ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY APN.

CHAPTER 4. ANCIENT RELIGION OF INDIA

PART-3
In Ancient India ,the people lived along the coasts and in plains of deltaic region
had been first civilized as the agriculture was their main occupation in those areas
only. The people lived in western ghats, where the plenty of agriculture products
available without any agricultural activities like sesame, pepper, sandal wood,
honey etc. The medicinal herbs which were in abundant quantity and the people
lived there without any hindrances as the hills were suitable for agriculture also,
not much dense, but had a plenty of rainfall not a hazard for daily routine life.
Hence the culture flourished mainly beyond Vindyas and in western ghats, Deltaic
regions of Ponniyaar (Cauvery), Tamira barani. It had a very pleasant seashore in
eastern and western coasts where Tortoises came far away lands, for their
reproduction. The Pearls in south most land, The Corals in South east most land
where were very attractive and in abundant quantity made the sea farers as Traders.
The Middle east Countries which had the ancient civilizations of the world where
attracted by the South Indian sea faring people and their gifts to them . As the wind
and sea currents were favor for them to visit the Mediterranean and Red sea
countries to establish a trade route. The ancient people mainly followed the
Tortoises movement and hoped they were came from the lands where they also
can travel like them. In World wide the belief of Tortoises were same and the
tortoises were their guides, teachers , for moving into the ocean. The shell of
Giant tortoises, may be their first boat to sail in the river and sea, river mouths.
Why not North Indian Rivers.
The north Indian rivers were vigorous enough and could not move in opposite
directions. The inhabited river coasts also only along Narmadha. Not Ganges. The
Sindhu river which had many branches like Cauvery may be a fertile one. But , till
now no archaeological evidences with grains found beyond Mohenjadero,
Harappa, Rajkarh, Lothal, Magan, Dwaraga, etc;. All were along the river coasts
and at river mouths near sea. No trade activities found in inner most parts of North
India . No agricultural evidences also. No artisan places also found. Or any Ore
extraction activities not found. Hence, a culture developed in South India and
North India had no parallel cultural activities.
 The Scholars had to follow the literal belief to maintain the text , and the
stories told in Sanskrit texts. Then the Vedas, Ramayana, Maha Bharatha,
eighteen Puranas came to their existence and they followed the theory. But they
could not name the religion. Then they christened the name HINDOO , which
used by the Persian Mogul rulers to denote the people lived beyond Khyper Pass.
They named the mountain as Hindoo Kush mountain, as the Kushites were
ruled the land, before Christ. But what is the religion before Moguls
came????????
Referring :-Religion in the Ancient World Definition by Joshua J. Mark
published on 23 March 2018
Religion (from the Latin Religio, meaning 'restraint,' or Relegere, according to
Cicero, meaning 'to repeat, to read again,' or, most likely, Religionem, 'to show
respect for what is sacred') is an organized system of beliefs and practices
revolving around, or leading to, a transcendent spiritual experience. There is no
culture recorded in human history which has not practiced some form of religion.
In ancient times, religion was indistinguishable from what is known as 'mythology'
in the present day and consisted of regular rituals based on a belief in higher
supernatural entities who created and continued to maintain the world and
surrounding cosmos. Theses entities were anthropomorphic and behaved in ways
which mirrored the values of the culture closely (as in Egypt) or sometimes
engaged in acts antithetical to those values (as one sees with the gods of Greece).
Religion, then and now, concerns itself with the spiritual aspect of the human
condition, gods and goddesses (or a single personal god or goddess), the creation
of the world, a human being's place in the world, life after death, eternity, and how
to escape from suffering in this world or in the next; and every nation has created
its own god in its own image and resemblance. The Greek philosopher
Xenophanes of Colophon (c. 570-478 BCE) once wrote: 
Mortals suppose that the gods are born and have clothes and voices and shapes
like their own. But if oxen, horses and lions had hands or could paint with their
hands and fashion works as men do, horses would paint horse-like images of
gods and oxen oxen-like ones, and each would fashion bodies like their own.
The Ethiopians consider the gods flat-nosed and black; the
Thracians blue-eyed and red-haired.
Xenophanes believed there was "one god, among gods and men the greatest, not at
all like mortals in body or mind" but he was in the minority. Monotheism did not
make sense to the ancient people aside from the visionaries and prophets of
Judaism. Most people, at least as far as can be discerned from the written and
archaeological record, believed in many gods, each of whom had a special sphere
of influence. In one's personal life there is not just one other person who provides
for one's needs; one interacts with many different kinds of people in order to
achieve wholeness and maintain a living. Ancient people felt that no single god
could possibly take care of all the needs of an individual. 
In the course of one's life in the present day, one will interact with one's parents,
siblings, teachers, friends, lovers, employers, doctors, gas station attendants,
plumbers, politicians, veterinarians, and so on. No one single person can fill all
these roles or supply all of an individual's needs - just as it was in ancient times. In
this same way, the ancient people felt that no single god could possibly take care
of all the needs of an individual. Just as one would not go to a plumber with
one's sick dog, one would not go to a god of war with a problem concerning love.
If one were suffering heartbreak, one went to the goddess of love; if one wanted
to win at combat, only then would one consult the god of war. 
The many gods of the religions of the ancient world fulfilled this function as
specialists in their respective areas. In some cultures, a certain god or goddess
would become so popular that he or she would transcend the cultural
understanding of multiplicity and assume a position so powerful and all-
encompassing as almost transform a polytheistic culture into henotheism.
While polytheism means the worship of many gods, henotheism means the
worship of one god in many forms. This shift in understanding was extremely
rare in the ancient world, and the goddess Isis and god Amun of Egypt are
probably the best examples of the complete ascendancy of a deity from one-
among-many to the supreme creator and who sustain of the universe recognized
in different forms. As noted, every ancient culture practiced some form of
religion, but where religion began cannot be pinpointed with any certainty. The
argument over whether Mesopotamian religion inspired that of the Egyptians
has gone on for over a century now and is no closer to being resolved than when
it began. It is most probable that every culture developed its own belief in
supernatural entities to explain natural phenomena (day and night, the seasons)
or to help make sense of their lives and the uncertain state humans find
themselves in daily.
Religion in Ancient Mesopotamia:--As with many cultural advancements and
inventions, the 'cradle of civilization' Mesopotamia has been cited as the birthplace
of religion. When religion developed in Mesopotamia is unknown, but the first
written records of religious practice date to c. 3500 BCE from Sumer.
Mesopotamian religious beliefs held that human beings were co-workers with the
gods and labored with them and for them to hold back the forces of chaos which
had been checked by the supreme deities at the beginning of time. Order was
created out of chaos by the gods and one of the most popular myths illustrating
this principle told of the great god Marduk who defeated Tiamat and the forces
of chaos to create the world. Historian D. Brendan Nagle writes:
Despite the gods' apparent victory, there was no guarantee that the forces of chaos
might not recover their strength and overturn the orderly creation of the gods. Gods
and humans alike were involved in the perpetual struggle to restrain the powers of
chaos, and they each had their own role to play in this dramatic battle. The
responsibility of the dwellers of Mesopotamian cities was to provide the gods
with everything they needed to run the world.
The gods repaid humans for their service by taking care of their daily needs in life.
Humans were created, in fact, for this very purpose: to work with and for the gods
toward a mutually beneficial end. The claim of some historians that the
Mesopotamians were slaves to their gods is untenable because it is quite clear
that the people understood their position as co-workers. The gods repaid humans
for their service by taking care of their daily needs in life (such as supplying
them with beer, the drink of the gods) and maintaining the world in which they
lived. These gods intimately knew the needs of the people because they were not
distant entities who lived in the heavens but dwelt in homes on earth built for
them by their people; these homes were the temples which were raised in every
Mesopotamian city.
Temple complexes, dominated by the towering ziggurat, were considered the
literal homes of the gods and their statues were fed, bathed, and clothed daily as
the priests and priestesses cared for them as one would a king or queen. In the case
of Marduk, for example, his statue was carried out of his temple during the festival
honoring him and through the city of Babylon so that he could appreciate its
beauty while enjoying the fresh air and sunshine.
Inanna was another powerful deity who was greatly revered as the goddess of
love, sex, and war, and whose priests and priestesses cared for her statue and
temple faithfully. Inanna is considered one the earliest examples of the dying-
and-reviving god figure who goes down into the underworld and returns to life,
bringing fertility and abundance to the land. She was so popular her worship
spread across all of Mesopotamia from the southern region of Sumer. She
became Ishtar of the Akkadians (and later the Assyrians), Astarte of the
Phoenicians, Sauska of the Hurrians-Hittites, and was associated with
Aphrodite of the Greeks, Isis of the Egyptians, and Venus of the Romans.
The temples were the center of the city's life throughout Mesopotamian history
from the Akkadian Empire (c. 2334-2150 BCE) to the Assyrian (c. 1813-612
BCE) and afterwards. The temple served in multiple capacities: the clergy
dispensed grain and surplus goods to the poor, counseled those in need, provided
medical services, and sponsored the grand festivals which honored the gods.
Although the gods took great care of humans while they lived, the
Mesopotamian afterlife was a dreary underworld, located beneath the far
mountains, where souls drank stale water from puddles and ate dust for eternity
in the 'land of no return.' This bleak view of their eternal home was markedly
different from that of the Egyptians.
Religion in Egypt:- Egyptian religion was similar to Mesopotamian belief,
however, in that human beings were co-workers with the gods to maintain order.
The principle of harmony (known to the Egyptians as ma'at) was of the highest
importance in Egyptian life (and in the afterlife), and their religion was fully
integrated into every aspect of existence. Egyptian religion was a combination of
magic, mythology, science, medicine, psychiatry, spiritualism, herbology, as well
as the modern understanding of 'religion' as belief in a higher power and a life
after death. The gods were the friends of human beings and sought only the best
for them by providing them with the most perfect of all lands to live in and an
eternal home to enjoy when their lives on earth were done.
The first written records of Egyptian religious practice come from
around 3400 BCE in the Predynastic Period in Egypt (c.6000-c.3150
BCE). Deities such as Isis, Osiris, Ptah, Hathor, Atum, Set, Nephthys,
and Horus were already established as potent forces to be recognized
fairly early on. The Egyptian Creation Myth is similar to the beginning of the
Mesopotamian story in that originally there was only chaotic, slow-swirling
waters. This ocean was without bounds, depthless, and silent until, upon its
surface, there rose a hill of earth (known as the ben-ben, the primordial mound,
which, it is thought, the pyramids symbolize) and the great god Atum
(the
sun) stood upon the ben-ben and spoke, giving birth to the god Shu (of the
air), the goddess Tefnut (of moisture), the god Geb (of earth), and the
goddess Nut (of sky). Alongside Atum stood Heka, the
personification of magic, and magic (heka) gave birth to the
universe. Osiris later served as the Supreme Judge of the souls
of the dead in the Hall of Truth.
Atum had intended Nut as his bride but she fell in love with Geb. Angry with the
lovers, Atum separated them by stretching Nut across the sky high away from Geb
on the earth. Although the lovers were separated during the day, they came
together at night and Nut bore three sons, Osiris, Set, and Horus, and two
daughters, Isis and Nephthys. Osiris, as eldest, was announced as 'Lord of all the
Earth’ when he was born and was given his sister Isis as a wife. Set, consumed by
jealousy, hated his brother and killed him to assume the throne. Isis then
embalmed her husband's body and, with powerful charms, resurrected Osiris who
returned from the dead to bring life to the people of Egypt. Osiris later served as
the Supreme Judge of the souls of the dead in the Hall of Truth and, by
weighing the heart of the soul in the balances, decided who was granted eternal
life.
The Egyptian afterlife was known as the Field of Reeds and was a mirror-image of
life on earth down to one's favorite tree and stream and dog. Those that one loved
in life would either be waiting when one arrived or would follow after. The
Egyptians viewed earthly existence as simply one part of an eternal journey and
were so concerned about passing easily to the next phase that they created their
elaborate tombs (the pyramids), temples, and funerary inscriptions (the Pyramid
Texts, Coffin Texts, and The Egyptian Book of the Dead) to help the soul's passage
from this world to the next. The gods cared for one after death just as they had in
life from the beginning of time. The goddess Qebhet brought water to the thirsty
souls in the land of the dead and other goddesses such as Serket and Nephthys
cared for and protected the souls as they journeyed to the Field of Reeds. An
ancient Egyptian understood that, from birth to death and even after death, the
universe had been ordered by the gods and everyone had a place in that order.
Religion in China & India:- This principle of order is also paramount in the
world's oldest religion still being practiced today: Hinduism (known to adherents
as Sanatan Dharma, 'Eternal Order'). Although often viewed as a polytheistic
faith, Hinduism is actually henotheistic. There is only one supreme god in
Hinduism, Brahma, and all other deities are his aspects and reflections. Since
Brahma is too immense a concept for the human mind to comprehend, he presents
himself in the many different versions of himself which people recognize as deities
such as Vishnu, Shiva, and the many others. The Hindu scriptures number the gods
at 330 million, and these range from those who were known at a national level
(such as Krishna) to lesser-known local deities. The primary understanding of
Hinduism is that there is an order to the universe and every individual has a
specific place in that order. Each person on the planet has a duty (dharma) which
only they can perform. If one acts rightly (karma) in the performance of that duty,
then one is rewarded by moving closer to the supreme being and eventually
becoming one with god; if one does not, then one is reincarnated as many times as
it takes to finally understand how to live and draw closer to union with the supreme
soul. This belief was carried over by Siddhartha Gautama when he became the
Buddha and founded the religion known as Buddhism. In Buddhism, however, one
is not seeking union with a god but with one's higher nature as one leaves behind
the illusions of the world which generate suffering and cloud the mind with the
fear of loss and death. Buddhism became so popular that it traveled from India to
China where it enjoyed equal success.
In ancient China, religion:- is thought to have developed as early as c. 4500 BCE
as evidenced by designs on ceramics.In ancient China, religion is thought to have
developed as early as c. 4500 BCE as evidenced by designs on ceramics found at
the Neolithic site of Banpo Village. This early belief structure may have been a
mix of animism and mythology as these images include recognizable animals
and dragons. By the time of the Xia Dynasty (2070-1600 BCE), there were many
anthropomorphic gods worshiped with a chief god, Shangti, presiding over all.
This belief continued, with modifications, during the period of the Shang Dynasty
(1600-1046 BCE) which developed the practice of ancestor worship.
The people believed that Shangti had so many responsibilities that he had become
too busy to handle their needs. It was thought that, when a person died, they went
to live with the gods and became intermediaries between the people and those
gods. Ancestor worship influenced the two great Chinese belief systems of
Confucianism and Taoism, both of which made ancestor worship core tenets of
their practices. In time, Shangti was replaced with the concept of Tian (heaven), a
paradise where the dead would reside eternally in peace.
Referring :- (source: Hinduism: Its Contribution to Science and Civilization -
By Prabhakar Balvant Machwe  Vikas Publishing House 1979 ISBN 0 7069
0805 8  p. 129).
On journeys by sea there were jalaniryamakas – guides who could predict the
behavior of waters. In the sea coast town of Shurparak, there was an arrangement
to train persons with the help of Niryamak Sutras. According to these, those
person who traveled together in a ship were called sanyatrika. In the
Mahajanaka Jatak, there is a dialogue between a person swimming in the ocean
and  Goddess Mani Mekhala  who was the presiding deity of sea-
journeys.  “Who is this person, who in an ocean which knows no bound is
trying to swim with his hands? On whose reliance are you doing this exercise?
“O Goddess, I believe that one should do the exercise as long as it is possible. So I
am doing this exercise though I do not see the shore.”  In this way the dialogue
continues with the swimmer continuing to gather courage hoping against hope.
Mani Mekhala was the Goddess whose influence obtained
from Kanya Kumari to the island of Katah. There was a huge
temple dedicated to her in Puhara where the Kaveri joined the
sea.
Non-Existsnce of Sanskrit Before 500 BC
The prime fact which has been suppressed by the Anglo-Brahmin elite is that
Sanskrit did not exist prior to the 6th century BC. This circumstance is evident
from the following points :
Vedas - The word `Sanskrit' does not occur anywhere in the Vedas. Not a single
verse mentions this word as denoting a language.
Chandasa - The Vedic language was referred to as Chandasa even by Panini
himself [ Chatt., p. 63 ], and not as `Sanskrit'.
Buddha - The Buddha was advised to translate his teachings into the learned
man's tongue - the `Chandasa' standard [ Chatt., p. 64 ], there is no mention of
any `Sanskrit'. The Buddha refused, preferring the Prakrits. There is not even a
single reference in any contemporary Buddhist texts to the word `Sanskrit'. This
shows that Sanskrit did not even exist at the time of the Buddha and that the people
at that period, even the Brahmins themselves, were not aware of themselves as
speaking `Sanskrit'; they referred to their language as `Chandasa'.
Ramayana - The word `Sanskrit' occurs for the first time as referring to a
language in the Ramayana : "In the latter [Ramayana] the term `samskrta'
"formal, polished", is encountered, probably for the first time with reference to
the language"
-- [ EB 22 `Langs', p. 616 ] It is to be noted that extant versions of the Ramayana
date only to the centuries AD.
Asokan Script - The first inscriptions in Indian history are in Prakrit and not in
Sanskrit. These are by the Mauryan King Ashoka (c. 273 BC - 232 BC ), and
number over 30. They date to the 4th century BC. The script utilized is not
`sacred' Devanagari, and the language is not `Mother' Sanskrit. They are mostly
in the Brahmi script, while 2 inscriptions are in Kharoshtri. They are in various
Prakrits and some in Afghanistan are in Greek and Aramaic [ Bas,. p. 390-1 ].
In fact all inscriptions in India were in Prakrit till the early centuries AD : "The
earlier inscriptions up to the 1st century AD, were all in Prakrit"--[Up.,p.164]
Satavahana Inscriptions - The Satavahanas, the first historical dynasty of the
Deccan, also used a Prakrit language. There is no usage of Sanskrit. The
Nagarjunikonda insrciptions are by the Satvahana king Vijaya Satakarni in the
early 3rd century AD & end with the Ikshvaku Rudrapurusadatta who ruled for 11
years in the second quarter of the 4th century. Most of the large number of
inscriptions are in Prakrit and only a few belonging to Ehuvulu Santamula are in
Sanskrit (he ruled during the last 24 years of the 3rd to the early 4th century AD )
but even most of his inscriptions are in Prakrit and those which are in Sasnkrit are
heavily influenced by Prakrit [ Bhatt., p. 408 ftn. 46 ].
The Nanaghat cave inscriptions in Poona distt. are in Prakrit and are the work
of the Satavahana Satakarni I. They have been dated to the first half of the 1st
century BC. The contemporary religion of this region was Vedic. Indra and
Vasudev are mentioned as the Vedic gods then worshipped [ Bas, p. 395 ]. The
later cave inscriptions of Nasik in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD are in the local
Prakrit [ Bas, p. 395 ]. Thus, although the Vedic religion was followed in the
Satavahana regions, Sanksrit was not in use.
Gandhari - Even Gandhari existed prior to Sanskrit. The Pali Dhammapada in
Gandhari was discovered at Khotan in Kharoshtri script. It dates to the 1st or
2nd century AD. A Gandhari insrcription was discovered on a copper casket
containing relics of the Lord Sakyamuni [ Bas, p. 393 ].
Kharavela's Kalinga Inscription - Kharavela's Kalingan inscription of the 1st
century BC were in a Prakrit of the east indian type. Interseting is the first
mention of the word Bharatavarsha in an inscription. Kharavela is described as
invading Bharatavarsha, which then evidently denoted only North India
[Bas,p.393].
First Sanskrit Inscription : 150 AD - The earliest inscription in Sanskrit is by the
Saka Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman at Junagarh in Gujarat dated to AD 150.
However, even here several of the words are wrong according to Sanskrit
grammatical rules, some words show Prakrit influence and a few are un-
Paninian [ Bas 397-8 ]. This inscription is several centuries later than the
earliest Prakrit inscriptions, and are the creation of Sakas, not Arya kings.
Apabrahmsa is a Prakrit - Apabrahmsa, which in the MST is seen as a derivative
of Prakrit, is in fact itself a Prakrit known as Abhiri. It was actually
comtemporary with all the other Prakrits, and the view that it succeeded Prakrit
is wrong. Several dramas have characters speaking Apabrahmsa and Prakrits side
by side. This shows that Apabrahmsa is not the second stage in the development
from Sanskrit, but was merely another Prakrit language.
Buddhist Jataka  stories wrote about large Indian ships carrying seven hundred
people. In the  Artha Sastra,  Kautilya  wrote about the Board of Shipping and the
Commissioner of Port who supervised sea traffic. The  Harivamsa  informs that
the first geographical survey of the world was performed during the period of
Vaivasvata. The towns, villages and demarcation of agricultural land of that
time were charted on maps.  Brahmanda Purana  provides the best and most
detailed description of world map drawn on a flat surface using an accurate
scale. Padma Purana says that world maps were prepared and maintained in
book form and kept with care and safety in chests. Surya Siddhanta  speaks
about construction of  wooden globe of earth  and marking of horizontal circles,
equatorial circles and further divisions. Some Puranas say that the map making
had great practical value for the administrative, navigational and military
purposes. Hence the method of making them would not be explained in general
texts accessible to the public and were ever kept secret. Surya Siddhanta says
that the art of cartography is the secret of gods. This being the general thinking
at those times, yet, there was one group of people who realized that the maps or
the secret texts that contained the geographical surveys will not last a very long
time. Only cryptology using words and names would last longer than any.
(source:  Ancient Indians knew Atlantic Ocean - By  Dr. V.Siva Prasad  Retired
Professor of Engineering. Andhra University, India).

The oldest evidence on record is supplied by the Rig Veda, which contains
several references to sea voyages undertaken for commercial purposes. One
passage (I. 25.7) represents Varuna having a full knowledge of the
sea routes, and another (I. 56.2) speaks of merchants, under the
influence of greed,  going sending ships to foreign countries. A
third passage (I. 56.2)mentions merchants whose field of activity
known no bounds, who go everywhere in pursuit of gain, and
frequent every part of the sea. The fourth passage (VII.  88.3 and 4)
alludes to a voyage undertaken by Vasishtha and Varuna in a ship
skillfully fitted out, and their "undulating happily in the
prosperous swing." The fifth, which is the most interesting passage (I.
116. 3), mentions a naval expedition on which Tugra the Rishi
king sent his son Bhujyu against some of his enemies in the
distant islands; Bhujyu, however, is ship wrecked by a storm,
with all his followers, on the ocean, "where there is no
support, no rest for the foot or the hand," from which he is rescued
by the twin brethren, the Asvins, in their hundred-oared galley. The
Panis in the Vedas and later classical literature were the merchant
class who were the pioneers and who dared to set their course
from unknown lands and succeeded in throwing bridges
between many and diverse nations. The Phoenicians were no
other than the Panis of the Rig Veda. They were called Phoeni in
Latin which is very similar to the Sanskrit Pani. 
Some passages in Rig Veda:- "May Usha dawn today, the exciter’s of chariots
which are harnessed at her coming, as those who are desirous of wealth send ships
to sea."
 Agni, whose countenance is turned to all sides, send
"Do thou,
off our adversaries, as if in a ship to the opposite shore. Do
thou convey us in a ship across the sea for our welfare." (A
remarkable prayer for safe conduct at sea).
The Hitopadesha describes a ship as a necessary requisite for a man to traverse
the ocean, and a story is given of a certain merchant, "who, after having been
twelve years on his voyage, at last returned home with a cargo of precious
stones."
The Institutes of Manu include rules for the guidance of maritime commerce. Thus,
the passage quoted above indicate a well developed and not a primitive trade.

Significant also is the fact that Lieutenant

Speake, when planning
his  discovery of the source of the Nile, secured his best
information from a map reconstructed out of  Puranas.
(Journal, pp. 27, 77, 216; Wilford, in Asiatic Researches, III).
It traced the course of the river, the "Great Krishna," through Cusha-dvipa,
from a great lake in Chandristhan, "Country of the Moon," which it gave the
correct position in relation to the Zanzibar islands. The name was from the
native Unya-muezi, having the same meaning; and the map correctly mentioned
another native name, Amara, applied to the district bordering Lake Victoria
Nyanza.
"All our previous information," says Speake, "concerning the hydrography of these
regions, originated with the ancient Hindus, who told it to the priests of the Nile;
and all these busy Egyptian geographers, who disseminated their knowledge with a
view to be famous for their long-sightedness, in solving the mystery which
enshrouded the source of their holy river, were so many hypothetical humbugs.
The Hindu traders had a firm basis to stand upon through
their intercourse with the Abyssinians." (source:  Periplus of
the Erythrean Sea  - W.H. Schoff  p. 229-230.  For more
information refer to chapter on  India and Egypt)
The Jatakas :- Some very definite and convincing allusions to sea voyages and sea-
borne trade are also contained in the vast body of Buddhist literature known as the
Jatakas, which are generally taken to relate themselves to a period of one thousand
years beginning from 500 B.C. E. The Baveru Jataka without doubt points to the
existence of commercial intercourse between India and Babylon in pre-Ashokan
days. The full significance of this important is thus expressed by the late Professor
Buhler: "The now well-known Baveru-Jataka, to which Professor Minayef first
drew attention, narrates that Hindu merchants exported peacocks to Baveru.
The identification of Baveru with Babiru or Babylon is not doubtful,"
and considering the "age of the materials of the Jatakas, the story indicates that
the Vanias of Western India undertook trading voyages to the
shores of the Persian Gulf and its rivers in the 5th, perhaps
even in the 6th century B.C. just as in our days. This trade very
probably existed already in much earlier times, for the Jatakas contain several
other stories, describing voyages to distant lands and perilous adventures by sea,
in which the names of the very ancient Western ports of Surparaka-Supara and
Bharukachcha-Broach are occasionally mentioned." (source: source: Indian
Shipping: A History of the Sea-Borne Trade and Maritime Activity of the
Indians From the Earliest Times - By R. K. Mookerjee  p. 437-54).
Ms. Manning, author of Ancient and Mediaeval India Volume II, p. 353, writes:
"The indirect evidence afforded by the presence of Indian products in other
countries coincides with the direct testimony of Sanskrit literature to establish the
fact that the ancient Hindus were a commercial people." (source: Ancient and
Medieval India - By Mrs. Manning Volume II p. 353).

Sudas is stated in the Aitteriya Brahmana to have

completely conquered the whole world. This conquest was
not political; it means exploration of the whole earth.
Puruvara navigated the ocean and explored 13 islands. 
(source: Hinduism: Its Contribution to Science and Civilization -
By Prabhakar Balvant Machwe p. 129 - 130).
Professor  Max Duncker, author of  History of Antiquity, says, that ship-building
was known in ancient India about 2000 B.C. It is thus clear that the Hindus
navigated the ocean from the earliest times, and that they carried on trade on an
extensive scale with all the important nations of the whole world.
A. M. T. Jackson  writes: "The Buddhist Jatakas and some of the Sanskrit law
books tell us that ships from Bhroach and Supara traded with Babylon (Baveru)
from the 8th to the 6th century B.C." (source:  Bombay City Gazetteer, Vol. II,
chapter IV, p.3).

Rev. J. Foulkes says: "The fact is now scarcely to be doubted

that the rich Oriental merchandise of the days of King Hiram
and King Soloman had its starting place in the seaports of the
Deccan, and that with a very high degree of probability some
of the most esteemed of the spices which was carried into
Egypt by the Midianitish merchants of Genesis."(source:  The
Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII). 
Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren (1760-1842) writes: "The Hindus in their most
ancient works of poetry are represented as a commercial people." 
Dr. Caldwell says: "It appears certain from notices contained in the Vedas that
Aryans of the age of Solomon practiced foreign trade in ocean-going vessels." 
In G. Buhler's opinion, "prove the early existence of a complete navigation of the
Indian Ocean, and of the trading voyages of Indians."(source: Origin of the Indian
Brahma Alphabet - By G. Buhler  1898 p. 84).
S. R. Rao says that the Indian traders first settled in Bahrein and used the
circular seal. Later on the different sections of the Indian merchants colonized
the different cities of Mesopotamia after the name of their race. The Chola
colonized the land where the two rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates, approach
most nearly and the banks touch the so called Median wall. They called their
colony Cholades which later came to be known as Chaldea (i.e. the land of the
Cholas) as a result of corrupt pronunciation. Similarly the Asuras of Vedic India
colonized the city Asura after their name and later they established the Assyrian
empire. 

Archaeological evidence of the use of indigo in the cloths of

the Egyptians mummies, Indian cedar in the palace of
Nebuchandnzzar and Indian teak in the temple of the moon
god at Ur shows the continuity of Indian commercial relations
with the West. Rassam found a beam of Indian cedar in the
palace of Nebuchadnezzar (604-562 B.C) at Birs Nimrud. In
the second storey of the Temple of the Moon-God at ur rebuilt
by Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus (555- 538 B.C.) Taylor
found "two rough logs of wood apparently teak". 
The ancient Egyptian traders sailed there boats not only on the Nile but also
ventured into the Mediterranean and the Red Sea and even into the Indian
Ocean, for they are said to have reached "God's land" or the land of Punt
(India). Similarly the Indian traders sailed their ships not only on the Indian
Ocean and the Persian Gulf, they also ventured into the Red Sea and even into
the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea. From the very beginning Indian traders
had a very fair knowledge of all the ancient oceans and seas of the populated
world. the Egyptians called India as "God's land" because India was in those
days culturally very much developed. The
priest of ancient Egypt
required vast quantities of aromatic plants for burning as
incense; frankincense, myrrh and lavender were also used for
embalmment purpose. Herodotus has left us a sickening
description of the great number of spices and scented
ointments of which India was the center.  Beauty products from
India also attracted the women of Egypt. The cosmetic trade was entirely
dependent on imports chiefly from India.  The Pharaohs of the fifth and sixth
dynasties made great efforts to develop trade relations with the land of Punt.
Knemphotep made voyages to Punt eleven times under the
captainship of Koui. This expedition was organized and
financed by the celebrated Queen Halshepsut.
(source:  Foreign Trade and Commerce in Ancient India  - By
Prakash Charan Prasad  p. 36-43. For more information refer
to chapter onIndia and Egypt)
Before trade with the Roman Empire, India carried on her trade chiefly with Egypt;
whose king, Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B.C.) with whom Ashoka the Great
had intercourse, founded the city of Alexandria, that afterwards became the
principal emporium of trade between the East and West.  M. A. Murray, the
Egyptlogist says in his book, " The splendor that was Egypt" that the type of men
of Punt as depicted by Halshepsut's artists suggests an Asiatic rather than an
African race and the sweet smelling woods point to India as the land of their
origin. (source:  Art Culture of India and Egypt - By S. M. El Mansouri    p. 14). 
Refer to  Marco Polo’s epic journey to China was a big con  –  Team  Folks
This expedition really appears to have been a great commercial success. The queen
proudly recorded on the walls of the temple of Deir-el-Bahri:
"Our ships
were filled with all marvelous things from  Punt (India); the
scented wood of God's land, piles of resin, myrrh, green
balsan trees, ebony, ivory, gold, cinnamon, incense, eye-
coloring, monkeys, grey dogs and panther-skins." These
objects indicate Indian goods exported to Egypt.  Indian
figurine buried in the Mount Vesuvius in Italy - eruption of 79
A.D. Ivory.
The value of Indian trade may be estimated from the well-known passage of Pliny,
in which he recorded that India drained the Roman empire of fifty million sesterces
every year. The wealth of early India is confirmed by the lament of Pliny the
Elder in Historica Naturalis (Natural History), completed in 77 AD that all of
Rome's coffers were being emptied into India to satisfy Roman demand for
translucent Indian muslins. Pliny's statement is corroborated by the discovery,
in India, of innumerable gold coins of the Roman emperors, which must have
come here in course of trade. Most of the coins have been found. Most of these
coins have been found in South India, and their evidence is corroborated by
many passages in classic Tamil literature. We read of  'Yavanas of harsh
speech'  with many wares; of foreign merchants thronging sea-port towns like
Mamallapuram, Puhar, and Korkai; or busy customs officials, and those
engaged in loading and unloading vessels in the harbor. The wealth of the
Roman Empire reached India through the ports of Kalyan, Chaul, Broach, and
Cambay in Western India. Tamralipti was an important port in Bengal. It carried
on trade with China, Lanka, Java and Sumatra. In the Andhra region, the ports
were Kadura and Ghantasala, Kaveripattanam (Puhar) and Tondail were the
ports of the Pandya region. The ports of Kottayam and Muziris were on the
Malabar coast. There was a great maritime trade between India and Southeast
Asia and China. The rulers of India facilitated trade by building and
maintaining lighthouses at the necessary points and by keeping sea routes free
and safe from pirates. 
According to Surjit Mansingh: "India's trade with Europe, both by land and sea,
was a constant fact of history from ancient times"  (source: India: A Country
Study 1985). The close connection between the early civilization of Ninevah and
Babylon and the West Coast of India is borne out by indisputable evidence and this
was possible only through the navigation of the Arabian sea. There is ample
evidence of a flourishing trade between the Levant and the West Coast of India, as
may be inferred from allusion in the Old Testament. 
As stated by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri  in Indian Antiquary, 1938 p. 27: "the
evidence of South Indian connections with the West drawn from references in
his (Solomna's) reign to Ophir and Thar Shih to ivory, apes and peacocks is
seen to be only a link in a more or less continuous chain of data suggesting such
connections for long ages before and after. The earliest Indian literature, the
Vedas speak of sea voyage. One well-known mantra (Rig Veda 1, 97, 8) prays:
"Do thou convey us in a ship across the sea for our welfare." Besides this, there
are numerous allusions in the Rig Veda to sea voyages and to ships with a
hundred oars.  (source:  India and the Indian Ocean  - K. M. Panikkar  The
MacMillan Company, 1945 p.23-24).
Indian seafarers did not absent themselves from the Middle East or the European
mainland. From the Sanskrit name of Socotra (Island abode of bliss)
and from certain Hindu-like divisions and customs among the people of East
Arabia. 
C. Lassen  suggested that the first sailors and colonizers on the Indian Ocean
came from India. According to  Jeannie Auboyer  "merchant shipping was very
active in India and had, even since Roman times, linked the Mediterranean
world to China with
great vessels (nava) of which the Indian king
owned a fleet, though most of them belonged to wealthy
individuals." (source:  Daily Life in Ancient India  - By
Jeannie Auboyer  ISBN 8121506328 p. 75).
The achievements of Indian seafarers in the Far East and Southeast Asia have been
acknowledged by a host of scholars. The late Professor Buhler says: "References to
voyages are also found in two of the most ancient Dharma Sutras."
 The mention of
There was also an active trade between India and Greece.
ivory by Homer and of several other Indian articles assign the
trade a very ancient date. In addition to ivory, India also
supplied indigo to Greece, whence the inhabitants derived
their knowledge of its use. Homer knew tin by its Sanskrit
name. Professor  Max Duncker  says that the Greeks used to
wear silken garments which were imported from India, and
which were called "Sindones, or "Tyrian robes."  "Trade existed
between the Indians and Sabaens on the coast of South Arabia before the 10th
century B.C. the time when, according to the Europeans, Manu
lived.  (source:  Encyclopedia Britannica  Vol. XI p. 459).  For more information
refer to chapter on  India and Egypt).
Testimony to the flourishing condition of the ship-building industry in India is
available in the description of the return journey of Alexander from India via the
sea route. According to estimates of Ptolemy nearly 2000 vessels which between
them accommodated 8000 troops, several thousand horses, and vast quantities of
supplies. This
vivid description speaks not only of the ready
resources and expertise of the Indian craftsmen but also of the
tonnage of the seaworthy ships estimated at about 75 tons (or
3000 amphorea) by Pliny. 
The most valuable of the exports of India was silk, which was under the Persian
Empire is said to have exchanged by weight of gold. (source: Indian Shipping -
By R. K. Mookerji p. 83).
It is evident that "there was a very large consumption of Indian manufactures in
Rome. This is confirmed by the elder Pliny, who complained
that there was "no year in which India did not drain the
Roman Empire of a hundred million sesterces (1,000,000
pounds)....so dearly do we pay for our luxury and our
women." The annual drainage of gold from Rome and its
provinces to India was estimated by him at 500 steria, equal to
about Rs. 4,000,000. We are assured on undisputed authority
that the Romans remitted annually to India a sum equivalent
to 4,000,000 pounds to pay for their investments, and that in
the reign of Ptolmeies, 125 sails of Indian shipping were at
one time lying in the ports whence Egypt, Syria, and Rome
itself were supplied with the products of India." (Life in
Western India (Guthrie), from  Colonel James Tod -  Western
India  p. 221.  Hindu Raj in the World  - By K. L. Jain  p. 37).
Roman coins in large quantities are found in places in
Southern India, whence beryl, pepper, pearls and minerals
were exported to Rome. Some of these are described by Mr.
Sewell. "These hoards," he says, "are the product of 55
separate discoveries, mostly in the Coimbatore and Madura
districts." (source:  Journal of Royal Asiatic Society for 1904,
Roman Coins). 
There is extant, a Prakrit text on ship-building named Angavijja written in the
Kushana period and edited in the Gupta period. This text enlists about a dozen
names of different types of ships, such as Nava, Pota, Kotimba, Salika, Sarghad,
Plava, Tappaka, Pindika, Kanda, Katha, Velu, Tumba, Kumba and Dati. Some
of these varieties of ships such as Tappaka (Trappaga), Kotimba and Sarghad
have also been mentioned in the  Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. They are
considered to be very large ships capable of sailing along the coast as well as in
deep sea. 
Mr. Momensen in his  Provinces of the Roman Empire  (Volume II p. 301), says:
"Somewhat further to the south at Kananor numerous Roman
gold coins of the Julio Claudian epochs have been found,
formerly exchanged against the spices destined for the Roman
kitchens."
J. Takakusu writes: "That there was a communication or trade between India and
China from 400 A.D. down to 800 A.D. is a proven fact. Not to speak of any
doubtful records we read in the Chinese and Japanese books, Buddhist or
otherwise, of Indian merchant ships appearing in the China Sea; we know
definitely that Fahien (399-415 A.D) returned to China via Java by an Indian
boat...at further in the Tang dynasty an eyewitness tells us that there were in 750
A.D. many Brahmin ships in the Canton River."(source: Journal of Royal Asiatic
Society, Great Britain and Ireland. October 1905 p. 872).

Historian  Vincent Smith  in his book Early History of India,

writes" "Ancient Tamil literature and the Greek and Roman
authors prove that in the first two centuries of the Christian
era the ports on the Coromandel or Cholamandal coast
enjoyed the benefits of active commerce with both East and
West. The Chola fleets.....uncrossed the Indian ocean to the
islands of the Malaya Archipelago." (source:  Early History of
India  - By Vincent Smith  p. 415).
"The Hindus themselves were in the habit of constructing the vessels in which
they navigated the coast of Coromandel, and also made voyages to the Ganges
and the peninsula beyond it. These vessels bore different names according to the
size." writes Prof.  Heeran. There were commercial towns and ports on the
Coromandel coast. Masulipatam, with its cloth manufactures, as well as the
mercantile towns situated on the mouth of the Ganges, have already been
noticed as existing in the time of  Periplus. Even as late as the 17th century,
French traveler  Tavernier  in 1666 A.D. said: "Masulipatam is the only place in
the Bay of Bengal from which vessels sailed eastwards for Bengal, Arrakan,
Pegu Siam, Sumatra, Cochin China and the Manilla and West to Hormuz,
Makha and Madagascar." (source:  Hindu Raj in the World  - By K. L. Jain  p.
42).
Researchers suggest that hominins in India may have developed a Middle
Palaeolithic culture phase around 3,85,000 years ago.-The Hindu.
Based on the study of over 7,200 stone artefacts collected from the
archaeological site at Attirampakkam in the Kortallayar river basin about 60 km
from Chennai, researchers suggest that hominins in India may have developed a
Middle Palaeolithic culture phase around 3,85,000 years ago and continuing up
to around 1,72,000 years ago.
According to earlier evidence, the Middle Palaeolithic culture in India was dated to
around 1,25,000 years ago. The Middle Palaeolithic is an important cultural phase,
associated as it is globally with both modern humans and Neanderthals or other
archaic hominins, with complex histories of interaction, cultural transitions and
change and dispersals. Based on stone tool and fossil studies, the Middle
Palaeolithic culture (called the Middle Stone Age in Africa) is associated with
modern humans in Africa, while it is associated with both modern humans and
Neanderthals in Israel. But in Europe, the Middle Palaeolithic culture is
associated only with Neanderthals.
“In case of India, we cannot say who made the tools as no hominin fossil remains
have been found till now. So we must be more cautious in correlating species with
culture in the case of India,” says Shanti Pappu from the Sharma Centre for
Heritage Education in Chennai and corresponding author of a new paper published
in Nature. “The Middle Palaeolithic culture is thought to have originated in
Africa. When we look at the Indian site at Attirampakkam, which is far away
from Africa, we see a similar cultural change occurring. The number and
nature of dispersals of populations bearing a Middle Palaeolithic culture from
Africa is not a simple, linear model but is far more complex,” Prof. Pappu says.
In 2011, Prof. Pappu and her team reported the discovery of 1.5-million-year-old
stone artefacts belonging to the Lower Palaeolithic (Acheulian) culture from
Attirampakkam. The objects were buried in sediments at the lowest levels in the
excavation. In the top three metres of the soil, the same site has yielded artefacts
that reflect a distinct Middle Palaeolithic culture.

“We see a distinct transition from the Acheulian culture to the

Middle Palaeolithic culture as reflected in the artefacts at
around 3,80,000 years, along with appearance of new tool
types and techniques that continued here for another 2,00,000
years,” she says. During the Middle Palaeolithic, there is a distinct shift away
from large flake technologies such as hand-axes and cleavers that were
predominant during the Acheulian. There is a proliferation of tools made from
small flakes during the Middle Palaeolithic.
“This research presents a paradigm shift in thinking about the origin and spread of
Middle Palaeolithic cultures in South Asia, suggesting a far greater antiquity and
more complex story than we thought. At Attirampakkam, we have a wonderful
sequence contained in a single stratigraphic continuum and showing a long process
of evolution,” Prof. Pappu says.
https://www.ibiblio.org/britishraj/Jackson9/chapter05.html Chapter 5 – An
Account of the Temple of Somnath by the Persian Geographer Kazvini
About 1263 A.D.
The famous temple at Somnath, with its celebrated idol which was destroyed
by Mahmud of Ghazni, “the Image-Breaker,” when he sacked the city in
1025–1026 A.D., has been alluded to several times in the Mohammedan
section of this History. An account of the wonders of the temple and the optical
delusion in connection with the idol is given by
the Persian geographer
Zakariyah Kazvini, who wrote, however, in Arabic, about the
year 1263 A.D. Kazvini, though not a traveller himself, drew upon the works
of travellers for his geographical materials, and he gives the following
interesting account of the famous Somnath shrine, over whose destruction, two
centuries before, he rejoices with the Moslem joy that hailed the downfall of a
house of idols.

‘Somnath is a celebrated city of India, situated on the shore of

the sea and washed by its waves. Among the wonders of the
place was the temple in which was placed the idol called
Somnath. This idol was in the middle of the temple without
anything to support it from below, or to suspend it from above.
It was regarded with great veneration by the Hindus, and
whoever beheld it floating in the air was struck with
amazement, whether he was a Mussulman or an infidel. The
Hindus used to go on pilgrimage to it whenever there was an
eclipse of the moon, and would then assemble there to the
number of more than a hundred thousand. They believed that
the souls of men used to meet there after separation from the
body, and that the idol used, at its pleasure, to incorporate
them in other bodies, in accordance with their doctrine of
transmigration. The ebb and flow of the tide was considered to
be the worship paid to the idol by the sea. ‘Everything that was most
precious was brought there as offerings, and the temple was endowed with the
taxes gathered from more than ten thousand villages. There is a river, the Ganges,
which is held sacred, between which and Somnath the distance is two hundred
parasangs. They used to bring the water of this river to Somnath every day, and
wash the temple with it. A thousand Brahmans were employed in worshipping
the idol and attending on the visitors, and five hundred damsels sang and
danced at the door – all these were maintained upon the endowments of the
temple. The edifice was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak, covered with lead. The
shrine of tile idol was dark, but was lighted by jewelled chandeliers of great
value. Near
The so-called Gates of Somnath:- it was a chain of gold weighing two hundred
mans. When a portion, or watch, of the night closed, this chain used to be
shaken like bells to rouse a fresh lot of Brahmans to perform worship. ‘When
Sultan Mahmud, the son of Sabuktagin, went to wage religious war against
India, he made great efforts to capture and destroy Somnath, in the hope that
the Hindus would then become Mohammedans. He arrived there in the middle
of Zu-l-ka’da, 416 A. H. (December, 1025 A.D.). The Indians made a desperate
resistance. They kept going in to the temple weeping and crying for help; and then
they issued forth to battle and kept fighting till all were killed. The number of the
slain exceeded fifty thousand. The king looked upon the idol with wonder, and
gave orders for the seizing of the spoil and the appropriation of the treasures.
There were many idols of gold and silver, and countless vessels set with jewels,
all of which had been sent there by the greatest personages in India. The value
of the things found in the temples of the idols exceeded twenty thousand dinars.
When the king asked his companions what they had to say about the marvel of
the idol, and of its staying in the air without prop or support, several maintained
that it was upheld by some hidden support. The king directed a person to go and
feel all around and above and below it with a spear, which he did, but met with
no obstacle. One of the attendants then stated his opinion that the canopy was
made of loadstone, and the idol of iron, and that the ingenious builder had
skillfully contrived that the magnet should not exercise a greater force on any one
side – hence the idol was suspended in the middle. Some inclined toward this
explanation, others differed from it. Permission was obtained from the Sultan to
remove some stones from the top of the canopy to settle the point. When
two
stones were removed from the summit, the idol swerved on one
side; when more were taken away, it inclined still further, until
at last it rested on the ground.’ By way of supplement there is
here appended a description of the Somnath idol by the
Persian traveler. al-Istakhri, who journeyed through India
and other Mohammedan countries in the first half of the tenth
century. His note is as follows:–
‘The idol has a human shape and is seated with its legs bent in a quadrangular
posture on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a
red skin like morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible. Some believe
that the body is made of wood, some deny this; but the body is not allowed to be
uncovered to decide this point. The eyes of the idol are precious gems, and its
head is covered with a crown of gold. It sits in a quadrangular position on the
throne, its hands resting upon its knees, with the fingers closed, so that only four
can be counted.’ hoqazanbil is situated at a distance of 45 km. south east of
Shoosh, and is the only remnant of an ancient city, that was constructed
approximately in 1300 BC.
{APN comments:- This type of Architechtural intelligence can be seen in recent
times also only in South India.

The temple, located in Anantapur district in southern Andhra Pradesh, has

challenged many engineers who failed to solve the mystery behind its pillar. It is
also said that a British engineer, during the British era, tried to find out about its
support but failed. The temple is bejewelled with gorgeous sculptures of gods,
goddesses, dancers and musicians. It also has a gigantic 24 X 14 feet mural of
Veerabhadra, the fiery god created by Lord Shiva. It is said to be the largest
mural of any single figure in India.
 This city which was at the vicinity of 2 km. from Dez river, was known as
"Ontashgal". The same is a reminder of the new Elamite civilization. It was
surrounded by three interconnected sun brick made ramparts with the main
entrance situated in the eastern side of the largest rampart. The palaces and
tombs of the Elamite monarchs are situated between the first and second ramparts.
Between the second and the third ramparts, the remnants of the water supply and
purification system for city is observed.
 Petrography
(Petroglyph) found in
Susa 5-6 century BC
shows an Elamid
Woman sitting in front
of a spinning machine
producing yarn or
thread from fibers.
Photo credits: Iranian
Historical
Photographs
Gallery/Fouman.com

Madurai, Keezhadi water Infiltration

system , 200 BC
 Lothal :- an extensive
system of Dranage is found
1500 BC Late Harappan site.

The same kind of Drainage

system was found in Lothal, Harappa, Madurai. –

Dholavira
The water Harvesting system is common among dravidian residential places and
it could be observed whereever their settlement were --APN}]
Elam Shoosh city. Contd: The water purification system of Choqazanbil
was to provide drinking water for citizens which is obviously accounted as one of
the most ancient water supply systems. In the center of the third rampart, the
main temple (Ziggurat) is placed.
This temple was constructed by means of millions of bricks, in five floors. At
present only two floors have been remained. Except for the first and fifth floors,
the rest have been filled with sun baked bricks. The fifth floor which is
considered to be the highest one, was used to be the place where idols were kept.,
The main idol was called "Inshushinak" which was considered to be the most
famous deity of Shoosh city. On the brick walls of the temple, same inscriptions
designating the name of the king in the Cuneiform script can be observed which
reveals the aim of the monarch in the construction of this temple. Near the
temple, on the main ground there are two circular platforms. Some believe this
to be a place where sacrifices were carried out, and the other version is that, this
was an area for astrology. The aggregate of this city along with Elamite
civilisation in the vicinity of Haft Tappeh, was demolished in 640 BC as a result
of Assyrian conquests, under the command of 'Ashur Banipal', thence
terminating the Elamite jurisdiction after a period of more than a millennium.
Source: www.itto.org.
According to James Talboys Wheeler, "Siva was a mystic deity of Turanian
origin, and described as half-intoxicated with drugs, and associated with ideas of
death and reproduction". According to Peter Berresford Ellis, the ancient Celtic
god Cerunnnos, the lord of the animals and a major god in the Celtic pantheon,
was Siva. So was Dagda, the good God of the Irish mythology. They appear
frequently in the images as seated in the classic lotus position, reminiscent of the
images of lord of the animals of the Indus Valley seals. In some images Dadga
carries a club, like the ancient Sibis, with which he can both destroy and restore
people to life. The Celts also believed in mother goddess, just as the followers of
ancient Saivism.
Siva is often compared with Dionysus or Bacchus, the Greek god of wine,
ecstasy and vegetation, born to Zeus and the Theban princess Semele. Dionysus
incurred the wrath of her rival, Hera, the jealous wife of Zeus, when he traveled
to the underworld to rescue his mother. She inflicted madness upon him and made
him wander the earth in a state of enchanted madness. During his wanderings he
met Rhea who not only cured his madness, but also, for the benefit of his
followers, taught him the secrets of happy afterlife. Dionysus continued to roam
the earth, accompanied by his enthusiastic followers who clashed cymbals,
inflicting madness upon those who opposed him or doubted his divinity. Some
European historians erroneously believed that the worship of Siva evolved out of
ancient https://www.hinduwebsite.com/siva/ancientforms.aspDionysian cults,
where as the opposite is true. About
the antecedents of Dionysus,
Madame Blavatsky, the founder of Theosophical Society, writes
thus.
"Bacchus, as Dionysus, is of Indian origin. Cicero mentions him as a son of
Thyone and Nisus.  Dionusos  means the god Dis from Mount Nys in India.
Bacchus, crowned with ivy, or kissos, is Christna, one of whose names was
Kissen. Dionysus is preeminently the deity on whom were centered all the hopes
for future life; in short, he was the god who was expected to liberate the souls of
men from their prisons of flesh. Orpheus, the poet-Argonaut, is also said to have
come on earth to purify the religion of its gross, and terrestrial
anthropomorphism, he abolished human sacrifice and instituted a mystic
theology based on pure spirituality. Cicero calls Orpheus a son of Bacchus. It is
strange that both seem to have originally come from India. At least, as Dionysus
Zagreus, Bacchus is of undoubted Hindu origin. Some writers deriving a
curious analogy between the name of Orpheus and an old Greek term, orphos,
dark or tawny-colored, make him Hindu by connecting the term with his dusky
Hindu complexion."
http://factsanddetails.com/india/Religion_Caste_Folk_Beliefs_Death/sub7_2g/e
ntry-4148.html One of the most studied tribal religions is that of the Santal of
Orissa, Bihar, and West Bengal, one of the largest tribes in India, having a
population estimated at 4.2 million. According to the 1991 census, however, only
23,645 people listed Santal as their religious belief. According to the Santal
religion, the supreme deity, who ultimately controls the entire universe, is
Thakurji. The weight of belief, however, falls on a court of spirits (bonga ), who
handle different aspects of the world and who must be placated with prayers and
offerings in order to ward off evil influences. A characteristic feature of the Santal
village is a sacred grove on the edge of the settlement where many spirits live and
where a series of annual festivals take place. The most important spirit is Maran
Buru (Great Mountain), who is invoked whenever offerings are made and who
instructed the first Santals in sex and brewing of rice beer. Maran Buru's
consort is the benevolent Jaher Era (Lady of the Grove).
 A yearly round of rituals connected with the agricultural cycle, along with life-
cycle rituals for birth, marriage and burial at death, involves petitions to the spirits
and offerings that include the sacrifice of animals, usually birds. Religious leaders
are male specialists in medical cures who practice divination and witchcraft.
Similar beliefs are common among other tribes of northeast and central India such
as the Kharia, Munda, and Oraon.
 Religious concepts are intricately entwined with ideas about nature and
interaction with local ecological systems. As in Santal religion, religious
specialists are drawn from the village or family and serve a wide range of
spiritual functions that focus on placating potentially dangerous spirits and
coordinating rituals.
 Even among the Santal, there are 300,000 Christians who are alienated from
traditional festivals, although even among converts the belief in the spirits
remains strong. Among the Munda and Oraon in Bihar, about 25 percent of the
population are Christians. Among the Kharia of Bihar (population about
130,000), about 60 percent are Christians, but all are heavily influenced by
Hindu concepts of major deities and the annual Hindu cycle of festivals. Tribal
groups in the Himalayas were similarly affected by both Hinduism and
Buddhism in the late twentieth century. Even the small hunting-and-gathering
groups in the union territory of Andaman and Nicobar Islands have been under
severe pressure because of immigration to this area and the resulting reduction
of their hunting area.
Minority Folk Beliefs in India
 The Baiga—a tribe with around 200,000 members that live in central India in what
is now Madhya Pradesh state—worship an ever-changing pantheon of deities,
which are roughly divided into those that are good and those that are evil and
includes some Hindu gods. Their religious practitioners include priests that
presides over agricultural and anti-earthquake rituals; medicine men who use
magic to cure diseases; and clairvoyants who communicate with spirts through
dreams and visions. Disease is believed to be caused by witchcraft and evil spirts.
The best cure for sexually-transmitted diseases is believed to be sex with a virgin.
The Baiga believe that after death the soul breaks into three spiritual forces: one
stay goes to an afterlife, one remains in the family’s home and a third, regarded as
evil, ideally stays in the ground where the dead are buried.
 The primary religious authority of the Bohra—a Shiite Muslims group that
lives in Bombay and the Surat and Bharuck districts of Gujarat State—is the
mullah of Surat. His authority is not questioned. Some regard him as divine.
Every major Bohra community has its own mullah, who serve as a religious
leader and earns his income acting as a schoolmaster. There are different Bohra
sects, with slight variations in customs and beliefs. Punishments of most
religious matters are in the form of jokes. For some crimes people are flogged.
The Bohra are famous for the fish, beef and fowl curies. They cook with ghee
and abstain from pork, alcohol and drugs. There are maybe 300,000 of them.
 The Chenchu—who mostly live in central India north of the Kistna River on the
Amrabad Plateau— believe in anthropomorphic gods and invisible spirits that
affect "human spirits as part of the natural order." They do not have a creation
theory and their attitude towards their gods is "free of emotional involvement."
The Chenchus's concept of afterlife is vague and there is a clear association that
good deeds in life are rewarded in the afterlife. Contact with plains people has
resulted in the adoption of some Hindu beliefs and incorporating Hindu deities
into their pantheon of gods.
  The most important Chenchu god is a female deity called Garelaisama. She is
associated with edible plants and good luck in hunting as said to have the power
to keep drunk people from quarreling. Whenever an animal is caught a piece is
cut off and immediately offered to Garelaisama. In the past only male animals
were killed so as not to upset the female deity. If one was accidently killed the
hunter prayed for forgiveness. Another important deity is the god
Bhagavantarau. He is thought to live in the sky and controls thunder and rain.
Religious ceremonies consist of offering some millet to a stone altar. ["World
Religions" edited by Geoffrey Parrinder, Facts on File Publications, New York]
Gond Religion
 The Gonds live primarily in eastern Madhya Pradesh. Their gods include clan
gods, an earth-mother, village deities, mountain gods, ancestor spirits and spirits
associated with every hill, lake, tree, or rock or river. They are not arranged in a
hierarchal order. Important deities include the Siva like Bhagavan and Yama,
the god of death. The earth goddess is responsible for bringing fertility and crops
and evil gods, it is believed, bring sickness. In the old days their principal deities
were cholera and small pox gods. Ceremonies for gods and spirts are generally
brief and infrequent although the gods are often consulted for advice and help with
problems. The most important ceremonies are sacrifices of cows, goats and sheep
which are held in thatch temples twice a year. Religious objects include iron spear
points and yak-tail whisks like those used by Hindus. During festivals, priests
dress up in peacock feathers and masks to act out dramas about mythical figures
and shamans go into a trances, acting as oracles and mediums, so that the gods
can speak directly to the people. The Gonds believe they are kept alive by a
substance called jiv that when removed after death changes the person's
personality. The dead live in their own personal sphere with clan deities. There is
no connection between the gods and morality nor is the one between good deeds
and a positive afterlife. Gonds were buried with toothpicks for use in the after-life.
Cases of human sacrifice were reported in the 19th century.
Bhil Religion
 The Bhils—a tribal group found in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan and
Maharashtra—merge animism and Hinduism and many are Muslims and
Christians. Traditionally, they believed in a pantheon of deities that over time
absorbed Hindu gods. Important local deities include Wagh deo, the tiger god,
and Nandervo, the god of agriculture, and Chagwam, the supreme deity. They
also believe in an afterlife where one is reunited with family members, a
pantheon of earth spirits that sometimes band together in groups and malicious
individuals that cause harm through sorcery and witchcraft. Muslim Bihl were
converted during Muslim invasions of India and interaction with Rajputs.
Christians have adopted the faith relatively recently due to the efforts of
missionaries. The dead were traditionally buried but Hindu influences has meant
that many are cremated and their remains and are buried. People who die unnatural
deaths it is believed can become malevolent spirits that can cause great harm and
those who die natural deaths become good spirits Twins and babies with unusual
deformities are also believed to cause harm and have traditionally been destroyed
immediately after birth. Many tribes have priests that act as mediums, diviners and
healers and undergo a long training period. For serious matters witch doctors are
called in because they are said to have the power to battle sorcery and witchcraft.
Among the important ceremonies are appeasements and exorcisms of ghosts, one
of which is the exorcism of the cattle shed.
Abor Folk Religion
 The Abor—the general name given to tribal groups that lives in Assam and
Arunachal Pradesh— have traditionally been animists who practiced animal
sacrifice and believed in a pantheon of benevolent and malevolent spirits.
They consider rivers as gods and fear river nippongs (water spirits associated
with women who died pregnancy), Epom (offspring of Robo, the father of evil
spirits) and souls the deceased people who died unnatural deaths or were not
properly buried. Among the most prominent of the benevolent spirits is Benji
Bama (controller of human destiny).
 There are two main religious practitioner: epak miri (diviners)
and nyibo (medicine men). They use incantations and spiritual discernment to
determine which spirts might be causing a particular illness or problem.
Treatments involve herbal remedies, appeasement of spirits and using signs,
dancing and special beads to exorcize the spirits.
 Big events are the annual hunt and rice harvests. Most ceremonies are
associated with life cycle events such as initiations into the boy’s and girls
houses and hunting ceremonies. Song, dance, and telling tribal myths, stories
and histories are important fixtures of these events. The Abor have a rich oral
literature of legends, folk tales, ballads and political narrations. In the afterlife,
they believe, the dead live on in a world that is not much different from the world
of the living. At funerals the dead are given possessions, food and drink to take
with them to the afterlife.
Toda Religion and Sacred Cow Cult
 The Toda have traditionally believed in a world of the dead and the world of the
living. In there scheme there is no hell; those who have lived meritorious lives
have less trouble reaching the world of the dead. Their pantheon of gods and spirits
includes “gods of the mountains” that reside in the Nilgiri Hills. The most
important deity is Tokisy, who rules over the world of the living and created the
Toda and their buffalo. The land of the dead is watched over by Tokisy’s brother
On, and is regarded as similar to the world of the living except harsher and more
grueling.
 The Toda have developed a cult that revolves around sacred cows and dairies.
They believe that God resides within their herds of buffalo which also provide
them milk and butter. The so called “sacred cows” (in this case buffalo) have
traditionally been more than simply objects of worship. According to Cambridge
anthropologist William Rivers, they provided the Toda with a communally
owned safety net. The sacred buffalo wandered where they pleased and usually
grazed with domestic buffalo during the day.
 The Toda divide their herds into secular cattle and sacred cows. For the latter,
every task—herding, milking, making clarified butter, mating the buffalo and
giving them salt—has religious significance, and there are special rituals attached
to each act. The cows are ranked in hierarchies and the priests and other people
that take care of them are also ranked. The dairies where the sacred cows are
milked also serve as temples. The entrance to the Toda dairy-temple has
traditionally been only one-meter high. When worshipers prayed at the temple
they inserted only their head and shoulders into the temple for a few minutes
and made an offering to the gods of buffalo milk. Inside the temple were relief
images of snakes, celestial bodies and buffalo heads and the temple itself was
shaped like a hogshead. A great deal of effort was put in to making sure the
dairies stayed pure. They were looked over by “gods of sacred places.”
Santal Religion and Witchcraft
  The Santals—who live mostly in Bihar, West Bengal and Orissa— have animist
beliefs which involve idols and evil spirits. The Santal believe in a pantheon of
spirits known as bongas, many of which are linked to certain clans. Disease and
ill fortune are often blamed on sorcery. Accusations of witchcraft are fairly
common. In the old days people accused of witchcraft were often killed. These
days they are often forced into a settlement decided by a village council. Healers
often use their own blood in healing ceremonies. Cases of human sacrifice were
reported in the 19th century. [Source: Encyclopedia of World Cultures: South Asia,
edited by Paul Hockings, C.K. Hall & Company, 1992]
 Santal religion is one of the most studied tribal religions. According to the 1991
census, however, only 23,645 people listed Santal as their religious belief out of a
population estimated at 4.2 million.. According to the Santal religion, the
supreme deity, who ultimately controls the entire universe, is Thakurji. The
weight of belief, however, falls on a court of spirits (bonga ), who handle different
aspects of the world and who must be placated with prayers and offerings in order
to ward off evil influences. These spirits operate at the village, household,
ancestor, and sub clan level, along with evil spirits that cause disease, and can
inhabit village boundaries, mountains, water, tigers, and the forest. A
characteristic feature of the Santal village is a sacred grove on the edge of the
settlement where many spirits live and where a series of annual festivals take
place. [Source: Library of Congress]
 The most important spirit is Maran Buru (Great Mountain), who is invoked
whenever offerings are made and who instructed the first Santals in sex and
brewing of rice beer. Maran Buru's consort is the benevolent Jaher Era (Lady of
the Grove). A yearly round of rituals connected with the agricultural cycle,
along with life-cycle rituals for birth, marriage and burial at death, involves
petitions to the spirits and offerings that include the sacrifice of animals, usually
birds. Religious leaders are male specialists in medical cures who practice
divination and witchcraft. Similar beliefs are common among other tribes of
northeast and central India such as the Kharia, Munda, and Oraon.
 The deceased are cremated. Some of the bones are collected a and kept for a while
under the rafters of the house. The bones are washed and regularly ritually fed
milk, rice beer and sacred water and given flowers. A year after death the bones are
immersed in water and a goat is sacrificed. All this is done to ensure the spirit
proceeds through three generations after death and becomes a benevolent bonga.
Referring ;-https://www.mapsofindia.com/my-india/india/sacred-trees-in-
indiaPeepal Tree – The most worshipped tree in India which in Sanskrit is
known as “Ashvattha”. Peepal tree is also known as Bodhi tree or tree of
enlightenment as it is believed that Buddha attained enlightenment under peepal
tree. This is the reason why Peepal tree is sacred to Buddhist. Also the present
Kali Yuga began with the death of Lord Krishna that had happened under this
tree only. In Hinduism it is believed that roots of Peepal tree are Brahma, the
trunk is Vishnu and the leaves are Shiva. A red thread or cloth is tied around
Peepal tree for worship so cutting down Peepal tree is considered inauspicious.
Banyan Tree – It is believed that three gods – Lord Vishnu, Lord Shiva and Lord
Brahma are symbolized by the Banyan tree. Mostly the childless couple worship
banyan tree and it is supposed not to be cut. In most of the Hindu cultures, this tree
represents life and fertility.
Bel Tree – Bel is another very auspicious and sacred tree in India that is
supposed to be associated with Lord Shiva. To please Lord Shiva, leaves of Bel
tree are offered to Him and thus known as bilva. Bel leaves are trifoliate or
tripatra and it is believed that it symbolizes three work of Lord – the
preservation, creation and destruction as well as three eyes of the Lord. So
during the worship of Lord Shiva offering Bel leaves is compulsory.
Ashoka Tree – Ashoka is one of the most sacred and well-known trees of India. In
Sanskrit, Ashoka means without grief or the one who gives no grief. As per
Hinduism, Kama Deva (Lord of Love) is associated with Ashoka tree. Even Sita
Devi was kept by Ravana in Asoka Vatika.
Mango Tree – Mango tree is another very sacred tree in India whose leaves,
wood as well as fruits are used in many rituals. To mark any auspicious
occasion, string made from mango leaves is hung on the entrance. Mango leaves
are kept in the pot with coconut during Kalash Sathapana. Blossoms of Mango
tree are offered to Goddess Saraswati on Basant Panchami. Mango tree is also
very auspicious for Buddhists as it is believed that Lord Buddha had created a
huge mango tree at Shravasti from the seed.
Neem Tree –  Many medical benefits are associated with neem tree and because
of this it is highly respected in India. It supposed to be an expression of Goddess
Durga. In Bengal, the tree is believed to be a place of living of ‘Sitala’ the great
Pox-mother who can cause and cure disease. To cure pox, neem leaves are
rubbed on the body and by offering a prayer to her. It is also believed that smoke
produced by burning neem leaves keep the evil spirits away from you and your
home. Mahatma Gandhi was a great believer in neem.
Banana Tree –  It is really a very auspicious tree in India. Its every part is used
in performing one or the other ritual. Like welcoming gates are made by using
trunk, leaves are used to distribute Prasad, fruit is offered to Lord Vishnu and
Goddess Lakshmi. Banana tree is also worshipped in Kadali Vrata. Banana tree
with flowers and fruits is worshipped for the welfare of the family.
Coconut Tree – Coconut tree, especially in South India is one of the most sacred
trees and must for a family to plant it at home. Coconut is used while performing
all the Hindu rituals and offered in all kinds of pujas. Even before any puja,
sthapana with water filled pot, mango leaves and coconut is done. It actually
symbolizes Goddess Lakshmi. It is considered that three black marks on coconut
shell are the three eyes of Lord Shiva.
Sandal wood Tree – For worshipping Gods, paste and oil of sandal wood tree
are used. Sandal wood imparts fragrance to everything even to the axe that is
used to cut this tree. So anything that is just excellent is known as chandana.
Holy places are purified with chandan.
Kadamb Tree –  It is the tree of Lord Krishna as he used to play his flute under
this tree. His childhood activities like jumping in Yamuna, dancing with gopis,
climbing on the trees were all done on or around Kadamb tree. So flowers of
Kadamb tree are offered at various temples.
APN Comments:- Only people who know agriculture and who do agriculture will
deeply believe in the concept the Nature is God. Hence , as per Natural law, the
ancient man believed Fire is GOD, then Women is God ( as he frightened upon the
pregnancy and Child birth), after that they believed the died ancestors as God. In
this phenomenon growth, when the ancient men lived in Plains began to worship
the trees and food grains and plant which gifted them food. For agriculture they
mainly depended on Rivers as sources, hence they worshipped Rivers as Gods. But
the Sanskrit?? Aryans?? Never done agriculture or produced food grains. They
never had a culture of cooking food grains and agricultural products. Its found in
Archeological expeditions , In China the Rice grains were cultivated from 5000 BC
and the DNA samples shows an age of 7000 BC. The agriculture was done by
Black Chinese belongs to HUN dynasty. Clyde winters states that only descendants
Kushan of Persia, Nubia, were settled in Ancient China .along the river coasts.
In ancient India , the south most end Tamilnadu yielded fascinating archaeological
artefacts. Food grains (RICE) stored in a Container belongs to 1000BC. A thermal
luminance test dated the same as 600 BC . this found at PORUNTHAL. A charcoal
and food grains lump found at Korkai dated to 700 BC in Thermal luminance test.
We could surely believe there was agriculture atleast by 1000 BC with this
cultivated grains at Tamil Nadu. The Tamils history reveals there were group of
people lived together between the branches of rivers from ancient times, and they
called the land between the rivers is their country. They had a leader among them .
The leader or king had a tree as his symbol. there was no flag in ancient times. The
king worn a garland of flowers or tree leaves around his neck, and a flower or trees
leaves was worn on his head to denote his Power and status. If , the tree was cut by
the enemy then there was a war to restore his dignity. Hence, the tree is auspicious.
We could found Peepal leaves and neem tree in most Harappan seals.

Aditcha Nallur food grains.

Aditcha nallur paddy crop ,dancing girl ,deer.

 A Egypt and Tamil Nadu comparison in
Agriculture.

Egypt cattle worship

Harappan cotton
 Porunthal 790 BC Container with Rice
grains

Harappan neem

Harappan Peepal leaf

Referring :- Brahmagiri and Beyond: The Archaeology of the Southern

Neolithic by RAVI KORISETTAR, P.C. VENKATASUBBAIAH and
DORIAN Q. FULLER
The 'Neolithic' throughout the Old World is taken to be synonymous with the
earliest agriculture, due to the widespread appeal and influence of V. Gordon
Childe's concept of a 'Neolithic Revolution' (e.g. Childe 1936, 1942, 1956).
While the Neolithic ('New Stone' age) was defined archaeologically on the
basis of having ground stone tools and pottery, which set it apart from the
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic, these traits were taken, under the influence of
Childe and Braidwood (Braidwood and Braidwood 1953), as proxy indicators
of settled villages with cultivation and domesticated animals (e.g. Wheeler
1959; Allchin 1963a; Allchin and Allchin 1968; Krishnaswami 1960;
Paddayya 1973; Thapar 1974, 1978, 1981-3).
Robert Bruce Foote of the Geological Survey of India (Madras) was a major
archaeological pioneer. Among his many firsts was discovering the first palaeolith
from this southern region (Foote 1866). Perhaps more significant was his recording
of a large number of Neolithic and related sites during his geological tours in
different parts of southern India (Fig. 2). The region traversed by R.B. Foote
included an area which now spreads over three southern states—mid-eastern
Karnataka, south-western Andhra Pradesh and north-eastern Tamil Nadu. In the
Principality of Mysore, Foote served as the first Director of the Mysore Geological
Department during 1894-7, after his retirement from the Geological Survey of
India in 1893. Between 1863 and 1897 Foote discovered as many as 459
prehistoric sites—among them 252 Neolithic sites (including ashmounds). He was
the first to employ the Three Age system (PalaeoIithic-Neolithic-Metal Age) in
India to organize his findings into a culture-historic sequence, although Foote
recognized that south India differed from the European prototype as there was no
distinct Copper/ Bronze Age in south India, but merely the occasional copper finds
in an otherwise continuous Neolithic tradition (Foote 1916). He also made the first
systematic typology of the lithic technology of the Southern Neolithic. Foote also
reported items of adorn ment, such as carnelian beads of 'good workmanship',
steatite beads, and haematite that might have been for purposes of skin decoration.
He was the first to connect the ashmounds with the Neolithic culture of south India
and assert that these were heaps of excessivelyburnt cow-dung created by Neolithic
cattle-herders on the basis of an excavation at Budikanama (Kudatini) (Foote
1887a, 1916; Allchin 1963a: 2, 52). Drawing on ethnographic accounts from H.M.
Stanley's In Darkest Africa, Foote formulated the hypothesis that the mounds came
from a 'zariba process' in which dung accumulated outside the fences of ancient
villages as they did in East Africa. Foote was the first to bring out the relationship
between mineral resources, namely, trap dykes used for manufacturing celts, and
the location of Neolithic settlements, thus opening up a new area of research into
economic prehistory (Foote 1887a, 1895). His meticulous collection of artefacts
and intuitive judgement of their significance and function helped him to provide
plausible interpretations of Neolithic life-ways. For instance, he identified grooves
in the granitic boulders in the vicinity of Neolithic settlements as places where
stone axes had been ground. In addition he identified the function of certain
ceramic forms, notably the neck (head) rests, on the basis of parallels known from
Africa (see also Allchin 1966; Nagaraja Rao 1970).
TABLE l : FOOTE'S LIST OF ROCK AND MINERALS AND THEIR USE
BY NEOLITHIC FOLK (After Foote 1895)
Granite For mealing stones, corn-crushers. mealing troughs, polishing and
edging places for celt-making on the rock terraces, deep torughs on big blocks for
holding water and rarely for cell.
Epidote-granite Corn-crushers—brought from outside
Green gneiss Mealing stones—brought from outside
Green stones Celts, hammers, chisels, ringstones, mealing stones, corn-
crushers, strikers, scrapers, flaking-tools, flakes
Quartz Corn-crushers, scrapers and strike-a-light
Siliceous breccia Mealing stone
Hornblend schist Celts of a flat type, pestles
Steatite Small ringstone beads
Slate, purpleFigurines
Quartzite Mealing stones, hones, beads
Haematite-jasper Mealing stones, corn-crushers
Jasper. red Beads
Haematite-schist Bull figurine
Haematite, red, earthy Pigment
Agate Cores, flakes and beads
Carnelian Beads, cores and flakes
Chert Cores, flakes, scrapers, slingstones, strike-a-light
Clays Pottery
Neolithic ashmounds continued to attract probing as to their origin, nature and
purpose. Few workers during this period accepted Foote's hypothesis of the
ashmounds as the camps of Neolithic cattle-herders, and as a result a series of
alternative theories were set forth. These theories, however, were often conflicting
and often lacked coherent archaeological support. Sewell (1899) for example,
maintained that some of the mounds were not cattle camps and might be medieval
in date (also Longhurst 1912-13); he therefore sought textual evidence for vast
holocausts, such as mass sati to which he could attribute the mounds. J.J. Modi
(1927-30) connected the south Indian evidence with 'ashmounds' reported from
Iran, although these sites are likely to represent regular habitation sites rather than
ashmounds in the distinctive sense of those in south India (Allchin 1963a: 70).
Foote had already made an attempt to support his argument about the ashmounds
with scientific methods, namely, the chemical analysis of ashmound material by
BosworthSmith (see Foote 1916: 95; Allchin 1963a: 80-6), although this work
remained largely unaccepted until similar, more detailed studies were later carried
out (see below). Thus Munn (1927-8, 1934: 126ff.) concluded that the origins of
the mounds was still unclear. Subsequently Yazdani (1935-6b) attributed the
mounds to metal-working of either gold or iron, with the notion of iron-smelting
becoming the most popular alternative to Neolithic cattle dung origin (e.g. Woolley
1940; Sundara 1971c, 1975: 178; Rami Reddy 1976, 1977, 1978, 1990; cf. Zeuner
1959; Allchin 1963a: 4-5, 82-5).
Wheeler's dig at Brahmagiri laid the foundation for placing the Southern
Neolithic in its broader geographical and chronological context. In 1944 (Sir)
R.E.M. Wheeler became Director General of the Archaeological Survey of
India, on a four year contract. Though his tenure was short (1944-8) he broke
fresh ground in many areas of archaeological research and provided a
structure for the Archaeological Survey of India. His tenure ushered in an era
of excavations directed at building a chronological framework for the whole of
the subcontinent. His prompt publication of site reports made available a vast
body of archaeological data, which allowed 'planning ahead' (Wheeler 1949).
Wheeler placed the Southern Neolithic, which he called the 'pointed-butt axe
culture,' into the so-called 'protohistoric' phase of India, a term applied to the
Harappan period in the north-west due to the presence of a script, but truly a
misnomer for contemporaneous cultures of the peninsula (see Wheeler 1947-8,
1959). The Neolithic and Megalithic/lron Age really constitute the 'later
prehistory' of south India.
The Brahmagiri excavations revealed a continuous occupation from the
Upper Neolithic through the Early Historic. The upper levels designated as
the Andhra Culture included Rouletted Ware in association with red pottery
decorated with criss-cross yellow paintings. Below this was the Megalithic
phase characterized by cist-burials, well-polished Red and Black Ware and
Red Slipped Ware. Beneath the Megalithic phase was the deep stratified
deposit of stone axes, handmade ceramics, burials in crude handmade urns,
microliths of quartz, agate, and occasional copper and bronze objects. He also
observed an 'overlap' between Megalithic and Early Historic phases. In
addition there was overlap between Neolithic pottery types and 'megalithic'
pottery types, although Wheeler downplayed this fact, in part because of his
belief that the Megalithic burial tradition must have been introduced by
immigrant-invaders (Wheeler 1947-8: 203; 1959: 164-7). This excavation
provided a relative chronological sequence of 'cultures' , although Wheeler
had to rely on guesswork for assigning absolute dates. He only allowed a very
limited timespan of one millennium for the development of these cultures. In
Wheeler's view, the Neolithic culture was dated to the early part of the first
millennium BC with the Megalithic beginning in the third century BC, this
immigrant culture driven south as part of the historical expansion of the
Mauryan empire, subsequently transformed into the Andhra Culture in the
beginning of first century AD. Subsequent work and radiometric dating were
to seriously revise these dates. Despite his mistakes, Wheeler's
chronostratigraphic approach to excavation provided inspiration to the
coming generations of archaeologists, who pursued similar excavation
programmes on a number of southern prehistoric sites from the late 1950s
through the 1970s.
THE GROWTH OF SOUTHERN NEOLITHIC ARCHAEOLOGY ( 1947-
1992)
Close on the heels of Wheeler's work at Brahmagiri and coinciding with the
dawn of India's Independence research on the Southern Neolithic increased,
although still largely with purely cultural-historical aims. A series of Ph.D.
dissertations were produced at Deccan College (University of Poona), under
the tutelage of the late Professor H.D. Sankalia. Sankalia (1978) had
planned this programme even before Wheeler excavated Brahmagiri,
and the late B. Subbarao had begun his research on the Neolithic of
Bellary in the mid-1940s (Fig. 3; Subbarao 1947, 1948, 1949). In the
1960s and 1970s five doctoral dissertations were completed in Pune
(Poona) on the Southern Neolithic. Surveys by Nagaraja Rao (1966,
1967) and Sundara (1968, 1970, 197 la, 1971b, 197 lc, 197 Id) of the
Tungabhadra and upper Krishna river systems together with
Paddayya's (1973) survey of the Shorapur Doab were crucial in
expanding the inventory of Southern Neolithic archaeology (Fig. 4). In
the following list some important contributions of the past fifty years
are given, especially theses and related publications, from Deccan
College and elsewhere:
• Prehistoric and Early Historic Bellary (Subbarao 1949) was
submitted to the University of Bombay, a year after his
Excavations at Sangankallu (Subbarao 1948) which was part of
his research programme (Subbarao 1947). Later revisited by
Ansari and Nagaraja Rao ( 1969). Mujumdar and Rajaguru
(1966) excavated a nearby ashmound. The Developnzent ofEarly
Cultures in the Raichur District ofHyderabad (F.R. Allchin
1954), submitted to the School of Oriental and African Studies,
University of London, which included excavation at Piklihal in
the same district (F.R. Allchin 1960), subsequently followed up
by excavations at Utnur ( 1961) in Mahbubnagar district,
Andhra Pradesh. Evidence from these excavations, other
workers, and ethnographic comparisons were brought
together in an important synthesis, Neolithic Cattlekeepers
QfSouth India (Allchin 1963a).
The Stone Using Cultures ofPre ancl Protohistoric Mysore (Seshadri
1956), submitted to University College, London.
The Chalcolithic Cultures of the Deccan (North Karnataka),
submitted by M.S. Nagaraja Rao to the University of Poona.
Tekkalakota and Hal lur were excavated and reports of these
excavations were published by Nagaraja Rao (Nagaraja Rao and K.C.
Malhotra 1965; Nagaraja Rao 1971). Further excavations conducted
at Hallur in the 1970s have remained unpublished.
Pre- and Proto-historic Investigations in Shorapur Doab (Paddayya 1968),
submitted to the University of Poona. A revised portion of this thesis was
published as Investigations into the Neolithic Culture ofthe Shorapur Doab,
South India (Paddayya 1973), including the test excavation at Kodekal
ashmound.
• Pre and Protohistory ofSouthwestern Andhra Pradesh (Rami
Reddy 1968; published 1978), submitted to the University of Poona.
Palavoy ashmound excavations were also published (Rami Reddy 1976).
• Neolithic and Megalithic Cultures of Tamil Nadu (Narasimhaiah
1980, 1981), submitted as a thesis in 1977 to the University of Poona.
Section scrapings were made at Mullikadu, Togarapalli and Dailmalai.
• Archaeology ofBidarDistrict, submitted to Karnatak University
by R.M. Shadakshariah (1984).
• Neolithic Culture ofCentral Coastal Andhra Pradesh (South
India) (David Raju 1985), submitted to Nagarjuna University.
• Archaeology of Malnad Region (Poonacha 1990), submitted to
Karnatak University.
Brahmagiri and Beyond: The
excavations after independence. First among (Thapar 1957), a continuation of the
earlier excavations were conducted at Nagarjunakonda 1956 and 1960, with
preliminary reports (JAR), the cumulative report appeared in reports of excavations
at Kesarapalle near Pradesh (IAR 1961-2: 1-2); Paiyampalli (IAR
Arcot district, Tamil Nadu; Budhitittu in the 1968-9) and Singanapalle in the
Kurnool important contributions, although the detailed work by the ASI,
exploration and excavation Archaeology and Museums, the Kannada
College, Pune (Nagaraja Rao 1978). Sites
T. Narsipur during 1958-9, 1961-i and 1964-5
1963-4 (Hanumantha Rao and Nagaraju
Rao and Malhotra 1969); Hallur during 1964-5 1964-5 (Ansari and Nagaraja Rao
1969),
(Ramchandrayya and Subrahmanyam 1976);
Elchuru (Thimma Reddy et al. 1990);
(Sundara 1987), and Veerapuram (Sastri et
On the basis of this growing body of evidence, ent patterns of chronological and
geographical Archaeologists initially recognized a lower
Wheeler 1947-8; Allchin 1960, 1961, 1963a; Rao 1971). Subsequently, Allchin
and Allchin of which the second and third see a steady bronze tools'. These phases
could be maintained quent syntheses (Allchin and Allchin 1982; ally few
settlements have been placed in the distribution map of all the sites known to the
differences in the ceramic types present defined in Sankalia 1977: Fig. 34). His
five regions including variant I (incorporating the Bellary and variant 4 (the
Anatapur district). Both of upper Krishna river basin (Paddayya's variant
extensions of the Southern Neolithic (Paddayya's In this regard it is of interest to
understand differed from the adjacent and preceding regions organization. Variant
3 was particularly large of archaeological exploration throughout (Kurnool and
Cuddapah districts) was still

(Krishnamurthy 1971, 1990); Terdal 1984).

it became possible to formulate cohervariation within the Southern Neolithic. and
an upper phase to the Neolithic (e.g. Nagaraja Rao and Malhotra 1965; Nagaraja
(1968: 171) identified 'three distinct phases, increase in the still small number of
copper or and somewhat better dated in subseAgrawal 1982). Ashmound sites and
generfirst phase. Paddayya (1973) compiled a end of the 1960s and on the basis of
general five regional 'variants' (Fig. 7; reprinted included two in a core (older,
nuclear) zone, district and the Raichur and Shorapur Doabs) these zones included
ashmounds, as did the 2). It is notable that in later geographical variants 3 and 5)
there are no ashmounds. ways in which the culture in these areas in terms of
cultural ecology and social and its sites were sparse, reflecting the lack of southern
Karnataka. Also, variant 5 largely devoid of sites at that time, a situation

Referring :-Origins of Rice in India by  Sankaran Nair  |  Sep 24, 2018  |  Hindu
Art and Culture 
Historian Asko Parpola has assumed that the cultivation of rice spread from the
Ganges valley to Swat, Pirak (Kachi plain) and Gujarat during the first quarter
of the second millennium BC. He says that the rice undoubtedly came from the
Ganges valley, and this suggests a new level of mobility in North India.
Again, he says that the etymology of the Vedic word for rice does not tally with
the Proto-Austro-Asiatic words. Asko Parpola considers that the words for rice
in Tamil (arici) and Sanskrit (vrihi) have failed to demonstrate with any
certainty the influences of the Austro-Asiatic loan words on the oldest phase of
Indo-Aryan in the northwest. It seems that the word arici traveled westward.
Inside India also several languages adopted the word arici. The possible answer to
this predicament is that rice was not found as an alternative for the wheat-eating
people in the Sanskrit belt, who were satisfied with wheat and never felt the need
to cultivate rice in their fields. This attitude can be seen in the south even today,
where traditional rice eaters are never interested to switch over to wheat, on any
consequences. It is interesting to recall references made in Sukraniti about vrihi.
Sukraniti mentions that vrihi (oryza sativa) is used in rubbing the oyster pearls,
soaked in saline water during the previous night in order to test their
genuineness. Again it says that the culpability of an offender was determined by
divya sadhana or divine test. In this, the offender has to chew without anxiety or
fear one karsa amount of rice. In doing so, if the offender experiences
difficulties through palpitation of heart or want of salivation, the man would be
declared guilty. The rice-ordeal is to be applied in a case involving theft of Rs.
125. A law has forbidden the king from receiving milk of cows, etc. for his kith
and kin nor paddy and clothes from buyers for his own enjoyment.
Rgveda mentions about rice, but rice received more mention with the advent of
Yajurveda. Arthasashtra says that Sanskrit has used different words to refer a
variety of rice. Wheat, barley, and rice were commonly known as vrihi. The
knowledge about the stage in which rice came to be included in this word will
enable us to fix up the road map of origin of domesticated rice cultivation in India.
Inside India, the word arici for rice is widely distributed, with slight regional
variations. Instead of picking up the trend, why Sanskrit accepted vrihi as the
word to denote rice is really a baffling question. The time that is being taken for
deciphering the origin of that word has made it a historical conundrum.
The prevailing opinion of the scholars is that the word vrihi has got no relation
with any Dravidian words. We will have a fresh look at the question of vrihi not
having any similarity with the Dravidian language.
Rice varieties
Rice formed an important item of food next only to yava, which was considered as
the most important. Based on seasons, rice crops are distinguished by names like
the graishmic, varshic, hemanti, sharada for summer, rainy, autumn, and winter
crop respectively. The late maturing rice is ptasuka vrihi and the early maturing
one is asu vrihi.
Sali, Vrihi and Sastika are the main varieties of rice. Raktasali, considered being
the best of all the corns, is one among them. Others are Mahasali, Kalama,
Sugandha and Kasthasali. Vrihi is considered inferior to Sali and Sastika. Vrihi
was largely used in sacrifices and eating.
It is tandula for threshed out paddy grain, akshat for unbroken rice, nivar, namba
and vrihi for the transplanted rice. The unhusked and pounded rice mix known as
akshata is used in religious ceremonies and the homam using this mixture is known
as akshata homam.
Vrihi ripened in autumn, Sali in winter, Sastika in summer. Sastika is quicker in
growth, and can be harvested within sixty days of cultivation (Arthashastra).
Vishnu Dharmottara makes reference about the two varieties of Swastika,
Raktasastika, a medicinal variety, and pramodaka sastika.
Shashty is ‘sixty’ in English. The completion of sixty years of age is
shastypoorthy. Navara rice is of two kinds, whitish and blackish (kakalakam).
Shastikam is the navara variety, which takes sixty days for harvesting. It is a
graishmic variety. The field in which navara is cultivated is known as shastikyam.
Navara rice is also known as shastihayanam. Gundert claims that there are two
varieties of navara, one that ripens at the end of two months and the other at the
end of three months. Gundert says that the origin of the word navara may be from
navati.

According to Hindu literatures, sarad is Saraswati or Durga. One aspect of the

saptamatr is also known as shasti. Navara is known as paadalam. Durga
Bhagavathy is known as paadala/ paadalavathy.
One-sixth part of the income is shashta. The king was known as Shastamsavrithi.
One sixth of the rice harvested belonged to the Rajah, so the raja came to be known
as shastamsavrithi. Rice is poured on the head of the rajas of Kerala as a part of the
installation ceremony, known as ariyittu valccha.
Karingali is the name of a tree, but a variety of rice is also known by that name.
Salini is the name of a rice variety. Arundhati is also known by that name.
Salyannam is the cooked rice of this variety of rice.
Efforts made by Gundert and Asko Parpola are praiseworthy, but the deduction
made by Gundart (vridha?) stands as an incomplete effort. We shall not allow it to
remain as such forever. Vrihi is generally used for any grain including wheat,
barley and rice. It is a generic term applied to all varities of rice. This word might
have accommodated rice at a later stage. Similarity has been observed for the word
vrihi (Sanskrit) with the Dravidian words vari, and ari. Similarity can also be
observed for the wrijzey (Pushto), birinji (Persian), brinji , and the Malayan word
beras. The words for rice in Greek and Latin show more affinity to the Tamil word,
arici.
To cite an example, the advent of regular maritime communication, Indonesia
made it easy for the transport of staple cereals into Indonesia. Sorghum (Sorghum
vulgare) was the first cereal to be introduced, followed by foxtail millet into
Indonesia. But foxtail millet in West Indonesia is known as sorghum. In Malay,
jawa (jawa-wut, jawa-ras, zawah), equally means grain, including foxtail millet.
Barley is java in Pali and yava in Sanskrit.
So all the successive interpretation failed to explore whether there are any
influence from the far south in the shaping of the rice culture in India and abroad.
Asko Parpola has pointed out the Gangetic plane for the rice in the Indus valley. It
is also suggested elsewhere that India got the rice culture from the Greek. The
word arici came from the Malaysia and so on.
Tendency in south India is also the same. In our dictionaries, the word pathayam is
considered to be a Portuguese word. Really, the word pathayam was originated
from pathu (paddy field) and ayam (income). Both words, when combined, attain
the meaning ‘the granary’, in which we store the grain that we harvest. But
unfortunately we failed to identify our own word and attributed its origin to the
Portuguese. This loss of direction is seen in the case of the rice, also. We are not
even bold enough to assume that we were capable of doing things on our own.
Referring Sreenivasa Rao blogs:- The Question of Hindu, Hinduism et cetera
– Part One by sreenivasaraos
The Newspapers have been reporting that a Seven-judge  Bench of the
Supreme Court Of India headed by the Chief Justice T S Thakur  has
since 18 October 2016 taken up a review of a judgement handed down
by a Three-judge Bench  of the Supreme Court in 1995.
The 1995-Judgment that the Newspapers have been talking about
refers to the famous case of Manohar Joshi vs. Nitin Bhaurao Patil &
Anr (citations: 1996 AIR 796, 1996 SCC (1) 169) delivered on 11
December, 1995 by the then chief justice of India, J S Verma . 
The judgement handed down by a bench of three  judges  of the
Supreme Court led by the then chief justice of India, J S Verma was
examining the question regarding the scope of corrupt practices
mentioned in sub-section (3) of Section 123 of the
1951  Representation of People Act  and its interpretations. The Court
in its ruling found that that statement by Manohar Joshi that “First
Hindu State will be established in Maharashtra did not amount to
appeal on ground of religion”.
The court had held that seeking votes in the name of Hinduism is not
a “corrupt practice” under Section 123 of the Representation of the
People Act; and , it would not result in setting aside the election of
winning candidates.
This ruling delivered in 1995 which earned the nickname ‘Hindutva
judgement ‘ held that ‘Hindutva/Hinduism is a way of life of the
people in the sub-continent’ and "is a state of mind ‘.  And, the
Judgement concluded that 'Hinduism' was "indicative more of a way
of life of the Indian people and is not confined merely to describe
persons practicing the Hindu religion as a faith”.However, the issues
regarding the interpretations of the sub-section (3) of Section 123 had
been coming up before the Apex Court quite regularly. Three election
petitions are pending on the subject in the Apex court. The questions
raised were: whether a politician can legitimately seek votes in the
name of 'Hinduism'; whether will it amount to corrupt practices
under the Representation of People's Act; and, whether will it
subsequently attract disqualification. The issue for interpretation of
the sub-section (3) once again arose on January 30, 2014, before a
five-judge which referred it for examination before a larger bench of
seven judges. The apex court in February 2014 had decided to refer
the matter to a seven judge’s bench.
Now about two decades after that 1995-Judgment, a Seven Bench
Judges of the Supreme Court of India is now set to revisit this
contentious ruling.
On October 19, 2016 the Supreme Court asked the Counsels if non-
contesting spiritual leaders or clerics could be held accountable for
corrupt practices under electoral law for asking voters to vote for a
particular party or candidate; and how such appeals seeking votes
would fall foul of the RP Act.
In this context , while on the question of ‘Hindu ‘and ‘Hinduism’ I
would like to draw attention to another important judgement of the
Supreme Court , also of 1995, which somehow seems to have been
forgotten. I am referring to the case  ‘Bramchari Sidheswar Shai and
others Versus State of West Bengal’ in the matter of the Ramakrishna
Mission’s petition to be declared a non-Hindu, minority religion
under the Indian constitution. Please click here for the full text of the
judgement that was delivered on July 2, 1995 ; delivered by Justice N.
Venkatachala. The judgement, interalia, discussed the intent and
connotation of the term Hindu; and also identified Seven Defining
Characteristics of Hinduism. The petition filed by Ramakrishna
Mission was denied. The following are the observations of the
Supreme Court of India while dealing with the term Hindu:
 (27). Who are Hindus and what are the broad features of Hindu
religion, that must be the first part of our inquiry in dealing with the
present controversy between the parties. The historical and etymological
genesis of `the word `Hindu’ has given rise to a controversy amongst
indologists; but the view generally accepted by scholars appears to be
that the word “Hindu” is derived from the river Sindhu otherwise
known as Indus which flows from the Punjab. `That part of the great
Aryan race”, says Monier Williams, which immigrated from Central
Asia, through the mountain passes into India , settled first in the
districts near the river Sindhu (now called the Indus ). The Persian
pronounced this word Hindu and named their Aryan brother Hindus.
The Greeks, who probably gained their first ideas of  India Persians,
dropped the hard aspirate, and called the Hindus `Indoi’.
 (28). The Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VI, has described
`Hinduism’ as the title applied to that form of religion which prevails
among the vast majority of the present population of the Indian Empire
(p.686). As Dr. Radhakrishan has observed: `The Hindu civilization is
so called, since it original founders or earliest followers occupied the
territory drained by the Sindhu (the  Indus ) river system corresponding
to the  North-West Frontier Province and the  Punjab . This is recorded
in the Rig Veda, the oldest of the Vedas, the Hindu scriptures which give
their name to this period of the Indian history. The people on the Indian
side of the Sindhu were called Hindu by the Persian and the later
western invaders [The Hindu View of Life by Dr. Radhakrishnan, p.12].
That is the genesis of the word `Hindu’. On the question of Hinduism,
the Supreme Court of India discussed in detail the nature of
Hinduism, citing several references and authorities.
While laying down the characteristics of Hinduism, the Hon. Court
observed:
Features of Hindu religion recognized by this Court in Shastri
Yaganapurushdasji (supra) as coming within its broad sweep are
these:
(i) Acceptance of the Vedas with reverence as the highest authority in
religious and philosophic matters and acceptance with reverence of
Vedas by Hindu thinkers and philosophers as the sole foundation of
Hindu philosophy.
(ii) Spirit of tolerance and willingness to understand and appreciate the
opponent’s point of view based on the realization that truth was many-
sided.
(iii) Acceptance of great world rhythm, vast period of creation,
maintenance and dissolution follow each other in endless succession, by
all six systems of Hindu philosophy.
(iv) Acceptance by all systems of Hindu philosophy the belief in rebirth
and pre-existence.
(v) Recognition of the fact that the means or ways to salvation are many.
(vi)   Realization of the truth that Gods to be worshipped may be large,
yet there being Hindus who do not believe in the worshipping of idols.
(vii) Unlike other religions or religious creeds Hindu religion not being
tied-down to any definite set of philosophic concepts, as such.
While drawing up the criteria for identifying Hinduism, the Court
relied heavily on the views of Swami Vivekananda and Dr.
Radhakrishnan that stressed tolerance, universality and a search for a
fundamental unity as the virtues of Hinduism. It also relied on B.G.
Tilak’s view: “Acceptance of the Vedas with reverence; recognition of
the fact that the means to salvation are diverse; and realization of the
truth that the number of gods to be worshipped is large, that indeed is
the distinguishing feature of Hindu religion.”Even in the earlier case
(Yagnapurushdasji) the “acceptance of the Vedas” was a key element
in the court’s decision.
The criteria drawn up in the Brahmachari Siddheshwar Shai v. State
of West Bengal case is taken as a working rule evolved for a limited
purpose. It is not construed as the definition of Hinduism; because,
Hinduism is described on various occasions depending on the context.
Each time a ‘context- sensitive’ interpretation has been put forth.  It
was therefore said: All definitions of Hinduism are indeed  ‘context –
sensitive’; and there is no a solute and precise definition.
For instance:
: - In the Indian Constitution, Explanation II appended to Article 25
says that the “reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a
reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jain or Buddhist religion”
: - The Hindu Code Bill (which comprises four different Acts), too, takes
an undifferentiated view of Hinduism: it includes anyone who is  not  a
Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew under ‘Hindu’ as a legal category.
: - Any reform movements, including Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism,
were seen as merely different sects within Hinduism.
: - There are legal pronouncements that Hindus are Indian citizens
belonging to a religion born in India. This means Buddhists, Sikhs or
Parsis, even those who did not recognize themselves as Hindus, are to be
considered Hindus.
The Supreme Court of India dealt with the meaning of the word
‘Hindutva’ or ‘Hinduism’ when used in election propaganda. The
court came to the conclusion that the words ‘Hinduism’ or ‘Hindutva’
are not necessarily to be understood and construed narrowly, confined
only to the strict Hindu religious practices unrelated to the culture and
ethos of the People of India depicting the way of life of the Indian
people. Unless the context of a speech indicates a contrary meaning or
use, in the abstract, these terms are indicative more of a way of life of
the Indian people. Unless the context of a speech indicates a contrary
meaning or use, in the abstract, these terms are indicative more of a
way of life of the Indian people and are not confined merely to
describe persons practicing the Hindu religion as a faith. This clearly
means that, by itself, the word ‘Hinduism’ or ‘Hindutva’ indicates the
culture of the people of India as a whole, irrespective of whether they
are Hindus, Muslims, Christians, and Jews etc.”
Incidentally the Seventh in the list of criteria drawn up by the
Supreme Court in Brahmachari Siddheshwar Shai v. State of West
Bengal case leaves me a little perplexed. It reads ”Unlike other
religions or religious creeds Hindu religion not being tied-down to any
definite set of philosophic concepts, as such”. This in a way sums up the
position; but, at the same time, it appears to knock down the earlier six
criteria.
Perhaps it is because of this view ( of not being tied down to any
definite set of concepts)  that many say “The term ‘ism’ refers to an
ideology that is to be propagated and by any method imposed on
others for e.g. Marxism, socialism, communism, imperialism and
capitalism but the Hindus have no such ‘ism’. Hindus follow the
continuum process of evolution; for the Hindus do not have any
unidirectional ideology, therefore, in Hindu Dharma there is no place
for any ‘ism’”..That
leads us to the question: how did a
‘way–of-life’ that was not tied down to an ‘ism’ came to
be known as Hinduism, a religion? Tracing such process that
led to tagging or assigning a name to a ‘way of life’ is, no doubt, an
elusive exercise. It
is explained that the name Hinduism
was coined by the foreigners as an operative term;
points at a much larger entity; but, does not exactly
stand for it. I sometimes wonder whether even in the distant past it
ever had a specific name or did it needed one, perhaps because of the
absence of a rival. It is also plausible there was none.
For instance:
: -  The ancient Indian texts such as Vedas and Upanishads do not talk
in terms of a ‘Religion’.  
  : - The Buddha also does not name, refer to or attack the religion of the
day though he criticizes the Brahman attitude, the rituals; and
discourages its ungainly speculations. He sometimes referred to his
disciples by their sect as Brahmins or Kshatrias. He addresses some of
them by their Gotra like Vaccha (Vatsa), Kassapa (Kaashyapa), and
Mudgala (Maudgalya) etc. Some of the disciples address the Buddha by
his Gotra- Gautama.
Buddhism did not start as a religion. The Buddha intended to offer
true interpretations of the Dharma. (That perhaps was how his sect
was named.) It started as a free-thinkers-moment that attracted the
seekers and the lay intellectuals; in much the same way as the
Ramakrishna moment did at a much later time. During the Buddha’s
time it was not a religion yet; the rituals related to births, deaths and
weddings were presided over by the Brahmin priests. The Buddhist
rituals and practices (vinaya) were collated from the teachings and the
incidents in the Buddha’s life at a much later time, after his death.
What set apart the Buddhism and other school of thought was is
emphasis on compassion towards all and ethics in all walks and modes
of life.

:-Megasthenes (Ca. 350 BCE – 290 BCE )- the Greek

explorer who became an Seleucus I Nicator to the Court of
Chandragupta Maurya in Pataliputra -   in his   the
work  Indika ,  though mentions Brahmins and Sramanas does not
talk about the name of any religion.
 : - The Arthashastra of kautilya makes frequent references to classes
of people within its society; but does not refer to a Religion in
particular.
Perhaps it was this factor of the absence of a Religion phrase in
ancient India that largely guided the Supreme Court of India in listing
some criteria for Hinduism while handing down the ruling
in Brahmachari Siddheshwar Shai v. State of West Bengal.

Here, in these references by the Apex Court,  the term

Hindu had somehow travelled a full circle and came
back to the original view of territorial and not creedal
significance. It implied residence in a well-defined
geographical area.
 https://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?
itemid=5047

Referring :- Cultural Interaction between Ancient Abyssinia and India:

Archaeological Sources from 1st to 7th century CE Article · January 2016 author:
Manjil Hazarika, Universität Bern
Archaeological Sources
The following sections discuss the available archaeological sources for
understanding the ancient linkages between two regions on both sides of the Indian
Ocean, i.e. India and Abyssinia.
Numismatic Evidences
Coins are one of the sources for interpreting trade. It is well known that the only
ancient states minting gold coins were Rome, Persia, Aksum and the Kushana
kingdom in northern India (Munro-Hay 1991). These kingdoms had strong trade
links amongst them, as corroborated by the material remains recovered from the
archaeological sites dating back to between 1st to 7th centuries CE. Both Roman
(Anfray and Annequin 1965: 68-71) and Indian (Mordini 1960) gold reached
Aksum, as attested by archaeological evidence. The Indian material consisting of a
hoard of Kushana gold coins of kings Vima Kadphises II, Kaniska, Huviska, and
Vasudeva were found at the monastery of Dabre Damo dated to around 220 CE
(terminus post quem). The monastery of Dabre Damo on the hinterland route
between Aksum and the coast, confirms the contact from the Ethiopian side with
the Eritrean coast. In India, the largest find of Aksumite coins dated to the first
half of the 4th century CE in Mangalore and coins of early 5th century from
Madurai (Hahn 2000) indicate a strong trade relationship between India and
Abyssinia. Several Aksumite coin hoards found in South India are thought to
have served as bullion (Tomber 2008). There are also occasional allusions to
ships from Adulis sailing to or from the sub-continent. Such references occur in
the accounts of the arrival of the future bishop Frumentius in Ethiopia, the
journey of Bishop Moses of Adulis (Desanges 1969) and in the Christian
Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes. The most interesting find from Berenike
is a coin of late 3rd or early 4th century issued by pre-Christian Aksumite king
Aphilas associated with a silver specimen minted in CE 362 by the Western
Kshatrapa king Rudrasena III (Sidebotham 2007: 209; 2011: 140 | Journal of
Indian Ocean Archaeology Nos. 10-11, 2014-15 248). Aksumite coins are also
recorded at Karur in Tamil Nadu (Krishnamurthy 1999), the first one being an
anonymous Aksumite copper coin. There are references to the Aksumite gold
coins recovered from India, Arabia and other territories (Phillipson 2009: 33).
Munro-Hay (1991) made an interesting observation about the Aksumite crown
which was basically an Aksumite invention; however, with a number of combined
influences from the Roman radiate crown, from headdresses of Egyptian type worn
by the Meroitic kings, from the Indian Kushana dynasty crowns, and the tiaras and
mural crowns of more and less contemporary Sassanian rulers of Persia. Indian
influence on the coinage of Aksumite King Endubis has also been also suggested
by Munro-Hay (1991). The coin issued by King Endubis with raised relief in all
three metals, depict the king wearing the Aksumite helmet or head cloth on both
obverse and reverse. The head cloth has rays, pleats, or possibly a sunburst
indicated at the front, rather like the aigrette at the front of the turban of an Indian
prince of the contemporary period (Munro-Hay 1991).
Terracotta Figurines :-A number of mould-made terracotta figurines were found at
the site of Hawelti near Aksum in Ethiopia. De Contenson (1963) suggested that
they were of Indian type, but this has not been authoritatively confirmed. The first
author has noticed an Indian type terracotta female figurine recorded at Adulis
during an Italian expedition in 2014, presently kept at the Massawa Museum,
Eritrea. Some of the most crucial sources for understanding the items traded
during the early centuries of the Common Era through the Indian Ocean is the
Periplus Maris Erythraei (1st century CE) and the Christian Topography of
Cosmas (6th century CE). The Periplus 142 | Journal of Indian Ocean
Archaeology Nos. 10-11, 2014-15 records a number of items made of iron
among the imported goods from the Roman world. However, iron and steel as a
raw material also came from India particularly from Ariake/Ariaca. It is
interesting to note that the country of Ariaca has been equated with the modern
day Gujarat on the west coast of India (Gupta et al. 2002: 32). The items coming
from the Indian side are iron and steel, the broader Indian cloth called
monakhe, cloth called sagmatogenai, belts, garments called gaunakai, mallow
cloth, a little muslin, and coloured lac (Huntingford 1980, quoted by Munro-
Hay 1991). The Periplus further details a large number of items exported from
India through the ports of Red Sea such as Piper longum (long pepper), and
Piper nigrum (black pepper) and transparent gems. The non-local items from
India are ivory and Chinese silk (Rathbone 2000, quoted by Tomber 2012).
Archaeobotanical remains of black pepper (not long pepper) weighing 7.5 kg in
an Indian vessel have been recorded at Berenike (Cappers 2006, quoted by
Tomber 2012). Another important evidence is the discovery of common Indian
pottery such as storage jars, including the one containing the pepper, red-slipped
cooking pots and casseroles from Red Sea ports sites. Such pottery types found
at Quseir and Berenike made by scooping technique having distinctive internal
wiping marks due to use of bamboo tools have been equated with the ones
recorded at Pattanam in Kerala (Tomber 2012). A trade contact between Adulis
and China has also been postulated through Assam, the land of the Bisades, who
were the traders of pepper (Desanges 1969). The traders followed the route through
Assam, in which the Bisades were the medium for the trade with the city of the
Thinai, identified as the Chinese, presumably via Szechwan or the Yunkwei
plateau (Munro-Hay 1982). There were several items exported by the traders of
Aksumite kingdom through a hinterland route starting from Aksum connecting
Yeha, Adwa, Matera, Qohaito with the port city of Adulis. The Christian
Topography of Cosmas records that emeralds (beryls) came from the Blemmyes
(Beja) and were taken to India by Ethiopian merchants (Wolska-Conus 1973: 352-
3). Pliny’s account hints that monkeys and other live animals, animal products like
ivory and rhinoceros horn and hippopotamus hides from ancient Abyssinia were in
high demand. This region is also known for hide working during different phases
of Aksumite period. Such hide works attained high standard by the ancient artisans
as exemplified by the abundance of different forms of scrapers on chert, flint,
obsidian found in the Aksumite territory. Studies conducted in these kinds of
lithics from other Aksumite (of different phases) sites suggest their use in hide
working, leather clothing and manufacturing articles (Phillipson 2000). Besides,
there were other floral items like aromatics, spices, vegetable products, incense
resins, and cassia traded by the ancient Abyssinians (Wolska-Conus 1968: 358).
Imported artefacts like glass vessels and beads recorded in Aksum indicate
contacts Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology Nos. 10-11, 2014-15 | 143 with
Egypt, Gaul, India and Nubia in the Early Aksumite phase; Syria and Egypt in
the Classic Aksumite phase; and Byzantine Egypt and Sassanian Persia in the
Late Aksumite phase (Fattovich 2010: 166 and references therein). There are
sporadic references on the influence of some early Indian scripts on the dowelling
system of the Ge’ez, the classical language of ancient Abyssinia (Sergew 1972;
Pankhurst 1974: 220-2). It may not be out of context to mention here that the onyx
bezel of a ring engraved with an eagle on a globe, an opal bezel bearing an image
identified as Jupiter Ammon, and a carnelian inscribed with four letters in a
possible ancient Indian script were recorded at Adulis (Paribeni 1907: 521, 526,
529). There is ample scope for a detailed comparative study of the ancient scripts
in both the regions based on epigraphical, numismatic and inscriptional data.
Another important evidence is the introduction of cattle from India to Africa. The
prehistoric evidence for the domestication of cattle in Africa supports the Near
Eastern and European species of Bos primigenius. However, there was an
introduction of the Indian humped zebu, Bos indicus, nearly 2000 years ago. In
this context, ancient Aksumites have been considered responsible for such
introduction of Indian cattle as evidenced by the epigraphical sources of stelae
texts of King Ezana of early 4th century CE. The inscription cites that the king
offered to the defeated tribes a great number of cattle which were possibly the
new type of cattle and was imported and breeded for Aksum which also gets
corroborated with genetic datasets (Troy et al. 2001 and Wendowski and Ziegert
2003). Bos indicus is also depicted in rock arts found in the Qohaito valley of
Eritrea (Garnayak 2012) (Fig. 8).
Concluding Remarks Although sporadic in nature, the above evidences pinpoint
the connections between ancient Abyssinia and India. The trade between India and
Aksum has possibly contributed to the development of Aksumite Empire. There
are indications of Indian connections in symbolic representations of decorated
elephants with trainers (mahouts) similar to those of India, and iconography
showing gods with attributes resembling iconographic representations in India
(Haaland 2014a, 2014b). The importance of Indian elephants in ancient
Abyssinia can be easily understood from the inscriptions on the stela in Adulis
which records that “Ptolemy III was ‘master of’ not only the list of conquered
Asian territories but also the ‘Indian elephants’ they had unsuccessfully
employed against him” (Phillips 1997: 447). It is also evident that maritime
activities took place in the context of religious beliefs and that rituals related to
Hinduism, Buddhism and Christianity may have served Indian Ocean and Red
Sea trade. Furthermore, the Indian symbol like swastika and rock-hewn churches
like Hindu and 144 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology Nos. 10-11, 2014-15
Buddhist rock-hewn caves of India, having similar type of concept in art
(particularly the concept of narrative scenes in mural) and architecture found in the
Aksumite territory gives a direct or indirect clue of cultural relationship between
the two regions. In this context, another notable evidence comes from the Hoq cave
on the northern face of the island of Socotra, a small archipelago of four islands
about 250 Km east of the Horn of Africa, off the coasts of Yemen and Somalia in
the Western Indian Ocean. During the first centuries CE, the area was travelled
by merchants from Africa, India, the Middle East and Far East, supported by
the discovery of 200 graffiti, drawings and small offerings dated to the late-2nd
to 4th century CE. Of these, 192 are in the Brahmi script, one in Kharosthi, one
in Bactrian, three in Greek, one in Palmyrene Aramaic and more than twenty in
Aksumite. These graffiti have been interpreted as terms for identity of the
merchants coming from different regions as similar situation is observed in the
epigraphs of western India (Strauch 2012, quoted in Ray 2014). Location of
Aksum and its political hegemony over the Horn of Africa and the advantage of
the shorelines of the Indian Ocean provided the ancient Abyssinians with a
favorable situation for their participation in the overseas trade network. The
strategic port sites of Adulis linking other port sites like Berenike in the Red Sea
coast played a major role in the emergence of Aksum and its territory as an
important center of trade and commerce with items coming from within the
territory and nearby regions. Although there is scanty archaeological data for
establishing a direct trade relationship between India and Abyssinia, the available
data strongly supports an active participation of Aksum in the Indian Ocean trade,
particularly Indo- Roman trade. Future research on the detailed investigations of
the material culture of identical nature in both the territories linking Indian Ocean,
and cultural influence in different spheres of material culture can be significant for
a better picture of the ancient cultural connections and interactions in the early
centuries of the Common Era.
From all the above references, we could clearly understand the Sanskrit , the
Deva Basha is not spoken by the people. Even, it was not spoken by the Superior
Brahmans . Hence , This language could not deal with the ancient Indian
Religion. The Sanskrit speaking people is not related to the ancient Indian
religion. From their Sanskrit texts, which speaks Sanadhana Dharma in 4th
Century A D onwards, The Brahmin ,Brahman, should not do agriculture,
They should not cross over sea. Hence , They were not sea farers or sea
traders. They did not know ship building, they did not know the materials
used in Ship building. Hence, they were not early dwellers or inhabitants of
Ancient India . Their religion was not the ancient Indian religion. The
Scholars assumed and followed the created strategy , Sanskrit, horse,
chariot.With these three phenomena and the lately written Sanskrit compiled
books Rig,Yazur,Sama, Atharvana they began to establish a theory convincingly,
The Sanskrit speaking people were the literate ones, and they were the savior of
Ancient religions which were in Ancient North India and in South India.
Horses were found in Central Asia and in India from 2000 BC as per
Archaeological findings. The Bhimbetka cave art, Kilvaalai, Vettaikaran Malai
cave art (1000 BC), Maravanur (Nilgiris (2000BC), the horse, the man riding on
Horse proves the horse breeding was very earlier before the said vedas period.
Bhimbetka cave art – horse, horse warriors, The long neck, head downward horse.
 Harappa horse

Indian Marwari breed Horse.

Cave Art VETTAIKARAN PUDUR , Horse, horse man, WARRIORS.(1000 BC).

CAVE ART- KUMITTYPATTI-NILGIRIS—Cave art Anamalai Patty

Cave art kummity patty cave art maravanur.

Origin of the Light Sivalensis type Horse from India October 18, 2012 

Linguistic, archaeological and DNA Evidence favoring origin of some breeds

of the Domestic Horse “Equus caballus” from India
“Equus sivalensis is the oldest true horse known, it has more highly specialized
teeth than the Oreston and Newstead ponies. After Lydekker. Palaeontologia
Indica, Ser. x. vol. ii.” (Ewart 1911: 366)
Abstract:
Cognate words of the Sanskrit asva (PIE *akwa) are found in nine out of
the ten branches the Indo-European family of languages, indicating that the
original Indo-European homeland had horse. Although horse bones have been
found from the archaeological remains of the Indus Valley Civilization, the
oldest domesticated “true horse” bones too have been recovered from India
from 8000 BP layer, and wild from 20,000 years back.

The DNA studies of horse shows that the Aryan-horse

association is a myth, and that the horse was domesticated at
many places. Archaeology shows that the Central Asians were
late to use horse, say about 50 AD, and the Central Asian
Bactria-Margiana-Archaeological Complex had no horse at
all. Thus there was an archaeological disconnect between the
Ukrainian and the South Asian horse domestications,
meaning that horse was domesticated independently at the two
places. This is consistent with the DNA findings.
The Indian sivalensis horse has survived as many modern breeds of horse, and
the Arabic, the Thoroughbred of Europe and the Blood races have evolved from
the sivalensis. There is a geographical population structuring of Indian horses,
indicating that the Indian horses are indigenous and have not been imported.
The Light Race Horse of Indian Origin
Azzaroli (1985:94) noted that the Indian domestic caballus horse recovered from
1200 BCE horse burials at Katelai (Swat, India) belonged to the “eastern”
breed which was different “from the Bronze and Iron Age horses of Eastern and
Central Europe and recalls some horses from Etruscan tombs: presumably it
belongs to some oriental strain.” The “eastern breed” certainly refers to the
sivalensis horse (discussed elsewhere in this article). The Etruscan horses from
Populonia and Castro from the first millennium BCE resemble the Swat horse
and do not resemble the Bronze or Iron Age horse from north Italy and the rest
of Europe as well as the Pleistocene horse of the same area (Azzaroli 1985:146).

 Fig. 1 Etruscan teracotta Horse. Note the

long neck and downward bent head, the
features of Sivalensis type.

The sixth century BCE horse burials at Padova (Padua, north

Italy) resemble the Swat burial in style (Azzaroli:137). This
horse breed must have been brought by the Etruscans arriving
to Italy from West Asia where it had in all probability arrived
with some Indo-Aryan arrival to West Asia like the Mittani.
This finding implied that the Indian horse had migrated to
southern Europe from India. That this horse and chariot had not
arrived to India from West Asia is made explicit by Azzaroli, who found that
the Indian chariots were different from the West Asian ones (ibid). The Swat
petroglyph chariots are same in style as that of Central Asia and the steppe.
Thus it becomes clear that the light horses originated from India and the
European horses were heavy, the fact made clear by Azzaroli in his book. This
fact accords well with the Burgman’s Rule, which states that the animal’s of
colder regions have heavier body size. The only horse depiction detected from
BMAC is a seal (below; source David Anthony’s Blog, also cited in Anthony
2009) with a horse-rider. The horse in it is clearly of the Etruscan type, which is
no different from the Marwari type (see below).
 Fig. 2 A BMAC (Bactria Margiana
Archaeological Complex; 2100-1750 BCE)
horse, the lone horse depiction from the
BMAC

 Fig. 3. A Marwari Indian Horse

On the other hand the Kazakh breed of horse
is heavy, with shorter legs.

Fig. 4. A modern Kazakh native breed of Horse

It contrasts with the Harappa horse figurines which were light:
  Fig. 5. Mohenjo-Daro horse: See
whether it resembles the ancient Etruscan and modern Marwari horses, or
resembles the steppe and Kazakh horses
The steppe horse was like zebra.

 Fig. 6. Teracotta figurine from Mohenjo-Dar,

identified by Mackay as horse. Mackay, Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro
(from Shendge’s book).
 Fig. 7. Stone Age
Horse from Europe, resembling the steppe horse. It was not tall, but more like
zebra. Ewart, 1909, p. 363.

Fig. 8. A typical
steppe horse: Przewalski mare. Ewart 1909, p. 363.
Kazakh ancient horses as depicted on the petroglyphs were stout and with shorter
legs:

 Fig. 9.
Kazakh steppe ancient horse as depicted in the rock art
 Horse STEEPPY EUROPE.
The Horses of the Steppe: The Mongolian Horse and the Blood-Sweating
Stallions
The Arrival of the Heavenly Mare
天馬徠兮 從西極
經萬里兮 歸有徳
承靈威兮 降外國
渉流沙兮 四夷服[a]
The heavenly horses have arrive from the Western frontier
Having traveled 10,000 li, they arrive with great virtue
With loyal spirit, they defeat foreign nations
And crossing the deserts all barbarians succumb in their wake!
--The Shiji, Chapter 24 (“The Treatise on Music”)
Horse Breeding and the Role of the Horse in Cultural Exchanges
When did humankind first begin to ride on horseback? Although the actual
origin remains clouded in mystery, the domestication of the horse is thought
to have first occurred on the Eurasian Steppe. This was then followed by the
domestication of the sheep and cow.
Among early evidence from ruins and relics, we find a harness excavated from
Dereivka in the Ukraine, dating from around 4000 B.C., as well as bit-wear
marks found on horse teeth excavated from the Botai ruins in northern
Kazachstan, dating from around 3,500 – 3,000 B.C. In addition, with the
discovery of the wagon in Mesopotamia around 3,500 B.C., horses took over the
role of oxen to be used for pulling work. In no time, use of the wagon spread,
with many horse bones, discovered from the Anau Mounds in Turkmenistan,
excavated by R. Pumpelly. In addition, horses were discovered buried alongside
chariots in the Yin site (殷墟) chariot-and-horse burial pit (車馬坑)
discovered at Xiaomintun village (孝民屯) in An’yang, Henan Province,
China), which date to around 1500 B.C.

All species of horses that exist today are thought to be either domesticated breeds,
or domesticated breeds that have reverted back to being wild. N. M. Przhevalskii, a
Russian explorer at the end of 19th century, reported the discovery of true wild
horses in Kyrgyz. This species, the so called “Mongolian wild horse”. is thought to
be the ancestor of all domesticated horses, and the species is known for various
significant characteristics that set it apart from domesticated breeds. These
characteristics include the number of chromosomes (2n=66, whereas the
number for an ordinary horse is 2n=64); a dorsal stripe and zebra stripes on the
back; and a short mane that stands erect. Known today as “Przewalski’s
Horse”（Equus przewalskii） the breed was named after the Russian explorer who
discovered them. The word of the elegant horses of the desert had begun to
spread out of the Bedouins' tribes. Starting about 3500 years ago, the Egyptian
empire expanded its borders, and the civilizations of the Indus Valley mixed with
the cultures of Mesopotamia. The empires of the Hurrians, Hittites, Kassites,
Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, and others rose and fell, and the Arabian
"pony express" provided a means to connect the vast empires (Origins of the
Arabian Horse). With the rise of the Prophet Mohammed and the Islamic faith,
around 600 A.D., the desert warriors and their Arabian horses spread their faith
to the Middle East, North Africa, Spain, and China (Arabian Horses Spread to
Europe). The Prophet Mohammed's teaching of "every man shall love his
horse," was so powerful, that the Bedouin warriors and their brave steeds,
proved to be invincible (Byford, et al. Origination of the Arabian Breed). In 868
A.D., a Mameluke, Ahmad Ibn Tulun, "finally subjected Egypt to his will,
building palatial gardens to provide a setting for the hippodrome that housed his
finest Arabian horses (Byford, et al. Origination of the Arabian Breed)." Many
Mameluke warriors and sultans presided over Egypt, and with their
acknowledgment of fine bloodstock, they continued the breeding of some of the
finest Arabian horses (Byford, et al. Origination of the Arabian Breed). It was
not until Napoleon in 1798 that the Mamelukes were overthrown, and the horses
captivated Napoleon; "the beautiful Arabian horses, richly harnessedsnorting,
neighing, prancing gracefully and lightly under their martial riders, who are
covered with dazzling arms inlaid with gold and precious stones. Their costumes
are brilliantly colorful; their turbans are surmounted with egret feathers and
some wear gilded helmets...( Byford, et al. Origination of the Arabian Breed)."
When the French left, Egypt was under the rule of the Albanian, Mohammed Ali
the Great. He founded one of the greatest Arabian stud farms of all time (Byford,
et al. Origination of the Arabian Breed). Word of the quick, yet elegant, horse had
begun to spread across Europe, Asia, and into North America.
Courtesy of America’s Horse Daily:- The Przewalski (pronounced per-zih-vahl-
skee) horse, the only true wild horse in existence, is found in Asia. Most of these
horses, along with many ancient breeds, have primitive markings associated with
the dun gene.
The color called “classic dun” is a golden tan color with black points, a black
dorsal stripe and leg barring (stripes that run horizontally across the horse’s knees
and or hocks).
The color recognized as dun is often confused with buckskin because the colors’
phenotypes appear very similar; many people differentiate the two by describing a
dun as “a buckskin with a dorsal stripe.”
However, they are genetically different. As explained in Cream of the Crop,
buckskins are bay horses with a single dose of the cream dilution.
The dun gene is a dominant modifier and can appear on both black- and red-
based horses. It affects the shade of the horse’s coat and adds the dun
characteristics: a dorsal stripe, zebra stripes on the legs, striping over the
withers, dark tips on the ears and darker coloration on the lower legs. These
traits are a package deal – a dorsal stripe does not make a dun.
A sorrel horse that receives the dun modifier is called a red dun. This horse will
appear in shades from pale red to light tan, but never has black points. Its mane
and tail can range from cream to dark red. It will show some or all of the dun
characteristics.A bay horse with the dun modifier becomes the classic dun. Its
body color ranges from very pale yellow to very dark.A black horse with the dun
modifier is known as a grullo (grew-yo). This color is a silvery, smoky or mousy
color. Each of the hairs is the silvery color; it is not a mix of individually colored
light and dark hairs. These horses will also have the dun characteristics

Director SK Manjul from ASI showing the chariot from the excavation site at
Sanauli in Uttar Pradesh.
Baghpat: For the first time in the Indian sub-continent, burial pits have been found
with chariots that date back to the Pre-Iron Age(Bronze). This new finding is set to
create space for further investigation on dating of the Mahabharata period and
further inquiry into the origins of the horse in the Harappa age, as per the experts
involved in the three-month trial dig Uttar Pradesh's Sanauli. 
Manjul said, “We have the place in the ancient global history. To name a few of
our contemporary cultures, chariot appears in Mesopotamia, Georgia, Greek
civilisations, and with this finding we can say that among our contemporary
cultures in the Pre-Iron Age we too had chariots.” If there was a chariot in the
Bronze Age, would it not need a beast to run it? Was it a bull or a horse?
Manjul said, “This is debatable, it could be a bull or a horse but having said
that the preliminary understanding points at the horse. The chariot is a
lookalike of the ones found in its contemporary cultures like Mesopotamia, it
is a solid wheel with no spokes.”
The chariot is with solid wheel and pole; in one of the pits
the excavators have also found crown or helmet worn by the
rider of the chariot. 
Manjul added that in the past there has been evidence of horse in the
Chalcolithic period. This discovery is an added thrust to inquire further into
ancient Indian history.  If we go by the world history, there is evidence of
wheeled vehicles only from the mid-4th millennium BCE in Mesopotamia, the
Northern Caucasus (Maykop culture Bronze Age) and Central Europe. The
question concerning which culture originally invented the wheeled vehicle
remains unresolved.  In 2005, excavations around 116 graves belonging to
Indus Valley Civilisation were found. These graves, dated 2200–1800 BC were a
fairly recent addition to the list of Indus Valley Civilisation sites in India. The
archaeological experts wanted to take the research and investigation in that region
further and conducted excavations just 120 meters away from the earlier site, as a
trail dig, and found chariot in the excavation. They dug eight burials and each tells
a different story of the life and style prevalent in Pre Iron Age period. These
decomposed wooden coffins were decorated with copper but with time have turned
green due to patina.

“The challenges were many – we had to dig in a way that the structure standing tall
does not get damaged in further deeper digging. This is the first time we used the
X-Ray, CT scan to find the nails embedded in the wooden coffins,” added Manjul. 
There are eight burial pits – which have skeletons, beads, pottery, chariot, sword,
torch. These are wooden decomposed coffins with copper decorations that made
the spotting of the coffin easier. There are eight anthromorphic figures having
horned and peepal leafed crown decorated on cover of coffin. The designs are
aesthetic and say a lot about the society in Pre-Iron Age.  “This throws light on
the lifestyle and cultures of the people who lived in the Pre Iron Age – there are
mirrors with copper, the elaborate burials, all this shows the society was
technologically advanced, aesthetic and had the sense of art and craft. They
were warrior clans, and had a sophisticated lifestyle,” added Manjul. The
evidence found here is important to conduct further investigation in finding
“horse skeletons”.

In one of the burials, one can find the dog being buried; in Hindu mythology,
dog is the vehicle of Yama. There are symbolic burials with just objects buried
without a body, maybe in reverence of the deceased not found and twin burials
showing two skeletons in one grave.  Some archaeologists like B B Lal have
argued for the 8th century BC, on the basis of the silt deposited at Hastinapur,
which was flooded following the Great War. “But this hardly inspires
confidence. In fact the text is so full of interpolations that it cannot belong to
one point of time,” said Jha. According to V S Sukthankar, whose work on the
chronology of the text is authoritative, Mahabharata’s composition spreads
over several centuries. “The general consensus is that the text was composed
over a period of about a millennium - roughly between 400BC to 400AD.
However, there are some scholars who argue for a shorter period. In any case
the Mahabharata in its present form cannot be the work of single author and
that is one of the reasons which make its dating difficult,” Jha added.
Chariots and ancient DNA are fine, but history of India has to be about rationality
MANDIRA BHATTACHARYA|

(Arya Sharma / Catch News) The author retired as Professor of History from
North Bengal University, specialising in Ancient Indian History and Archaeology.
First published: 6 July 2018, 17:36 IST
It is almost a hundred years since the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilisation
by RD Banerji and others like MS Vats, D Ram Sahni and John Marshall, the
then Director of Archaeology. But since then with continuing discoveries of
newer sites, the inferences about the nature of the civilisation has changed over
time.
People continue to speculate about its origin, its spread, its uniqueness. Who were
these people that built such complex urban centres? Did they speak a language that
is similar to any group of the present day languages? Does the script have a
following among the present day scripts? These continue to be much debated
questions. The early assumption of the Indus sites being discontinuous with some
being pre-Harappan and other being part of it, was changed to an understanding of
a continuous civilisation which may be divided into Early, Mature and Late
Harappan periods. This was arrived because of the linkages found in the different
sites in different periods and thus the 'Swayambhu' (the one who is created by
oneself) character of the civilisation as was stated by early historians was settled.
The Indus urban centers, after a full mature phase, show multiple symptoms of
decay. The municipal system was falling apart. The drains were covering the roads.
The planning had deteriorated into an a systematic affair. Trade too declined. The
evidence from Sumer was no longer available. 
It was a time of decay of the urban centers. The Indus people probably dispersed
beyond. This dispersal took two lines of advance, one passing to the north of the
Rajasthan desert and the other to the south. In the south, there were suggestions of
several distinct waves of new settlements (The Birth of Indian Civilization, BC
Bridget and Raymond Allchin, 1968). 
The imaginative idea that the Vedic people lived or created the Indus valley
civilisation is difficult to establish, given that all historical evidence indicates
that the Vedic people were mostly pastoralists. They did not know
agriculture; even most of the terms in the Vedas used for cultivation are non-
Sanskritic in origin, and are words of Dravidian and Munda origin. 
The landscape of the Rig Vedic world was very different from the urban
centers of the Indus Valley. Though both the early Vedic and the Indus Valley
Civilizations were Bronze-centric, they cannot be said to be linked to each
other based on this mere fact.
SCRIPT
The most recurrent question that is raised is on the issue of language and script.
Did the language and the script of Indus Valley have any link with the Vedic
people or the language spoken by them? Scholars of linguistics, of ancient
languages, archaeo-linguistics, and of course archaeologists continued hair-
splitting discussions on its antiquity and legacy. 
Some over-enthusiastic nationalists such as Tilak (The Arctic Home in the Vedas,
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, 1903, Pune) tried to identify it as belonging to the Vedic
Aryans and asserted that the Aryans had migrated to India.
But the discovery of the Harappan sites by Marshall led him to the most
plausible origin and linking it with the Dravidian speaking Brahuis living in
and around West Pakistan. A Dravidian origin of the script has been the most
agreed upon formula by scholars like Asko Parpola, Iravatham Mahadevan
and many others. But to arrive at a conclusive inference, we still await the
discovery of a Rosetta stone with the Indus script.
The Vedas came from the Shruti (what is heard) and Smriti (memory) tradition, an
oral tradition strictly preserved within a group of people -- the Brahmanas. The
early Vedic people did not practice writing, which is a necessary condition for a
civilisation to be called urban.

Writing, as such, appeared much later in India with the

Buddhist king Ashoka in the 3rd century BCE. The Vedas
were put in writing even much later in the 15th century.
ORIGIN OF THE ARYANS
Where did the Aryans live or from where did they come is a question, that has
been much debated. The moment where a similarity was established between the
European and the Vedic languages, history took many interesting turns. Gordon
Childe in 1926 published his book, The Aryans: A Study of Indo-European
Origins, which was used by the Nazis to argue about purity of race and justifying
the holocaust on the basis of it and making it difficult for Childe to even mention
it. This did not dissuade the scholarly world. The hypotheses that all the Indo-
European languages were spoken in a restricted area, somewhere in the
Eurasian Steppes or somewhere in Caucasus has not yet been resolved with any
amount of certainty. Not much archaeological evidence in favor of the Rig Vedic
people is available. The excavation at Hastinapur in 1950-52 by BB Lal had
established the stratigraphy with Ochre Colored Pottery (OCP) at the bottom
followed by the Painted Grey Ware (PGW) and finally the Northern Black
Polished Ware. This established the fact that each layer indicated a settlement of a
different group of Indo-Aryan people coming to this region at different points of
time with different levels of technological expertise. The last has been connected
with the advent of iron in the sub-continent. The date of the use of iron has been
fixed to the 1000 BCE.
The migration of the Indo-Europeans to the Indian sub-continent was not a single
event. They came in batches over a period of time. Archaeological evidence of the
OCP and the copper horde associated cultures -- the PGW people in the fertile
plains of the Doab, Gandhara grave cultures from modern day Swat, Pakistan and
Afghanistan in the north, along with the Cemetery H culture from Harappa, were
probably the settlements of the early Indo-European immigrants.
Since 1822, hordes of copper implements have been discovered from the
Ganga-Yamuna valley. Most of these were chance discoveries. In the early
1950s, several sites in the Ganga-Yamuna valley yielded copper objects of
similar nature. They were discovered along with pottery, now called OCP
(Allchins, The Birth of Indian Civilization, 1968, page 200). Many of these hordes
contained the Anthropomorphic figure and the Antennae Sword. But the latest
discovery of the three 'chariots' along with a copper horde by the ASI at Sinauli
village of Baghpat district in Uttar Pradesh has not been reported earlier. The
date according to the excavators (2000-1800 BCE) coincides with the dispersal
theory. This find at Rakhigarhi seems to have ignited the sort of 'Diseased
nationalism' as famously pointed out by Grahame Clark while condemning the use
of archaeology in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy (Archaeology and Society,
1939) among a certain section of the political class today. Rewriting history is
central to a nationalist project. Eric Hobsbawm rightly pointed out that
“History is to Nationalism, what poppy is to an opium addict!” The conclusion
drawn by some and promoted by others that this find establishes that
‘Aryans’ were inhabitants of the urban Indus civilisation, is seriously far-
fetched.
The author retired as Professor of History from North Bengal University,
specialising in Ancient Indian History and Archaeology.
First published: 6 July 2018, 17:36 IST
Deepender Deswal:- Tribune News Service Hisar, June 15
Prof Vasant Shinde, Vice Chancellor of Deccan College, Pune, said on Friday
that the DNA analysis of 5,000-year-old skeletal remains belonging to the Indus
Valley Civilisation revealed that there had been no migration from this region
for the last 10,000 years. “The Aryan invasion theories, stating that people
from other countries arrived in India while locals migrated, are no longer
relevant. There is no substance in these theories. Maybe the term Aryan,
which is being used from the Vedic era, was used for a tribe or community,”
he said. He asserted that they were saying this on the basis of actual data.
“We cannot depend only one source and must have complete information on the
period to arrive at a conclusion. Our data has been analysed in two laboratories,
Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad, and Birbal Sahni
Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow. We are now getting the data cross-
examined at Harvard University before publishing the paper in a research
journal,” he said.
Professor Shinde stated that facial reconstruction and physical appearance of the
skeletons had striking similarity with current inhabitants of Haryana and Punjab.
He said facial reconstruction and pathological studies were being carried out in the
Seoul National University College of Medicine in South Korea. “The sharp facial
features and build-up of Harappan skeletons and current inhabitants are identical.
We can say that those who lived about 5,000 years ago in Haryana are the
ancestors of the current population,” he maintained. “We will soon make the
findings public for the scrutiny of scientists. We have collected DNA samples of
current inhabitants for matching these with Indus Valley Civilisation samples. We
are looking into genetic similarities of Harappan and present-day population,” he
stated. He said they had extract DNA from three human skeletons while many
other samples had got contaminated. “Climatic conditions in this region are not
favorable for preservation of skeletons for long. Whatever we managed to extract
provides very crucial information,” he said. He reiterated that Rakhigarhi, spread
over 550 hectares and divided into nine zones, had emerged as the metropolis of
Harappan times, which was the hub of administration and trade. “People have trade
relations with central Asia and there is a lot of evidence in Rakhigarhi to prove it,”
he added.
7 JUNE, 2018 - 01:59 ANCIENT-ORIGINS
Inaccuracies Found in Radiocarbon Dating Calibrations Could Change
Historical Timelines
Radiocarbon dating is a key tool archaeologists use to determine the age of plants
and objects made with organic material. But new research shows that commonly
accepted radiocarbon dating standards can miss the mark -- calling into question
historical timelines.
Archaeologist Sturt Manning and colleagues have revealed variations in the
radiocarbon cycle at certain periods of time, affecting frequently cited
standards used in archaeological and historical research relevant to the
southern Levant region, which includes Israel, southern Jordan and Egypt.
These variations, or offsets, of up to 20 years in the calibration of precise
radiocarbon dating could be related to climatic conditions.
Comparison of Radiocarbon Dates to Calendar Dates. Radiocarbon dates
underestimate the actual age of the objects being dated, because the ratio of
carbon-14 to carbon-12 has not been constant over time. (Source: Howard
Morland/ CC BY-SA 3.0 )
Manning, professor of archaeology at Cornell University and director of the
Cornell Tree-Ring Laboratory, is the lead author of "Fluctuating Radiocarbon
Offsets Observed in the Southern Levant and Implications for Archaeological
Chronology Debates," published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences .Manning noted that "scholars working on the early Iron Age and Biblical
chronology in Jordan and Israel are doing sophisticated projects with radiocarbon
age analysis, which argue for very precise findings. This then becomes the timeline
of history. But our work indicates that it's arguable their fundamental basis is faulty
-- they are using a calibration curve that is not accurate for this region."
"There has been much debate for several decades among scholars arguing for
different chronologies sometimes only decades to a century apart -- each with
major historical implications. And yet these studies ... may all be inaccurate since
they are using the wrong radiocarbon information," Manning said.
"Our work," he added, "should prompt a round of revisions and rethinking for the
timeline of the archaeology and early history of the southern Levant through the
early Biblical period."
Source: Cornell University. "Inaccuracies in radiocarbon dating." ScienceDaily.
5 June, 2018. www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2018/06/180605112057.htm
2 JUNE, 2018 - 15:43  DHWTY
Wootz Steel: The Mysterious Metal that Was Used in Deadly Damascus Blades
Wootz steel was amongst the finest in the world. It is the metal that was used to
fashion weapons such as the famous Damascus blades of the Middle Ages.
However, Wootz steel dates back much further than the Medieval period. The
technology originated in ancient India millennia before many other cultures
ever found out about it.                                           
This is a type of crucible steel, i.e. a type of steel produced by melting the raw
materials in a crucible. Due to its high quality, Wootz steel was traded all over
the ancient and Medieval world, including Europe, the Middle East, and China.
The qualities of Wootz steel were well-suited to making weapons.
The Origins of Wootz Steel
It has been claimed that ‘Wootz’ is in fact a corruption of ‘ukku’, the word for
steel in many South Indian languages. This word only entered the English
language towards the end of the 18th century, when Europeans first began
learning about the way this steel was produced. It is known that by then the
Indians were already producing Wootz steel for over two millennia.
Whilst it is unclear as to when exactly Wootz steel was first produced in India, the
earliest known literary reference to steel produced by the ancient Indians can be
found in the records of Alexander the Great’s campaign there. This campaign took
place towards the end of the 4th century BC, and the Greek ruler is reported to
have been presented with 100 talents of Indian steel. There is also archaeological
evidence for the production of steel in ancient India. This is evident, for instance,
in the site of Kodumanal, in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu.
Archaeologists discovered an iron and steel industrial center dated to the Chera
Dynasty (established round the 3rd century BC) at that site.
A sword maker of Damascus, Syria. Circa 1900. ( Public Domain  )
A Guarded Secret
The technique for producing Wootz steel was a closely guarded secret amongst the
metallurgists of India for a very long time. Thus, the Indians had monopoly over
the production and export of this highly-desired metal. The steel produced in India
was exported in the form of ingots and reached such places as the Roman world in
the west and China in the East.
‘Forging of Damascus Steel in Solingen.’ (NearEMPTiness/ CC BY SA 3.0  )
It is believed that during the Medieval period, Wootz steel was exported to the
Middle East, where it was fashioned into the famed Damascus blades. Thanks to
the Crusaders, who encountered Muslim warriors wielding this high-quality
blade, the fame of the Damascus blade spread to Europe as well.
At that point of time, nothing produced in Europe could match the quality of
India’s Wootz steel, and India continued to be the leading nation for steel
production in the following centuries. During the late 17th century, for example,
Wootz steel was being produced at almost an industrial scale, as tens of
thousands of steel ingots were being shipped from the Coromandel Coast to
Persia.
A modern Damascus sword by Nylund Knives, Finland. (Sami Länsipaltta/ CC BY
NC SA 2.0  )
It was only around the beginning of the 19th century that Europeans finally gained
some idea as to how Wootz steel was being produced. European travelers to India,
such as Francis Buchanan, Benjamin Heyne, and Henry Wesley Volsey, recorded
in their accounts that the Indians were producing Wootz steel using a crucible
process.
The Crucible Process
The crucible process is one of the three main types of iron manufacture used
during the pre-modern period, the other two being the bloomery and the blast
furnace. The crucible process involves the placement of an iron source, such as
bloomery iron or wrought iron, and carbon-rich materials, such as wood chips, into
a clay crucible.
o Historic Indian sword was masterfully crafted
o 6 Advanced Ancient Inventions Beyond Modern Understanding
 o From Chrome Plating to Nanotubes: The Modern Chemistry First Used
in Ancient Times

Damascus steel sword blade. (albertstraub/ CC BY 2.0  )

This vessel is then closed and heated over a period of several days at a temperature
of between 1300 °C and 1400 °C. As a result of this, the carbon is absorbed by the
iron, lowering its melting point, and causing it to liquefy. This addition of carbon
to iron (which is between 1% and 2%) also imparts certain qualities, such as high
ductility, high impact strength, and reduced brittleness, to the new product.
Needless to say, these are desirable qualities for the making of blades. After a slow
cooling process, the Wootz cakes were ready to be exported, and to be fashioned
into blades.
It was only during the 20th century, after decades of experimentation, that the
science behind the production of Wootz steel was understood. Indeed, it may be
said that the metallurgists of ancient India were, technologically speaking, way
ahead of their time.
Top Image: With a blade of Damascus steel (similar to Wootz steel), the blade
makes this object a treasured piece. Source: jasleen_kaur/ CC BY SA 2.0
By Ḏḥwty