Wasti, & Sikdar, 2009). In addition, stereotypes

may play a role in gender differences in entrepreneurship through stereotype threat (see Spencer,

Logel, & Davies, 2016 for a review of the literature). That is, women who associate femininity

with poor performance in a particular domain may do less well on relevant tasks when subtly

reminded of gender. This process may deter women’s entry into entrepreneurship to the extent that

entrepreneurship and the related tasks are perceived as “male” (Farrington, 2012). Beliefs about

one’s own personality could influence performance in entrepreneurship contexts, which could in

turn confirm those beliefs. Accordingly, we see research into self-perceptions of personality traits,

as well as interventions targeting self-perceptions, as a promising avenue for future studies.

Present results challenge masculine stereotypes of entrepreneurship, which has important

implications. If those who support entrepreneurship, such as venture capitalists and investors,

understand the advantages of different profiles of entrepreneurship, it could potentially increase

female entry into entrepreneurship. For example, our finding that Communal Tendency is elevated

among women who want to become entrepreneurs highlights a pro-social trait that may have

specific benefits in building social capital. As others have suggested (Díaz-García & Jiménez-

Moreno, 2010), if research and policy can increase the visibility and desirability of women’s

strengths in entrepreneurship, the field may be able to increase women’s perception that entry into

entrepreneurship is consistent with core elements of their gender identity. Studying the self-

perceptions of women entrepreneurs also provides an opportunity to identify alternative forms of

entrepreneurship that may have gone unnoticed in favor of more traditional entrepreneurial styles.

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By diversifying conceptions of entrepreneurship, we also may be able to foster a more diverse and

robust economy.

Past research has shown that business education can increase entrepreneurial motivation, which

can in turn increase entry into entrepreneurship (Krueger, Reilly, & Carsrud, 2000, Petridou, Sarri,

Kyrgidou, 2009; Raven & Le, 2015). However, women are less likely to enter entrepreneurship-

focused educational programs when recruiting materials only include male-typed language and

images (Hentschel, Horvath, Peus, & Sczesny, 2018). A worthwhile locus for intervention into the

gender disparity in entrepreneurship would be providing space and acknowledgement of prosocial

motivation and goals as one highly successful route to entrepreneurship. Primary, secondary, and

business schools and workplaces could utilize the information presented in this study to develop

programs to better foster women’s entrepreneurship from an early age.

(https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6892344/)

Not all of the hypotheses were confirmed, but on the basis of them we can say that there is one

undisputed conclusion – Polish high school students’ entrepreneurial intentions don not differ

significantly because of gender. The reason for this statement was the result of the regression

analysis. That analysis shows that there is no significant influence of gender on entrepreneurial

intention and that the same factor affects entrepreneurial intention in males as well as in female’s

cases. That results show how the attitude of Polish young women to entrepreneurial activity in

next few years can change. Nowadays they are more women who are self-confident and ready to

take risk. It can be also confirmed by the level of masculinity of Polish society, which has score

of 64 on Hofstede’s cultural dimension scale. Women’s entrepreneurship can also be the effect of

the situation on the Polish labour market. The period of time when young people after graduation

look for a job which equals their aspirations and level of education lasts often a year or more. This

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situation motivates them to look for alternative solutions. In the case of women this motivation

can be higher because of maternity leave. Working in their own company can guarantee them a

stability of workplace and elastic work hours. What can be interesting is the fact that the attitude

toward behaviour is the factor which does not influence young Poles’ entrepreneurial intention. It

can be an introduction to a more detailed consideration. Here we should look for answers to the

following questions: why does this factor not have any significant impact on entrepreneurial

intention, do Polish young people perceive entrepreneurship as an unattractive job perspective and

what should be done to change it?

(http://soep.ue.poznan.pl/jdownloads/Wszystkie%20numery/Rok%202016/02_pawlak.pdf)

Input Process Output

 What are the  Interview  Analysis based
entrepreneurial
 Survey from the data
intentions of woman
in rural area for Questionnaire collected in
carrying out a new  Mean Rating order to
business? identify the
 What entrepreneurial
businesses/sectors in
intentions and
which women
entrepreneurs are capabilities of
mostly involved? women in a
 Does personal rural area.
attitude influence
entrepreneurial
intentions of
women?
 Does the capabilities
of woman is enough
to handle a
business?

Figure 1: Paradigm of the Study

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Figure 1 shows the conceptual framework on which the researcher is guided to conduct this study.

The input box contains the variables which are needed to be collected. The process box contains

the methods on how inputs could be collected analysed through the use of survey questionnaires

which will be answered by the respondents and on how the data collected could be analysed. The

output box contains the suggestions based from the data collected in order to find out the

entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of women in a rural area specifically in San Luis

Pampanga.

The researcher aims to identify the entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of women in a rural

area. Through this research, specifically it will answer the following:

 What are the entrepreneurial intentions of woman in rural area for carrying out a new

business?

 What businesses/sectors in which women entrepreneurs are mostly involved?

 Does personal attitude influence entrepreneurial intentions of women?

 Does the capabilities of woman is enough to handle a business?

Method of research is mainly focus in discovering or exploring new knowledge that could widened

up an individual understanding about the chosen topic or study. Thus, it intends to identify the

entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of women in a rural area. For instance, studying or

identifying the entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of women can help all the aspiring

woman entrepreneur to do their best to build a new business and it will give them more clear

perspective on how their capabilities affect their entrepreneurial intentions. It will also benefit and

help the future researcher as their guide for having deeper understanding or knowledge about

entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of woman.

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The research is all about the entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of woman in rural area.

This study will focus only to the entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of woman and it will

be conducted through the help of the perception of some woman entrepreneur in San Luis,

Pampanga.

 Entrepreneurship- Entrepreneurship is the act of creating a business or businesses while

building and scaling it to generate a profit.

 Entrepreneurial- Characterized by the taking of financial risks in the hope of profit;

enterprising.

 Entrepreneur- An entrepreneur is an individual who creates a new business, bearing most

of the risks and enjoying most of the rewards. The entrepreneur is commonly seen as an

innovator, a source of new ideas, goods, services, and business/or procedures.

 Intentions- An intention is idea that you plan (or intend) to carry out.

 Capabilities- A capability is defined as a set of tasks that a system is potentially able to

perform (acquired skills) at a certain performance level (available capacity).

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Chapter II: Method

The researcher utilize the descriptive quantitative design of the study in order to identify

the entrepreneurial intentions and capabilities of woman in rural area. The method is design for

the researcher to gather information. Survey questionnaire will use to gather data from the

respondents in regards to their intentions and capabilities in business industry.

The respondents of the study were the woman entrepreneur of San Luis Pampanga. These

woman will be the research subjects since they’ve already have an existing business in San Luis

area. Personal data such as names and addresses of the woman entrepreneur of San Luis are obtain

from their records at the office of the municipality.

The researcher will use survey questionnaire answer by the respondents. Survey

questionnaires are used in order for the researcher to identify the intentions and capabilities of

woman entrepreneur.

The researcher will provide questionnaire to the respondents. The floated questionnaire

will check by the researcher and the data gathered will tally to get the majority responses made by

the participants of the study. The results will then discuss and recommendations will be made.

Ethical aspects of research must be followed in this research. To ensure privacy of data,

confidentially of the responses will be maintain. The researcher have reference and also asked

permission to conduct an interview or survey. The researcher put citation on the secondary data

and gather primary through survey research and sharing of ideas.

The basis of the data gather by the researcher on this research are the survey questionnaire

answers by the woman entrepreneur of San Luis. The data gather will be treated through frequency

method and ranking through the use of mean rating.

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