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Abstract
In this paper, I read Trayvon Martin’s murder at the hands of George Zimmerman and
the ensuing debates surrounding Stand Your Ground law through Frantz Fanon’s critical
reformulation of Hegel’s master-slave dialectic. For Fanon, the unacknowledged
reciprocity of Hegel’s dialectic obscures the sub-ontological realm—to which Fanon and
Martin alike were condemned—and Fanon’s concept of comparaison sheds further light
on Zimmerman’s motivations as a liminally racialized subject. I argue that it is precisely
by questioning the circularity of Hegel’s formulation—in which to stand one’s ground is to
claim what one already has access to—and by diagnosing what lies beneath that ground
that we can avoid mistaking the legal symptom for the underlying ailment and craft
strategies for resisting white supremacy in the present.
Were it not for the drizzling rain and strange choice of weaponry, this
confrontation might evoke the abstract world of G.W.F. Hegel’s dialectic
of lordship and bondage in which one “self-consciousness” is
confronted by another, with each holding the key to the other’s full
recognition. But as powerful as the Hegelian framework might seem for
grasping Trayvon Martin’s murder at the hands of George Zimmerman
and the ensuing debate surrounding “Stand Your Ground” law, as it
turns out, these historical particularities are precisely what is at stake.
1
Hegel2
2
stand, and absent the ontological Ground of Being, no standing can
occur. To lack standing (which finds its etymological origins in ‘status’ or
the position from which one fights) is to lack the ground, the foundation,
on which to make a circular move that defends that very same ground.
Standing and ground are thereby revealing in their synonymy, in their
upholding of what one can already rightfully claim. In Hegel’s strangely
redundant dialectic, all enjoy the ground on which to stand, but was this
truly the case for Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman alike?
Fanon9
In Black Skin, White Masks, Frantz Fanon would take Hegel to task
for this uncritical circularity.10 Fanon found in the Hegelian dialectic a
powerful tool, but one that prior to use required significant modification,
beginning with the idea of ground itself. When he, a Black man, sought
self-standing shortly after arriving in France, he discovered something
peculiar: that the Black subject suffers what Fanon deems an
ontological “flaw.”11 Lacking “ontological resistance” in the eyes of
whites, they lack the ground on which to stand, and finding access to
the dialectic of recognition blocked, are forced to enter into a conflict
that differs fundamentally from that which Hegel had envisioned.12
3
lacking the ground on which to stand. According to Fanon, Hegel’s
dialectic relies upon an “absolute reciprocity” that is lacking under white
supremacy: the master does not recognize the humanity of the slave
even on the most basic level, and the slave in such a system often
looks toward the master rather than busying him or herself with that
liberatory activity of laboring in the world.16
Fanon20
4
Only through such initial struggle can disqualified non-Beings crack the
surface of Ground from beneath and emerge into the full light of day.
Even without his knowing, the ground had begun to give way beneath
Martin’s feet. By contrast, Zimmerman, standing confidently in the
5
knowledge that his judgment would prevail, confronted Martin, and the
latter—like Fanon—took up the struggle imposed upon him, unaware
perhaps that this “illicit appearance” would later be used—as it is being
used today—in an effort to retroactively justify his death. But the
violence of appearance already committed, the transition to struggle
meant little, and Fanon would no doubt agree with a recent editorial
entitled: “Did Trayvon Martin fight for his life? If so, good!”26
Race Traitor27
6
an effort to become whiter, that is, more fully human, at the expense of
other Black subjects. In his two-sided critique of the dialectic of
recognition, Fanon therefore demonstrates the distortions introduced by
white supremacy into the intersubjective relationships both between
Black and white (his critique of Hegelian ontology), and among Black
subjects (comparaison), with blocked recognition the outcome of both.
While he did not explicitly consider the particular circumstances of
those falling between blackness and whiteness, however, the very
binary nature of the system he diagnoses makes such explanations
readily derivable.
7
progress (from lynching and race riots to individual behaviors and
utterances like “coon”).35Individual utterances thus always exist in a
dialectical relationship with the totality of such utterances.36 On the one
hand, it is these individual actions, which in their conjunction and their
interrelationship constitute that totality, and inversely, it is in identifying
and resisting these individual moments—for example, punishing
individual perpetrators—that one can, without stopping at that individual
moment, build a chain of dialectical linkages that can transform or
overturn the totality as it exists.37
8
the Haitian Revolution as the unwritten conclusion that Hegel left out of
his account.40 In her generosity to Hegel, Buck-Morss effectively leaves
the parameters of his dialectic intact, whereas as we have seen, Fanon
reformulated this dialectic from the ground-up, or rather, from what lies
beneath that Ground. As a result, Buck-Morss reaches an unsatisfying
conclusion: by failing to interrogate Hegel’s Grund, her universal
remains both Eurocentric and immediately available. It is Eurocentric
because the Haitian Revolution appears merely as the confirmation of
the universal nature of the French Revolution (and not vice-versa), and
immediately available and indeed demanded due to her foreclosure, in
the second half of her book, on any intermediary identities (like nation
or race).41
A Failure of Law?
What’s the life expectancy for Black guys?
The system’s working effectively, that’s why.
Kanye West44
9
neutrality of law is premised upon the very same sort of universal
reciprocity as Hegel’s dialectic of master and slave.
10
the law and its ostensible opposite. Just as the sub-ontological realm of
those condemned to non-Being short-circuited attempts at recognition,
the sub-legal realm of informally practiced white supremacy historically
leads to a more concrete form of condemnation: the police, the courts,
mass incarceration to contain Black bodies.
• - The initial refusal by local police and state attorney to arrest Zimmerman.51
• - The decision to have Trayvon Martin’s corpse tested for drugs and the testing
process and reporting of the results
• - The press complicity in reporting every detail of Martin’s past that might serve to
demonize him while humanizing and exonerating Zimmerman.52
11
• - The particular zeal with which the press reported the presence of traces of
THC, from marijuana, in Martin’s urine.53
• - And of course, the as-yet unwritten but predictable course that the trial and
verdict will take.54
Of these, the results of the urine test are perhaps the most galling:
why was Martin’s urine even tested to begin with?55 Here, the injunction
to ‘report the whole truth’ or ‘all the facts’ of the case is but a microcosm
of the broader false universal, which presumes that these facts exist
prior to the decision to create them as facts, that they are untainted by
white supremacy, and that their reporting would have uniformly
distributed effects. Such systemic responses are far from uncommon,
and instead constitute a sort of invisible script that plays out with
astounding uniformity in cases such as these. Just as racialized
subjects reveal the false universality of Being, so too does the way in
which “facts” are routinely deployed against them reveal the falseness
of the universal that makes them legible as facts to begin with.
This invisible script serves ultimately to prepare the ground and sow
the seeds for Zimmerman’s acquittal or conviction on a lesser charge,
either directly (in the case of the police) or indirectly (by preparing the
public to accept the outcome). As Gordon has argued, this invisible
script or “racial grammar” of Black exclusion preemptively legitimates
the actions of the jury by confirming the legitimacy of any and all use of
force against Black bodies. Just as the 1992 jury in Simi Valley was
simply carrying out a preordained decision—that police violence against
Rodney King was legitimate—so too has the permission to acquit
George Zimmerman already been granted by virtue of the a priori
violence of Trayvon Martin, who was guilty of the capital offense of
walking while Black.56
The Ground of Being and the ground of law suffer the same sub-
ontological “flaw”: something unspoken that lay beneath. Recognizing
this does more than merely negate arguments for the reform of Stand
Your Ground law and more stringent gun control, in this case it actually
reverses them (here the question of gun control is the general category
within which Stand Your Ground operates). Attentiveness to the sub-
ontological script of white supremacy reveals the dirty little secret of gun
control: that mythology aside, the prime determinant of gun control has
not been progressive desire to civilize, but instead the imperative need
to disarm and render defenseless Black bodies.57
12
It was in response to the self-liberation of the slaves that the Black
Codes dictated their disarmament.58 It was in response to the armed
patrols of the Black Panthers that California legislators quickly moved to
limit the carrying of loaded weapons (with the support of California
Governor Ronald Reagan of all people). It was as a more general
response to the rebelliousness of the 1960s that the Gun Control Act of
1968 and its companion Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act
were approved, which were, according to legal scholar Adam Winkler,
“laws enacted to disarm black radicals.”59 And it was in response to the
L.A. riots or rebellions of 1992 that “Three Strikes” legislation emerged,
thereby contributing immensely to the effectiveness of imprisonment as
a means of warehousing Black bodies.60As a testament to the
importance of the sub-legal realm inhabited by sub-ontological beings,
here the law obediently trails behind white supremacist hysteria, which
in turn responds to nothing so directly as to the whip of the Black
revolution.61
Ice Cube63
13
there will be a conversation on race that can have a properly cathartic
ending.64
We choose our reference points in ways that reveal our concerns and
objectives, and it is in this spirit that McWhorter binds Zimmerman to
O.J. Simpson. But what if we choose instead to consider the trial in
reference to the Rodney King verdict and the massive rebellion it
unleashed 20 years ago? Or to the rebellions that greeted the murder of
Oscar Grant only a few short years ago?67 If acquittals reveal the
underlying Ground of white supremacy, rebellions both confirm this
revelation and offer to transform it into active consciousness in a
manner akin to Fanon’s modified dialectic. By contrast, McWhorter’s
call for a televised trial is as cynical a ploy as was the eventual
rebranding of South Central as “South L.A.”
Hegel was racked with anxiety at the dialectical divisions and ruptures
that constituted the very basis of his work, and sought desperately to
14
re-establish unity in thought, and thereby in the world. McWhorter
seems to be tortured by a similar anxiety, a desire for unity that trumps
all else. Fanon, by contrast, would never endorse unity at the expense
of the condemned, and he sought instead to tear back the veil that
concealed the basic functions of reality in its ontological and sub-
ontological realms. And Fanon would most certainly view with suspicion
any call for “catharsis,” which reeks of the active desire to halt
dialectical motion.
Between the social death of stasis and the mortal risk of explosion,
Fanon would always choose the latter, and with good reason. Refusing
to counsel Black folks to accept the place assigned to them, he throws
the weight of his indictment back on to social structures, fully aware of
what was likely to result: “Once that has been said, the rest will follow of
its own accord, and we know what that means. The end of the world, by
Jove.”68 The abolition of existing structures, the white supremacy
embedded in institutions formal and informal, the tearing down of the
walls separating Being from its constitutive opposite: this is the end of
the world, and for Fanon as for Césaire, it is “the only thing in the world
worth starting.”69
The stakes here are not limited to Martin himself, or even to all
victims of white supremacist violence, but extend as well to the broader
question of how to think social change and dialectics in an ostensibly
post-racial age. This would involve recognizing that there is no abstract
universal Ground for dialectical struggle, that when two or more sides
enter into conflict the terrain is always heavily laden with concrete
historical meaning, that in the words of Aimé Césaire, the universal we
seek is “rich with all that is particular.”70 It means recognizing that these
particulars might require a pre-dialectical struggle of the sort Fanon
envisions. It means abandoning all hope in determinisms, linearity, and
inevitable forward progress, and recognizing the reality of blockage, of
inertia, and the consequent need for a voluntarism of sorts to push
history into motion.
When Ice Cube (of the aptly named group, Da Lench Mob) rapped
about the forthcoming “sequel” to the L.A. riots while still standing amid
the smoldering embers, his words fell short of prophecy in their sheer
obviousness. If anything, the seamless continuity of white supremacist
violence—as the norm rather than the exception—raises the perpetual
specter of not one sequel but many: from Oscar Grant to Trayvon
Martin, to Alan Blueford, the most recent victim of the Oakland Police
Department, gunned-down on May 6th 2012, just weeks before
15
graduating from high school. Or from CeCe McDonald to Marissa
Alexander, to add those wrongly condemned under the ostensibly
universal right of self-defense.71
The problem is not hoodies. The problem is not guns. The problem is
not even Stand Your Ground law. The problem is white supremacy,
which leaves some without any ground on which to stand.
George Ciccariello-Maher
Notes
1. Matt Gutman, “Trayvon Martin Killing: 911 Tape Reveals Possible Racial Slur by
Neighborhood Watchman,”ABC News (March 20th 2012), available
at: http://abcnews.go.com/US/neighborhood-watch-killing-911-tape-reveals-racial-
slur/story?id=15966309#.T8Pk7HlYviQ.
7. Put briefly, ground is for Hegel the broadest and most basic category of the
totality. Hegel discusses Grundextensively in his Science of Logic. See also the entry
for “ground” in Michael Inwood, ed., A Hegel Dictionary(London: Blackwell
Publishing), available from Blackwell Reference
Online,http://www.blackwellreference.com/public/book?id=g9780631175339_978063
1175339. For an analysis of Hegelian ground relevant to the discussion that follows,
albeit more rooted in Hegel’s Logic, see C.L.R. James,Notes on Dialectics: Hegel,
Marx, Lenin (Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill & Co., 1980), 95–98.
9. Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. R. Philcox (New York: Grove
Press, 2007), 6.
16
10. For a prior discussion of Fanon and Hegel’s respective dialectics, see Lou
Turner, “On the Difference between the Hegelian and Fanonian Dialectic of Lordship
and Bondage,” in L.R. Gordon, T.D. Sharpley-Whiting, and R.T. White, eds., Fanon:
A Critical Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 134–154.
17. Fanon, Black Skin, xii. See also the discussion of “sub-ontological difference” in
Nelson Maldonado-Torres,Against War: Views from the Underside of
Modernity (Durham: Duke, 2008), 106–115; Lewis Gordon, “Through the Hellish
Zone of Nonbeing: Thinking through Fanon, Disaster, and the Damned of the
Earth,” Human Architecture 5 (2007), 5–12.
18. W.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Penguin, 1996), 8.
22. Lewis Gordon, “Of Illicit Appearance: The L.A. Riots/Rebellion as a Portent of
Things to Come,”Truthout.org (May 12th 2012), available at: http://truth-
out.org/news/item/9008-of-illicit-appearance-the-la-riots-rebellion-as-a-portent-of-
things-to-come.
23. Fanon, Black Skin, 119. I have argued elsewhere that, even in Wretched, it is
“symbolic violence” that is most important for Fanon, the two-sided transformation
set into motion by this subjective explosion. George Ciccariello-Maher, “Jumpstarting
the Decolonial Engine: Symbolic Violence from Fanon to Chávez,” Theory &
Event 13, no. 1 (March 2010).
24. As I will discuss below, whether or not Zimmerman made this individual
utterance both matters (as a marker of the importance of race) and does not (since
this importance is clear regardless). Concretely, there is good reason to believe that
Zimmerman did indeed say the word, even aside from the audio. In the chronology of
Zimmerman’s 911 call, he shifts from stating that Martin is suspicious and “looks
Black” (0:29) to identifying him as a “Black male” (1:08), to insisting that “these
17
assholes, they always get away” (1:40), and finally, upon giving pursuit, to the oft-
mentioned “fucking coon” (2:21). Whereas some read this progression as suggesting
that Zimmerman was not initially motivated by racism, the opposite is more plausible:
that Zimmerman’s initial (if subconscious) suspicion was that Martin might be, in fact,
a young Black male, that this suspicion was quickly confirmed, and that as a result,
Martin became first an “asshole” and ultimately a “coon.”
Interesting here is the fact that Zimmerman family friend Joe Oliver went so far as to
defend the use of the term on the basis of its affectionate use elsewhere in the South
(some states away, and presumably among people of the same race). Zimmerman’s
previous 911 calls and the content of his MySpace page led some to speculate that
he was in fact motivated by race. See Isabelle Zehnder, “George Zimmerman’s
MySpace page includes racial slurs,” Examiner.com (May 2nd 2012), available
at: http://www.examiner.com/article/george-zimmerman-s-myspace-page-includes-
racial-slurs. This has since been reinforced by the testimony of witness #9, who
aside from charging Zimmerman with sexual abuse, has also argued that his family
was systematically anti-Black.
On the historical derivation and transformations of the term “coon” (and specifically
its shift from describing poor, rural whites to denigrating Blacks) see David
Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1991), 97–100.
26. Mike E., “Did Trayvon fight for his life? If so, good!” Kasama Project (May
15th 2012), available at:http://kasamaproject.org/2012/05/15/did-trayvon-fight-for-his-
life-if-so-good/.
28. This is the description of his son offered by George Zimmerman’s father, Robert.
Rene Stutzman, “George Zimmerman’s father: My son is not racist, did not confront
Trayvon Martin,” Orlando Sentinel (March 15th 2012), available
at: http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/2012-03-15/news/os-trayvon-martin-shooting-
zimmerman-letter-20120315_1_robert-zimmerman-letter-unarmed-black-teenager.
29. Fanon, Black Skin, 185–186. Built-into this argument is Fanon’s powerful insight
that there is no single ego-ideal, and that by extension no psychological concepts
exist universally.
32. This is certainly not to say that whites do not physically attack Blacks, nothing
could be further from the case. It is merely to note that the zeal with which some
18
liminally white individuals and communities set themselves to the task (of lynching,
for example) reflects a need to prove oneself, collectively and individually, to
whiteness. In the 1920s and 30s, for example, Italians both lynched Blacks and were
lynched by whites. See Roediger, Working Toward Whiteness, 117.
33. Tamara Nopper raises provocative questions about the function of whiteness in
the case of Zimmerman, arguing that his structural superiority over Trayvon Martin
was not necessarily a question of proximity to whiteness, but I fail to see the
difference between structural superiority and buying into whiteness. “20 Years in the
Making: George Zimmerman’s ‘Minority Defense’ and the 1992 Los Angeles
Riots,” Bandung 1955 (April 20th 2012), available
at: http://tamaranopper.com/2012/04/20/george-zimmerman%E2%80%99s-minority-
defense-and-the-1992-los-angeles-riots/.
34. As Du Bois recognized early on, the wages of whiteness and the institution of
police are inseparable from the Civil War on, and this relationship continues with
mass incarceration. Zimmerman’s ostensible motivation—security—is inseparable
from race.
35. Here, much of the criticism of whiteness studies and especially Race Traitor is
well-founded: individual acts matter—be they of treason to whiteness, or in this case
loyalty to it—but only within collective struggles and processes. Just as individuals
cannot opt out of whiteness, Zimmerman could not simply opt in.
36. Roediger is uniquely attentive to this dynamic, analyzing the way that “countless
quotidian activities”—from personal grooming to political organizing to housing
strategies—when considered collectively, allowed immigrants to achieve whiteness
over time (Working Toward Whiteness, 8). In this process, it was “unclear to the
individual if her task was a personal or a group one” (53), precisely because the two
were so thoroughly inseparable, dialectically interwoven like Fanon’s historical-racial
schema, out of gazes, gestures, anecdotes.
37. In the individual utterance that is “fucking coon” is contained all of the dialectical
complexity of the individual in relation to the collective. It is immaterial whether
Zimmerman actually uttered the words, not because such individual utterances are
unimportant, but quite the opposite: because the totality of these utterances—
combined with actions—already establishes that this is precisely what he thought of
Trayvon Martin.
19
to pardon his actions. We must be much more systematic and careful, in linking this
individual utterance—as with the individual himself—to the collective. Because
precisely had the press not withdrawn its early verdict against Zimmerman, the
outcome would largely have been the same: an individual convicted of being a racist,
and the white supremacist system plugs along as before, stacking corpses upon
corpses.
38. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, tr. R. Philcox (New York: Grove
Press, 2004), 43.
40. Susan Buck-Morss, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History (Pittsburgh: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 2009).
41. While I don’t have the space to fully flesh out this argument here, I discuss the
dangers of immediately leaping to the universal in the last section below.
44. Jay-Z and Kanye West, “Murder to Excellence,” Watch the Throne (New York:
Roc-a-Fella, 2011).
45. This view is shared even by those who seek explanations elsewhere. Rich
Benjamin, for example, speaks of the rise of gated communities, and while we might
see this approach as leading directly to white supremacy, Benjamin instead stops
short, placing the blame on “gate-mindedness.” “The Gated Community
Mentality,” The New York Times (March 29th 2012), available
at: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/30/opinion/the-gated-community-
mentality.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1338226165-
XRJK6uFLeoOexXqu67kzHQ&gwh=1E8DA45505C5FE95C6F3082E0C22960B.
49. On the narcotics investigator, see Matt Gutman, “Trayvon Martin Investigator
Wanted Manslaughter Charge,” ABC News (March 27th 2012), available
at: http://abcnews.go.com/US/trayvon-martin-dogged-disciplinary-problems-
school/story?id=16011674#.T8PVM3lYviR. Such “missteps” included, notably,
jumping to the conclusion that Martin was the aggressor and Zimmerman the victim.
Serge F. Kovaleski, “Trayvon Martin Shadowed by Series of Police Missteps,” The
New York Times (May 17th 2012), available
at:http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/17/us/trayvon-martin-case-shadowed-by-police-
missteps.html. Like workers passively resisting a speedup on the assembly line, the
foot soldiers of white supremacy committed sufficient “missteps” to endanger any
conviction of Zimmerman.
20
50. Matt Gutman, “Orlando Watch Shooting Probe Reveals Questionable Police
Conduct,” ABC News (March 13th 2012), available
at: http://abcnews.go.com/US/neighborhood-watch-shooting-trayvon-martin-probe-
reveals-questionable/story15907136#.T2QwBWJWrQI.
51. It now appears, according to an affidavit filed by the head homicide investigator,
that this decision was not local, but made by the state attorney’s office (Gutman,
“Trayvon Martin Investigator).
52. ABC News reported both that Zimmerman “couldn’t stop crying” after shooting
Martin, and that Martin was “dogged by disciplinary problems at school.” Chris
Francescani, “Trayvon Martin Shooter ‘Couldn’t Stop Crying’ After Shooting,” ABC
News (March 25th 2012), available at: http://abcnews.go.com/US/trayvon-martin-
shooter-couldnt-stop-crying-shooting/story?id=15997075#.T8PWkHlYviQ; Matt
Gutman, “Trayvon Martin Dogged by Disciplinary Problems at School” (this article
has since been removed from the ABC News website and replaced with Gutman’s
article cited above, without changing the revealing URL address). See John Eskow,
“The Second Killing of Trayvon Martin,” Counterpunch (March 27th 2012), available
at:http://www.counterpunch.org/2012/03/27/the-second-killing-of-trayvon-martin/.
53. NPR deemed this one of the “biggest revelations” of the autopsy, reporting in the
same article on Martin’s previous suspension for marijuana possession. Eyder
Peralta, “New Evidence Released: Trayvon Martin had Traces of Pot in
System,” NPR News Blog (May 17th 2012), available
at:http://www.npr.org/blogs/thetwoway/2012/05/17/152948727/new-evidence-
released-trayvon-martin-had-traces-of-pot-in-system.
54. This is not even to mention such heartwarming phenomena as the production
and sale of gun range targets in the image of Martin or the “Trayvoning” trend in
which white teenagers dress like Martin while pretending to lie on the floor dead.
55. The New York Times coded this decision as a “routine toxicology screening”
(“Trayvon Martin Case”).
56. Gordon, “Of Illicit Appearance.” This racial grammar is akin to what Patricia
Williams, analyzing the Rodney King case, deemed “the rules of the game.”
Referring to the notorious presentation of the video of King’s beating in freeze-frame,
she writes: “You just take a big chunk of material reality, freeze it frame by frame,
mix all the frames up, and then play them backward, forward, upside down at
randomly varying speeds, for a nice kaleidoscopic effect. When you start to feel a
little dizzy, you bring in a team of players, called experts, who interpret the designs
as creatively as they can, and then the jury has to pick the meaning that they like the
best.” Patricia Williams, “The Rules of the Game,” in Robert Gooding-Williams,
ed., Reading Rodney King/Reading Urban Uprising (New York: Routledge, 1993),
51–52.
57. Adam Winkler, “The Secret History of Guns,” The Atlantic (September 2011),
available at:http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2011/09/the-secret-history-
of-guns/8608/. See also Adam Winkler,Gunfight: The Battle over the Right to Bear
Arms in America (New York: Norton, 2011).
21
58. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America.
60. Nigel Gibson, “20 Years After the L.A. Riots: Revisiting the Rationality of
Revolt,” Truthout (May 12th 2012), available at: http://truth-out.org/news/item/9000-
20-years-after-the-la-riots-revisiting-the-rationality-of-revolt.
61. Few have spoken openly and honestly about the question of gun control in
relation to the death of Trayvon Martin, but some of the most critical voices have
emerged from the hip-hop community. See “Killer Mike is ‘Very Angry’ with Black
Leadership,” MTV.com (March 29th 2012), available
at:http://www.mtv.com/videos/news/753924/killer-mike-is-very-angry-with-black-
leadership.jhtml; “David Banner on Trayvon Martin Shooting
Death,” Blackenterprise.com (March 30th 2012), available
at:http://www.blackenterprise.com/news/david-banner-on-trayvon-martin-shooting-
death/.
62. Much ink has been expended arguing for the inherent evil of such laws, and one
course of argument seeks to reveal the corporate backers and lobbying groups like
the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) that have supported Stand Your
Ground. The connections drawn between such laws and discrimination are not
convincing, however: these laws don’t “discriminate,” but simply tear back the veil
brutally and violently to reveal what already exists beneath. Of course, this doesn’t
mean such laws are “good,” but we must not misinterpret them lest we
misunderstand the real problems to be diagnosed, treating the symptoms rather than
the underlying ailment. Joanne Doroshow, “The Secretive Corporate Outfit Behind
Stand Your Ground,” Reuters(April 13th 2012), available
at: http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2012/04/13/the-secretive-corporate-outfit-
behind-stand-your-ground/.
64. John McWhorter, “The Case for Televising the Trayvon Martin Trial: America
Needs a Re-Do of the O.J. Case,” The New Republic (April 17th 2012), available
at: http://www.tnr.com/article/put-differently/102718/george-zimmerman-trayvon-
martin-arrest.
66. While McWhorter seems to hope for a conviction, I presume this would be on
reduced charges, since he argues that Zimmerman is not a racist, but that his
actions are instead best captured by that powerful conceptual category of “butthead.”
67. For powerful studies of the L.A. Riots-Rebellions that parallel my concerns here,
see Robert Gooding-Williams, ed., Reading Rodney King/Reading Urban Uprising,
and especially the chapters by Judith Butler and Gooding-Williams himself. On Oscar
Grant, see my articles collected in Raider Nation Collective, From the January
Rebellions to Lovelle Mixon and Beyond (Oakland, 2010), available
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at:http://www4.uwm.edu/c21/pdfs/symposia/Preoccupy/Ciccariello-
Maher_RaiderNationCollective.pdf.
69. Cited in Fanon, Black Skin, 76. The first passage is direct reference to the
second.
71. A Black trans woman, CeCe McDonald was charged with second-degree murder
and ultimately plead to second-degree manslaughter and was sentence to 41
months for defending herself when attacked by a white supremacist man and two
women. Marissa Alexander, also a Black woman, was sentenced in Florida to a 20-
year sentence for firing a warning shot over the head of an abusive husband, leading
many to wonder why Alexander was denied access to a stand-your-ground defense
by State Attorney Angela Corey, who is also overseeing the Zimmerman
prosecution.
Copyright © 2012 George Ciccariello-Maher and The Johns Hopkins University Press
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