riGURz 6: The alveolar plosive

The consonant /d/ is made in a similar way to /t/ but there are crucial difierences. When we
say /t/, as in /tnn/ (ton), the first sound is just air expelled from the mouth (try saying t, t,
t to yourself, holding your hand in front of your mouth). In the larynx the vocal cords (the
two flaps of muscular tissue which, when pressed together, vibrate when air is forced
through them) are completely open, so there is no obstruction for the air coming from the
lungs. When we say /d/, as in /dxn/ (done), however, the vocal cords are closed, the air
from the lungs forces them to vibrate, and voiceless /t / is now voiced to become /d/.
Furthermore, there is little aspiration (air) compared to what there was with /t/ (again, if
you hold your hand in front of your mouth this will become clear). Figure 7 shows the
position of the vocal cords for voiceless sounds (like /p/, /t/ and /k/) and voiced consonants
(like /b/, /d/ and /g/).

ricu«x y: Position of the vocal cords (seen from above) for voiceless and voiced sounds

Vowels are all voiced, but there are features which differentiate them. The first is the place
in the mouth where they are made. The second feature, which is easier to observe, is the
position of the lips. For /o:/, the lips form something like a circle, whereas for /i:/, they are
more stretched and spread. Figure 8 shows these two positions.

FiGURE 8: Position of the lips for la:1 and /i:/

One sound which does not occur in many phonemic charts but which is nevertheless
widely used, is the glottal stop, created when a closure of the vocal folds stops air
completely
 CHAPTER 2

and we say /apo:7mant/ ;apartment), for example, instead of /apu:tmant/ or /u iso:?it/ (/

ra+r if) instead of /oISOIfIt/. The glottal stop is o9en used instead of other stop (or plosive)
consonants.
Speakers of different languages have different sounds. Thus there is no equivalent in
English for the 'click’ used by Xhosa speakers, so English speakers find it diffieult to
produce. French people are accustomed to the awkward way in which British speakers mangle
French vowels because they are not the same as English ones. Japanese speakers, on the
other hand, do not have different phonemes for /l/ and /r/ and so have difficulty
differentiating between them, and oŁen find it nearly impossible to make the different
sounds.

F4 Sounds and spelling

Whereas in some languages there seems to be a close correlation between sounds and
spelling, in English this is ohen not the case. The sound la/, for example, can be realised in
a number of different spellings (e.g. woa, youag, funHf, 00d). The letters ru, on the other
hand, caã be pronounced in a number of different ways (e.g. cïoud, /klaud/, pour /po:/,
enough /inaf/, through /8ru:/, though /óau/, trrugh /trDf/, or even journey' /dşo:ni/. A lot
depends on the sounds that come before and añer them, but the fact remains that we spell
some sounds in ä
variety of different ways, and we have a variety of different sounds for some spellings.
Words can change ’ O I d( S )› TOO› iì R d t h1 S 1S R ot iII d iCiì te d byt h e w íì y wk spell them
their
Thus we say that o'nr sounds like this: /woz/. However, when it occurs in a sentence like
/
was robbed, the vowel sound changes from a stressed vowel la/ to an unstressed vowel /a/
e.g. /aiwaz'robd/ ( i before a sylliì ble indicates that the syllable is stressed see below). Thß
unstressed sound in tvar. /a/, is the schwa and is one of the most frequent sounds in
called
English, created by shortening of vowel and the placing of stress elsewhere.
the
Other changes when sounds get close or slide into each other in connected speech:
occur
sometim elision takes place where sounds ’disappear’ into each other. Thus /ko:nt/
es (c#** )
finishes with the sound /t/, but when it is placed next to a word beginning with /d/, for
example, the /t/ disappears (e.g. /aIka :ndo:ns/ I 6An’i dance) . Sometimes assimilation
takes
place where the sound at the e Rd ° OHS wOrd chiì flges to be more like the sound at t h*
the /d/ at the
beginning of the next. Thus end of /bæd/ becomes a /g / when placed next
a word starting with /Q/, /bæg gif t/ íb«d gx/) Or /n/ beC O meS
iì fl íl fl /m/, e.g. / b I m men/
e.g.
bin men).

FS Stress
British and American English SPe iì ke rS Oñ e fì diÌÉe ¥ lì where they place the stress in wol ds
Thus baltet in British English
is stressed on the first syllable (òo /) whereas in American En glish,
the stress usually falls the second syllable
on
St ress is the term we use to describe the point in a word or
phrase where pitch
vowels lengthen and volume increases. ges, In a one-syllable word lik
cha n e dunre, we
syllable is stressed since there is only k now Which
one. A word with more than one syllable is more
complex.
ho> e Ve r • +/e m1ght St re SS t he word export of f (exPOftT) if we are using it
the second ãS
syllable
a verb. But if, the contrary, we stress the ńrst (SXJ›ort), the verb is now a noun.
on syllable s there is o8en
In multi syllable word more than one stress syllable
ed (e.g. singulari!ì'•
clä ttstt ophobia). In Such cases we the strongest force the primary ztress and
call
42
 DESCRI BING TH E ENG LV S H LAN‹ UAC› E

the weaker force the secondary stress, e.g. , siiigul'ority, ,irt/or'maiiori, ,claustro'phobia. Note
that primary stress has a superscript mark whereas secondary stress is marked below the
line. Secondary stress is not the same as unstressed syllables, as the presence of the schwa
shows,
e.g. /,infa'meiJan/.
Words are often not pronounced as one might expect from their spelling. The word
secretary would appear, on paper, to have four syllables, but when it is spoken, there are
sometimes only three and the first one is stressed /'sekratri/, or even, in rapid speech, only
two, e.g. /'sektri/. It is worth noticing, too, that when a word changes shape
morphologically, the stressed syllable may shift as well. In English we stress /opon on the
second syllable jaPAN), but when we turn the word into an adjective the stress moves to the
new sy1]able japanESE). However,
this does not always happen (e.g. amERica, amERican).
Stress is vitally important in conveying meaning in phrases and semences. We have
already discussed the importance of pitch and intonation, and it is on the stressed part
of a tone unit (the nucleus) that intonation changes are most marked. In British English
the stress often falls on the end of the phrase, to give it end weight. So a neutral way of
saying He wnnts to marr my daughter might have the stress on the dau of daughter. But
if the speaker changes where the stress falls (and thus where the intonation change
takes place), then the meaning of the sentence changes, too, so that an afhrmative
statement, for example, may well become a question, e.g.
Brad wants to PIARRY my daughter? (= I can’t believe the relationship is that
serious.)
or
BRAD wants to marry my daughter? (- I can’t believe it! knew Steve was keen
on her, but Brad?)

Paralinguistic features of language

A number of features of communication take place outside the formal systems of
language (sounds, grammar, etc.). These parofinguistic/eattires fall into two broad
categories, those that involve the voice and those that involve the body.

G1 Vocal paralinguistic features

There are many ways in which we choose how we say things, depending on the situation
we are in, irrespective of the sounds, stress or intonation we are using. For example, we can
decide how loud or soft we wish to be (volume): whispering suggests a desire for
secrecy, whereas shouting suggests either anger or determination. When we make
breathiness a characteristic of our speaking, it is usually because we want to express deep
emotion (or sexual desire). We can make our voices nasal (which often indicates anxiety).
Whether or not these tones of voice (different from the tone units of intonation — see F2
above) are voluntary or involuntary, they convey intention and circumstance.
 43

C H APT ER 2

gg physical
paralinguistic in which
features we use our
bodles. The
We can convey a
number of proximity
meanings through or the way
the way we sit, for
expressions on or what we
our faces, the mean. We
gestures we make can look at
and even
example, may
send powerful
messages about
how we feel some
of these in more
detail.
Facial expremion: facid
expression isa powerful
conveyor of meaning. S mJi ng
iS an a1
universal signal of pleasure or
welcome. Other facial
expressions may not be so
commOfl
however. Raising eyebrows to
suggest surprise or interest
maybe a part of one cu ltu re S R
currency, but may be biting
more extreme for your
others. Other facial lip
actions, such as
(indicating thought or
uncertainty), compressing the
lips (to show decision or
obstinacy)
a visible clenching of the tee t h TO
shOw f I1gh r C yb
pOwer ful CO I3ve yOrS Of i**e i 1 l flg.
t OO•
» Gestwe: we use gesture to indicate
a wide range of meanings, although,
once again, the
actual gestures we use may be specific to
particular cultures. A few examples of
BritiSh
English behaviour show m
how powerful such gestures ay
cat m
ay
indicate indifference, an
attitude of I doa’t care, or /
don’t £novr; crossing yolks a
r›**S
indicate relaxation, but it can
also powerfully show
boredom; waving can denote
we lCOM
and farewell, whereas
scratching your head may
indicate puzzlement.
Each culture group also has
 its gestures
its polite and ruder forms›
and the use of arms, hands
and fingers to mAe obscene
gestures for insults is part
andpa r*e
of the currency of society.
Other less threatening
gestures may also be culture-
bound.
Some gestures, such as
head-scratching, hand-
clasping, ‘cracking’ {j f l ger jol
I l t S e tc may not be used to

convey meanings. They may

instead be unconscious
ticks’, of be used in some
way to displace tension.
Sush displacement
activities may convey a pe
rson’ nervousness or
distractedness, but do not
send messages in the same
 way as a clef1che d S
or a beckoning finger.
« Proximity, postwe md
echoing: the physical
distance between speake rs
can if l dlCa te number of
things and can also be used
to send conscious messages
about intent. ClOSe Re SS' for
example, indicates intimacy
or threat to many speakers,
while distance may den ote
formality or a lack of
interest. Proximity is also
both a matter of personal
style and culture: what may
seem normal to a speaker
from one culture may
appear unnece SSa ri1y close
or distant to a speaker from
another. And standing close
to someone may be qn1l t
appropriate in some situations
such as an informal party, but
completely out
i fl
others, such as a meeting with
a superior.
Posture can convey
meaning, too. Hunched
shoulders and a hanging
head give a powerful
indication of mood. A
loweredhead when speaking
to a superior (with or withOll
eye contact) can convey the
appropriate relationship in
some cultures. Direct level
eye contact, on the other
hand, changes the nature of
the interaction, and can be
seen as eith2* open or
challenging.
A feature of posture and
proximity that has been
noted by several observers
 is that echoing. An example
of this sometimes occurs
when two people who are
keen to agree wJ each o%er
find that unconsciously they
have adopted the same
posture, as if in imitatiOfl
each other.When it occurs
naturaLy in this way,
echoing appears to
complement the verbA

44
 DE SC RI BIN G TH E ENG LI SH LAN GUAG E

communication, whereas when such imitation is carried out consciously, it oheri

indicates some form of mockery.

Paralinguistic features such as tone of voice, gesture and posture are all part of the way
we communicate with each other in face-to-face encounters. When teaching, we can
draw our students’ attention to this, particularly when we are using video material — as we
shall see in Chapter i8.

Speaking and writing

We have already seen how ellipsis is used in speech (Ci above), and we have also
alluded (in Ei) to how words are used differently in speech and writing (for example osfeep
is much more common in speech than in writing). There is also evidence that we use
verb lenses differently in speaking and writing. For example, in speech present verb
forms outnumber past verb forms by a factor of z:i, and simple verb forms are
significantly mole common in speech than in writing. In speech it appears that passive
verb forms are used only rarely, whereas will, would and can are much more common.
There are other differences, too. For example, in conversation we tend to take turns
rather than speak in well-formed sentences, e.g.
/: Biscuits
B: Yeah.
»: Bere.
In face-to-face spontaneous conversation we are likely to use small units of
conversation (biscuit, yeah, here) rather than long sentences. Indeed, rather than using
sentences, we tend to organise utterances into different tone units (see F2 above).
Another feature of this kind of conversation is that turns are not necessarily neat and tidy,
e.g.
e: i\lice (talking about the biscuit)
/: They're myfav-

I like yingerr«/s best

-ourite, but I
thought ... you know n’/ien I was in town ... erm, i’m trfing to cut down, you know ...
(|) indicates two people speaking at the same time
It is also noticeable that speakers often start sentences and then abandon them (t›ui I
thought
.../you know when I was in town ...). They use hesitators such as eriii and you know to buy
thinking time.
Listeners in conversations are not just passive recipients of others’ words. We use
interjections and other words to indicate support and to show that we are listening (e.g.
km, Yeah, rtglit, yenh). We use echo questions (e.g. San Francisco? You sent to San
Francisco!) to keep the conversation going or to check that we have understood, and we
employ response forms (e.g. Yeah, OF, got you, right) to acknowledge requests and points
made.

45
CHAPTER 2

None of ese features occur in writing (unless we are providing written transcripts
of spontaneous speech). Indeed, a major diference between speaking and writing is that
whereas the former is oñ en co-constructed and, as we have seen, messy, writing tends to
be well-formed and pre-organised. It is pretisely because conversational speech
occurs in red time that it is unplanned, which accounts for many of the features we have
discussed above. However, we need to remernber that speaking is not one single
entity; there are major
dikerences between the language of informal conversation and the language of a prepared
lecture. The latter is likely to be more similar to written (because it has been
language planned
and put together in a writing-like way) than spoken language. On the other hand,
Internet
chat (see Chapter ii, 12) using a keyboard is like speaking than writing, and, as we
more saW
at the beginning of this chapter, texting is one nor the other. Perhaps, therefore, we
neither
ahould discuss different forrns of speaking writing on the basis of how speaking- like
öf
and
writing-like ey are.
Then it will be useful analyse diEerent speaking and writing
genres
to
to see how they work so that we knOW What conventions and constraints are for
emailing,
the
texting, givlng pr eSe RÏations, Wrisp eake
t i»$ rs have aornuletters,
9ostcards
We have seen that face-to- mber of etc.
to help them indicatö
face features
attitude. intimacy, etc. These include in
tonation, tone of voice body movement. Writing
C annot use these, of course, it häs Its OWn range of signs and sy
mbols, such as
but
- dashes
! exclam ltiof ls mar ks
new parag raphs
, COmmas
C APITAL letters, etc.
Irt this it Ïs interesting e fS End text
e frequently use emoticons
messagers
as context that
par a1i›is uï devices. There = ä R y C »mercially produc
xC are
many peop}e ,¡ ip y keyboards to produce ed graphics of this kind, bUt
a
e
i uch as smüey *ä I l$e O f helpful visuals to express
faces feeling.
91212
thg Z1Cal faces
er unhappy faces i£„
However, • differences betw een writlqg and speakin
lt« all $, it is ering
de sp
that the worth
vast majority it rememb
speech äs %eya re in more ems and t e j fl s t B S much at home in infoyNlä l

form wo
WËÏ 1 rds
of1 the same . They are not differe
11
nt systems, but rather
system,
variations

+8*l$uage puq, p$ e
The Who le iisupub
e oflished to P°°minence in
°' Ï S * hls l
b
t ion oflang;, S udents aäer
JÏle
con
itJe
t e O his death.
il
w¿g¿„, Ï*976) g * !!“ S aiidJün fl5 Wäs first broug
. ¥ to prominence by

'“ NR Ak H y' s 4) Gö three

dïm e nS;pRS pypC l e qt
;
 D ESCR IB ING TH E ENG II SH LANG UAG E

which account for register are jet (the type of social action or what the text is about),
tenor (i.e. the role relationships of the participants) and mode (written, spoken, etc.).
Field and tenor are similar to (but not the same as) topic and tone.
• Gender
See, for example, D Cameron (zoo6), J Sunderland (2006) And — one of the most
influential (and popular) books in the field — D Tannen (i 92).
• Discourse and text
An excellent introduction to discourse analysis is S Thornbiiry (2oO5 b). See also M
Hoey (2 ooi), M McCarthy I 99i) and G Cook (i9 9J
• Genre
See J Harmer (2004- Chapter z), C Tribble (ig9*: Chapter 6) and K HJIand (2002: 1m22).
The concept of genre as a goal-oriented social process is a feature of Systemic Functional
Linguisbrs (M A K Halliday +994)
• Grammar
For an overview of what grammar is all about, see M Swan (2006). For clear and
concise expositions of what grammar is, see the introduction to R Carter and M
McCarthy (zoo6) and S Thornbury t+9998: Chapter i).
Of the many grammars on offer, serious researchers and students will want to look at D
Biber et al t!999) and R Carter and M McCarthy (zoo6), both of which pay special
attention to spoken as well as written grammar. M Swan (zoo5a) iS a book which a
large number of teachers and students rely on and B Cruikshank ct al t2001) is also
well worth looking at.
• Vocabulary
On vocabulary in generd, see N Schmitt (2002) and S Thornbury (zoota). On word meaning
(and extended word meaning) see J Aitchison ( 9 7: Chapter 4) and M Lewis ('993: Chapter
q).
On language corpora and language teaching, see A Wichmann et al (! 997 ). But
see F Misham (zOO4) for discussions about problems which corpora throw up when
used with learners. J MarkS (zOO2) Wants to keep corpora in perspective, too, especially
in a world where ELF is more noticeable (see Chapter i, Bt in this book). The
Compleat Lexical Tutor (www.lextutor.ca) is a good place to start looking at
language concordances.
All major publishers have their own MLDs (Monolingual Learners’ Dictionaries) and
the more advanced ones are a vital resource for teachers and materials developers, too. See,
for example, The Longman Dictionary ofContemparerf English, The Macmillan English
Dictionary for Advanced Learners, Cambridge Advanced Learners’Dictionary, Ox%rd
Advanced Learners’ Dictionary. Publishers generally have dictionaries for students at lower
levels and some have produced thesaurus-like production dictionaries such as The
Longman Lnriguoge Activator.
There are many online dictionaries and most paper dictionaries have a CD-ROM version,
too.
On lexical phrases/chunks, see J Nattinger and J DeCarrio (‹99 ). On a lexical approach to
language teaching see M Lewis ( 93, ! 99z) and D Willis ( 99°)
On collocations, see M Lewis (2OOo) and for material to teach collocations, see M
McCarthy and F O'Dell (zOO5).

47
CHAPTER1

• Pronunciation
See G Kelly (2Ooo), A UnderhG (soo5), J Clark and C Yallop (i995) and C Dalton and
B
Seidlhofer (•994)
• Intonation
See D Brazil (*997)•
» Sounds
J Wells (zooo) provides a reliable pronunciation dictionary.
• Speaking (and writing)
A full of the grammar of speech can be found in D Biber er nJ
io66 iio8). R
account y999. M cCart hy (2oo6: is 4—i6y) summarise speaking
succinctly. See
Carter and characteristics ( 2 0 04: 6-H).
M also J
Harmer
48
 Background issues
in language learning
The miracle of language
Unless there is something wrong with them mentally or physically, all children acquire a
language as they develop. Indeed, many children around the world acquire more than one
language and by the age of six or seven are speaking as confident bi- or trilinguals. This
miraculous language ’instinct’ (Pinker 994) seems, at first glance, to happen effortlessly.
The question that language teachers want answered, therefore, is whether second language
acquisition — that is language learnt in the classroom — can hope to replicate the conditions
in which children acquire their first language(s).
As far as we can see, children are not taught language, nor do they set out to learn it
consciously. Rather they acquire it subconsciously as a result of the massive exposure to it
which they get from the adults and other children around them. Their instinct — the mental
capability we are all born with — acts upon the language they hear and transforms it into a
knowledge of the language and an ability to speak it. It’s that simple.
Or rather it isn’t quite that simple. For example, if we consider the language exposure that
children receive, we find that it is a special kind of language. People don’t speak to two and
three year olds the way they speak to adults. Instead, they (parents especially) use
exaggerated intonation with higher pitch than is customary. This conveys special interest
and empathy. They simplify what they say, too, using shorter sentences and fewer
subordinate clauses. They choose special vocabulary which the children can understand,
rather than more sophisticated lexical items which they would not. They tend to include the
children in the conversation, drawing them into interactions so that the actual language used
is an integral part of the interaction itself. And even before children can themselves speak,
parents act as if they were taking part in the conversation, as when a mother says, for
example, Do you want some more milk? (the baby gurgles) You do? Yes, you do. All right, then
So, in a sense, children are being taught rules of
discourse even though neither they nor their parents are conscious of this. Parents — and
other adults — do not choose the simplified language or exaggerated intonation consciously,
either. It is usually done subconsciously, so if you asked most people exactly how they speak
to children, they would not be able to say on what basis they choose words and grammar.
Finally, children have a powerful incentive to communicate effectively. Even at the pre-
word phase of their development they have an instinct to let people know when they are
happy, miserable, hungry or alarmed. The more language they can understand — and
especially speak
— the better they can function.
All of this is bound up with the age of the child and what happens to us as our brains
develop and grow. Language acquisition is '. guaranteed for children up to the age of six, is
steadily compromised from then until shortly after puberty, and is rare thereafier’ (Pinker
 49
CH
APTE
R)
abï
lan
ity
and
to ge to
Ogua
äb
and
text
994• inst ea
k'pe
fec r doesn’t for
>93L In ifl tly usually ever.
other )aSt
words, ctu
lhäÏ al
und erst a
ansf or m nd an d velo for a StF
tr
them i f l tO sp de
af› abÈ itjf QctiOfl j
$** p an able to
Howev er, puberty, abiliiy respond
atthe und
arotim e children
Of
mak
ethe
stalt CO m
less
w hich below J , but HIJ ä$SO
makes them
better
learners
(see
io i Ve level mething special
langu IlS
age tÏn
on a c‹t
purel
and unïquet la
g agets)
about firs n u
Despite method to try to
ologists see
has
been hOW› }
the fact,
ih«, that
there is
so
ofa g g the lang
thn cq l
ition i ua ge-
in learning
d
we ecan
all,icat the 1 t t) n
re
repl
success of ä ;
thä t kind f thha
l
;
ä vae
l l
s
sroom. Weat (both c d
wiÏl tOok san
a historÏc u d
of äl äfld r
c b ad
Ï e vanced and
a e WhiCh
s n
meth gists used to help them what
odolo have decide metho

techniques
to espouse.
without t mä
MJ going to t stery
lessons q IS t
Acquisition (though
and learning e
Some
people ‘p iek
up’ second
languages
nusua
uvia this l to classes and they
ro ute). lang study the lan
Others
gn uag guage WlSh
e

learn. Of the two situations, picking

(simply absorbing it
up a language le,
by. for examp living
in get-
a tarage
langu
co mmunit y formal it
with attention to
language study) woul
iS,
d
ap
pe first-l language is.
ar, anguage than tudyi in a
cl acquisition sng a C1aSSf This
os
er OOI>
to
was recognised as long ago sing
as1921 by the man who can be le
credited 'more than any other
divïdud’ w elping English
ith hing
language teach to Obwecome a
‘professl Oflh O O d’ (H
ä tt

in
Studf, Harold
zpo4: Ïtiüϧl
z64) 6S 0p Palmer was
fl his interested In the
book ability tO
The Pr
differen a al’
ce n
betweef d’
l st
Spontan u
eous di
allo ents ise
wed toan
org
stud
acquire language su
naturally and gg
ste
subconsciously, ed
whereas the latter th
ät
thei
r their conscious la
ng
ua
ge
lear knowledge to the task .
nin in hand. Palmer
g
and
app
ly
spontane into play for the
ous acquisition of the
capabüiti spoken
es are
brought
whereas for the development of
studial liteiacy.
capabüitie
s are
required
This distinction between
 subconscious acquisition
and conscious at
learning it
concern. In the early ig8os the hö
American linguist Stephen
Kfashen put
forward '•+h
ca wh
Input hypofhesis
lle HR ci i» e
d(summarise d in d th ich
thKiashen •984J- a e
e
we conversation (es
acq pec
uire
iall
subc
y
onsc
ious wh
ly en
spo it is
ntan anx
eo iet
us y
free) is because it is instantly use
language we available when we need ifl
it. Langua ge tha
can easily
t Ïs
learnt, on Ge other hand,
where'learnt’ means taught and
studied as gramma r a f1d VOCa bu a
is not available for spontaneous
use in this way. Indeed, it may
be that the only use for $e a *f l *
language is to help us to
monitor (check) our
spontaneous communication;
but then t he <*° *e we monitor
what we are saying, the less
spontaneous we become. In
Krasherfs view, t he r e O*e •
acquired language and learnt
language are different both in
character and effect.
Krashen saw the successful
acquisition by
students of a second language
 as being bound up with the
nature of the language input
they received. It had to be
comprehensible, even if it was
slightly above their productive
level. He called this
comprehensible inppi i + l (that
is, information the students
already have plus the next level
up), and the students h ad to be
exposed to it in a relaxed
seGing. This input is roughly-
tuned (rather as parent—child
language is subconmiously
moderated as we saw above)
and is in stark contrast to
the/aely-tuned !!!p*! of much
language instructions >
herespecific graded language has
been chosen for conSCiOuS e ä
••ifl $- R°•&r -*•I1ed iR P•t ä
ids ä Cq11iSit iO I l. $+ä Shen ä rgue d,
 W her e as fif Ïe ly-t l Tl ed iIÏ P**
combined with conscious
learning does not.