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Mar
19 Paetel on the NSDAP and Red Revolution
Red Front, Brown Front: Karl Otto Paetel’s 1930 article on
revolutionary political fronts and the NSDAP’s approach to a potential
communist uprising

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The essay “Clear Fronts!” was written by social-nationalist intellectual Karl Otto Paetel in that brief

1929-30 period when he was organizer of the ‘Young Front Working Circle’, an informal pressure

group whose guiding ideal was the promotion of stronger ties and closer cooperation between radical

groups on the far-left and far-right. The bulk of the Young Front’s propaganda efforts were focused on

the NSDAP, a party which Paetel and his associates viewed at the time as the most promising vehicle

for the achievement of a revolution that would be both socialist and nationalist. While Paetel was

never a member of the NSDAP, he nonetheless fostered close ties with it in this period – many of his

friends were members of the Party’s radical Berlin-Brandenburg branch, and both the Young Front

and its successor organization (the ‘Group of Social-Revolutionary Nationalists’, founded in May 1930)

drew much of their membership from disaffected members of the NSDAP’s Strasser faction. Paetel’s

relationship with the National Socialists was strong enough that he was a frequent contributor to

Party publications despite his lack of membership, primarily to those published by the Strasser-owned

Kampfverlag publishing house. The article reproduced below is a good example of this, as its original

publication was in the Nationalsozialistiche Briefe, a Kampfverlag theoretical journal. While not
technically an official Party publication (the Kampfverlag and its output were kept formally

independent in order to distance their association with Hitler) the NS-Briefe was, alongside the official

Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, the primary intellectual publication of the German National

Socialist movement, and was fairly widely read by nationalist radicals. Paetel’s article calls on these

readers not to “misrepresent” the Red ‘front’ and to recognize that the System, rather than the

Communist Party of Germany (KPD), is the real enemy of the German Revolution. The author’s

criticisms of the KPD and his apparent faith in the NSDAP were not to last. By the end of the year,

disillusioned by the NSDAP’s ‘bourgeois’ drift and enthused by the KPD’s apparent ‘nationalist’ course,

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Paetel would switch his allegiance to the KPD and begin advocating a position more in line with that
later expressed in his National Bolshevist Manifesto.

Clear Fronts!
By Karl Otto Paetel

First published in the Nationalsozialistische Briefe, vol. 18, 15 March 1930

Political coalitions or settlements can be the product of rational consideration

or tactical measures, but they can also be provided by the political situation
itself. Opinions on other political forces only have real value for a movement,
one which somehow knows itself to be an exponent of a fundamental spiritual
philosophy that is the feature of its time (for only in such movements can one
think of being compelled to politics), if they are to a certain degree already in
the air and represent the essential concretization of its ideal knowledge.

German Socialism is today faced with two such determinations. Domestically,

it is faced with the issue: How should it conduct itself if one day the KPD’s
subversive activity, which is ever more clearly being carried out in accordance
with Moscow’s directives, attempts to foment “unrest” somewhere as the
basis for a proletarian revolution, and the guardians1 of Weimar call out for
youth and guns to fight for “peace and order”, to face down “Bolshevism”, and
thus to once again pull the chestnuts out of the fire under the black-white-red
flags of the Weimar and Versailles dictatorship.

One should be adamantly clear about one thing: If social-revolutionary

nationalism and its exponent to the masses, the NSDAP, follows these
slogans, then it will have failed in its historical mission of reintegrating the
displaced proles into the shared German destiny by ruthlessly implementing a
socialist-corporatist system, based on the German nature, via the conflict of
the class struggle of labor against international and anti-national capital. A
false start in domestic policy in such a situation – an example being
compliance under any circumstances with “peace-and-order” slogans – would
instead imprint the mark of Cain once and for all upon German Socialists,
marking them as the willing or gullible shield-bearers of that finance-capital
which dominates the current system even in the judgement of the Democrat
Haas,2 and forever blocking that access to the productive proletariat which
socialism demands.

The state of “order” as such has never before been a political value; only if
there is something valuable in the substance worth preserving does the
conservative (=substance-preserving) attitude have a right to master the
anarchic, the destructive. But today the situation is clearly as follows: From

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the two political “wings” – because therein is the plight of the individual felt
hardest at first hand, demonstrating the impossibility of the present
conditions – a storm is rushing against a System of foreign infiltration, of
capitalist and egoistic interests. So, if on one side a practical attempt is made
to take the fight to the System, then its opponents on the other have not the
least interest in protecting this anti-state.3 The incredibly simple realization
that liberal-democracy only survives today because of the mutual binding and
tearing apart of revolutionary energies has only gradually taken root, but it
must be kept in mind under all circumstances during moments of action from
the “Left”.

One should not misunderstand us: We are well aware that with the tactless
KPD bossocracy4 in Germany today (who are willing to freely crank up the
revolution on the 15th of any arbitrary month according to Moscow’s orders!)
no German and no socialist revolution can be achieved, even in the case of an
emergency. Even less so with the authors of the Law for the Protection of the
Republic.5 Regardless, this fact must at all costs prevent us being misused a
second time for men who are not our own, for a state which we hate just as
much as do the people standing under the red flag at the barricades. “Arms at
the ready!”6 This can be the only slogan for German nationalism at such a
moment. And active readiness for that moment where we make the initiative
of the downtrodden our own, sweeping away the bossocracy of Moscow and
changing course towards German Socialism, to finally win the German
Revolution, which will be nationalist and socialist. Not a man for this System
when its troubles arise! Any weakening of the System is an opportunity for us!
And if the stuffed-shirts [Spießer] thrice wail “Bolshevism” and tremble for the
knick-knacks in their dressers, what bother is it to us? This state is no concern
of ours. It can protect itself. We are waiting – – – for a different day.

Let us not misrepresent the fronts again! The internal political situation is
directly analogous to the current state of foreign policy. There is a disastrous
“Bolshevist hysteria” there, too. Through reference to the “bogeyman” in
Moscow, the bourgeoisie of every hue and color are today attempting to incite
the young members of our circle into acting as the henchmen of world-capital
against Russia. Cardinal Faulhaber,7 the Stahlhelm, the Holy Father, and all
politically-interested circles of a domineering “Christendom” converge
together “under the cross” to sling anathema [Bannfluch] against Russia! –
What is that to us? Here, too, there can only be one slogan for German
Socialism: do not allow yourself to be bamboozled by the mass-psychosis
being cultivated today!

It does not need to be emphasized that, as far as the form of state, etc., is
concerned, we are separated from Soviet Russia by a great deal. But, we ask
ourselves, what do we gain if we aid and abet capitalist propaganda against a
socialist community? What do we gain from supporting Rome’s claims to world
power through a mendacious “Christian” propaganda (which is only a
smokescreen for political elements, and which thereby supports all the
political forces that are directly or indirectly involved in Germany’s

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enslavement) directed against a state which at least is not among our

oppressors, no matter what fault we might otherwise find with it? On the
contrary: steer clear of this hustle against Russia, which only obfuscates a
clear view of the political opportunities which can undoubtedly lead a German
policy closer to Russia than to the Dawes and Young Powers.8 – We will not
allow ourselves to be guided by a false sense of solidarity towards political
powers in whose breakdown we have a fervent interest, neither in our
domestic [innerdeutschen] nor in our European policy:

Neither the red opponents of today’s democratic republic nor the enemy of
Western capital, Russia, are to be struck down with any form of help from us.
In the current situation both are our allies, so far as is possible, against
Weimar, Versailles, and Wall Street. The differences between us will still
demonstrate themselves clearly enough. For the time being: Caution! Don’t
let the fronts be misrepresented!

Translator’s Notes

1. ‘Guardians’ – in German ‘Gralshüter’ lit. ‘grail-holders’ or ‘grail-keepers’.

2. ‘The Democrat Haas’ – Ludwig Haas (b.1875 – d.1930) was a Jewish-

German liberal politician. He held leadership positions in a number of Jewish
advocacy groups, and was a co-founder of both the German Democratic Party
(DDP) and the pro-republican paramilitary, the Reichsbanner. The exact
nature of his “judgement” as referenced by Paetel I could not discover,
although clearly it is in the context of criticisms made by Haas regarding the
economic situation in Weimar Germany.

3. ‘Anti-state’ – in German ‘Unstaat’. This could alternatively be translated as

‘non-state’. Paetel’s use of the word is intended to denote that he sees the
Weimar state as illegitimate, not that the country is in a state of lawlessness.

4. ‘Bossocracy’ – ‘Bonzokratie’ in German. In German the word ‘Bonze’ has a

meaning roughly analogous to ‘big shot’ or ‘fat cat’, implying a person in a
position of privilege and power (a ‘boss’) who abuses their authority to their
own selfish advantage. It was a frequently-used pejorative among Social-
Democrats and trade-unionists, who would dismiss as ‘Bonzen‘ those
members of the workers’ movement who had become too self-interested and
bourgeois (such as establishment SPD politicians). National Socialists also
adopted the word, using it to mockingly describe members of the SPD or KPD
leadership, or even leveling it critically against certain NSDAP officials.
‘Bonzokratie‘ could also be translated as ‘bureaucracy’, but ‘bossocracy’
captures its contextual meaning better.
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5. ‘Authors of the Law for the Protection of the Republic‘ – i.e. the Social-
Democrats. The Law for the Protection of the Republic (Republikschutzgesetz)
was passed by the Reichstag in 1922, in the wake of the assassination of
Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau by nationalist terrorists. Targeted explicitly
against radical groups, the Law banned organizations and publications
deemed to be against the “constitutional republican state” and introduced
harsher penalties for political violence. Although the government which
introduced the Law was headed by Chancellor Wirth, a member of the Centre
Party, the Law was in large part the responsibility of Social-Democratic Justice
Minister Gustav Radbruch and was commonly seen as a product of the SPD. A
later, revised version of the Law introduced in December 1929 was likewise
heavily influenced by the Social-Democrats – in this case by Minister of the
Interior Carl Severing. Whereas the original 1922 Law had been introduced as
a direct response to nationalist violence, the 1929 revision of the Law was
introduced in the wake of the nationwide banning of the KPD paramilitary, the
Red Front Fighters’ League.

6. “Arms at the ready!” – In German “Gewehr bei Fuß stehen!” This is a

military idiom which translates literally to “gun by foot!” and essentially
means “get ready for battle!” or “arms at the ready!”

7. Cardinal Michael von Faulhaber (b.1869 – d.1952) was a prominent

Catholic religious leader in Bavaria. He was notable for his strong anti-
communist, anti-radical, and national-conservative political leanings. Although
anti-Semitic and hostile to the Weimar state, Faulhaber had played a part in
stymying Hitler’s 1923 putsch and thus became an enemy of the Party
throughout the ’20s. In coming years he was attacked viciously by the
National Socialist press with epithets such as “reactionary”, “pacifist traitor”,
“pious Jew-friend”, etc.

8. ‘The Dawes and Young Powers’ – i.e. the powers behind the Dawes Plan
and the Young Plan, the Western Powers (specifically Great Britain, France,
and the United States) who could dictate to Germany over its reparations
payments. It was the contention of left-National Socialists and National
Bolsheviks that a pro-Western foreign policy on Germany’s part was foolish
considering how the Western powers had exploited it through the Versailles
Treaty and subsequent reparations plans. Radicals argued (as Paetel does)
that Germany had more in common with another power which had suffered
due to Western imperialism, and should orient its foreign policy towards that
nation – Soviet Russia.

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TRANSLATED FROM MARKUS MÄRZ’S NATIONALE SOZIALISTEN IN DER NSDAP, 2ND

ED. (2011), ARES VERLAG

The People's Receiver:

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DISCLAIMER

Essays and articles posted on ARPLAN, except those written by myself personally,
are not representative of my own personal opinions. They are presented for the
purposes of education and illumination, not as an endorsement of any particular
political philosophy.

ENTARTETE KUNST

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WORD AND DEED

“The world revolution, however, will not be that which Marx envisaged; it will rather
be that which Nietzsche foresaw.” Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Das Dritte Reich
(1923)

“Currently, owing to a 19th century habit of overestimating the economic factor, we

characterize the conflict by the superficial terms “socialism” and “capitalism.” What is
actually taking place behind this verbal façade is the last great struggle of the
Faustian soul.”
Oswald Spengler, Preußentum und Sozialismus (1919)

“The revolutionary use of force by the masses is an expression of immediate life,

often wild and barbaric, but never systematically horrible and inhuman.” Carl
Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1923)

“Russian Bolshevism and Italian fascism are kindred phenomena, they are signs of
an epoch. They hate each other like brothers. They are both messengers of
‘Caesarism’, which sounds somewhere in the distance in the nebulous ‘music of the
future’.” Nikolai Ustrialov, Pod znakom revolutsii (1927)

“Here, in architecture, the peculiarity of our time is strikingly evident: hitherto the
artistic structures had been the tombs of kings or the places in which they held their
courts or the community hall, or they served sacred purposes… today the artistic
building serves as a business office or it has no meaning at all…” Werner Sombart,
Deutscher Sozialismus (1934)

THE WORLD’S ONLY HYGIENE

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