Caribbean Quarterly

A Journal of Caribbean Culture

ISSN: 0008-6495 (Print) 2470-6302 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcbq20

The Portrait of a Jamaican Healer: African Medical

Lore in the Caribbean

Leonard Barrett

To cite this article: Leonard Barrett (1973) The Portrait of a Jamaican Healer: African Medical Lore
in the Caribbean, Caribbean Quarterly, 19:3, 6-19, DOI: 10.1080/00086495.1973.11829159

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00086495.1973.11829159

Published online: 02 Feb 2017.

Submit your article to this journal

View related articles

Citing articles: 5 View citing articles

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcbq20
 6

THE PORTRAIT OF A JAMAICAN HEALER:

African Medical Lore in the Caribbean

INTRODUCTION
Few upper-class Jamaicans will admit that the island still has its roots in
ancestral Africa. This stems mainly from what Katrin Norris calls "lack of
identity." The average citizen, with respect to his cultural roots, is as
emotionally unstable as the waves of the Caribbean that wash the shore of this
little island. This situation is not wholly his own making; it stems more from
the problems of acculturation. Since the slave emancipation, every effort has
been expended by missionaries and other Europeans to rid the Jamaican of his
African ancestry, so that, for instance, he grows up studying the history of
England, and little of himself, and his history. The islander, seeks with all his
mental energy to learn 'good' English, yet he finds it totally impossible to
communicate with 90 percent of the people without his native language, Creole.
Thus the member of the Jamaican elite knows little of his real African tradition
and consequently cares little about it.
However, the mass of Jamaicans who have had little or no formal education
remains close to the lore of the African forebears. Although the Jamaican
peasant has had little contact with Africa since his ancestors arrived on the
island, his world-view is still nurtured by the culture which was brought to the
island with the slaves. In spite of the fact that tribal origin has most often been
forgotten, African religious beliefs, speech patterns, family life, personal
habits, and dress style persist. Even the elites, who emulate the English way of
life to a fault, are not quite able to rid themselves of their African cultural roots.
For instance, the veneer of their adopted culture generally is no protection to
them in times of psychic distress; in such crises they generally return to seek
the advice of the representatives of their African ancestry, the ancestry they
sought so eagerly to deny.

One of the important areas of African retention in Jamaica and the

Caribbean as a whole is that of folk medicine. The descendants of the African
medical practitioners - the medicine men - have never lost their influence
over the Jamaican mind. Herbert G. DeLisser, a native of Jamaica and
probably the first to clearly distinguish the function of the legitimate African
priest from the work of the sorcerer within the Jamaican slave system, wrote:

Both witches and wizards, priests and priestesses, were brought

to Jamaica in the days of the slave trade, and the slaves recognized
the distinction between the former and the latter. Even the
masters saw that the two clru;ses were not identical, ... (Herbert G.
DeLisser, 1913, 108).
 7
Their influence touches the highest stratum of the society. There are few
Jamaican elites now alive who can truthfully say that their lives have never
been affected in some way by this type of healer. A particular individual might
not have had personal contact with them, but if pressed hard enough he
generally admits that either his parents or some of his relatives have been
cured or helped in some way by an African practitioner. The writer recalls
quite vividly a medical doctor and graduate of a prestigious British university,
who, on learning of the author's plan to study the healer, Mother Rita, declared
with all sincerity "the woman saved my life!" He then proceeded to tell the
story. As a small boy his older sister (age five) died of vomiting sickness and
following her death, he too came down with the illness. The family became
greatly alarmed because all the professional treatment that was available had
not saved his sister's life. His father, a school teacher and a catechist in the
mission church, could not openly associate himself with the folk specialists in
the community, but his maternal uncle was a believer in the folk tradition and
his mother was also very sympathetic to them. This uncle prevailed upon the
father to consult Mother Rita. He finally decided, and under much secrecy he
went for consultation. One bottle of medicine was all that was necessary. The
doctor in question is convinced that it was through the work of this folk healer
that his life was saved. Numerous stories of this type could be told among
Jamaican elites but few are as honest as the doctor in acknowledging these
experiences.
This paper will discuss the history of one of these healers in the Jamaican
setting, her personality, healing techniques and influence in the folk tradition of
Jamaica. There is at present, a growing interest in the techniques of primitive
wedicine. Some of the important contributions in this field can be found in the
writings of Ervin H. Acherknecht Bulletin of the History of Medicine Xl,
1942 (503·21); also in the recent volume edited by John Middleton, Magic,
Witchcraft and Curing, American Museum Source Book in Anthropology,
1967; and Victor Turner's Lunda MediCine and the Treatment of Disease,
Rodes-Livingstone Museum Occasional Papers, No. 15, (1964) and by the
same author A. Ndembu Doctor in Practice, 1964. Monographs have appeared
from time to time discussing aspects of Caribbean healing lore but few have
given details about the healers themselves. Among the most notable of these
are Martha Beckwith's Black Roadways: A Study of Jamaican Folk Life,
1929; John J. Williams Psychic Phenomena of Jamaica, 1934; and George E.
Simpson "Jamaican Revivalist Cults", Social and Economic Studies, No. 5,
pp. 321-442, (1956).

THE HISTORIC SETTING:

Driving south of Kingston on the main highway which leads through
Spanish Town, (the old capital of Jamaica), through May Pen and Mandeville,
one will before long arrive at the great mountain divide overlooking the Pedro
Plains. The area, about 30 sq. miles, includes the towns of Santa Cruz and Black
River. At the foot of this mountain is the large Alpart Aluminum factory; to the
south is Blakes Pen, the community in which one of the oldest balmyards in
Jamaica is to be found. (A balmyard is a healing centre specializing in herbal
medicine, a place where the sick are bathed in herbal mixtures.)
MAMMY FORBES, THE HEALER
 9
The Blakes Pen balmyard is of special significance in this area because it
has been in continuous operation for over one hundred years under the
leadership of two women: Mammie Forbes and her daughter, Mother Rita.
Although this paper is concerned mainly with the daughter, Mother Rita, it will
be useful to say a few words about the founder, Mammie Forbes. (As far as this
writer knows only Martha Beckwith of Vassar has mentioned her in print
(Beckwith: 1929, 171-173), and it was she who published one of the only known
photographs of her).
The mother of Mammie Forbes was an African slave who is said to have
been an expert in bush remedies, but seems to have given up her practice when
she was converted to Christianity in the 1860 Revival. In 1871, merely a
generation after the emancipation and ten years after the Great Evangelical
Revival in Jamaica, her daughter, the young woman who later was to be known
to thousands as "Mammie Forbes" received her call to heal the sick. She was a
member of the local Anglican Church, but like many Jamaicans in her time, she
became dissatisfied with the coldness of its l'itual. One night an angel appeared
to her holding a bundle of herbs and commanded her to 'rise up and heal the
people.' She left her husband's house and was led by the angel to a cave in the
bush not far from her home, where she spent seven days in fasting. During
these days of seclusion, many of the herbs that were to be her trademark were
revealed to her. Her daughter recalled that each day when her husband visited
her, there would be a new pile of weeds in the cave. During this time she
amassed 77 different weeds, at the same time acquiring knowledge of their
medical properties. Along with the knowledge of these weeds, the ritual
accompanying her future work was also revealed. She was told to build a
tabernacle with certain dimensions; she was also told what kind of dress to
wear, and the proper ritual colours, and the right time of day for healing. The
rituals were to be performed barefooted. Even the cost of her service was
revealed to her by the angel. (At the beginning it was three cents per person,)
After returning from her wilderness experience, and with the help of her
husband, she carried out all she was commanded to do. The angel later gave her
instructions to dig a large pool in the balmyard, ten square feet wide and five
feet deep from which a healing fountain would rise. This fountain was to be dug
without metal tools, only by the hands of women. One hundred years later at the
time of this writing, the excavation is there but no fountain has yet appeared.
The present mother explained that the water has never appeared because of the
breaking of a taboo by her mother, but she expects it to appear at any time.
Mammie Forbes performed the work of healing for 59 years. She died in
1930. She was highly respected and is still remembered by the people of St.
Elizabeth and Manchester. The work continues to prosper in the hands of her
daughter, Mother Rita Adams.

Mother Rita:

Mother Rita is at present 87 years of age and like her mother, she is tall and
stout. Her complexion is fairly light and she has an hypnotic gaze and a
dominant personality. She has been married but lost her husband some 15 years
ago. They had three children: two girls and one boy. Mother Rita was one of
10
several children born of Mammie Forbes, but she alone followed her mother's
profession.

Her role as a child was that of a 'medium.' During her early childhood she
•·eceived dr·eams and visions which she related to her mother. She reported that
during her elementary school days she would become possessed by the spirits
;md had to be sent home, returning to school as she put it only 'when the spirit
was through with me'. As a child, she received the vision of the exact year her
mother would die and the exact place where she should be buried. Her mother
accepted the vision calmly and asked her to mark the spot with a stone.
Mammie Forbes is buried at that very spot. Mother Rita related that from
childhood she was dedicated to the work of the Lord. Being a sickly child from
birth her mother promised God that if her daughter was healed, Rita was to be
dedicated to His service. So as a promised child she had no other choice.

While working as her mother's medium, a husband was picked for her by
her mother, but as she was so dedicated to spiritual things, she was not
'interested in marriage'. Nevertheless she .finally gave in and became the wife
of Mr. Adams who later assumed the role of her faithful co-worker in the
balmyard. She has continued her mother's work for 41 years and has not yet
retired.

THEBALMYARD

To bettet· understand the work of the Jamaican healer let us see the setting
of the balmyard.

The Blakes Pen Balmyard is located on a 17 acre plot of land owned by

Mother Rita. This are~. Pedro Plain, is mostly dry, consisting of red laterite
soil with :J high content of bauxite mixture heavily eroded in spots leaving bare
rocks. Unlike many other yards, there is no enclosure. One enters the yard by
a rocky path which leads up a small incline to a plateau. Half way up the hill is a
square concrete terrace with four poles, one at each corner, each bearing a red,
white and blue flag. This symbolize the fom· winds of the earth. The writer later
discovered that this square was of important ritual significance as will be
discussed later. About fifty yards from the ritual square one enters the
balmyard through what looks like a Japanese Torii Gate. Beyond this entrance
is the compound which includes the home of Mother Rita, a chapel and a
kitchen; two balming huts, one for men, the other for women; the fountain in
which there is no water, and two seal grounds, each with a flag pole used for
'working' or dancing in the spirit. The house is made of concrete blocks,
consisting of a verandah on which waiting patients sit; a living room which
serves as a Consulting room fo1· Mother Rita and her patients, and two
bedrooms. The Chapel is also made of concrete and holds about 100 people. It
consists of wooden benches without backs, a table with various ritual items, a
platform on which a raised lectern sits for preaching. Three drums hang from
the side of the tabernacle's wall, one bass and two trebles. The chapel may be
entered by anyone of three doors, one to the south, one to the east and one to the
west. The two 'power seals' with their poles are located at the entrances of the
southern and eastern doors.
 11
A Day at the Balmyard:
The founder of Blakes Pen Balmyard was told by the angel that worship
was to occur each day at 5 a.m., 12 mid-day and 5 p.m. Although this pattern
continues, the services are not now attended by many converts. However, a few
of the old faithfuls still carry out this pattern of worship but with diminished
fervour. The main religious exercises now take place on Monday which is a day
of feasting, and Sunday, a day of worship and healing. Along with this pattern is
the private consultation and balming which takes place every day.

A fasting service at the Balmyard is conducted on Wednesdays during the

hours from 5 a.m. to 12 noon. From 9 a.m., members begin to gather at the
'yard' from neighbouring districts. Some walk as far as 15 miles. About 9:30,
the drummers enter the chapel and begin to play on their drums which serve as
church bells calling the faithful to worship. At 9:50 Mother Rita appears at the
entrance of her house dressed in white. White is the favourite colour for this
ritual. On this occasion, eight of her faithful members accompanied her from
her house to the chapel. As she enters the eastern door, the congregation stands
and recites the Lord's Prayer. She mounts the podium, recites a short prayer
and sits down. Three members: two women and a man sit in front of the podium
facing the congregation. After the singing of several songs, Mother Rita takes
her place at the pulpit and exhorts the members to 'watchfulness'. Then follows
a communion service of bread and water. (It was explained by her that the
Nominal churches usc wine in communion but the Revivalists use water.) The
communion service is based on the liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer of the
Church of England. Precisely at 12 noon, the mother declares, "We break our
fast in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit." She then drinks
water from a cup. One of the old converts said to be 94 years of age, takes a cup
of water and pours some out at each of the three entrances, making a wide turn
counterclockwise as she pours the remainder of the water at the altar, thus
marking out the four winds of the earth. This is also a sign of purification. The
formal service now ends, the converts prepare to leave the tabernacle to 'work'
or dance on the 'seal ground'. After the closing prayer and benediction, Mother
Rita leads the congregation, accompanied with singing and drumming and all
circle the flagpole immediately in front of her house. She moves
counterclockwise until all the members form a circle, then the 'travailing'
begins. The words 'travailing', 'working', 'trumping', and 'dancing', all carry
the same meaning. They refer to the peculiar ritual found in Pukumina and
Hcvivalist cults where the members shuffle in a circle counterclockwise,
bending forward and backward from head to waist, chopping the air with both
hands while at the same time emitting a hissing or grunting sound. The sound is
the result of inhaling and exhaling the air with a kind of explosion of the lips. A
leader· stands in the circle of the ring and acts as prompter; he responds to the
circling band with the flagging of his hands, moving around the circle. This
leader of the dance is sometimes called the 'warrior' shepherd and, as the name
implies, he, and the members are literally at war with the evil spirits that are
present. The more vigorous the 'travailing' the greater will be the success in
healing the sick.

Those members who fall in spirit possession prophesy and in this peculiar
state, their words are carefully heeded by the spectators. They may warn of
 12
still-births, poisonings, imminent earthquakes, hurricanes or sudden deaths by
witchcraft. The travailing develops an atmosphere of tension which later
abates in the process of consultation and balming designed to protect the
petitioners from the evils that have been thus revealed. 'Trumping' may
continue for hours depending on the dimension of the evil influences discovered
during possession. Some members may remain under possession for a day and
n night. This situation required that some of the members assist those
possessed all day or all night to protect them from the injury which could well
result from something such as a fall in their unconscious state.
The travailing ritual at Mother Rita's yard was of short duration. It lasted
only an hour and a half. Toward the end of the dance, four members take cups of
water, walk through the 'Torii Gate' out to the square with the four flags, and
throw the water into the square. It was later explained that they had received a
revelation of some kind, and that this ritual was the means by which potential
conflicts were resolved. This water· ritual resembles the practice of pouring
libations in African traditional ritual, however there is a basic difference in
attitude. Whereas, African libation is poured directly on a spot in an
atmosphere of reverence, this was done by simply throwing the water in the
direction of the square and then quickly returning to the seal ground. Two of
those who carried the water to the flag square threw it with their backs to the
square. That is, they threw the water over their shoulders. A member explained
this as 'cutting and clearing destruction.'
While these activities are going on, the rest of the members are still at the
'seal' listening to the reading of the scriptures. Some move about under
possession, some are calling on angels, while others speak in unknown tongues.
At the end of the dancing the members march to the eastern pole, encircle it,
read a scripture, make individual turns counterclockwise and re-enter the
chapel for another short ritual which ends the day's fonnal worship.
Mother Rita does not take part in the 'travailing'. Her age does not permit
expending the energy needed for this part of the ritual. However, she does stand
on the verandah, humming the songs and calling out certain phrases to the
'trumping band.' I hear her say, 'throw it out', throw it out of the city', or
'watchman', 'watchman beware'. Although not sharing in the dance she is
actually directing :t.

Healing in the Balmyard:

Since there were many people awaiting to consult the Mother, she did not
participate in the last part of the formal service. Without changing from her
white dress she sat down in her chair and began her consultation. During the
consultation she was kind enough to invite the author into the room and
provided a chair toward the rear where he could see the healer's face, but only
the backs of the patients. Many of the patients were unaware of the author's
presence. As the patients entered and sat down in front of the healer, she began
her diagnosis in a rather informal manner. There were 15 patients attended to
that afternoon. One young woman from Kingston, a secretary, suffered with a
pain in her stomach. She had gone to several doctors and had taken a series of
X-Ray tests at the University Hospital, but no cure. She was advised to see Mo-
ther Rita. There was another woman from Washington, D C., who had returned
 13
to Jamaica in order to consult the Mother. The rest were from the surrounding
districts of Blakes Pen.
All persons who needed consultation were instructed to take an herbal bath
before meeting Mother. The cost of the bath was fifty cents, paid in silver coins.
The author was allowed to take this bath mainly to observe the procedure. The
bath house was a simple enclosure with a wooden frame covered at the four
sides with corrugated zinc sheets, commonly used as roofing in Jamaica. The
patient entered the enclosure and undressed. A small enamel tub filled with
herbal mixture sat in the center of the enclosure with a stone slab beside it on
which the patient stood. The bath-man appeared and asked that fifty cents in
coin be thrown in the bath. This done, the patient was commended to assume a
squatting position. With a towel in hand, the balmer applied the water mixture
to the patient's back with a 'sponging operation' from the head to the waist,
reciting the 23rd Psalm. The patient then stood and the sponging continued
from the waist down to the heels. The same procedure was done from the face
down to the toes, reciting a new Psalm. Much attention was paid to the back and
thighs of the patient where the balmer administered vigorous blows. After all
the parts of the body had been thoroughly sponged and vigorously slapped, the
balmer made the sign of the cross from the nape of the neck to the waist
crossing at the shoulders in the back, repeating this in the front, but this time
moving the cross from the right shoulder to the toes of the left foot and from the
left shoulder to the toes of the right foot, while repeating "In the name of the
Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit; as it was in the beginning now and ever
shall be world without end. Amen." The incantation is timed to conclude with
the words "world without end" at the toes. The patient is then asked to dry
lightly and is advised not to take a bath for 12 hours, so that the medical
properties of the herbs can be absorbed into the pores.
The Balmer on duty the day the author took his bath, was Mr. Willie Peart.
Willie was 60 years old and has been with Mother Rita for more than five years.
On request, he agreed reluctantly to name as many of the weeds as he could
recall from memory. He was reluctant because this was forbidden information
to an outsider. Some of the weeds mentioned were yellow sanders, cash
marrior, sweet sop bush, sower sop bush, willow bush, Rosemarie weed, Lkka
bush, candle wood, leaf of life, High John the Conqueror, soap bush, ballad
weed, Rickkie Rocher bush, wild cinnamon, semencaontra weed. He explained
to me that some of the weeds revealed to Mother had no name. It was explained
that no roots were used in preparing baths because, as he put it, "the leaf of the
tree is for the healing of the nation."

Once all the weeds and bushes are gathered they are placed in a large pot.
14 gallons of water is boiled down to a consistency of 10 gallons which takes one
hour at high boil. Many of the weeds used must be sought at great distances
from the 'yard'. Special men are engaged in gathering these weeds from as far
as 15 miles away; they bring them to the balmyard early in the morning or
during the night.

A diagnosis may take from 15 minutes to half an hour. The following

observations are examples of Mother Rita's approach in diagnosing a patient's
illness along with the remedy prescribed.
14
1. A woman of about 50 years of age. The Healer looked steadily into her
face, glancing now and then toward her legs. Then she began to question her at
a rapid rate in the following manner: "How long have you had that pain in your
head? Pain in your joints? Pain on one side of the womb? You feel sickly all
over the body? Feel like you want to die?
(The answers to these questions must also come rapidly because Mother
works in a set rhythm and can become perturbed if there is too much hesitation
on the part of the patient. Also note that she does not ask 'if' there is a pain in the
head. She knows that there is pain. The author has never heard one patient deny
her statement).
When the questions were concluded, Mother reached for her paper and
pencil or called out to her helper the prescribed weeds. For the above case they
were:
Button wood weed, sweet cup weed, half leaf of aloes, juba bush; boil in 5
pints of water to 5 half pints; mix this with Gilby's wine. Take a half glass daily.

2. A woman from Brompton District, 30 miles away. "Let me see your

tongue. How long have you had pain in the centre of your back? You are weak
all over? Your entire nerve-system is short? You will kill yourself?
The remedy was written down secretly.

3. A woman who came on behalf of her Mother. She brought her Mother's
handkerchief. Mother Rita took it in her hands, concentrated a moment and
then said:
"Your mother suffers with pain in both legs. It is her kidneys. She suffers
with a pain in her sinuses; pain in her womb. She has the disposition of
confusion. She has cancer in the womb. I cannot cure her, but I make her feel
better.
Remedy: a bottle of High John the Conqueror's oil. Anoint the hands daily
making the sign of the corss. Sprinkle a little around the room, repeating the
23rd Psalm.
4. Another woman. "You have pain in the back, pain in both feet, itching in
the womb.
Remedy: one bottle of womb tablets (no brand name); susumber bush,
button weed, sweet cup weed, three leaves of the leaf of life, wild grape bush,
water grape bush, womb weed, three chips of bitch wood. Boil in 9 pints of w:1ter
to 9 half pints. Mix with Gilby's wine. Take one half a glass 3 times daily."

5. For sick baby. Semen contra bush, two sprigs of aliba weed, two sprigs of
susumber bush, two sprigs of button weed, two sprigs of blue fever grass. Mix
with brandy, a bottle of Virol compound (a patent medicine with high iron
content).
G. Another child about 7 years old. She felt the child's stom<~Ch. Her
diagnosis: The child fell from a tree and dislocated her womb. After much
prompting the child mlmitted that she fell some 3 weeks before coming. This
was not known to the child's parents.
 15
Remedy: Womb weed, garden bitters, bladder weed, horse bath, button
weed, strong back weed, leaf of life. Boil 7 half·pints of water to 3 half pints.
Also a bottle of Indian Root pills.

7. A man who suffers from insomnia. The Healer questioned him about a
recent court case in which he was involved. She said: "The evil powers are still
with you from that court case."
Remedy: "Buy some black cat incense and burn in the bedroom; this will
clear up the destruction that is following you."
By 4 p.m., the Healer had consulted 15 people, mostly women and children.
She was now tired, and told the rest of the patients to return the following day. A
woman who had waited about 2 hours began to complain that her body wa!'.
seriously ill and that she was afraid to leave without attention. The Healer
became slightly annoyed but finally yielded to her plea.
Mother Rita then relaxed a bit and called for food and refreshments. She
also suggested that something be prepared for the author. Despite his mild
objection, a tray of food and soda was brought in, and while eating he began
questioning her about her ability to 'discern' a patient's illness. She stated that
it was much better to demonstrate her ability by diagnosing the author himself.
He welcomed this experiment. Taking her position in her chair, Mother
suggested that the author sit in the patient's chair. She gazed at him, then,
suddenly she pointed to his right leg, saying "you suffer from a pain in that leg.
Sometimes the calf of your leg tightens up. This gives you a pain in the right
groin and pain on the right side of your head. You must pay attention to it or it
could cause trouble later." This diagnosis was remarkably correct. The author
had severely damaged his right leg in a soft-ball game while attendir.g a
conference in Colorado the previous summer. During this period, he performed
his duties only with the support of a pair of crutches. It took six months to heal,
but there was now no sign of limping, only an occasional tightening up of the
muscles which at times proved very painful. During this research trip, the
author had expPrienced no pain. As a matter of fact he had almost forgotten
about the injury; however, Mother Rita actually touched the very area in which
the muscles tightened on occasion. Also, there were the periodic pains on the
left side of the head. With this demonstration, the ~mthor became a believer,
and conviction increased as he tested her clairvoyant ability with other
incidents.

SOME CONCLUSIONS
There is no need to d~fend the system of folk medicine in this paper. The
literature on this subject is full. Descriptions of primitive medicine and
methods of healing form the subject matter for many anthropological
monographs. This paper attempts only to give a portrait of one of many such
healers in Jamaica, but in this case one who occupies a unique role in Jamaican
history of a hundred years' duration.
Mother Rita, like her Mother before her, is the direct descendant of African
folk healers and her balmyard is the counterpart of traditional healing centres
in Africa today. The author recalls his visit to the Akonnedi Healing Center of
16
Larteh, Ghana, where he was introduced to the single most important
traditional healer known in the nation, Nana Oparebea, the High Priestess of
this Center. Her influence extends over the population from the former Kwame
Nkrwnah to the lowiiest peasant of Ghana. Here the author observed the herbs
and their preparation and was informed that 99 different herbs were used in the
baths. Along with healing, the center was a training school for future herbalists,
both men and women. The methods of Nana Oparebea and Mother Rita are so
similim· that one is amazed at the purity with which the African tradition
apparently has been retained in Jamaica despite the rigour of slavery.
The literature about Jamaica recorded evidence of the work of the
medicine man early in the period of slavery. They were then called myal people
a name which designates those who work in herbal medicines as opposed to the
obeahman who was the sorcerer. To this day, the two roles are separate though
each is just as influencial today as it was during slavery. The African
techniques of healing have rooted themselves in Jamaican culture to such an
extent that the trained physician is still perceived as secondary to the "Black
doctor" as he is known, especially in rural districts.

AN ANALYSIS:
A cursory analysis of the influence of these specialists in African Medicine
in Jamaica will close this paper. First, we must realize that the African system
of curing was the only method known to the slaves and their descendants.
(Incidentally, many of the herbs which were familiar in Africa were also to be
found in Jamaica) The healing methods of these doctors consist largely of
herbal medicine administered both internally and externally. They also used
powders, seeds, roots, juices, leaves, and countless other talismans. The
African specialist may make use of massages, needles, bleeding anct various
other things, but above all he uses the ritual of incantation. In this way the
Healer and the patient become empathetically involved. He performs the
functions of both a doctor and a pastor. To this day the average Jamaican is
subconsciously afraid of the trained physician and the thought of being cut off
from his friends and relatives in a hospital room is frightful enough for him to
depart this life in haste. Even those of the common people who are reconciled to
the idea that a trained doctor is useful will find more healing virtue in the
doctor's preliminary scrutiny of their bodies, especially in his work with the
stethoscope than in the medicine he prescribes. In many cases the patient will
seek to find out the nature of his illness in order to infonn his favourite herbal-
ist. It should be clear, then, that healing to the African as well as their descend-
ants in Jamaica consists not merely in medicial treatment but rituaL One with-
out the other is perceived to be useless.

The second reason for the influence of the African method of healing in
Jamaica is due both to the scarcity of trained physicians and the peoples'
perception of them. Until very recently (since the opening of the University of
the West Indies), there were few medical doctors. The few that were available
to the rural peasants were located many miles away from the peasant
communities. It took long hours on horse back and by donkey to reach the office
of a doctor. And to be transported there by motor vehicle was prohibitive in
cost, even if one could be found. On the other hand, many peasants still perceive
 17
the trained doctor to be an elite far removed from their social level, someone
who lacks the sensitivity demanded in order to cure them. His social distance,
his professional language, his opulence and in some cases, his insolence sets
him apart from his humble patients. This perception (though often mistaken as
this writer well knows), is sufficiently strong to create an adverse attitude in
the minds of many a common man. So he generally seeks out the folk healer
with whom he feels at home.
The third factor contributing to the influence of the folk healer in Jamaica
is that he does benefit his patients and in most cases, his metlicine is
inexpensive. One reason for his success is the high incidence of psychosomatic
illness in the .Jamaican community. Thus a large proportion of the illness are
brought about by stress conditions. The socio-economic conditions for the vast
majority of the country folk keep them almost permanently at subsistence
level. With little hope for a brighter future, and given the pressures of merely
continuing to exist, anxiety mounts and the body becomes susceptible to minor
aches and pains which over a period of time develop into more serious illness.
Therefore the magico-religious functions of the balmyard become a source of
help to people in such conditions. The accessability of these yards and the
relatively free advice of the specialists are highly suitable to the man who does
not even have respectable apparel to wear to a doctor's office.

This is not to say that it is only the poor who visit the African specialists.
This is far from the truth. The marginal Jamaican elites whose jobs with an
expatriate company are rather tenuous also frequently make use of these
specialists. Here again we can mirror the uncertainty of life in a developing
country. The author has seen many an elite of the "Mercedes-Benzs" type at
these specialists, coming to 'firm-up' his position with the use of certain oil or to
perform some rituals which will give him assurance and confidence in his work.
We may conclude then that the descendants of the traditional African
medicine men have retained an important place in Jamaican society from
slavery to the present. Far from having diminished, the herbalists role has re-
mained extremely important to a large segment of the peasant population and
has at lease effectively touched the majority of the elite. The lack of trained
physicians and the peasants' faith in the herbal-ritual treatment will assure
their influence for generatiohs to come.

SOME AFRICAN RETENTIONS

Some aspects of African retentions in Jamaica:
1. As in Africa, the people in Jamaica believe that sickness is caused by
spiritual forces and they speak of sickness as the 'thing'. Many see sickness as
the intrusion of outside forces brought on either by the breaking of God's will or
the evil work of enemies. Except in the case of death by old age, every human
tragedy is suspect.

2. As in Africa, healing to be effective, must be both herbal and ritual. That

is why the peasant is more interested in what the doctor does with his
stethoscope than he is in his prescribed medicine. The 'balmyard' is the place
where herbs and rites are wed in the traditional African pattern.
18
3. As in many areas of West Mrica, water has important healing values.
The balm in herbal juices and the promise~ fountain in the balmyard are
examples of the power of water. In Jamaica, revelation of healing streams
form a common part of the folk culture.

4. Ritual colars are important in African traditional religion. Victor Turner

deals extensively with this aspect of color classification in African ritual in his
book The Forest of Symbols. Turner shows that certain colors have
certain associations, red for instance is connected with initiation, white with
purity and black with death. In the Jamaican context- not much has been done
in color analysis; but a wide field is there to be explored. For instance there
seem .to be an important connection between African color classification and
color use in the Jamaican balmyard. White as we have seen is used in fasting
rituals; red is a symbol of life and also danger. Black is the predominant color
for death, both in Jamaican folk religion and in Haitian Voodoo. The other color
which dominates the religious ritual of Jamaica is blue, but it seems to be
related to white and symbolizes energy, strength and courage. A detailed study
in the framework of binary opposition may yet yield some important religious
insights in these color classification in Jamaica.

5. An important African retention of ritual customs is in the concept of left

and right. In most West African societies the left hand is considered impure.
The right hand is considered pure; thus it is bad manners to give something
to a person with the left hand.
This concept finds expression in religious ritual by the direction of all
mov.ement to the right. In Jamaican folk ritual counter-clockwise movement
expresses this concept. One cult leader explained that, to clear pollution and
evil, one must move from left to right. In the religious dance, one moves
counter-clockwise to 'clear up' the evil in the balmyard and thus lift the evil
from the patients.

6. As is the case in African rituals, possession is the high point of religious

ceremonies in Jamaica. It is the sign that the gods and spirits are present. It is
the medium of revelation and lllso serves a cathartic function for the one who is
possessed. The state of possession is highly desirable in the balmyard and
serves as an important sign of contact with the spirit world.

7. The use of the drums needs no elaboration in African religious ritual. And
it should be sufficient to say that a balmyard in Jamaica without its drums and
drummers would be rare indeed. Even if there is no accomplished drummer,
the rituals without the drum would seem ineffective.

8. Dreams and visions have important roles in the healing lore of Jamaican
cults as they have in Africa. The two healers discussed in this paper were
greatly influenced by dreams and visions. The founder of the balmyard
received her call in a dream. Her successor began to receive dreams even as a
child and she related many more· recent dreams to the author. On the basis of
the importance placed on dreams it is undoubtedly true that the most important
decision-making process in cult movements in Jamaica is the dream or the
vision.
 19
This list of African retentions could go on and on but the above seems
sufficient for our purposes in this short paper.
LEONARD BARRET!'

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Acherknecht, E. H. "Problems of Primitive Medicine" Bulletin of the History
of Medicine XI p. 603 - 521, 1942.
2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . "Natural Diseases and Rational Treatment in Primitive
Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine XIX (No. 5), 1942.
3. Asprey, G. F., and Thornton, Phyllis "Medicinal Plants of Jamaica," The West
Indian Medical Journal University of the West Indies, pp. 2-4, 1953.
4. Beaubrun, Michael "Psychiatric Education for the Caribbean". The West Indian
Medical Journal, University of the West Indies, Vol. XV, No. 1, pp. 52 - 62,
1966.
o. Beckwith, Martha Warren, Black Roadways (North Carolina, Chapel Hill: Uni-
versity of North Carolina Press), 1923.
6. DeLisser, H. G., Twentieth Century Jamaica, Klnpton, 1913.
7. Evans-Pritchard, E., Witchcraft, Oracles and Malic Amon& the A7.alHl" (London:
Oxford University Press), 1937.
8. Hughes, C. C., "Hygiene and Public Health in Non-Literate Societies, Paper
presented at the Conference on Medicine and Anthropology at Arden House,
Harriman, New York, 1961.
9. Lessa. W. A. and Vogt, E. Z., eds. Reader In Comparative Rellr;lon (Evanston:
Row, Peterson and Company), 1958.
10. Mbiti, JohnS. African Reli&ions and Philosophy (New York: Frederick Prae11er),
1960.
11. Rivers, W. H. R., Medicine, Ma11ic and Relition (London, Oxford University Press),
1924.
12. St. John, Sir Spencer, Haiti and the Black Republic, London: Smith Elder
and Co., 1884. ·
13. Simpson, George Eaton: Rell&ious Cults of the Caribbean: Trinidad, Jamaica
and Haiti, Puerto Rico; Institute of Caribbean Studies, 1970.
14. Turner, V. W. "Lunda Rites and Ceremonies" (Occasional part of the Rhodes-
Livingstone Museum N.S.) No. 10. Livingstone Zambia, 1953.
16. . . . . . . . . . . . . 'Ndemba Divination: The Symbolism and Techniques (Rhodes
Livingston Papers, No. 11) Manchester University 1961.
16. . . . . . . . . . . The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndemba Ritual (New York,
Cornell University Press.