Angola Prison Art: Captivity, Creativity, and Consumerism

Author(s): Melissa Schrift

Source: The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 119, No. 473 (Summer, 2006), pp. 257-274
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of American Folklore Society
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 MELISSA SCHRIFT

Angola PrisonArt:Captivity,Creativity,
and Consumerism

LouisianaStatePenitentiaryin Angolaholdsa biannualArtsand CraftsFestival

featuringhandmadeworkbyinmates.In additionto introducing innovationsinto
vernacular prisonartforms,Angolainmatesfindenormousvaluein creatingworks
thatembodyor mimictheeverydayimagesandgoodsso readilyavailablein the
outsideworld.Suchworkinvolveslayeredactsof appropriation, allowinginmates
a statustiedsolelyto
to sustaina socialintegritythat,to somedegree,neutralizes
incarceration.

WhenI firstmet Junior,I wasnot surprisedto learnthathe hadspentjustmorethan

a decadeconfinedto a cell,talkingmostlyto himself.Whenhe spoke,his wordswere
difficultto discern.He mumbledandhesitated,stressingodd syllableswith arrhyth-
micintonations.Histhoughtsrantogether,andhe pausedatoddplaces,withawkward
silencesfollowingunfinishedthoughts,redeemedwithwhatseemedan almostpain-
ful detonationof wordsthatcameout in awkward,turret-likespurts.
Toescapedeaththreatsmadeagainsthim,Juniorhadspentelevenyearsin a one-
mancell.Duringhis confinement,he thoughta lot aboutcigarettes.Hewatchedthem
lightup,burn,hangin the air,gettossed,anddie slowlyon the ground.Imprisonment
causedhim considerableconcernaboutfire.He spenta greatdealof time worrying
aboutfiresand envisioningthe varietyof waysin whichhe mightbecometrapped
shoulda fireoccur.Juniorhit rockbottomin his solitaryconfinement.He alternated
dailybetweenprayingand contemplatingsuicide.Duringone of his prayers,he en-
visionedGodspeakingto him,tellinghimto stopfeelingsorryforhimselfandinstead,
to finda wayto distinguishhimselffromthe otherinmates."HowcanI do that?"he
wonderedto himself,"Iam in a one-mancell."
In an odd alchemyof desperationandrepressedvirtuosity,Junior'svisionsof God
andfireconverged,andhe fixatedon the ideaof creatinga self-extinguishing cigarette.
Lackingadequate materialsfor a Junior
prototype, took a nail out of his lockerbox,
used his shoe as a hammer,and tore open a coke can to createa metaldisk.With
needleandthread,he tiedhis contraptiontogetherandputit on a cigarette.Itworked.
Whenthe cigaretteburneddown to the metaldevice,the flamewasextinguished.

MELISSASCHRIFT is AssistantProfessorof Anthropology,

EastTennesseeStateUniversity,JohnsonCity,Tennessee

JournalofAmericanFolklore119(473):257-274
Copyright? 2006 by the Boardof Trusteesof the Universityof Illinois

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258 JournalofAmericanFolklore119 (2006)

Junioris one of manyinmatesat LouisianaStatePenitentiary(Angola)who plies

his creationsat the biannualAngolaPrisonArtsand CraftsFestival.Thefairfeatures
thousandsof inmate-madeartsandcrafts,popularlyreferredto by inmatesas "hob-
bycrafts."Thetermembodiesa wide arrayof items,includingpaintings,woodwork,
metal work,carvings,toys, leatherwork,jewelry,glass etchings,furniture,clocks,
crocheteditems,and a rangeof productsthatdefyeasycategorization.
Becausethe Artsand CraftsFestivalis held in tandemwith the much more con-
troversialAngolaPrisonRodeo,the festivalhas receivedmention only in passing.
Moregenerally,the fleetingattentionto theAngolaArtsandCraftsFestivalis illustra-
tive of a largerdearthof scholarshipon prisonart and folklore.'
Thisarticleaimsto redressthatbreachthroughan explorationof the AngolaArts
and CraftsFestival,the inmateartistswho participate,and the craftsthey produce.
More specifically,the articleborrowsfrom scholarshipon folk arts and craftsto
discussworkat Angolaas a hybridizedcategoryof vernacularart,which speaksto
issuesof identity,materialculture,and incarceration.

PrisonArt and Folklore

Despitea rich and well-establishedtraditionof folklorescholarshipon vernacular

artsand crafts(Cernyand Seriff1996;Glassie1989;Jones1987;Vlachand Bronner
1992),ethnographicanalysisof prisonartsandcraftsis limited.Tosome degree,this
relatesto issuesof accessandtiming.Studiesconcerninginmatesand penitentiaries
aretypicallythe domainof criminologists,who tend to focus on the more applied
issuesof criminality.In addition,althoughart has alwaysplayedan integralrole in
prison culture,the public displayand marketingof prison art is a relativelynew
phenomenon.Thecirculationof prisonartoutsideof the penitentiaryrepresentsyet
anotherexampleof contemporary popularculture'sintriguewithcriminality, evident
by the overwhelmingsuccessof televisioncrime shows,entrepreneurial effortsto
commodifyprisonlife (Wright2000),andthe rapidlygrowingnationalandinterna-
tionalindustryof penaltourism(Adams2001;Strangeand Kempa2003).
Beyondissuesof accessand timingarecategorizationproblemswith the concept
of prison art. In the nominalliteraturethat does exist on prison art,2emphasisis
givento its mosttraditionalandexoticforms,suchas autobiographical drawingsand
paintings,tattoos, matchstick and
modeling,paperweaving, soap, bread, and toilet-
papersculptures.In this vein, prisonart tends to be classifiedas a distinct form of
"outsiderart,"a categorythatcontinuesto be debated(HallandMetcalf1994;Rhodes
2000;Zolbergand Cherbo1997)but is typicallycharacterizedas expressiveculture
createdby socially marginal individuals who have received no formal training. Social
marginality in outsider art is defined primarily by dire poverty, lack of education,
and/or captivity, and those most commonly labeled outsider artists include psychi-
atric patients, eccentric recluses, spiritual visionaries, and prison inmates. The inte-
gration of outsider art in the contemporary art world is best illustrated by New York
City's hugely successful annual Outsider Art Fair as well as by numerous national
and international outsider art collections and festivals, and a stylized monthly pub-
lication, Raw Vision, devoted to outsider art. On a general level, the intrigue of out-

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 259

siderartlieswithitsabilityto offeravisuallyspectacular pointof resistance to main-

streamculture.Asoutsiderartbecomesanincreasingly significantcomponent of the
nationalandinternational artmarket,however,it servesonlyto reasserttropesof
authenticitydistinguishing "real"andcommercial arton thebasisof anartist'sper-
sonalbiography andhisor herresulting lackof accessto themainstream products
andprocessesof artisticexpression. It is significant
thattheincreased visibilityof
outsiderart,andtheinevitable discussion andcritiquesurrounding a kind
it,involves
of conceptualcannibalism--once discovered and named, it ceasesto existas "out-
side."
Folkloristshaveofferedthemostsustainedresistance to theconceptof outsider
art,basedprimarily on thenotionthatsucha proposedgenrehasno grounding in
sharedcommunity traditions (Glassie1989;VlachandBronner1992).Vlach(1992),
forexample,elaborates on thetenuousnatureof "outsider" art(andits "collective
connotations" of terms,suchasprimitive, self-taught,naive, so forth),contend-
and
ing that expressiveculture can nevertrulybe separated fromthecommunities with-
in whichit is created.He writes,"Nogenuinefolkartistcaneverbe completely
self-taught.Certainly folkartistsmayworkalone,evenin seclusion,buttheywill
workwithina sociallysanctioned setof rulesforartisticproduction whichtheyexpect
willinsuretheacceptability of theircompletedpieces.Thustheyarementallycon-
nectedevenif physically isolated"(Vlach1992:19).
Partof theresultof mydiscussion of Angolaartinvolvesa degreeof demystifica-
tionregarding theparadoxical natureof outsiderart.Ratherthansuggesting thatthe
particular natureof Angolaartsandcraftsdisqualifies inmatesas "real"outsider
artists,I wouldpointto thefrailtyof theveryconceptof outsiderart.Furthermore,
althoughAngolamaybe somewhatuniquein havingestablished anartmarketfor
inmates,it is onlyoneof manyexamples thatleavenotionsof "outsider" vulnerable.
Thus,in attempting to conceptualize thematerial cultureatAngola,theframework
of folkorvernacular artprovidesa farmoreproductive template.
Offeringwitnessto thedurability of sucha template, Jackson (1965;1972;1977)
hasprovided awealthof material onprisonfolklore. Jackson treatsprisonasa culture
untoitself,whathetermsa "parody of civility."Itis withinthisparodythatinmates
makelives.According to Jackson, "Peoplelivein prison.Theydo notlivewell,but
livetheydo. Theymakespacesforthemselves, decoratewhattheycan,defineas
the
private tiny areas they manage control;theynegotiatehustlesandseduc-
can to
tionsandfriendships" (1977:26).
AlthoughJackson's primary interests restwithfolksongs,stories,anecdotes, slang,
nicknames, andjokes,he makesperiodicmentionof material culture.Forexample,
in an earlycollectionof inmatefolklore(1972),Jacksonincludesa letterwrittenby
an inmateto commissiona sex book froma fellowinmate"artist."In a laterphoto-
graphicand essaycollectionon the ArkansasPenitentiary,Jacksonremarks,"People
makenests,tryto personalizethe impersonal.No one, forexample,is allowedto tape
or tackanythingto the wallsin Cummins,but decorationgoes on nevertheless.In
the barracks,manylockerboxesaredecoratedwithpicturesanddrawingsinsideand
out.... Peoplemanufacturethings.Someonehad a steamboathe had madefor his
son;a tuft of cottongluedto a cardboardtube servedas smoke.Anotherman made

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260 JournalofAmericanFolklore119(2006)

houses from little stoneshe pickedup while workingin the garden.Anothermade

pictureframesfrompineconesections"(Jackson1977:24-5).In a sense,this article
picksup whereJacksonleft off, thoughwith some considerabledifferences.Forthe
most part,thesedifferencesreflectthe changingnatureof penalinstitutionsin con-
temporaryculture.A corechangereflectedin this articleconcernsthe blurringof the
inner institutionand the outsideworld.Consider,for example,Jackson'ssynthesis
of prison folklorein the mid-1960s:"Theprison folkloreexistssymbioticallywith
freeworldfolklore,a relationshipthat survivesbecausethe prisonmaterialsatisfies
certainneedsthe outsidematerialcannotsatisfyandbecausethe influencesoperat-
ing on the prisonfolkloreareall internal"(Jackson1965:317).
Clearly,and as is illustratedwell by the AngolaArtsand CraftsFestival,Jackson's
descriptionis no longerentirelyaccurate.AlthoughAngolarepresents,perhaps,one
of the mostvisiblepubliceventsrelatedto a penalinstitution,otherexamplesabound,
includingprison rodeo,inmateart shows,prisongift shops,and the growingphe-
nomenonof prisonmuseums(Adams2001;Schrift2004;StrangeandKempa2003).
In lightof suchchanges,this articleaimsto expandupon Jackson'sworkby consid-
eringthe waysin whichinmatematerialcultureatAngolais influenced,andaltered,
by the outsideworld.Indeed,my descriptionof Angolareflectsan ambitiouscon-
sumer ethic in the creationand marketingof inmate arts and crafts,reflectinga
hybridizationin materialculturethathasbecomealltoo familiaran issuefor folklor-
ists and anthropologistsstudyingtraditionaland indigenousart and craftforms.3
Ratherthansimplybemoaningthe corruptionof "pure"folktraditions,muchof this
scholarshiphaspropelleddiscussionsof hybridaestheticsin particularly usefulways.
Forexample,both Joyce(1986) and Jones(1987) providesustainedattentionto the
processesby whichdifferentkindsof folk art and craftsarecreatedacrosstime and
space,withthoughtfulconsiderationof transformations of formandmeaning.Thus,
notionsof innovationand revitalizationtakeprecedenceoverreinvention,allowing
for the conceptual saliency of categoriessuch as vernacularart in the modern
world.

Angolaas ResearchSite
I first attendedthe AngolaArts and CraftsFestivalin the fall of 2000, bringinga
motleyand adventuresomegroupof studentswho accompaniedme on a fieldtrip
on outsiderart and culture.Drawnby the complexitiesof a public event that so
unproblematically conflatedconsumerism,voyeurism,and incarceration,I decided
to pursueresearchas partof a largerprojecton folk and outsiderart.In total,I at-
tended five festivals from 2000 to the present, two of which were held on consecutive
days in the spring of 2002.
When I conducted research,I was assigned correctional officers who served as ap-
pointed escorts for me. Whereas journalists often viewed these prison-mandated
guides as unwelcome yokes, I enjoyed the opportunity to spend the days with escorts.
They allowed me a comfort zone in approaching inmates, and, as prison personnel
who typicallyworked and lived on prison grounds, they supplied significant informa-
tion and had their own unique perspectivesto offer.Prison officials graciouslyallowed

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 261

me healthyaccessduringthe threevisitsthat followedthat firsttrip,permittingme

to interviewand photographwillinginmates(camerasarenot allowedfor nonme-
dia spectators).Interviewsandphotographswerepermittedonly in the companyof
prisonpersonnel,andallinmatessignedreleasesto be photographedandinterviewed
at the time thateitheror both weredone.
In almostall cases,guidesdid not listen at all to my interviews.Onlyonce did a
guidelistento an interview,admittingcuriosityaboutwhata particularinmatesaid.
Instead,guidestypicallysaunteredin the background,looking at crafts,talkingto
inmates,andcommiseratingwithotherguidesoverthe undesirabletaskof following
officialvisitorslikemyselfaroundallday.Forthe fullstintof my research,my escorts
offeredme a satisfyingdegreeof privacyand autonomyin my interviews.
Duringthe threevisits whereI gainedaccesswith a cameraand tape recorder,I
conductedandrecordedon tapetwentyin-depthinterviewswith inmatesparticipat-
ing in the Artsand CraftsFestival.Interviewstypicallyrangedfromthirtyminutes
to one hour. In addition,I conversedand interactedwith dozens of inmatesand
spectators.I alsowelcomedthe opportunityto use photographyas a visualresearch
method(CollierandCollier1986)and,withan assistant,obtainedhundredsof pho-
tographs.
LouisianaStatePenitentiary, alsoknownasAngola,is Louisiana'sonlymaximum-
securityprison and the nation'slargest.Angolacontainsslightlymore than 5,000
male prisoners,approximatelytwo-thirdsof whom are servinglife sentences.An-
golaholdsalmostallof Louisiana's violentcriminals.4 Themajorityof Angolainmates
areblackand fortyyearsof age or younger.Angolasits on 18,000acresof land that
formerlyservedas a slaveplantation.All inmateswho are mentallyand physically
ablemaintainforty-hour-a-week jobs,associatedprimarilywiththe prison'sfarming
operations.5
Angolaalsosponsorsan impressivearrayof voluntaryeducationalprogramsthat
will soon be housed in a new,multimilliondollareducationbuilding.Providedby
Angola'sInmateWelfareFund,the buildingwill be home to Angola'sliteracyand
GEDprograms,lawandreadinglibraries,andthedozensof inmateself-improvement
associations.Angolais also home to the award-winningprisonnews magazine,the
Angolite.Angola'srelativelyprogressiveinmateprogramsarea result,in largepart,
of federallymandatedreformsin the mid-1970s.Longknownasthe South's"blood-
iestprison,"Angolamaintaineda longhistoryof physicalabuseandviolence;racism;
inhumanelivingandworkingconditionsforinmates;andofficialcorruption(Bergn-
er 1998).6
Angolais uniquein offeringthe only large-scaleinmate-produced(and,to a large
extent,managed)artsandcraftsmarketin the UnitedStates.AlthoughWardenCain
initiatedthe firstAngolaArtsand CraftsFestivalin the springof 2001 as a solo en-
terprise,the festivalwassoon combinedwith the infamousrodeoto providevisitors
withan entiredayof festivities.Thetwo eventsarenowbilledtogetherandtakeplace
everySundayin Octoberandduringone weekendin the spring.TheArtsandCrafts
Festivalcoversgroundson one sideof the stadium,amida rangeof festivitiesinclud-
ing inmatebands,concessionstands,and,mostrecently,ponyrides,a dunkingbooth,
andvariedgamesand activities.Salesduringthe festivalgeneratetens of thousands

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262 Journal ofAmerican Folklore119 (2006)

of dollars a weekend. A percentage of sales goes to the Inmate Welfare Fund, and
inmates are allowed to keep the remaining profits. Inmates do not deal with money
directly,and only trusties of the prison are allowed to set up private booths and move
about the hobbycrafts area freely. These men are typically lifers and have a vested
interest in the positive presentation of themselves, the penitentiary, and their work.
Other inmates with records of good behavior are allowed to participate in the fair,
but only behind a fence. Their arts and crafts are sold on tables in front of the fenced
areas,with trusties and prison officials serving as intermediaries. The fencing off of
the majority of inmates produces a disconcerting caged effect (Figure 1). Inmates
behind the fence are much more aggressivein their approach to potential consumers,
and there is a constant din of shouting among inmates pointing out their wares,
encouraging consumers to consider a purchase, and announcing their willingness to
negotiate. Because it is impossible to monitor these exchanges closely, they have a
very different tenor than interactions with trustie vendors. Often, the interactions
carry undertones of flirtation, playful taunting, and muted hostility between inmates
and the crowd.

TheRehabilitationof Refuse

With his cigarette-extinguishing device in hand, Junioreventually made contact with

an attorney in St. Francisville who reached a patent agent in Baton Rouge. Junior
patented his product and then spent the next four years trying to sell it to tobacco
companies. He claims the companies will not implement the device, because they
would be admitting that their product was unsafe.

Figure1. Inmatesbehindfence.PhotoCredit:KeithPilkey.

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 263

At the sametime thatJuniorwas tryingto markethis product,his seven-year-old

son beganactingout. Juniorwantedto deterhis son's poor behaviorby explaining
to him whatlife in prisonwaslike,but he hadlittleto no communicationwith him.
Thatis when he decidedto createa gameaboutlife in Angolafor his son and other
juveniledelinquents.He spent the next two yearsworkingon the game,which he
called"ServingTimeon the River:The HarshRealitiesof PrisonLife."
As entertainment,the gameis fairlydepressing.Whetheryou win or lose the game,
the "harshrealities"are unavoidable,beginningwith a smatteringof assaultsthat
includesexualassault,attackswith hot water,clubbingswith a sockfull of batteries,
and thwacksof humanfeceslaunchedby disgruntledinmates.The harsherrealities
in the game revolvearounddeath in prisonvia illness,suicide,or murder,broken
downfurtherto includestabbings,beatings,andbludgeonings.Thearguablykindest
realitiesin the gameinvolveretreatinginto mentalillnessor gaininga medicaldis-
chargebecauseof terminalillness,AIDS,blindness,or quadriplegia. Throughoutthe
game,playershavethe option to join self-helpprograms.Theyare,however,scarce
among the maze of rule infractionsand unavoidablecircumstances,such as work
offenses,unwantedsexualadvances,disobedience,gambling,fighting,theft,making
and hiding contraband,and self-mutilation.Winningis hardlyworththe effort,a
point Juniormakespainfullyobvious.
Sincecreatingthe boardgame,Juniortransferredfromhis solitarycell to general
population.He now makesthe gamesby handto sell at the Artsand CraftsFair.It
takeshim aboutthreehoursto makea game,andtheysellfor$25.Thegamehasbeen
a success,both at the fairand in othervenues.Juniorclaimsto havedistributedthe
game to a numberof professionalswho workwith at-riskjuveniles.He regularly
expressesinterestin obtainingoutsideassistancein marketinghis products.He con-
tinuesto searchfor a literaryagentor board-gamemanufacturer. In the meantime,
he is workingon an apparatusthatwouldallowa firevictimto breathewhenconfined
in a smoke-filledspace.
LonnieusesNationalGeographicmagazines,J.C.Penneycatalogs,andemptypo-
tatochipbagsfor his art,thoughhis preferredmediumis discardedunfilteredCam-
el cigarettepacks.The Camelpacksareeasyto come by,and he likesthe varnished
effectthatthecellophanegiveshis pieces.He carefullystraightensandfoldseachpack
intothin,interlockingstripsto createa varietyof artpieces,includingpictureframes,
boxes,pencilholders,miniaturerockingchairs,babyshoes,and evenpurses.
Fortunatelyfor Lonnie,manyof Angola'sinmatessmoke.And,aswith most pris-
ons,cigarettesconstitutea substantialpartof the informalprisoneconomy.Cigarettes
serveas a currencyfor gettingany numberof goods and/orservicesin prison,and
they are in constant circulation. The result of this underground economy is that the
majority of inmates who smoke at Angola smoke unfiltered Camels to ensure equiv-
alence in their exchanges. Thus, Lonnie can use the uniformity of the designs on the
Camel packs to create carefully patterned designs in gold and brown (Figure 2).
Like most inmates at Angola, Lonnie began producing cigarette pack art in the
parish jails where new inmates learn the craft, both as a way to pass the time in cell-
blocks and to hold images of their loved ones. Once transferredto the penitentiary,
where they have greater mobility and options to occupy their time, most inmates

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264 Journal of American Folklore119 (2006)

Figure2. Cigarettepackart.Photo Credit:KeithPilkey.

forego folding cigarette packs. This works out well for Lonnie, resulting in little com-
petition for discardedpacks. His friends collect for him too, and he has recentlybegun
to pay inmates for empty packs. The going rate is one full pack of cigarettes given for
every 150 empty packs an inmate provides. Lonnie used to ask for only 100, but the
increased price of cigarettes has forced him to make adjustments.
Lonnie is one of only two inmates who attempts to sell cigarette pack art at the
festival. His boxes and frames sit on a small table, dwarfed by his more popular sell-
ing items, such as leather belts and purses. Most inmates think he is crazy for messing
with the cigarette packs at all; they can make $1,000 worth of belts in the same time
that it takes Lonnie to make one piece of art that, if it sells at all, usually goes for well
under $100. Lonnie, however, is not overly interested in selling his cigarette pack art
at the festival. Instead, he thinks of it as a conversation point that draws in customers
interested in other hobbycrafts and eases the way for him to interact with a wide
variety of people who visit Angola.
To some degree, both Junior and Lonnie represent enduring traditions in prison
art-work made by hand, using materials that were found, scavenged, or exchanged,
creating autobiographical objects that reflect the realities of everyday life in prison.
The ingenuity and innovation involved in securing materials to create art in prison
is evident in the work of many inmates at Angola. Although some inmates have mod-
est amounts of money from years of incentive pay or from loved ones willing to invest
in their artistic endeavors, many inmates have neither of these things and, instead,
rely on collecting raw material from their immediate surroundings.
Beginning artists at Angola constantly scope out their everyday surroundings to
identify potential resources, and inmates are phenomenally inventive with the every-
day materials to which they have access. Such materials typically fall into one of two
categories:refuse, or any materials that have been discarded as trash or are no longer

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 265

considered useful, and the limited everyday products that the penitentiary permits
an inmate to possess and/or buy from the commissary,including toothbrushes, shoes,
clothes, beverage cans, and snack wrappers.
One of the more popular vendors at the fair,for example, gathers skulls from dead
bulls on the farm and paints them (Figure 3). He purchases beads and feathers to
decorate the painted bullheads, most of which have Native American motifs. When
these skeletal remains are not available, he collects and paints used saw blades. He
also depends on other inmates to help him collect materials, and, in his case, prison
personnel also donate material in exchange for painted bullheads. In exchange for
materials, he provides inmates with varied pieces of art, including portraits of loved
ones, cards, gifts for family members, and tattoos.
Another inmate creates birdhouses from boots (Figure 4). He gathers boots that
are discarded when the prison issues inmates a new pair. He cuts a hole in the heel
of a boot, crafting an almost comical perch for birds to rest. He based his idea on a
distant memory of birdhouses made from cowboy boots that he saw at a flea market
before he was incarcerated.He appreciatesthe low overheadinvolved in his art,though
the birdhouses are not big sellers. Potential customers are more amused than inter-
ested in purchasing them. They smile dismissively,leaving the ragged boots hanging
in the air, ripe with years of inmate labor.

The Commodificationof PrisonArt

During the years I attended the festival, I witnessed Junior's slow-and not always
steady-transformation. When we first talked, Junior sold his game (and displayed
his cigarette device) from behind the fence, because he lacked trustie status. On my

Figure 3. Inmate with bull head and saw blade art. Photo Credit: Keith Pilkey.

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266 Journal of American Folklore119 (2006)

............
. .........
s3Lsa T OOT

.
?ig-.Mx'
'7

Figure4. Boot birdhouses.Photo Credit:KeithPilkey.

most recent visit, I found Junior manning a table set up in a prime location near the
main entrance. On the table sat his best-selling game with improved packaging and
pieces that are produced en masse. In addition, Junior hawked two new games-a
poorly-received one about the JFK assassination called "Conspiracy" and a more
recent and very popular creation, a board game about the death penalty entitled "The
Thirteenth Step:CapitalPunishment." Junioralso talked about work on his memoirs.
In a spiel undoubtedly familiar to all who spent more than a few minutes talking to
him, Junioreagerlysold his biography with his games. Although I had heard it before,
each time I spoke with Junior,he told his story by rote-the one-man cell, the coke
can and patent, his fledgling son, and the prison board games.
Lonnie has also evolved in interesting ways and, presently, represents one of the
most sophisticated vendors at the arts and crafts fair. He clearly recognizes the po-
tential value of a traditional prison art form-cigarette pack folding-in the art
market beyond Angola. Indeed, he repeatedly acknowledges having "read up" on
"that kind" of folk art, and has successfully established a relationship with private
collectors. He is aware that his "prison art" is not a big seller at the festival, but he
continues to display several pieces with the hope of attracting the occasional collec-
tor or dealer;he also does this as a tactic to attract customers to his large selection of
belts and purses, giving him an edge in the unexpectedly competitive market of An-
gola leatherworks.
With the increased professionalization of the Angola Arts and Crafts Festival, in-
mates are no longer exclusively reliant on a bricolage of scavenged goods. If they have
the capital, they have ready access to materials and designs offered by independent
penitentiary-approved distributors. Through the sale of arts and crafts, such capital
is easier to come by and most inmates find ways to combine what they forage on the
inside with what they can purchase on the outside.
Perhaps more significant than accessing greater resources to create their work,
inmate artists now resort to a variety of resources in accessing ideas and techniques
for their art. Certainly,a level of censorship imposed by the prison impacts the artis-

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 267

tic expression
atthefestival.Artistsacknowledge generalguidelines regarding what
theycanandcannotsellat thefair.Theyreportnotbeingpermittedto usenudity
andprofanity in theirart.Inmatepaintersrepeatedly remarked thatnegativedepic-
tionsof prisonlife simplydid not sell.Andat leastone inmatecommentedthat
paintingaboutprisonlife wassimplydepressing-bothforhis audienceandfor
himself.However, a self-imposedeconomiccensorship appears to prevail,atleastas
muchastheofficialrestrictions do.
Whenaskedwheretheygetthe ideafor a particular piece,inmatesmostcom-
monlyrespondthattheyinnovateuponsomething thattheyseeinthe"freeworld,"
includingnewspapers, magazines, books,catalogues,
television, and,whenpossible,
people.Obviously, the inmates
only have limited accessto the freeworld,buttheir
confinement heightenstheirsurveillance. Inmateartists,thus,spendhourspouring
overadvertisements andimages,uninhibited, in largepart,by timeandthe mind-
numbingpace of fashion changein theoutside world.Thefestivalitselfrepresents a
bonanzaof potentialideas,andinmatesscrutinizetheiraudienceof freepeople,
formingmentalimprintsthatcanbe translated intotheirworkthefollowingyear.
Oneinmateexplains:

Wemightmeetsomebody likeI mightmeetyou,andyoumighthavea purse. I see

youcarrying thatbag,andI willlookatthatbag,andI willsay,"look,
peopleuse
thatto carrythingsin."AndI canlookatthat,andI gota giftfromGod.I can
photograph that,andI canseeyouinacouple ofmonths, andI canshowyouabag
identical
tothat.Sothatis howwegetdesigns. Rightnow,there's guyslooking at
thethingsthatpeoplehave. Wegetdesignsrighthereattherodeoinartsandcrafts.
Weseethebeltsthatpeoplehave.Weseethepurses thattheladieshave.Weseethe
capsthattheywear, thehats.Thenwemakethecaps.

Thefestivalalsoallowsinmatevendorsto browsethroughthewidearrayof goods

madebyotherinmates,witha keeneyetowardwhatsellsandwhatdoesnot.Inmate
artistsmaintainwhatappears to bea friendlycompetition
withoneanother, mock-
ingeach other's
ideasand tryingto outdoone another and
byborrowing improving
uponsuccessful designs.Inmatesappearto appreciatethisrivalry,
claimingthatit
forcesthemto workharderandmorecreatively, constantlyexperimentingandin-
novating.
Inmatesborrowideasfromoneanotherandfromvisitorsto theprisonto vigor-
ouslymarkettheirgoods.Forexample,it hasbecomeincreasingly commonforin-
matesat Angolato advertisetheirwareswithflashysignsthatfeatureindividual
artist'snamesand/ordescribe theproductsbeingsoldandprocesses bywhichprod-
ucts are made. One inmate adopts the trademark "ArtisticalCreations"to solidify a
niche for his homemade greeting cards and leatherworks.His early,modest attempts
to fashion key chains from leather scraps at the hobbyshop now represent a kind of
business for him. He communicates with ease with his patrons and stresses that
customer service is the most important factor in his success. He even attempts to
coach his young children on the etiquette of salesmanship, sending them boxes of
key chains and pocketbooks to sell, always enclosed with a note that explains the art

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268 JournalofAmericanFolklore119 (2006)

of the sales talk. He comments, "I tell them to always be polite to people. The cus-
tomer is always right. Make sure you know how to communicate."
A sophisticatedlevel of commodification is most evident in the eagerappropriation
of consumer culture icons, primarily those targeting children. As a result of their
access to newspaper advertising, inmate artists have a keen appreciation of the ever-
expanding "kinderculture"in the consumer world outside of prison. One inmate
explains:

Thereareso manykids,you know.Again,saywe get ten thousandpeopleout here,

and,let'sjustsaywe got eightthousandadults,and everybody'sgot kids.There'sso
manylittlegirlsand so manylittleboys.Littlekids'stuffsells.Wehavelearnedthat
from coming out here over the years.Youlearnwhat sells.Youlearnwhatpeople
like.... I just haveto relateit to, just like in the freeworld,you know.Yousee the
advertisements, how the TVuse thisto get the littlekidsto wantthis,kidswantthat.
And we seewhatthe kidslikeout there,andthatis whatwe makehere.So when the
kidscomehere,there'sthingsthat'sbeenadvertisedout therealready;we havethem
here,you knowwhatI mean.And so, it is the samething,and so, I thinkthat'sone
of the things... and kids let theirparentsknowwhatthey want.I mean,that'sno
secret.

Inmates are equally adept at marketing to their clientele of rural Southerners. Inter-
ested customers approach inmates about customized pieces, and it is not unusual for
repeat customers to commission work from inmates. By and large, inmates con-
sciously and strategicallyproduce for a tourist market comprised primarily of rural
Southerners. Several inmates explicitly profiled potential consumers as "country
people" who preferred "country" or "western"arts and crafts. This genre typically
included scenes featuring the bayou, hunting, rodeos, cowboys, animals, and the
outdoors. This rural aesthetic perpetuated by inmate vendors typically represents an
ironic contrast to the inmates' own urban background and orientation, and it was
typical to hear inmates refer disdainfully to the ruralaesthetic that sells so well at the
rodeo. One inmate comments:

Youdo not haveto be Picassoor Rembrandtto painta swampscene.... Themajor-

ity of people who come here are lower class,or middle class ... all they know is
bayouscenes,swampscenes,ducks,deer,andwildlifegame.Paintthat,doesnot even
haveto be a good rendition,sell for twentydollars,sell fivethousandof them.

Another inmate artist describes a similar tension regarding reactions to his art:

Mostlythesepeopleareso country,theygo forprettypictures.Theyarenot someone

you wouldmeet at a RollingStonesconcert.I staywith this. I refuse... everytime
I try to do something,one of these prettypaintingsthat they go for,like a swamp
scene,I get madin the middleof it. It getson my nervesso bad I cannotdo it. I did
some strangeducksone time,kinda,it cameout kindof likeprimitive,a littlebit on
the psychedelicside, with color in them. Most of these peopledo not understand
when I sayI would not copy these prettypictureslike they sell.To me, that is like

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 269

someonelike,likeKeithRichardsdoinga CocaColacommercial,you know,or Bruce

Springsteen,it is like sellingout. Kindof like I said it gets me angry.It gets on my
nervesso bad.I did a realduckone time. I thinkI sold it forfifteendollars.It got on
my nervesso bad.

The impact of the market's influence on what is made by inmates is vast and varied.
At the most extreme end, inmates may, at times, censor content, as in the case above.
More often than not, however, inmates adapt their work to meet specific demands.
Adaptations may be in the form of changes in color, size, and form. One inmate
explains:

Well,asthepeoplecome,mostpeoplewilltellyouthingsthattheylike,andtheycome
regular,so youkindof figureout designsin yourhead... Theymightwantsomething
with sewing,or lace.Theymightwanta certaincoloror they mightwanta certain
pattern.Theytellit to you or theywillbringsomething,andyou candrawit.

As illustrated by objects discussed above (such as the boot birdhouses, animal skulls
with Native American motifs, and psychedelic country ducks), one clear result of the
market's impact on inmate art is the often odd pastiche of symbols and imagery
evident in myriad pieces. Examples abound at the festival:a beautifully carved wood-
en cabinet decoratedwith a heavily shellacked (and equallybeautifully carved) wood-
cut of TweetyBird;handcraftedsilverearringsfeaturingdangling sharecroppingtools;
and an inmate's self-portrait displaying him in cowboy attire, wrangling a bucking
bronco (Figure 5).

Ir - ,?

r;
~
j l&f;~klb~F~~
9
;a~6? 1r ~::: :"
4
)

a-c
~l~ir-~
~q~6~: i:-?~/
pi r( ?~:?I
"Pi

rs-??
~::::
?~'
"*"t\r~
as ~ ~e~C,~_~_~
~:?
:i ~?:i,~a~? una~#
~Up
s4r~ .~i-_ ~" `L':~

Figure5. Self-portrait.PhotoCredit:KeithPilkey.

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
270 Journalof American Folklore119 (2006)

Inmates also commonly respond to outside influence through invocation of reli-

gious and patriotic symbolism. Christian iconography is commonplace. Crosses are
sold in all sizes, shapes, and forms, and spectacularlyembellished leather Bible covers
are bestsellers (Figure6). Salvationand redemption are common themes in paintings,
both because inmates often experience religious conversion while incarcerated and
also because the ever curious crowd of consumers responds well to such displays of
piety by inmates. One inmate, for example, describes a painting of himself behind
bars, displayed, without success, at a number of arts festivals. He was eventually ap-
proached by a customer who offered to buy the painting on the condition that he
add a Bible. He revised the picture, inserting a Bible in his hands in front of the bars,
and the painting sold immediately. Another inmate talks about this aspect of con-
sumer influence more bluntly:

See I havea lot of betterstuff in there,I cannotbringout herecauseit is a littletoo

strange.Peopledown hereareso religious.If you,forexample,drawa skull... these
peoplethinkit is devilworship.It is some kindof kicktheygot aroundhere.... They
got suchsemiliteratereligiousfreaksaroundhere,in here,thatanythingyou do dif-
ferent,theythinkit is demonology.

One year, this particular inmate actually did bring out a handful of small-scale ver-
sions of his art, most of which were profoundly disturbing. He described a few oth-
er pictures that he did not bring out to the fair:a crucified nude woman covered with
body piercings; a female torso with a hole in her stomach from which a face was
emerging; a child with a noose around his neck and a person on his head holding
dead flowers; and a tree being lapped and devoured by hideous heads and lascivious

Figure6. InmatewithBiblecovers.Photo
Credit:KeithPilkey.

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 Schrift, Angola Prison Art 271

tongues (Figure 7). In light of his skill, fellow inmates attempt to persuade him to
paint more traditional pictures to sell, but he refuses.
Patriotic iconography also surfaces but can be potentially problematic. For ex-
ample, the 2001 festival took place approximately one month after the September 11
World Trade Center attacks. A large number of inmates crafted and displayed arts
and crafts memorializing the victims. Items ranged from patriotic leather key chains
and visors to paintings of crying eagles and cowboys superimposed on the shadow
of the World Trade Center (Figure 8). In interviews, it was clear that inmates had a
sense of the market potential of patriotic goods and had spent many hours preparing
for the demand. During the festival, however, inmates received a subdued response
from the crowd to the patriotic arts and crafts. Items did not sell particularly well,
and a number of visitors expressed anger and hostility (typically not in front of in-
mates) toward what they perceived as the inmates' attempt to capitalize on the at-
tacks.
Inmate vendors often cloak their marketing with a rhetoric of rehabilitation and
altruism, particularly as a mechanism to counter the potential ethical problems of
contributing financially to inmates. Inmates commonly discuss contributions of a
portion of their proceeds to family members and, occasionally, charities. Altruistic
rhetoric at the festival, though, has its limits. I am not suggesting that inmates' self
presentation is necessarily disingenuous. Undoubtedly, many inmates do contribute
to family members and social causes. At the same time, it seems clear that inmates
also recognize the marketing significance of a socially conscious discourse.

Figure 7. Psychedelic art. Photo Credit: Keith Pilkey.

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272 Journal of American Folklore119 (2006)

Figure8. Patrioticart.Photo Credit:KeithPilkey.

Captivity,Creativity,and Consumerism
In view of the wealth of literatureon materialculture and consumption, it has become
somewhat of a truism in folklore and anthropology to discuss the sociability of ma-
terial things. Like many forms of expressive culture in the world today, the Angola
Arts and Crafts Festivalpresents a phenomenon that merges talent, skill, and creativ-
ity with an ambitious consumer ethic. The hybrid products that result, however, are
no less meaningful for their bastardization. Such alterations typically do not deter
from an inmate's conceptualization of himself as an artist or artisan. Indeed, the

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 Schrift,AngolaPrisonArt 273

abilityto customize theirideasoftenservesto enhanceaninmate'sperception of his

creativeabilities.
In thisway,I wouldarguethattheconsumerethosso prevalent in Angola'sarts
andcraftshasbecomean integralpartof thevernacular aestheticin inmatemate-
rialculture.Ratherthansolelycapitalizing on whatthebroaderartmarketwould
categorize asprisonart,Angolainmatesfindenormousvaluein creating worksthat
eitherembodyor mimictheeveryday and so
images goods readily in the
available
outsideworld.
Wheninmatesproduceartsandcrafts,theyareconstructing theirown,equally
and
intriguing highlyprofitable realm of otherness withinAngola'sofficiallyspon-
soredtale.Throughtheirartsandcrafts,inmatesembracetheirown collectively
fashioned imaginary of life"onthestreets," avisionfueledbydespairanddestitution,
vagueeuphoric memories, secondhand media,lingeringlovedones,andglimpsesof
the outsideworldthroughtheArtsandCraftsFestival. Suchworkinvolveslayered
actsof appropriation forinmates,includingtheattainment andtransformation of
recycledmaterials usuallynecessary to beginhobbycrafting; thepainstaking mim-
icryandinnovations involvedin craftingandsellingeveryday commodities; andthe
of
assumption any number of rolestypicallyunavailableafterincarceration-artist,
artisan,provider, entrepreneur, salesman, inventor.Inthisway,inmatesembracethe
consumer-contaminated realmsof kitschandcraftto sustaina socialintegritythat,
to somedegree,neutralizes a statustiedsolelyto incarceration.

Notes
1.As discussedlaterin the article,BruceJackson'searlywork(1965;1972;1975)providesa notable
exception.
2. PhyllisKornfeld(1997)offersthe only textfocusedexclusivelyon prisonart.A painterandteacher
who workswithinmatesandotherspecialpopulations,Kornfeldoffersa modestdiscussionof the social
contextforthevariedprisonartgenresandexamplesdisplayedin herbook;however,herbookis primar-
ily devotedto showcasingthe artitself.
3. See,for example,HenryGlassie(1997),NelsonGraburn(1976),LeeHaring(2003),MichaelJones
(1987), RosemaryJoyce(1986), RonaldLoewe(2003), NicholasSpitzer(2003), and BarreToelken
(2003).
4.Almostfiftypercentof themeninAngolaareservingtermsforhomicide, followedbytwentyper-
centconvictedof robbery,
andsixteenpercentconvictedof rape.Theremaining inmatesareserving
sentencesforvariedcrimes,including
drugs,burglary,
kidnapping,theft,andassault.
5. Forincentive
wagesthatrangefromfourtotwentycentsperhour,inmates tenda beefherdof 1,500
cattleandfarmcropsthatincludecorn,soybeans,
cotton,wheat,tomatoes,cabbage, okra,watermelons,
andonions.Nonagricultural
beans,peppers,strawberries, industriesincludea licensetagplant,silkscreen
shop, printshop,metal fabricationshop,and mattress,broom,and mop factory.Inmatesalso havea
varietyof programs
theycanparticipate
induringtheirfreetime,includinga four-year
degreeprogram
through theNewOrleansBaptist
TheologicalSeminary anda number of vocational including
programs,
graphicarts,culinaryarts,automechanics,
welding,carpentry, bodyandfenderrepair,andhobby-
crafts.
6.Abusesculminated in 1951in oneof themostdramatic protestsin penalhistory-thirty-seven
whiteinmatesseveredtheirAchilles
tendonswithrazorbladestobringattention toAngola's
oppressive
conditions.Followingthe incident,Angolaimprovedfor a briefperiod,only to lapseinto a systemof
"renewedneglect"a decadelater(Bergner1989).Bytheearly1970s,Angolahadapproximately 400 guards
for4,000inmates
andsustained
recordviolence. 40inmate
Between1972and1975,theprisonreported

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274 JournalofAmericanFolklore119(2006)

murders and360stabbings. suedtheprisonin

Itwasduringthistimethatfourinmatessuccessfully
federalcourt,citingproblemssuchasbeatings
byguards withmophandles;rampantrapeandmurder;
racialsegregation,withBlackinmatespickingcropswhileWhiteswerepromotedto otherfieldwork;
arbitrarydiscipline;anda doctorless withfederaloversight,
hospital.Withintwoyearsof operating
Angola became a model a
prison,reporting of
wealth reformsandzerodeaths 1989).
(Bergner

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