Sources of Social Change in India
I P Desai
Social Change in Modern India by M N Srinivas; University of California Press, Kerkeley, 1966; pp 194; $ 5.00.
ROFESSOR M N Srinivas was
P invited to deliver the Tagore
Lectures for the academic year 1962-
63 at the University of California,
Berkeley. He chose "Social change
in Modern India" as his theme and
delivered three lectures on it in May
1963. Srinivas' theme is the sub-
ject of experience of every Indian.
Change is disapproved by some, ap-
proved by some others with the re-
servation that it should be at a slo-
wer pace; some others want more
of it and more rapidly: As a social
scientist Srinivas takes the position
of a detached observer and looks at
change through the glasses of a so-
ciologist or a social anthropologist,
as he prefers to call himself. He
attempts to answer the questions
"what is the direction of change in
modern India", "what is the orien-
tation of this change?" and "what
are the sources of this orientation?"
Opposing Pulls
On Indian society one pull is that
of India's living past and the other
that of contemporary western society.
But social change is not just a mat-
ter of addition and subtraction and
the opposing pulls do not produce
a neat pattern. For the pull of
contemporary western society Srini-
vas uses the term 'westernization'.
The term refers to "the changes
brought about in Indian society
and culture as a result of over 150
years of British rule and subsumes
changes occurring at different levels
of technology, institutions, ideology
or values". Srinivas is aware that
the term is vague and omnibus, but
he uses it because "there is need
for such a term when analysing the
changes that a non-western country
undergoes as a result of prolonged
contact with a western one". He
discusses in this context why he
prefers 'westernization' to 'moderni-
zation'. For India's living past he
uses the term sanskritization and
uses it in a rather limited sense.
He writes, "Sanskritization is the
process by which a low Hindu caste
or tribal or other group changes its
customs, ritual, ideology and way of
life in the direction of a high and
frequently twice born caste." "Oc-
casionally a caste claims a position
which its neighbours are not will-
ing to concede and the claim is usu-
ally made over a period of time, a
generation or two". Sanskritization
is generally accompanied by and
often results in upward mobility for
the caste in question. Thus the
structural referent of the process of
Sanskritization is social stratifica-
tion and mobility. This has advant-
ages for observation and analysis,
but it creates difficulty when it is
used in relation to the direction of
change. Srinivas says, "Sanskritiza-
tion is generally accompanied by
and often results in upward mobi-
lity for the caste in question; but
mobility may also occur without
sanskritization and vice versa.
However, the mobility associated
with sanskritization results only in
positional changes in the system and
does not lead to any structural
change".
Adaptive Qualities of Hinduism
As mentioned above, sanskritization
is an extensive process which in-
cludes changes in the customs, ri-
tual ideology and way of life of a
group in the direction of those of a
higher caste. What is the relation
of such positional changes to struc-
tural changes? Do the positional
changes have no effect on the struc-
ture or the system itself? what
relation will it have to the total
social system? Srinivas is not un-
aware of this wider context. Con-
fining the focus of sanskritization
to mobility has thrown important
light on the features of the caste
system, e g, on caste rigidity and
the relation of caste to other sub-
systems of society. But this narrow
focus might become a hindrance to
the study of "the complex and in-
tricate interrelations between san-
skritization and westernization which
offer a fertile field for analysis and
speculation". In fact, Srinivas fre-
quently goes beyond mobility in the
subsequent chapters on westerniza-
tion and secularization.
The chapter on sanskritization
should disabuse our minds of the
notion that Hinduism and the tradi-
tional caste system were dead rocks,
unchanging and unchangeable. The
chapters on westernization and
secularization show that both Hin-
duism and the caste system have
adjustive and adaptive elements.
Hindu cultural and social systems
are less strong and rigid than the
revivalist thinks and they are
stronger and more rigid than the
rationalist thinks they are. Srinivas
writes "Traditional institutions such
as monasteries and temples, cults or
saints, bhajan groups and pilgrim-
ages have shown resilence and
adaptibility to new circumstances.
Mass media such as films, radio,
books and newspapers are playing
their part in carrying Hinduism to
all sections of the Hindu population
and in the very process of such
popularisation are reinterpreting re-
ligion". To put it in other words,
what is happening is westernization
of the Indian and Indianization of
the western. The resultant is neither
one nor the other but something new.
The attempts to understand this in
terms either Indian or western alone
are not likely to be fruitful and it
is here that Srinivas makes an im-
portant point that "the complex and
intricate interaction between sans-
kritization and westernization on a
short term as well as long term basis
offers a fertile field for analysis and
speculation". The chapters on west-
ernization and secularization are in
fact an exercise in such analysis and
speculation.
Ally of the Traditional
Srinivas discusses very briefly the
difference between westernization
and industrialization and urbanisa-
tion and shows why he prefers the
term westernization to moderniza-
tion. Westernization results not only
in the introduction of new institu-
tions but also in fundamental chan-
ges in the old institutions, e.g.
schools, army, civil service and law.
The most important value preference
in westernization was humanitarian-
ism which subsumes several other
values. By humanitarianism Srinivas
21
 August 20, 1966 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY

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22
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL
means an active concern for the wel-
fare of all human beings irrespec-
tive of caste, economic position, reli-
gion, age and sex. Equalitarianism
and secularization are both included
in the humanitarianism. I t could be
maintained that Hinduism had this
value but Srinivas is concerned
more w i t h its embodiment in legal,
political, educational and other in-
stitutions and he mentions some of
the reforms introduced by the Bri-
tish in these fields.
The complexity of the concept of
westernization can be seen i n the
fact that different aspects of west-
ternization sometimes combine to
strengthen a particular process,
sometimes work at cross purposes
and are occasionally mutually dis-
crete. For example, education, high
income and urbanization result in
secularization of the style of life,
which includes a radical change in
the technology of eating as well as
in the timing of meals. A new atti-
tude towards food begins to emerge;
it is looked at more from the point
of view of whether it promotes
health and efficiency and less from
whether it is traditionally permitted
or prohibited. I n other instances,
westernization in one area of beha-
viour does not result in westerniza-
tion in another related area or level
— the two remain discrete. For ex-
ample, a bulldozer driver may prac-
tise traditional black magic for his
pleasure or a printer may decorate
his machinery w i t h vermilion before
beginning the day's work. The intro-
duction of printing made possible
the transmission of not only modern
knowledge but also knowledge of
traditional epics, mythology and
other religious literature. Western-
ization i n this instance instead of
eroding the traditional, strengthens
it.
In the political field, westerniza-
tion has given b i r t h not only to na-
tionalism but also to revivalism,
communalism, casteism and height-
ened linguistic consciousness and re-
gionalism. Srinivas then makes an
important point. When the links be-
tween western stimulus and Indian
response are few and visible, the
identification of the process is not
difficult. But when the links are
few and not visible, the identifica-
tion becomes difficult — for in-
stance, the relation between western-
ization and the backward classes
movement or A r y a Samaj or linguis-
tic consciousness. He therefore sug-
WEEKLY
gests that westernization may be
qualified by the prefix 'primary',
'secondary' and 'tertiary' Primary
westernization is that in which the
linkage is direct and simple. In this
context a discussion of the role of
the pull of sanskritization in the wid-
er sense might have been useful.
Not A Blotting Paper Role
Another important point which
Srinivas makes is that for under-
standing different facets of western-
ization and its transmission, know-
ledge of the social background of not
only the Indian agents but also the
British agents and knowledge of
Indo-British relationship at different
periods w i l l be very helpful. I t is
absurd to assign a purely "blotting
paper role" to Indians; they did not
merely absorb everything they came
into contact with — this had no
doubt happened in the case of a few
individuals — but transmitted to
others what they had absorbed. The
point is elaborated while discussing
the elite in India.
The British in India fell into seve-
ral distinct occupational and social
categories — official and non-official,
merchants and traders, military and
civilian officers and missionaries.
They also came from different social
strata of British society. The pat-
tern of lending and borrowing be-
tween the British and Indians differ-
ed according to the strata to which
the former belonged.
By the beginning of the nineteenth
century, the British were masters
of a great part of India and they
had overwhelming and organised
force at their disposal with which
to impose their w i l l on the Indian
population. This gave them a sense
of superiority over Indians, but it
was probably mellowed by the per-
sonalities of the local implementers
of British policy, the men on the spot
who had much latitude because of
the great distance between India and
U K and poor communications. The
situation changed after the advent
of the steamship and the cutting of
the Suez Canal. But distance and
poor communications could also give
the men on the spot more lattitude
to be harsher than the policy want-
ed them to be. While it may be ad-
mitted that the Englishman's view
of India and Indians varied accord-
ing to his occupation and the parti-
cular period of Indo-British history,
could i t be denied that at all times,
underlying the social, economic and
political policy of the British there
August 20, 19116
was the consciousness of cultural and
military superiority? I t could not
be otherwise. It may be admitted,
however, that the personalities of
the implementers of British policy
in India was a factor, among others,
in determining the attitudes of In-
dians. The desire for continuance of
British rule in the early period later
changed to prayer for more conces-
sions to the Indians. The change
from this prayer to the slogan of
"Quit India" can be understood in
terms of the interactions between
the British and British policy and
the new elite of India and their ex-
pectations. That brings Srinivas to
discussion of the new elite.
The New Elite
Srinivas discusses the social back-
ground and "a few ideas and beliefs
which formed part of the tradition"
of the new elite and their attitudes
towards their own society and to-
wards the west. He is mainly con-
cerned w i t h "those who participated
in the westernization process in a
more immediate sense, who attend-
ed the new educational institutions,
entered the professions, took up jobs
in the bureaucracy, and engaged
themselves in trade, commerce and
industries in the big developing
towns." As far as the Hindus are
concerned, there was, and to a very
limited extent still is, a very broad
and general correlation between tra-
ditional caste hierarchy and the new
western occupational hierarchy. A
traditional modern continuum still
exists: Brahmins, Baidyas, Kayasthas
and Banias took western education
and reaped its rewards; whereas
members of the low artisan, servicing
and landless labour castes became
launderers, barbers, domestic ser-
vants, peons, etc." Srinivas, how-
ever, cautions that the scope of this
continuum could be easily exagger-
ated. For example, i t is doubtful
whether such a continuum exists in
industry. In terms of their castes,
the new elite varied regionally and
also over a period of time. His view
is that there is a certain amount of
continuity between the traditional
elite and the new or westernized
elite. Such continuity exists in a
double sense; (1) some members or
sections of the traditional elite trans-
form themselves into the new elite
and (2) there is a continuity between
the old and new occupations.
I n regard to the ideas and beliefs
which formed part of the tradition
of the new elite, Srinivas writes " I t
23

August 20, 1966
is important to remember that the
elite played a creative role in re-
interpreting Indian thought, tradi-
tions, culture and history i n response
to European criticisms. Their role
was far from restricted to borrow-
ing things, ideas and institutions
from the British. The borrowing was
selective and the borrowed item
subjected to elaboration and inter-
pretation". A knowledge of the
background and traditions of the
elite group explains to some extent
the selectiveness. Among such tradi-
tions Srinivas mentions the tolerance
of Hinduism and the intellectual tra-
dition inherited by the elite groups,
characterised by continuous self cri-
ticism — for example the strong
reaction to the hyperdeveloped sacri-
ficialism of the Brahmans in Bud-
dhism and Jainism and also among
some Brahmins and the Bhakti
movement of medieval India which
embodied the revolt against the idea
of inequality inherent in caste as
well as against the intellectualism
of the traditional path to salvation.
"The tradition of tolerance, syn-
cretism and self-criticism manifest-
ed themselves early in British rule",
says Srinivas. A westernized intelli-
gentsia had emerged among Indians
by the sixties of the nineteenth cen-
tury and leaders of this class be-
came the torch-bearers of a new
and modern India. The leaders in-
clude the great names of the Tagores,
Vivekananda, Ranade, Gokhale, Ti-
lak, Patel, Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru
and Radhakrishnan. The westerniz-
ed intelligentsia increased in strength
and numbers and the dawn of inde-
pence in 1947 invested them w i t h
the power to plan a peaceful revo-
lution of Indian life.
Nationalism VS Social Reform
This new elite had their own
dilemmas and conflicts. They had an
ambivalent attitude towards their
own society as well as towards the
ruling British. Indian society had
to be r i d of its evils and put on a
path that would enable it to develop
and eventually compete w i t h the
western countries on equal terms. On
the other hand, i t should be made
known to the west, and in particular
Britain, that India was a great coun-
t r y that had temporarily fallen on
evil days and that wanted to be free
at the earliest possible moment in
order to be able to set its house in
order. "Even to the superficial stu-
dent of the nineteenth century, it i s
Clear that the urge to reform tradi-
24
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
tional society preceded the urge for and village communities from which
freedom". The movement towards Hinduism received great support.
reform of Indian society found, by These points are discussed by Sri-
about the last quarter of the nine- nivas at some length. After Inde-
teenth century, that it had a rival pendence. he points out, the state itself
interest gripping the minds of the has become a secularizing agency
new elite — nationalism. Natural- by passing legislation affecting reli-
ly, there was a debate between those gion, caste, family and village com-
who held that the reform of society munities, which dissociates Hindu-
should have priority over the demand ism and the social structure from
for freedom and others who held the one another and thus reforms them
opposite view. Indians were divid- both.
ed in their attitude towards the B r i - While this is happening, Srinivas
tish and British policy. Thus the also notes that
model for social reform was western "Sanskritization is not only
society which they admired. I t was spreading to new sections and
controlled by the same society from areas, it is also increasing among
which they wanted to be freed. The groups which are consider-
difficulty of the situation was that ed to be already sanskritized in
they could not tell their people that their style of life. The spread of
western policy was desirable but sanskritization is aided by mass
that political control by this society media, and by such secular pro-
was not desirable. They had to put cesses as the increased popularity
before their people the model of a of education and greater mobility,
society which was not alien to their spatial as well as social. The idea
traditional society and culture. So of the equality of all men before
they justified social reform by quot- law and the abolition of Untouch-
ing the authority of the Shastras and ability, are throwing open a cul-
in this way they could carry for- ture which was the monopoly of
ward reform of society and also the small traditional elites to the en-
political movement. Thus re-interpre- tire body of Hindus. The effects
tation of Hinduism and the move- of some acts of legislation, such
ment for political power went hand as the introduction of prohibition
in hand. This was the dilemma of the of the consumption of alcoholic
new elite: they could get political drinks in many States, and the
power at the cost of social reform banning of the sacrifice of birds
or they could get social reform at and animals in Hindu temples, are
the cost of political power. This such as to make the government
explains how political moderates and an unwitting but powerful agent
social radicals did not have mass of sanskritization."
following. I t would have been rele-
The total situation is summed up
vant to classify the elite further
by Srinivas in the following words
according to their ideology and their
quoted at the beginning:
attitude towards westernization and
" I t is necessary however to rei-
political and social reform.
terate that one of the results of a
century of westernization — secu-
Government as Agent of
Sanskritisation larization is subsumed under west-
I t may appear undesirable from the ernization — is reinterpreted Hin-
rationalist standpoint that religion duism in which Sanskritic ele-
and policies be mixed up. But the ments are pre-dominant".
mixing up was there and it had im- In the Speculative Tradition
portant consequences for the process One may agree or disagree w i t h
of change. The political exigencies Srinivas but he needs to be congra-
weakened the concepts of pollution tulated for attempting to answer the
and purity, particularly those affect- question which our political leaders
ing the hierarchy and untouchability. and others have avoided. This is
The other area which was affected the difference between the nineteenth
was that of life cycle rituals, particu- century climate of thought and the
l a r l y those affecting the position present one. I n the last century,
of women. I n both these areas, there the leaders were clear and forth-
was greater secularization during right. Today either we do not have
the period of the nationalist move- the courage of our convictions or we
ment in spite of the religious ele- have become less speculative and
ment i n it. Secularization also spreads more empirical and always want
through the changes i n traditional more evidence. Probably both these
social structures — i n family, caste things are happening.