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Rustam sHuKuROV

The Byzantine Turks: An Approach to the Study of Late Byzantine Demography

the turkic presence in the Byzantine Empire during the Palaiolo�

gan period has been attracting scholarly interest for a long time. there

can no longer be any doubt about the existence of turkish settlers in

Late Byzantium. However, until now the turks in Byzantine context

have been generally regarded as mercenary soldiers who stayed tempo�

rarily in the territory of the Empire; the subsequent fate of the turks

who, in one way or another, settled in Byzantium has scarcely been

analysed. until now we have had no comprehensive and generalising

study on the place of the turks in the ethnic composition of Late By�

zantium: whether they constituted compact ethnic groups, where they

lived, what their religious and cultural affiliations were, etc.

the absence of general studies on the Byzantine turks isis quite

quite unun��

derstandable since demographic and ethnic analysis comes up against

almost insurmountable difficulties of methodology. It is obvious that

the ethnic structure of the region was extremely complex: at least four

the present research was made possible with the support of the RGNF Foundation

(project no. 07�0�00547a). my special thanks are due to Dr. Oya Pancaroğlu (Boğaziçi uni�

versity, Department of History, Istanbul) for her help in preparation of this piece for publica�

tion.

P. Charanis, The Formation of the Greek People, in The ‘Past’ in Medieval and Modern Greek

Culture, ed. sp. Vryonis, malibu, 978, p. 97; P. Charanis, The Transfer of Population as a Po-

licy in the Byzantine Empire, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 3, no., p. 48ff; s.

Vryonis, Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower, in Studies on Byzantium,

Seljuks, and Ottomans: Reprinted Studies [Byzantina kai metabyzantina vol. ] malibu. Calif.,

98, no. III,

III, p.

p. 55��40;

40; C. asdracha, La région des Rhodopes aux XIII e et XIV e siècles: étude

de géographie historique, athens, 976, p. 75–84.

  • 74 Rustam sHuKuROV

large ethnic groups – that is Greeks, Bulgarians, serbians, and al�

banians – lived side by side there. the presence of west European,

turkic, armenian, Vlach, Gypsy and Jewish settlers made the virtual

ethnic map of the Byzantine territories even more complex and obscu�

re. moreover, the turbulent political history of the Byzantine Empi�

re and neighbouring countries, frequent and drastic shifts of political

borders, rapid conquests and retreats put in motion large groups of

people who, as one may expect, were repeatedly rearranging pre�exi�

sting ethnic maps. From this point of view, surviving sources are often

insufficient for a credible reconstruction of ethnic changes in particular

areas of the Byzantine Empire at that time. We can produce so far only

a general and, what is most disappointing, mainly a static picture of

the region’s ethnic composition. at the present stage, only a synchro�

nic description can be given; developing a detailed diachronic analysis

of ethnic processes often proves to be unfeasible because of the insuffi�

ciency of the surviving sources.

the initial point of the present study is an onomastic research based on

personal and place names preserved in the contemporary sources. It is ono�

mastics that makes it possible to evaluate the ethnic features of a region

with relatively high precision. However, generally, it must be noted that

onomastic study still occupies a modest place in modern Byzantinistics,

compared, for example, with Classical and medieval studies 3 . meanwhile,

  • 3 see for instance a general survey with a helpful bibliographical section for medieval

Europe: Personal Names Studies of Medieval Europe. Social Identity and Family Structures, ed. G.t.

Beech, m. Bourin, P. Chareille, Kalamazoo,, 00. 00. see see see also also also aaa recent
Beech, m. Bourin, P. Chareille, Kalamazoo,, 00.
00. see
see
see also
also
also aaa recent
recent
recent study
study
study of
of
of ancient
ancient
ancient
Greek anthroponymics: Greek Personal Persona Personall Names. Names. Names. Names Names Their Their Their Their Their Their Their Value Value Value Value Value Value Value as as as as as as as Evidence
...
Evidence Evidence Evidence
Evidence Evidence Evidence, ed. simon Hornblow�
er & Elaine matthews, Oxford, 000. For
For studies
studies of
of Byzantine
Byzantine onomastics
onomastics see,
see, for
for instan
instan��

ce: a.E. Laiou Laiou, Peasant Names in Fourteenth-century Macedonia, in Byzantine and Modern Greek

Studies, vol. , 975, p. 7–95; a.E. Laiou, Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. ���� Social

Social

and Demographic Study, Princeton, 977, see esp., Chapter IV “Names” ; J. Lefort, ��nthropo-

nymie et société villageoise (X e -XIV e siècle), in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin. Tome II:

VIII e -XV e siècle , éd. par V. Kravari, J. Lefort et C. m orrisson, Paris, 99 , p. 5– 38; J.

Lefort, Toponymie et anthroponymie: le contact entre Grecs et Slaves en Macédoine , in Castrum

4, Frontière et peuplement dans le monde méditerranéen au Moyen Âge , éd. J. �m . Poisson,

Rome � m adrid, 99 , p. 6 � 7 ; F. Brunet, Sur l’ Hellénisaton des toponymes slaves en

Macedoine Byzantine , in Travaux et Mémoires , t. 9, 985. p. 35– 65 ; V. Kravari , L’hel -

lénisation des Slaves de Macédoine orientale, au témoignage des anthroponymes , in ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ ,

Mélanges offerts à Hélène �� hrweiler , vol. II, Paris, 998, p. 387 � 397 ; D. D. Dželebdžić,

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

75

in some cases, onomastics is able to fill some gaps in the traditional

sources. toponymics provides ample material about the distribu �

tion of the Franks in the Peloponnese. 4 In the case of the Empire

of trebizond, personal and place names are sometimes the only in �

dication of the factual ethnic diversity in the particular regions of

the Pontos. 5

In the present piece, an attempt will be made toto fill

fill that

that gap

gap at

at

least partially and to propose new ways of describing ethnic minorities

in the population of the Byzantine

Empire..

the tthe he present present present study study study focu focu focu���

ses on the fate of the Byzantine turkic groups under the Palaiologoi.

Geographically, it is limited to the Balkan territories of the Byzantine

Empire from serres to Ochrid and the Vardar valley, including the

territories approximately matching the present Greek province of ma�

cedonia and the Republic of macedonia.

Our task is facilitated by several recent studies. It is worth men�

tioning an article of the Russian scholar Piotr Zhavoronkov on the

Late Byzantine turkic aristocracy, which analyzes mainly Byzantine

narrative sources. 6 the study of Zoritsa Đoković is the first synthe�

Slavic �� nthroponyms in the Judicial Decisions of the Demetrios Chomatenos , in Zbornik radova

Vizantiloshkog instituta , vol 43, 006, p. 483–498 (in serbian) s erbian )) ;;; Z. Đokovi ć , Étude de

l’anthroponymie slave dans les praktika du XIIe et XIIIe siècle , in Zbornik radova Vizantiloshkog

instituta , vol 43, 006, p. 499–5 6 (in sserbian). erbian ). ). additional additional additional a dditional relevant relevant relevant relevant references references references references see see see see also also also also

below.

  • 4 H. & R. Kahane, The Western Impact on Byzantium: The Linguistic Evidence, in Dum-

barton Oaks Papers, vol. 36, 98, p. 7–53; H. & R. Kahane, Italienische Ortsnamen in

Griechenland, athen, 940; H. & R. Kahane, abendland und Byzanz, in : Reallexikon der

Byzantinistik, ed.

PP..

Wirth, aamsterdam

Wirth,

msterdam 970,

970, ss 345–634

..

345–634 ((sprache);

sprache); O. markl, Ortsnamen

Griechenlands in frankischer Zeit, [Byzantina Vindobonensia, I], Graz, Köln, 966; a. Bon, La

Morée franque: Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d'��chaia,

1204-1430, vol. , Paris, 969.

5

R. shukurov

shukurov, The Byzantine Turks of the Pontos, in Mésogeios, t. 6, 999, p. 7–47. On

On the

the

Kartvelian minority in trebizond see also: E. Zhordania, Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta

v ��III– III– III–���V �VVV vv. vv. vv. vv. vv. Chast’ Chast’ Chast’ Chast’ Chast’ I: I: I: I: I: Lazy, Lazy, Lazy, Lazy, Lazy, in: in: in: in: in: Byzantinoslavica,, vol. 58, 997, 5–39; E. Zhordania,

Etnicheskii sostav naselenia Ponta v ��III– III– III–���V �VVV vv. vv. vv. vv. vv. iiiii nekotorye nekotorye nekotorye nekotorye nekotorye voprosy voprosy voprosy voprosy voprosy toponimiki toponimiki toponimiki toponimiki toponimiki Ponta. Ponta. Ponta. Ponta. Ponta.

Chast’ II: Chany, in: Byzantinoslavica,, vol. 60, 999, p. 7–86; E. Zhordania, Kartvel’skoe

naselenie Ponta v XIII-XV vv. : dissertatsiia

...

kandidata nauk: 07.00.03, moscow, 00.

  • 6 P. Zhavoronkov, Tiurki v Vizantii (XIII–seredina XIV v.) Chast’

Chast’ 1:

tiurkskaia aristokra-

1: tiurkskaia

aristokra-

tiia (The Turks in Byzantium (13 th -mid-14 th c.). Part 1: The Turkish aristocracy), in Vizantiiskii

vremennik, 006, vol. 65, p. 68–69.

  • 76 Rustam sHuKuROV

tic research analyzing the Late Byzantine anthroponymics of Eastern

macedonia as a source for the ethnic history of the region. 7 the most

valuable part of the latter study concerns slavic names in Byzantine

documental sources. Zoritsa Đoković has made an attempt to describe

albanian, Vlach and turkic ethnic groups as well. However, the turk�

ish section of the study appears to be relatively weak and incomplete,

which once again confirms the urgent necessity of the proper examina�

tion of turkic elements in the macedonian population.

However, before proceeding to the description of the macedonian

turks in the Palaiologan period, it is necessary to say a few words

about the basic principles of the proposed approach to the study of the

ethnic composition of the Byzantine population.

. the Database of Personal Names

For the first stage of the research, I chose Byzantine personal and

place names containing roots of Oriental origin and gave them etymo�

logical interpretation. By “Oriental” I am referring conventionally to

names derived from arabic, Persian and turkic roots.

In the case of Oriental names, the most valuable and ample infor�

mation is provided by anthroponymics that constitutes the main bulk

of evidence underlying the present study. these names are preserved

in a great variety of sources of different genres: historiography, court

poetry, documentary sources, emperor’s chrysobulls, marginal notes

and obits, signatures of manuscripts’ copyists, etc. Collection of the

anthroponymic material and compilation of the database have been

considerably facilitated by Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit 8

that registered approximately 30,000 names of persons living in the

Palaiologan period as found in Greek sources. the

the initial

initial list

list of

of the

the

Oriental names has been formed by means of the analysis of PLP’s

  • 7 Z. Đoković, Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije u prvoj polovini XIV veka, in Zbornik radova

Vizantiloshkog instituta, vol. 40, 003,

vol..

40, 003,

40,

p.

003, p. 97–44.

p. 97–44.

97–44.

p. 97–

44.

  • 8 Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E. trapp et al. Bd. –, Wien,

976–995 (CD�Rome version: Wien, 00) (hearafter – PLP).

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

77

data. Later,

Later, by

by rere��examining

examining the primary sources, some additions and

the primary sources, some additions and

corrections have been made to the PLP records including the recovery

of missed family links and the addition of individuals overseen in PLP.

In addition to PLP, which disregards the information in non�Greek

sources, the database has been supplemented by evidence from con�

temporary Persian, turkish and west European sources that occasio�

nally mention individuals living in Byzantine lands. However, these

additions are not numerous.

Names of Oriental origin have been organized into a digital data�

base. the chosen personal names number around 470. I have included

in the database only those names the Oriental derivation of which are

irrefutable. Outside the database there remain a comparatively huge

number of non�Greek names of unknown origin. these unidentified

names may have been of slavic, west European, armenian, turkic,

albanian or other origin. However, the proper analysis of their lingui�

stic provenance is a matter for future investigations. the basic list of

Oriental names may thus increase in the course of further etymological

work; here I present preliminary results of the study. 9

the next stage of the research consists in placing the chosen names

into historical context, employing traditional methods of prosopo�

graphical study. Each entry of the database represents a prosopographi�

cal questionnaire containing the following rubrics: ) Family name

or sobriquet; ) Etymological interpretation; 3) Baptismal name; 4)

Occupation and social status; 5) Location; 6) Floruit; 7) Family links;

8) Primary sources; 9) secondary sources.

From the names listed in PLP, Oriental names of the residents of

the Balkans, the aegean and Ionian islands, anatolia and the Black sea

region, who were subjects of the Byzantine Empire, were extracted. It

must be stressed that the database does not include the names of fo�

reigners, subjects of muslim states such as the seljuq sultanate, the

  • 9 see also the already published and commented parts of the database: R. shukurov, Ia-

goupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service),

in Vizantiiskie ocherki, saint Petersburg, 006, p. 05–9; R. shukurov, ��natavly: tiurkskaia

familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish Family in Byzantine Service),’ in Vizantiiskii

vremennik, vol. 66 (9), 007, p. 93–07.

  • 78 Rustam sHuKuROV

Ottomans, the mamluk sultanate, the Golden Horde, principalities of

western anatolia, the states of Iran and the Near East, etc. thus, the

database focuses exclusively on the Byzantine population.

these 470 or so Oriental names can be divided into three major

agglomerations by geographical criteria thus indicating the major

centers of “Oriental” presence in the Byzantine territories: a) Con�

stantinople and neighbouring areas including thrace (56 names); )

the Empire of trebizond (0); and, finally, 3) macedonia from ser�

res to skopje and Kastoria (4). the remaining 80 or so names are

geographically linked to the northern and southwestern shores of the

Black sea (5), the aegean sea (including Lemnos and Crete), anato�

lia, Peloponnesus, Kephallenia, thessaly, Epiros, Cyprus, and south

Italy. some dozens of names at the present stage of research cannot be

identified geographically or their geographic affiliation is questiona�

ble. Here are given preliminary calculations that may be revised in the

result of further investigations; however, the general picture described

here and the numerical proportions between these groups will hardly

change.

. Credibility of anthroponymic Data

as it has been said, the present study explores the problem of the

turkic population in one of the above�mentioned areas macedonia

extending from serres to Kastoria and Ochrid. macedonia, a densely

populated province of late Byzantium, was the only Byzantine area

supplied with the demographic data sufficient for a rough statistical

approximation. mmacedonia

acedonia isis probably

probably the

the most

most studied

studied region

region of

of Late

Late

Byzantium. the geography, economy and demographics of the region,

and, in particular, of its southern and southwestern parts (Chalkidike,

the lower flow of the strymon) have been described in great detail. 0

0 see for instance: Fr. Dölger, ��us den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges, münchen,

948; Fr. Dölger, Sechs byzantinische Praktika des 14. Jahrhunderts für das ��thoskloster Iberon,

münchen, 949; G. Ostrogorsky, Pour l’histoire de la féodalité byzantine, Bruxelles, 954,

p. 59–368 ; Khvostova K.V. Osobennosti agrarno�pravovykh otnoshenii v Pozdnei Vizantii

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

79

the basis for these studies isis the

the profuse

profuse documental

documental material,

material, whi

whi��

ch is found in the acts of the monasteries of mount athos. monastic

documents include imperial chrysobulls and private acts of donation,

deeds of purchase, court decisions on the disputes over contested

contested lands,

lands,

lands,

delineations of lands etc. the most informative type of monastic

document, containing abundant anthroponymical data, is praktikon,

an inventory containing fiscal information on monastic possessions

and listing taxes and households of parokoi present on the land. such

assessments took place in macedonia in 300–30, 36–38,

30–3, 338–34 and, in addition, some sporadic assessments

occurred in some of the intervening years. after the middle of the

fourteenth century, there were no assessments, but they briefly reap�

peared in the beginning of the fifteenth century; the last known prak-

tikon dates to 40.

(��IV– IV–�–�V ��VVV vv.).

vv.). vv.). vv.).

vv.). mmoscow, moscow, moscow,

moscow,

oscow, 968;

968; J. Lefort, Habitats fortifiés en Macédoine orientale au Moyen

968;

968;

968;

Âge, in Habitats fortifiés et organisation de l'espace en Méditerranée médiévale, Lyon, 983, p.

99–03; J. Lefort, Radolibos: population et paysage, in Travaux et Mémoires, vol. 9, 985, p.

95�34 ; J. Lefort, Population and Landscape in Eastern Macedonia during the Middle ��ges:

The Example of Radolibos, in Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society,

ed. aa Bryer

..

Bryer et

H. Lowry,

et H.

Lowry, Birmingham

Birmingham��Washington,

Washington, 986,

986, p.

� ;; J. Lefort, Population

p. �

et peuplement en Macédoine orientale, IXe–XVe siècle, in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin,

vol. , Paris, 99, p. 63�8; N. Kondov, Demographische Notizien über die Landbevölkerung

aus die Gebiet des Unteren Strymon in der erstern Halften des XIV Jahrhunderts, in Études balkani-

ques, t. �3, 965, s. 0�7; N. Kondov Das Dorf Gradec. Die demographisch-wirtschaftliche

Gastalt eines Dorfes aus dem Gebiet des unteren Strymon von ��nfang des 14. Jahrhunderts, in :

Études Balkaniques, t. 7, 97, s. 3–55 ; t. 3, 977, s. 7–9; P. Karlin�Hayter, Les

Catalans et les Villages de la Chalcidique, in Byzantion, vol. 5, 98, p. 44�63 ; a.E. Laiou,

Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire ; D. Jacoby, Phénomènes de démographie rurale à

Byzance aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, in Études rurales, vol. 5�6, 96, p. 63�86; D. Jacoby, Fo-

reigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike, ca. 50–ca. 450, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers,

vol. 57, 004, p. 85–3.

French Byzantinists have been publishing the main bulk of the acts of the monasteries

of mount athos in the series: ��rchives de l'��thos (Paris, 937–), founded by Gabriel millet

et Paul Lemerle; so far volumes have come out, although, of course, beyond the published

volumes there still remains a considerable number of formerly published and unpublished

monastic documents.

Fr. Dölger, Sechs byzantinische Praktika, s. 5–3; I. E. Karayannopoulos & G.

Weiss, Quellenkunde zur Geschichte von Byzanz (324-1453), Bd. –, Wiesbaden, 98, Bd. ,

s. 05–07; Laiou, Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire cit., p. 9–0.

  • 80 Rustam sHuKuROV

the vast majority of Oriental names of macedonia are contained

in monastic documents. However, the surviving monastic documen�

tation has one significant limitation for my purposes: it mostly deals

with monastic properties; only few documents concern laymen, which

survived only because these areas were incorporated into monastic

estates later.

the nature of primary sources defines the principal chronological,

demographic, and territorial limitations of the present study: the chro�

nological elucidation of the macedonian population from the available

documents is very much irregular, as they are most detailed for the first

half of the fourteenth century (), cover only a portion of existing indi�

viduals () and only concern those areas which were in the possession of

monasteries (3). thus, a considerable portion of settlements and their

respective population remain outside the scope of the primary sources.

Other sources such as Imperial and Patriarchal documentation, histo�

riography, account books, marginal notes, etc. provide some additional

information which, however, is unable to improve the deficiency of the

main bulk of sources. moreover, available sources scarcely reflect the

activity of merchants. Only a few documents such as account books

directly concern trade and provide us with a few names of merchants.

Hence, the low percentage of merchants in the database of Oriental

names is partly due to the inadequacy of sources.

the next important limitation of the research ensues from a rather

complex problem of the adequacy of anthroponymic material proper.

apparently, the majority of asian incomers registered in the databa�

se were first�generation asian immigrants. In most cases, it seems,

the second generation of the newcomers, at least by their names, was

absolutely indistinguishable from the indigenous population, losing

even those scant indications of origin which their fathers’ names had.

Only a few noble families of the newcomers retained references to their

asian lineage in the subsequent generations.

Furthermore, immigrants adopting Christianity had to change

their muslim names to Christian ones. In the case of an individual of

low social standing, who had no family name, this meant that on adop�

ting Christianity and changing his first name to a standard Christian

one, he made his asian roots absolutely untraceable for official records

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

8

and therefore for us. Consequently, one may assume that some purely

Christian Byzantine names might well be concealing asian (as well as

any other) immigrants who, by their names, completely assimilated

to the Greek Christian majority. Only those asian immigrants of low

social standing, who for some reason were nicknamed by an original

turkic sobriquet, are traceable as this sobriquet had become an indi�

spensable element of their personal identification.

to sum up, some asians changing their names to standard Greek

or slavic ones, as well as second generation asians switching to Greek

of slavic names, had become persons of “concealed identity”. 3

Judging by my database, the overall number of baptized asians

exceeded .0 percent of the Byzantine

population..

However, these two

However, these

However,

these two

two

noted limitations lead us to suggest that only a lesser part of immi�

grants acquired such turkic nicknames and, consequently, the real

number of asian immigrants in the Byzantine lands was considerably

higher than the figures given by the present database. In this sense,

the database reflects only the tip of the iceberg the much larger part of

which is under the surface of the water.

although it is clear that in real life unrecognizable asians conside�

rably outnumbered those whose names or biographic data reveal for us

their asian origin, it is difficult to assess the numerical ratio between

known and unknown asian immigrants from the standpoint of the

chosen methodology.

and the last but not the least observation: Indeed, a doubt is

always present that a foreign sobriquet was given to a person becau�

se of some reason other than his race. For instance, theoretically, it

is not impossible that a Greek could acquire, for whatever reason, a

turkish, slavic or albanian nickname or sobriquet. However, such ca�

ses, being theoretically probable, are exceptionally rare. For instance,

Βαμβακοράβδης� “having a cotton rod” was the mocking sobriquet of

3

a discussion of similar problems see in: Jacoby, Foreigners and the Urban Economy in

Thessalonike cit., p.

86–87, 30.

p. 86–87,

30.

8

Rustam sHuKuROV

the Emperor alexios III. 4 the name derives from βάμβα βάμβα��� � ���� βαμβάκ βαμβάκ βαμβάκ βαμβάκ����οοοο���� 15

dialectal Pers. ﮏﺑﻧﭙ pambakk “cotton”;

“cotton”; itit entered

entered Greek

Greek inin the

the eleventh

eleventh

century at the latest and, seemingly, by the end of the twelfth century,

βάμβα� lost its foreign sound. Of course, this mocking nickname had

nothing to do with the ethnic origin of alexios III, who undoubtedly

was considered to be of pure Greek blood. InIn this

this and

and similar

similar cases,

cases,

the foreign name is not an indication of ethnic origin but rather of

the dissemination of foreign linguistic elements in the spoken Greek

language.

However, in the majority of known cases foreign sobriquets

refer to the foreign origin of its holder. For instance, the mocking

sobriquet of the patriarch Germanos III was Μαρκούτζη ς� , which

Pachymeres qualified as a Persian (i.e. turkic) word. Further

on, he explains that this epithet of opprobrium was applied to

the patriarch because of his “Laz” origin. Germanos III was not

Laz but belonged to the renowned Gabras family, long ago Hel �

lenized a rmenians or s yrians. 6 It is evident that the nickname

mocked the ethnic origin of Germanos III, though Constanti �

nopolitans were wrong identifying him as “Laz” and “Persian”.

In most cases, however, foreign sobriquets did reflect the ethnic

origin of its holder.

traditionally, a ncient Greek culture recognized ethnic na �

mes and there usually was a certain link between the ethnic

origin and the origin of the name. 7 t here is no evidence of any

radical change in this sense in the Byzantine time. One cannot

4 Nicetas Choniates, Historia, ed. J.a. van Dieten, vols, Berlin, New York, 975,

453. app., 479.44 app.

p.

–, Wien,, 00–,

00–, p.

688, col. 7–73.

993, p. 4–4.

 

7

p.

49–57.

p. 6;

5 Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität besonders des 9.–12. Jahrhunderts, ed. E. trapp, Bd.

6; Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis, Lyon,

6 Georges Pachymérès, Relations Historiques, éd. a. Failler, vol. –5, Paris, 984–

000, vol. , IV, 3 (p. 367.4); s. Vryonis, Byzantine and turkish societies and their sour�

ces of manpower, p. 40; m. Balivet menteşe dit “sâğlâm Bey” et Germain alias “mârpûç”:

deux surnoms turcs dans la chronique byzantine de Georges Pachymère, in : Turcica, t. 5,

Personal Names. Names. Their Their Their Their Their Value Value as as as as as Evidence Evidence

Names. Their

Names.

Names..

Their Value

Value Value Value Value as as Evidence

Evidence,

Evidence

Evidence

Evidence

P.m. Fraser, Ethnics as Personal Names, in Greek Personal

Personal

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

83

exclude that some Oriental names of the database in fact belon �

ged to Greeks, s lavs, etc. and this may affect the accuracy of the

results. a t the same time, to my mind, the majority of names

certainly reflect the ethnic affiliation of their holders and are an

effective tool for the reconstruction of the ethnic composition of

Late Byzantine population.

3. Oriental Names

From among a total of approximately 0,000 names relating to

macedonia and registered in PLP, I have selected by means of etymo�

logical analysis 4 Oriental names, constituting about .% of the

total number of names registered in PLP for that region. sometimes

the sources contain information about blood relatives (parents, uncles,

brothers, children, grandchildren, etc.) of the holders of these 4 na�

mes. the overall number of the individuals covered by the selected

names is 68.

among the holders of the Oriental names I conventionally distinguish

Qipchaq and anatolian turks. this division concerns the place of origin

of a name bearer or of his ancestors rather than linguistic provenance of

the name. From a linguistic perspective, the proposed division is not ac�

curate. However, especially because of the extremely complicated ethnic

composition of thirteenth� and fourteenth�century anatolia, comprising

both Oghuz and Qipchaq elements, it would be hard to draw here any

linguistic watershed. 8

some asians came to macedonia from Dasht-i Qipchaq (the sou�

th Russian steppes and the Crimea) as numerous names with the

8

On Qipchaqs and Cumans see the condensed summary of P. Golden, Codex Cumanicus,

in Central ��sian Monuments, ed. H.B. Paksoy, Istanbul, 99, p. 33–63; some impression of eth�

no�linguistic composition of turkic anatolia in the twelfth–fourteenth centuries may be derived

from: F. sümer, Oğuzlar (Türkmenler). Tarihleri, Boy teşkilatı, Destanları, Istanbul, 99; F. sümer,

anadolu’da moğollar, in Selçuklu araştırmaları dergisi, vol. , 969, p. –47.

  • 84 Rustam sHuKuROV

stem Cuman indicate: Κόµα�ο ς��� 9 Κοµά�α (fem.)�� 20 Κοµα�ίτζης��� and

Κοµά� κα (fem.). the turkic names Γ�άκσσα (tk. yakşı “good”) 3

and Χαρατζᾶς� (Tk. karaca “dark, blackish”) 4 might well have been

of Cuman origin.

What is curious in the names Κοµα�ίτζης� and Κοµά� κα is that one

may distinguish the slavic masculine suffix ~ицъ and slavic feminine

suffix ~ка respectively, showing slavic ethnic and linguistic influen�

ces. 5

the Qipchaqs constituted one of the earliest layers of the turkic

population in the Balkans. the settlements of Qipchaqs had been ap�

pearing here from the eleventh through the fifteenth century. 6 there

were two massive waves of the Qipchaq immigration to the Balkans

in the first half of the thirteenth century. In 37 a large group of

Cumans, who had been compelled to move westwards from Dasht-i

Qipchaq by the mongols, invaded Bulgaria and then thrace. In 4

one more group of Cumans, who numbered at least 0,000, invaded

Bulgaria, thrace and macedonia on their way from Hungary. around

4/4 John III Vatatzes brought the Balkan Cumans over by ne�

gotiations and gifts and enlisted them in the Byzantine army. some

Cumans were transferred to anatolia, to the Byzantine�saljuq border,

while others were given lands for habitation in thrace and macedo�

nia. 7 However, we do not know where exactly in macedonia John III

9

0

PLP, nos. 004, 005, 006, 007, 008, 0, 0, 9383, 93833.

PLP, nos. 997– 998.

PLP, nos. 999– 00.

  • 22 PLP�� nos. 93830–93831.

3

4

PLP, no. 455.

PLP, no. 3064.

5 For ample examples consult an old work: F. miklosich, Die Bildung der Slavischen

Personen- und Ortsnamen, in Denkschriften der ��kademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische

Klasse, Wien, 860–874 (repr. Heidelberg, 97), s. 6.

6 a.P. Kazhdan, Sotsial’nyi sostav gospodstvuiuscheo klassa Vizantii XI–XII v. moscow,

974, p. 5. sseeee now:

now: I. Vásáry, Cumans and Tatars. Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman

Balkans, 1185–1365, Cambridge, 005.

  • 27 Nicephori Gregorae byzantina historia, ed. L. schopen, I. Bekker, vol. –, Bonn,

89–830, vol. , II,

II, 55 ((p.

p.

p. 37);

37); Georgii ��cropolitae opera, ed. a. Heisenberg, P. Wirth,

37);

vol. , stuttgart, 978, p. 53–54, 65; Pachymérès, Relations Historiques, vol. , I, 3 (p.

7.3); Vásáry, Cumans and Tatars cit., p. 64–68; asdracha, La région des Rhodopes cit., p. 8;

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

85

Vatatzes distributed lands to them. t he Cuman detachments of the

Byzantine army operating in the Balkans were referred to in the

sources for the next several decades. One more reference to a massi �

ve group of Cumans (around ,000) in the Byzantine armed forces

relate to the 3 0s: in 3 7 a ndronikos III, suspecting the Cuman

detachments of a lack of loyalty, ordered them to move to Lemnos,

t hasos and Lesbos. 8

In the Byzantine Empire, Cumans were probably settled in colo�

nies. 9 although, undoubtedly, most Cumans still kept to a nomadic

way of life, some of them, as my list testifies, had adopted sedentary

life and become peasants.

Due to the fact that the Qipchaqs of the Northern Black sea step�

pes were Islamized to a lesser extent as compared to anatolian turks,

in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, they as a rule bore purely

turkic names and nicknames.

seemingly, most of the standard muslim names referred to the in�

comers from anatolia: ᾿Αλ�άζης� (Ar. سﺎﻳﻠا Ilyās Bibl. “Elijah”), 30 Γαζῆς�

(Ar. ىزﺎﻏ ghāzī “conqueror, hero, especially, combating infidels”,

passed to tk. gazi through Persian mediation), 3 Μαχµούτης� (Ar.

دوﻣﺣﻣ mahmūd “praised”)�� 32 Μουσταφάς� (Ar. ﻰﻔطﺻﻣ mustafā “cho�

sen, elect”), 33 Μυσούρης� (ar. روﺻﻧﻣ mansūr “victor”)�� 34 Σαλαχατη�ό ς�

(tk. salahaddin/salaheddin Ar. نﻳدﻟا حﻼﺻ s alāhal-dīn “righteou�

sness of religion”) 35 etc.

m. angold, �� Byzantine Government in Exile, Oxford, 975, p. 05, 8; m. Bartusis, On

the Problem of smallholding soldiers in Late Byzantium, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vol. 44,

990, p. ; m. Bartusis, The Late Byzantine ��rmy: ��rms and Society, 1204–1453, Philadel�

phia, 99, p. 6–7; a. savvides, Οι� ������

������

������ι�ι�ι� ���������

��������

��������

�������ι�

�������ι�ι�ι�ι������������� ��

��

��

��

��

��

��ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι� ��

������ι��ι��ι��ι��ι��ι��ι��ι��ι��ι�� ������������11 ς 13 ς �ι�

���������������� �������

������

������

������

������

������

������

������

������

������

������� �������

���������

����������

������

������

������

in: ������ι����� vol. 3, 985, p. 949–953.

8 Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri iv, ed. L. schopen, vol. –3, Bonn,

88–83, vol. , p. 59; asdracha, La région des Rhodopes cit.,, p.

p. 88.

.

9

Bartusis, The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit., p. 58–59.

  • 30 PLP, no. 654.

3

PLP, nos. 3444, 3450, 345, 9399;

3

PLP, no. 7539.

  • 33 PLP, no. 94.

  • 34 PLP, no. 9898.

  • 35 PLP, no. 4747.

  • 86 Rustam sHuKuROV

the names Τοῦρκο ς�, 36 belonging to several individuals, and

Τουρκίτζη 37 might have designated both Qipchaq and Oğuz turks.

Τουρκόπουλο ς� had several meanings being a designation of turkic

troops, of turkish captives and of the descendants of both former

groups; it was applied to anatolian turks mostly but not exclusively. 38

the names Σαρακη�ό ς� 39 and Σαρακη�όπουλο ς� 40 might well have belon�

ged to any of the newcomers from the muslim Orient and in this case

most likely indicate anatolian turks as well.

Few individuals might well have been asians of non�turkish origin

as Δαµασκη�ό ς� 4 (that is originated from Damascus) and Βαβυλω�ίτης� 4

(that is originated from Baghdad). Βαρβαρη�ό ς� 43 might have been one

of the Βαρβαρη�οί (ar. ethnic name barbar ?, however, the Berbers

call themselves amazigh) 44 , a company of mercenaries, who probably

came from North africa and were in Byzantine service as light cavalry

troops. Barbarenoi were collective pronoia holders between ca. 37

through the late 340s in Kalamarian localities of Rousaiou, Leon�

taria, Patrikona, st. mamas and possibly Barbarikion (see map and

also below). 45

the name ᾿Αλα�ό ς� (from ethnic name ᾿Αλα�ό ς�, the Iranian tribe of

the alans) 46 refers probably to those 6,000 alans who moved to the

Empire ca. 30–30 fleeing from the Golden Hord. 47

the numerical expression of the ethnic affiliation of the names

  • 36 PLP, nos. 986, 990, 99.

  • 37 PLP, no. 969.

  • 38 Bartusis, The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit., p. 6–6.

  • 39 PLP, nos. 4860– 4864.

4864. 4864.

  • 40 PLP, no. 4856.

4

4

PLP, no. 5043.

PLP, no. 946.

  • 43 PLP, no. 66.

  • 44 PLP, no. 65.

  • 45 N. Oikonomidès�� À propos des armées des premiers Paléologues et des compagnies de sol-

dats�� in Travaux et mémoires�� t. 8 [Hommage à Monsieur Paul Lemerle]�� 1981�� p. 360ff ; M. Bar-

tusis�� The Late Byzantine Army�� p. 201–202�� see also Index; J. Lefort��Villages de Macédoine:

notices historiques et topographiques sur la Macédoine orientale au Moyen Âge�� 1�� La Chalcidique

occidentale�� Paris�� 1982�� p. 92�� 116�� 139�� 146.

  • 46 PLP, no. 546 (before 34).

(before 34).

(before

34).

  • 47 Georges Pachymérès, �, 6 (p. 336ff).

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

87

listed is represented in the following charts (percentage figures are

rounded off):

table 1:

Origin

Names

Percentage

anatolian

87

75%

Qipchaq

9%

Other

5

6%

total

4

00%

the prevalence of muslim names indicates the increasing role of

anatolian turkish influx in the Balkans. In particular, it might have

been a consequence of the massive emigration of anatolian turks,

both sedentary and nomadic, accompanying the saljuq sultan Izz al�

Dīn Kay Kāwus II, (b. 37–d. 79/80) who fled to the court

of michael VIII Palaiologos (59–8) in 6 and stayed in By�

zantium until 64. the sultan was followed by his courtiers, troops

loyal to him and nomadic turks from Western anatolia who did not

accept the mongol domination. It seems that the move of ‘Izz al�Dīn

Kay Kāwus’ partisans to the Byzantine Empire continued for some

time after the settling of the sultan there. although we do not have

even rough figures for the numbers of the turkish immigrants in the

beginning of the 60s, it seems that they were numerous enough to

influence noticeably the ethnic situation in the Balkans. 48 Civil wars

in the Empire in the fourteenth century and the growth of the turkish

military presence in the Balkans entailed further repeating injections

of anatolian settlers into the macedonian population.

It is very probable that most asians listed in the database or their

  • 48 P. Wittek, La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine // Échos d’Orient.

No. 76. 934. P. 409–4 ; P. Wittek, Yazijioghlu ‘��li on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja,

in BSO��S, vol. �IV/3, 95, p. 639–668 ; P. Wittek, Les Gagaouzes = Les gens de Kaykaus, in

Rocznik Orientalistyczny, t. �VII, 95–95, p. –4 ; Charanis, The Transfer of Population

as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit., p. 50.

  • 88 Rustam sHuKuROV

immediate ancestors were initially in the military service either as im�

migrants or as mercenaries hired by the government. In any case, the

available narrative sources for that time do not provide any other ex�

planation for the resettlement of asians in the Byzantine territories.

Both anatolian and Qipchaq troops performed the function of light

cavalry and light horse archers. 49

4. toponymic Evidence

the evidence of macedonian place names matches well the data

given by personal names. However, often it is not clear when these pla�

ce names appeared. the turkic toponymics may be divided into two

groups by origin. First, the group of Qipchaq place�names:

K�µ��ί��ης, 35�338, northeast of Berroia, the place name deri�

ved from the former owner’s name. 50

Kuman'ski Brod, 300, location unidentified, near skopje, in the

valley of the Vardar, mentioned in the documents of the monastery of

st. George Gorgo in the vicinity of skopje; 5

Kumanci Spanci, 48, Western macedonia, microtoponymics in

spanci (today Phanos 0 km southeast of Phlorina); 5

Kumaničevo�� 37–375, the southern part of the valley of the

Vardar; 53

Kumanova, 467–468, 3 km southeast of skopje, contemporary

name Gumalevo; 54

the second group of names is plausibly a vestige of the presence in

macedonia of the anatolian turks:

Γ��ῆς (ar. ghāzī see above), late thirteenth–early fourteenth cen�

  • 49 Bartusis, The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit., p. 57–58, 330.

  • 50 V. Kravari, Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale, Paris, 989, p. 76�78 ; PLP, no.

999.

5

Ibid., p. 33.

5

Ibidem

  • 53 Ibidem

  • 54 Ibid.�� p. 132.

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

89

tury?, a place near Rousaiou in Kalamaria, probably called after the

name of its former pronoiar; by 37, it was occupied by a company of

Barbarenoi soldiers; 55

K��µ�����ύλ���� K��µ������ύλ�� (? Τκ. kümcülü “having a buried

treasure”, where kümcü kümüncü “a buried treasure” 56 ; cf. Ott. gömü

“a buried treasure”) 30–mid�5 th c., in Kalamaria near Neocho�

rakion; 57

�ελί�ι� (Ar. ﮏﻟﻣ malik “king”, passed to tk. melik through Per�

sian mediation), the late thirteenth–early fourteenth century?, east of

Berroia, probably called after the name of its former pronoiar. 58

the following place names could initially designate both Qipchaq

and anatolian turks:

Τ��ρ��χώρι���/Tjurki Hor (“turkiishshsh village”),

village”),

village”), 444 th c.?, contemporary

Patris, 5 km north�northwest of Berroia in the foothills of Bermion; 59

Τ��ρ��χώρι����� ca. 30, probably near Gabriane in Kalamaria.

Its localization is not clear; Lefort localizes it west of thessalonike, 60

however a document of the Laura monastery (chrysoboullon sigillion of

andronikos II Palaiologos) referred to it together with Gabriane (τὴ�

Γαβρία� η� καὶ τὸ Τουρκοχώρ�ο�); it is important that the chrysobull con�

cerns the region of Kalamaria exclusively, mentioning no places out�

side the region. 6 Τουρκοχώρ�ο� has been localized in Kalamaria also

by the editors of the acts of Lavra. 6 I join the editors of the acts in

localizing it somewhere near Gabriane.

  • 55 ��ctes de Docheiariou. Texte, éd. N. Oikonomidès, Paris, 984, no. 8.3 (p. 4), p.

40; J. Lefort,Villages de Macédoine, p. 39.

  • 56 G. Clauson, ��n Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish, Oxford,

97, p. 7.

  • 57 Lefort,Villages de Macédoine cit., p. 83–84.

  • 58 G. Chionides,῾Ισ ��ρ� ��� ῆῆς ῆςς �����ερερερερερ�����ίίίίί�����ς�� ςςςς ���������� ������� ῆῆς ῆς ῆς ῆς ῆς ῆςς �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� ��λε λε λε λε λε λε λε λε λε�ς ��������ςςςςςςςς ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� �������������ερερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι�ι��������������χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς�� thessalonike, 970, p. 03,

6; G. theocharides, �ί� �ι�����η ��ι�ι����� ����ηη �� ���� ���� ���� �������� �������ί�ίί�ί�ί�ί�ί�� ���������ίίίίίίίίί��η �������ηηηηηηηη ������ι��� ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι����� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� �������� �������������ΑΑΑΑΑΑΑΑΑΑΑΑΑ������� ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������ ������������������ ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� ����� �����εεεεεεεεεεεεεεε�ι���� ��������������ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι������������������������������������������� ���������������������������������������������������ρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� �����

thessalonike, 96, p. 68 (map).

  • 59 Kravari, Villes et villages de Macédoine occidentale cit., p. 9.

  • 60 Lefort, Villages de Macédoine cit., p. 6, 6 note , 0

6

��ctes de Lavra, ed. P. Lemerle, a. Guillou, N. svoronos, D. Papachryssanthou,

s. Çirkoviç, vol. –4, Paris, 970–98, vol. , no. 94.3 (p. 3).

6

��ctes de Lavra, vol. 4, p. 9�9, 98, 5, 56.

  • 90 Rustam sHuKuROV

Finally, ��ρβ�ρί�ι���, the fourteenth century, a microtoponymic in

the village of Krya Pegadia in Kalamaria, 63 which, probably derived

its name from Βαρβαρη�οί soldiers (see above).

It is remarkable that the place names derived from “Cuman” are

mostly located in the northern and western parts of macedonia, while

anatolian turkic place names are found exclusively in macedonia’s

southern regions, and especially around Berroia and in Kalamaria. We

shall return to this observation later.

5. Peasants, Intellectuals and aristocracy

Generally speaking, my list contains three types of personal names:

first names, sobriquets and family names. In most cases it is impossible

to distinguish sobriquets from family names. the Byzantine peasants

and middle classes were commonly identified either by a baptismal

name or by a sobriquet that was usually a professional name or a nick�

name indicating a specific feature of character or physical appearance.

Common people often were identified by their family relations (like

“father of”, “son�in�law of”, etc.). a name might also have been the

combination of a baptismal name and other means of identification

like a nickname. In most cases, nicknames existed within a single ge�

neration. the term “family name” in its proper sense should not be

applied to the material under discussion for its substantial ambiguity

in the Byzantine context. However, there is one essential exception:

aristocratic families with high social status did possess a kind of fami�

ly name. the second names of aristocracy were a sort of patronymic,

that is an ancestor’s name (or names) used as a common identifier for a

group of relatives. the possession of a patronymic by itself was a clear

indication of high status and noble ancestry. 64 under the aristocracy

  • 63 ��ctes de Lavra, vol. , no. 08.485 (p. 0), vol. 4, p. 98 ; Lefort, Villages de Macédoine

cit., p. 90.

  • 64 On nicknames and patronyms in Byzantine anthroponymics see, for instance: a.P.

Kazhdan, Ob aristokratizatsii vizantiiskogo obschestva VIII–XII vv. (On ��ristocratisation of By-

zantine Society in the Eighth-Twelfth Centuries), in Zbornik radova Vizantoloshkog instituta, vol. ,

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

9

here I mean, on the one hand, high�ranking military and civilian offi�

cials, and, on the other hand, the holders of patronyms, which conti�

nued existing through several generations.

the persons included in my list belonged to different strata of By�

zantine social hierarchy and were of different property status. Here

follow some numerical expressions of the social standing of the holders

of Oriental names (percentage figures are rounded off):

table 2: social standing

Status

Names

Percentage

aristocracy and Pronoiars

36

3%

Clerics, monks and Intellectuals

  • 6 5%

 

merchants

  • 3 3%

 

small�holders and Paroikoi

64

56%

a major part of the owners of Oriental names were engaged in what

may be called the material sphere of life: in administration, warfare

and rural economy. the percentage of clerics, monks and intellectuals

is rather low. this social affiliation of the newcomers is quite expecta�

ble. For a newcomer it was easier to find a social niche for himself in

ordinary affairs, rather than in intellectual activity which presupposes

deep immersion into the local culture. Outward adoption of Christia�

nity was not sufficient here. the predominance of aristocracy and pro-

noiars probably indicates that many of the newcomers were or initially

had been soldiers, most likely mercenaries. the practice of allotting

968, p. 47–53; Laiou, Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. �� Social and Demographic

Study, p. 8–0; E. Patlagean, Les débuts d’une aristocratie byzantine et le témoignage de l’his-

toriographie : système des noms et liens de parenté aux IX e –X e siècles, in The Byzantine ��ristocracy (XI

to XIII Centuries), ed. m. angold, Oxford, 984, p. 3–4; J.�Cl. Cheynet Cheynet, Du prénom au

patronyme: les étrangers à Byzance (Xe–XIIe siècles), in Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, ed. N.

Oikonomidès, Washington, 987, p. 57–66.

9

Rustam sHuKuROV

to mercenaries pronoia as payment for their service was widespread in

Byzantium at the end of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 65

the percentage of small�holding peasants and paroikoi (56%) is

rather high and considerably differs from the general figures of PLP:

PLP, for instance, lists only 7% paroikoi from the total number of

Byzantine residents, while the present database contains 3% paroikoi.

It may be an indication of the fact that the turkic settlers filled up

mostly the lower classes of the society.

the peasants and paroikoi of my list might also have been either

Qipchaq and anatolian émigrés accompanying their compatriots who

were enlisted as mercenaries, or the second generation of immigrants

settled on the lands.

the database includes the patronyms of at least five noble families:

᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (tk. aynadawla ar. ‘��yn al-Dawla, ar. honorary ti�

tle “the source of Power”, “the Eye of the state”), 66 ᾿Ιαγούπης� (ar.

Ya c qūb Biblical “Jacob”), 67 Μασγ�δᾶς� (Gk. μασγίδ�ο� ar. masjīd

“mosque”), 68 Μελίκης� (ar. malik “king”, see also above), 69 Σουλτᾶ�ο ς�

(ar. sultān “sovereign, king”). 70 some of these noble families have

already been described in the scholarly literature.

It is curious that�� under certain conditions�� Asian family names could

become quite prestigious in Byzantine society�� and their holders might

have preserved them for many generations.

Only in one case do we know a family’s ancestor: as V. Laurent has

shown, the progenitor of the melikai was probably melik Constantine,

the youngest son of the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus. 7 some of

the children of the sultan, at least three of them (two sons and a dau�

  • 65 Bartusis, On the Problem of Smallholding Soldiers cit., p. –6; Bartusis, The Late

Byzantine ��rmy cit.,, p.

p. 57–90.

57–90.

  • 66 PLP, nos. 868–87.

  • 67 PLP, nos. 786, 78, 784, 9055.

  • 68 PLP, nos. 76– 74, 94096, 94097.

  • 69 PLP, nos. 7784, 7787.

  • 70 PLP, nos. 6334–6340.

7

V. Laurent, Une famille turque au service de Byzance : les Mélikès, in Byzantinische Zeits-

chrift, 956, Bd. 49, s. 349–368.

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

93

ghter), settled in the Empire. In this case, the family name is a direct

reference to the royal blood of the family’s ancestor.

the question of the origin of the soultanoi family is rather com�

plicated. the earliest known member of the family of the soultanoi,

᾿Αθα�άσ �ο ς� Σουλτά�ο ς�, is mentioned in two acts of Vatopedi monastery

and appears to be the founder of the Byzantine lineage. 7 He had a dau�

ghter, Eudokia, who, around 79, married theodoros sarantinos, a

high�ranking Byzantine official. the wife of athanasios soultanos was

a noble lady whose family name included the most renowned aristocra�

tic patronyms of the Empire: Doukaina angelina Komnene. It means

that athanasios himself must have belonged to the highest aristocratic

strata of the Empire, thanks to his noble lineage. G. theocharides first

suggested that he was a brother or a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II

and had married an unknown sister of michael Palaiologos. 73 E. Zacha�

riadou later identified athanasios soultanos as one of the sons of ‘Izz

al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II who remained in Byzantium after the escape of

his father. 74 this hypothesis has been accepted as proven by G. Chioni�

des. 75 But the editors of PLP have questioned this identification. the

editors of the acts of Vatopedi referred to Zachariadou’s identification

but have withheld judgement on it.

Reasons to doubt this identification are rather serious. If athana�

sios soultanos’ daughter Eudokia reached marriageable age (at least

years old) and was married at the latest by 79, it means that she

was born not later than 67 but most likely much earlier since it was

exceptionally rare for Byzantine girls to be married at that young age.

In such a case, athanasios was born no later than 50�5 to reach

reproductive age (6�7 years) by the time of the birth of his daughter.

In such a case, he could not have been the son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus

7 ��ctes de Vatopedi, éd. J. Bompaire, J. Lefort, V. Kravari, Ch. Giros, Paris, 00,

vol. , no. 6, p. 334, 336.7–7; no.

no. 64,

64, p.

p. 344–36

344–36.

.

  • 73 theocharides, �ί� �ι�����η

��ι�ι�����

����ηη ��

�������� �������ίί�ί�ί�ί�ί�ί�� ���������ίίίίίίίίί��η

����

����

����

������ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι��������������������� cit.,, p.

�������ηηηηηηηη ������ι���

������

������

������

������

������

������

������

������

������

p. 5555 note

note 6.

6.

  • 74 E. Zachariadou, Οἱ� χχχ���ι�ι�σι�σσ ���ι���� ι�ι������ ��������� ������� ������� ������� ������� �������ι�ι�ι�ι�ι� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���������ΙΙΙΙΙΙΙΙΙ������������������ εεεεεεεεε���������� ������������������������������ �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� ��ι�����ς ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι����� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ����ςςςςςςςςςςςς ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ����� σσσσσσσσσσσσσσσσσ ��������������������������������������������������� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� ��ρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρρ�������������������ι��ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�������������������, in

���ε���ι����, 964–965, vol. 6, p. 6–74.

  • 75 G. Chionides, ῾Ισ ��ρί� ��� ῆῆς ῆςς �����ερερερερερ�����ίίίίί�����ς�� ςςςς ���������� ������� ῆῆς ῆς ῆς ῆς ῆς ῆςς �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� ��λε λε λε λε λε λε λε λε λε�ς ��������ςςςςςςςς ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� �������������ερερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι� ερι�ι��������������χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς χῆς. thessalonike, 970. p.

5–7.

  • 94 Rustam sHuKuROV

II for the latter was born in 37 (or 35), and in 50�5 he was

only 3�4 (or 5–6). at the same time, it is known that the eldest

son of ‘Izz al�Dīn was mas‘ūd. therefore, the identification of athana�

sios soultanos as a son of ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II is chronologically

impossible. However, we do not yet have any plausible hypothesis to

explain athanasios family name and his high position in the social

hierarchy of Byzantine society. It is most likely that, judging by his

family name and status, he was a member of the saljuqid ruling house

and came to Byzantium with ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II. However, the

question of the degree of his kinship to the latter remains open 76 .

Nothing is known about the asian progenitor of the anataulai,

however it is obvious that he must have been quite a prominent per�

son. the honorary title (laqab) ‘ayn al-dawla was well�known at the

courts of muslim rulers. since the ninth century, laqabs with the com�

ponent dawla belonged to highest muslim court officials and military

commanders, as well as to supreme rulers (viziers, sultans). 77 In the

saljuqid period, according to the saljuqid great vizier Niāz m al�mulk��

“…the titles dīn, islām suit four grades of persons: first are rulers, se�

cond are viziers, third are ‘ulamā, fourth are amīrs, who are constantly

engaged in holy war and contribute to the victory of Islam.” 78 Howe�

ver, since the twelfth century, the prestige of the titles with the com�

ponent dawla had been declining. 79 Hence, the muslim progenitor of

the Byzantine family of the anataulai probably was a senior military

officer, or perhaps even a governor. Very likely, he originated from

anatolia as the titles with the element dawla do not seem to have been

  • 76 more details see: R. shukurov, Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa II v Vizantii (The

Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus II in Byzantium), in VV. 008. t. 67 (9) (forthcoming).

  • 77 C.A. Bosworth�� Lakab�� in The Encyclopaedia of Islam�� New Edition�� Leiden�� 2004. Vol.

5. P. 621b

621b���� 622b.

622b.

  • 78 see the entry “Laqab” in: Dehkhodâ aliakbar, Loghatnâme (Dictionary), CD Version,

tehran, 000; I have at hand only a Russian edition of Nizam al�mulk’s book, Nizam al�

mulk, Kniga ob upravlenii gosudarstvom, transl. B.N. Zakhoder, Dushanbe, 998, p. 7.

  • 79 C.a. Bosworth, Lakab, p. 63a.

63a.

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

95

widespread in the Golden Horde. It is also probable that he came to

the Balkans with the saljuq sultan ‘Izz al�Dīn Kay Kāwus II. 80

as to the Iagoupai, here again it is difficult to judge the status of

the family’s progenitor, because the name was very common in the

muslim world and could belong to both commoners and noble per�

sons. However, as the descendants of the Byzantine Iagoupai jealously

preserved the patronym for the next eight generations, their muslim

progenitor must have been a person of prominence and rank. By kee�

ping their patronym, descendants appealed to the glory and nobility

of their ancestor. It is not impossible that the turkic ancestor belonged

to the ruling family of the emirate of Germiyan, a turkmen state with

the capital in Kütahya. some considerations in favour of this sugge�

stion have been published elsewhere. 8

In conclusion, it must be noted that the exceedingly high percen�

tage of aristocracy in the database (about ¼) is hardly justifiable and

can be explained by the nature of the available sources. Despite the

high percentage of aristocracy in the list, of course, aristocrats were si�

gnificantly fewer when compared with the middle and lower classes.

6. the Nucleus areas of the turkic Ethnic Presence in By�

zantine macedonia

Quite remarkable is the fact that if one places the holders of Orien�

tal names on the geographical map, it becomes obvious that their di�

stribution in macedonia was not at all even. the places of residence

marked on the map outline rather compact areas. It is quite remarka�

ble that the names marked on the map aggregate into several con�

glomerations. these regions represent the nucleus areas of the turkic

ethic presence in macedonia: the lower strymon, serres, Berroia and

Lake Joannitsa (swamps), the valleys of the rivers Vardar and strymon,

  • 80 R. shukurov, ��natavly: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (��nataulai: a Turkish

Family in Byzantine Service).

8 R. shukurov, Iagoupy: tiurkskaia familiia na vizantiiskoi sluzhbe (Iagoupai: a Turkish

Family in Byzantine Service).

  • 96 Rustam sHuKuROV

thessalonike, Kalamaria in the Chalkidike, and finally Hierissos and

Lake Bolbe. a brief description of the most remarkable regions will be

given below.

6.1. The lower Strymon and Serres (Map 1)

although we have no reliable statistical figures, this seems to have

been one of the most populated areas of Late Byzantium. the concen�

tration of turkic settlers appears to be one of the highest in macedo�

nia: 30% of Oriental names are located there. these asians constitute

about .7% of the total number of the names registered in PLP for

the regions of strymon and serres. Both Qipchaq and anatolian inco�

mers are represented there with some preponderance of the latter: the

ratio between Qipchaq and anatolian turks is :. the localities with

Oriental settlers are marked on map .

among Qipchaq names should be noted Κόµα�ο ς� (Radolibos, Lai�

min), 8 Κοµα�ίτζης� (Radolibos), 83 Κοµά�α (melitziani); 84 probably to the

same group belongs Καζα�ία (Loukobikeia). 85

the names of ᾿Αβραµπάκης� (serres), 86 Κατζάρ�ο ς� (melitziani), 87

Μασγ�δᾶς� (serres, Kotzakion, st. Prodromos, malouka), 88 Μελίκης�

(Kamenikeia), 89 Σουλ�µᾶς� (Doxompus), 90 Τουρµπασᾶς� (Radolibus) be�

longed to anatolian turks. 9 In the historical work of Yazıcı�oğlu ali

8

PLP, nos. 004, 005, 007

  • 83 PLP, nos. 000–00.

  • 84 PLP, no. 997. ᾿Αβραµπάκης� ar. مﻳﻫارﺑا ibrāhīm abraham” + tk. bek “ruler, chief�

tain etc.” (G. moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, Bd. , Leiden, 983, s. 54).

  • 85 06; likely

PLP, no. 06;

likely Kazania is the fem. form of Kazanes (tk. kazan “cauldron”).

86

PLP, no. 60.

60.

  • 87 PLP, no. 49. Κατζάρ�ος� tk. kaçar/qajar “moving swiftly, fleeing”, from the tur�

kmen tribal name Qajar (see: sulejman Efendi, Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch, bearbeitet

von I. Kúnos, Budapest, 90, s. )?

  • 88 PLP, no. 76, 79, 7, 7, 94097.

  • 89 PLP, no. 7787. 7787.

  • 90 PLP, nos. 639–6330. seemingly Σουλ�µᾶς� µᾶς� ᾶς� Ar. Sulaymān “solomon” (G. mora�

vcsik, Bd. , s. 86).

9

PLP, no. 994, Τουρµµπασᾶς� πασᾶς� πασᾶς� tk. turum or turun “resembling a stallion” (see: G. Clau�

son, ��n Etymological Dictionary, p. 549; sulejman Efendi, Čagataj-Osmanisches Wörterbuch, s. 97)

+ tk. pasha “leader, commander” (Per. pāshā contracted form of هﺎﺷدﺎﭘ� pādshāh “king”)?

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

97

the names of two members of the aristocratic family of the Σουλτά�ο�

Δηµήτρ�ο ς� and Μ�χαήλ (dīmitri sultān�� mīkhū sultān) are found; these

were residents of Zichna after 387 and had blood links with the Ly�

zikoi family (Λυζ�κοί). 9

Σαρακη�ός� (melitziani, Eunouchou, serres) 93 and Σαρακη�όπουλος�

(Chrysoupolis) 94 were most probably of anatolian turkic origin as well.

Δαµασκη�ό ς� (Drama) 95 might well have been an asian of non�tu�

rkic origin; Βαρβαρη�ό ς� (Prinarion/aeidarokastron), 96 probably, was

one of the Barbarenoi soldiers (see also above).

In connection with the resettlement of the turks, a remarkable

feature can be observed: it is not impossible that turkic rural settlers

were kept far from the main centres of the region such as the cities of

serres, Zichna and Drama and settled closer to the sea.

the Lower strymon is known as a region where Byzantine mer�

cenaries were settled as was the case of the Prosalentai, Imperial navy

rowers who were assigned land in the area east of the mouth of the

strymon. 97 It is interesting to note that paroikos Γεώργ�ο ς� Βαρβαρη�ό ς�

who, as noted above, might have been a member of the Barbarenoi

soldier company, lived in the coastal location of Prinarion close to the

mouth of the strymon. It is not impossible that the turkic mercenaries

and Barbarenoi were assigned lands for their service in that region.

6.2. Kalamaria in Western Chalkidike (Map 2).

Kalamaria represents a rather high level of the concentration of

Oriental names, approximately 6% of the total Oriental names for

macedonia. Oriental residents constitute as little as % of the number

of the persons referred to by PLP for Kalamaria.

9

Wittek, Yazijioghlu ��li cit.

cit.,,, p.

p. 650–65

p.

650–65;

650–65;

; P. Wittek, Les gagaouzes, 9ff. Probably,

Probably,

the progenitor of the Lyzikoi was slav: Z. Đoković�� stanovništvo istočne makedonije, p. 0.

  • 93 PLP, nos. 4860, 486, 4863, 4864;

  • 94 PLP, no. 4856.

  • 95 PLP, no. 5043.

  • 96 PLP, no. 66.

  • 97 Bartusis, The Late Byzantine ��rmy cit.,, p.

p. 48–49.

48–49.

  • 98 Rustam sHuKuROV

The Qipchaq presence in Kalamaria is attested by the names Κόµα�ο ς�

(Belona, Panagia) 98 and Κοµά�α (stomion). 99 anatolian turks are more

numerous: ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς� (Portarea), 00 ᾽Ιαούπης� (sarantarea) 0 , ᾿Ιαγούπης�

(st. Paramonos), 0 Μασοῦρο ς�

(Paschalia)..

03 the names Τοῦρκο ς� (Hagia

trias, aphetos, Kato Bolbos), 04 Τουρκίτζη (Drymosita), 05 Τουρκόπουλο ς�

(Pinsson) 06 are equally applicable to Qipchaq and anatolian turks.

anthroponymic data is supported here by the local Oriental pla�

ce names that are of both Qipchaq and Oghuz origin: Τουρκοχώρ�ο���

Kουµουτζούλου�� Γαζῆς��� and Βαρβαρίκ�ο� (see also above). these places

belong to the same area where the Oriental settlers were located. as

it is seen from the map, the turkic settlers occupied the southwestern

part of Kalamaria closer to coastal areas. We see here, probably, the

same logic as in the case of the Lower strymon: the Byzantine authori�

ties intentionally kept turkic settlers away from thessalonike, the city

being second in importance to Constantinople.

6.3. Berroia and Lake Joannitsa (Map 3)

this area divides into two sub�areas: the first one centres on Berroia

and the second one gravitates towards marches and swamps of Joannit�

sa. the high level of the concentration of turkic names is represented

by the region of Berroia. this area was probably occupied by both

Qipchaq and anatolian turks. the place name Kοµα�ίτζης�, being a de�

rivation form the name of a landowner and located northeast of Berroia

(see above), indicates the presence of Qipchaqs here. It is curious that

an asian, the paroikos Ν�κόλαο ς� Τοῦρκο ς�, was a resident of Kοµα�ίτζης�

  • 98 PLP, nos. 93833, 0.

  • 99 PLP, no. 998.

00

PLP, nos. 869, 87.

0

PLP, no. 786.

0

PLP, no. 784.

03

PLP, no. 73.

04

05

PLP, no. 969.

06

PLP, no. 98.

PLP, nos. 986, 990.

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

99

in 338. 07 If it is not a coincidence, this instance demonstrates that

the sobriquet Τοῦρκο ς� was probably applicable to Cumans.

However, most of the Oriental residents were probably incomers

from anatolia. some members of the family of the sultan ‘Izz al-Dīn

Kay Kāwus II were settled by Byzantine authorities in the region of

Berroia: his mother Προδουλία (?, in a Persian source bardūliya), pos�

sibly his wife, sister, daughter and his son Constantine melik were

residents of Berroia. 08 It is not impossible that other asian residents of

Berroia (Μυσούρης�, 09 Μελίκ 0 and ᾿Αστραπύρης� Μελίκης� ) were ana�

tolian turks or their descendants. the local villages of Τουρκοχώρ�ο�

and Μελίκ� most likely obtained their names from turks of anatolian

descent.

In the region of Berroia and the swamps near Lake Joannitsa,

there were lands belonging to the family of the soultanoi who were

very likely linked with the saljuq ruling house (see above): Θεοδώρα

Μο�οµαχί�α Σουλτα�ί�α (Berroia), Ξέ� η Παλα�ολογί�α Σουλτα�ί�α

(Nesion�� Resaine), 3 ᾿Αθα�άσ �ο ς� Σουλτά�ο ς� (Κομα�ίτζη), 4 ᾿Αλέ��ο ς�

Σουλτά�ο ς� Παλα�ολόγο ς� (Nesion), 5 ∆ηµήτρ�ο ς� Σουλτά�ο ς� Παλα�ολόγο ς�

(Resaine), 6 Σουλτά�ο ς� Παλα�ολόγο ς� (Berroia). 7 It is worth noting

that ᾿Αθα�άσ �ο ς� Σουλτά�ο ς�, being undoubtedly of anatolian turkish

blood, possessed land in Κομα�ίτζη�� a location named after its former

Cuman owner. If this place belonged initially to a slavicized Cuman,

07

PLP, no. 99.

  • 108 P. Wittek�� La descendance chrétienne de la dynastie Seldjouk en Macédoine cit.; Wit-

tek�� Yazijioghlu ‘Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja cit.; P. Wittek�� Les Gagaouzes =

Les gens de Kaykaus; E. Zachariadou�� Οἱ χρχρ��στ

στ��αα��ο��

ο���� ����πόγο

πόγο����οο�

πόγο

πόγο

τοῦῦ ᾽Ιζζεδ

τοῦ

τοῦ

τοῦ

τοῦ

ο�� το

ο�

᾽Ιζζεδ���

᾽Ιζζεδ���

᾽Ιζζεδ���

᾽Ιζζεδ���

᾽Ιζζεδ���

᾽Ιζζεδ���

᾽Ιζζεδ���������� Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα

Κα������������καο

καο καο καο καο καο καο καο καο καο καο������������ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς�ς� Β�� ΒΒΒΒΒΒΒΒΒΒΒΒΒ���������������������������� στ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ

καο

στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴ στὴὴ

Βέρο�α..

More details

More

details onon the

the family

family of

the sultan

of the

sultan ‘Izz

‘Izz al-Dīn

‘Izz

al-Dīn Kay

al-Dīn

Kay Kāwus

Kay

Kāwus IIIIII see

Kāwus

see

see also:

also: R. Shuku-

also:

rov�� Semeistvo ‘Izz al-Dina Kay Kawusa v Vizantii �The Family of ‘Izz al-Din Kay Kawus in

Byzantium��.

09

PLP, no. 9898.

0

PLP, nos. 7784 and 966.

3

4

5

6

PLP, no. 597.

PLP, no. 6335.

PLP, no. 6336.

PLP, no. 6337.

PLP, no. 6338.

PLP, no. 6340.

7

PLP, no. 634.

00

Rustam sHuKuROV

and then was transferred to an anatolian turk, one may see here cer�

tain continuity: one may wonder whether traditionally this area was

intended for allotting turkic migrants with arable land?

Near Lake Jannitsa were located the lands of the aristocratic fami�

ly of the Lyzikoi who apparently had blood links with the soultanoi;;

Berrhoia was the native land of Γεώργ�ο ς� Λυζ�κό ς�. 8

the Oriental names for that area make up 5% of the list of Orien�

tal names for macedonia, and 0% of the total number of region’s re�

sidents in PLP. It is the highest percentage of asian settlers among all

the macedonian regions. Of course, it is quite possible that it was that

area and especially the localities adjoining the swamps near Lake Jan�

nitsa that were extensively used for the resettling of turkic incomers.

However, the high percentage of asians here may also be explained by

the fact that the most frequently mentioned Oriental names in the area

belonged to renowned aristocratic families (the soultanoi, melikai, Ly�

zikoi) who were mentioned disproportionately frequently as compared

with common people.

6.4. The Vardar valley, Skopje, the Strumiza (Map 4)

the asians in this area, it seems, were predominantly Qipchaqs.

the toponymics in the neighbourhood of skopje and the Vardar river

imply exclusively Cumans: Kuman'ski Brod near skopje, in the valley

of the Vardar; Kumaničevo in the southern part of the valley of the Var�

dar; Kumanova southeast of skopje (for these place names see above).

the asians of Palaiokastron in the strumiza region were of Qipchaq

descent as well: Κόµα�ο ς� (strumitza/Palaiokastron), 9 Κοµά� κα (Stru-

mitza/Palaiokastron)�� 120 and very likely Τουρκόπουλο ς� (strumitza/Pa�

laiokastron).

However, there could have been one important exception. In the

tenth century, the Vardar valley was most likely resettled by Hungarian

8

9

0

PLP, no. 596.

PLP, no. 9383.

PLP, nos. 93830–9383.

PLP, no. 978.

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

0

mercenaries who were enlisted in a special detachment of the Imperial

bodyguards called Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα� . as late as the thirteenth and

fourteenth centuries, Byzantine narrative sources still referred to the

detachment of the palace guard recruited from the Vardariot turks. 3

If one takes into consideration the available information about the eth�

nic composition of the region, it would seem improbable that, in the

fourteenth century, the Vardariot guards were still ethnically Hun�

garian or were the descendants of the initial Hungarian settlers. One

may suggest, judging by the discussed onomastics of the region, that,

in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Vardariotai ethnically

were either Qipchaq or anatolian turks who replaced the Hungarians

but retained the traditional denomination of Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�. It

is also not impossible that the notion “Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα�”, by that

time, had purely territorial meaning and implied a group of settlers

of mixed origin, who traditionally were enlisted into the palace guard

detachment. 4 the Vardariotai seem to have occupied the Lower Var�

dar closer to thessalonike, however, now it is impossible to give an

exact location. 5

there exists an argument in favour of the anatolian origin of the

fourteenth� century Vardariot turks. In the fourteenth century, Pseu�

do�Kodinos relates that, during the Christmas celebrations, the Var�

dariotai acclaimed the Emperor “in the tongue of their ancient ho�

  • 122 R. Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes�� in Écho d��Orient�� t. 29�� 1930�� p. 437–449; S. Kyriaki-

des�� ���� αχρ αχρ αχρ αχρ����δώδώδδώώ καί καί καί καί κακαίί ηηηηηηηη επεπεπεπεπεπεπεπεπεπ����������σκοπή σκοπή σκοπή σκοπή σκοπή σκοπ σκοπή σκοπή σκοπή σκοπήή της� της� της� της� της� της� της� της� της� της� της� της� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ο� ΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤΤούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� ούρκο� Βαρδαρ

ούρκο� ούρκο� Βαρδαρ

ούρκο�

Βαρδαρ������������������ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα ώτα��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ���� ��� ��� ������� ininininininininininininininininininin Ε�ι�σ � η���ι���ς ΕΕΕ���εεε��� ηηη ���ίίί���εςεςες �����ι�ι�λι�λι�λι�λλ�����σσσσσ����������ι���ς

Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ

Βαρδαρ

Βαρδαρ

Βαρδαρ

ι�ι�ι�ι��� �� �� ��ςςςς

Σχ�λ�ς ���

���εεε��ι�

���

�ι�σι�σσ ��� ηηη���ίίί������ �����εσσ

εσσ

εσσ

εσσ

εσσ����� λλλλλ����������ίίίίί�����ης

ης�� vol. 3�� 1939�� p. 513–520; V. Laurent�� ‘Ὁ� ��

ης

ης

ης

��

��ρρρ������ρι�

����� ���

ρρι�ι�����

���

���ι�ι�ι�ι�ι�

���

���

���

Τ�ύρ������� Perses

Perses

Perses������ TTTurcs

urcs asiatiques

urcs

asiatiques ououou TTTurcs

asiatiques

urcs

urcs hongrois

hongrois��� in Сборникъ �ъ��ъъ �����ааааа ���ъ

hongrois

���

���

���

���ъъъъ на

нна

на

на

на

наа ���������ро

��� ��� ��� ������� ��� ��� ��� ��� ���

ро���

ро

ро

ро

ро

ро

ро

ро

���� ��� ���

���ъръ

���

���

���

���

���

ъръръ

ъръ

ъръ

ъръ

ъръ

ъръ

ъръ

ъръ

ъръъ

Нико�ъ�� Sofia �� 1940�� p. 275–288; G.I. Konidares�� Η �ρώ� η ��εί� � ης ε�ι�σ ����ς ��ρ��ρι���ώ�

Τ�ύρ��� ��� ��� �εσσ� λ��ί�ης�� in �ε�λ��ί��� vol. 23�� 1952�� p. 87–94�� 236–238; G. Moravcsik��

Byzantinoturcica�� Bd. 1. Leiden�� 1983�� S. 87�� 322; R. Guilland�� Recherches sur les institutions

byzantines�� Berlin; Amsterdam�� 1967�� t. 1�� p. 304 ; N. Oikonomidès�� Vardariotes—W.l.nd.

r—V.n.nd.r: Hongrois installés dans la vallée du Vardar en 934��" in Südost-Forschungen�� 1973��

Bd. 32�� p. 1–8 (repr.: Idem�� Documents et études sur les institutions de Byzance � VII e -XV e s������ [Va-

riorum Reprints]�� London�� 1976); A. Kazhdan�� Vardariotai�� in Oxford Dictionary of Byzan-

tium�� Oxford�� 1991�� p. 2153.

  • 123 Acropolites�� p. 131.26–28; Pachymérès�� IV�� 29 (t. 2�� p. 417.3).

  • 124 Janin�� Les Turcs Vardariotes cit.�� p. 447.

  • 125 Charanis�� The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire cit.�� p. 148;

Vryonis�� Byzantine and Turkish Societies and Their Sources of Manpower cit.�� p. 138

0

Rustam sHuKuROV

meland, that is in Persian” (κατὰ� τὴ� τὴ� τὴ� πάλα� πάλα� πάλα� πάλα� πάλα� πάτρ πάτρ πάτρ πάτρ πάτρ πάτρ πάτρ�������ο�ο�ο�ο�ο�ο�ο� καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� τούτω� φωφωφωφωφωφωφωφωφωφωφωφωφω������������� ήήήήήήήήήήήήή��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� ��� �����

ἤτο� το� περσ περσ περσ περσ ����στί στί στί στί). 6 Elsewhere Pseudo�Kodinos associates the Vardariot

turks with “Persia” again noting that they wore “Persian headgear,

called aggouroton” (περσ �κὸ� φόρεμα φόρεμα φόρεμα�������� ��������������� ουρωτὸ� ουρωτὸ� ουρωτὸ� ουρωτὸ� ουρωτὸ� ��������������ομαζόμε ομαζόμε ομαζόμε ομαζόμε ομαζόμε ομαζόμε ομαζόμε�������οοοοοοο�������). 7 Final�

ly, Pseudo�Kodinos explains that “long ago they were Persians by race;

the Emperor [space for a name left vacant], relocating them from there

[i.e. “Persia” – ��uthor], settled them at the Vardar river; this is why

they are called Vardariotai.” 8

Byzantine literature of the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries nor�

mally employed the terms “Persians” and “Persian language” in re�

ference to the subjects of the saljuqs of anatolia and their turkish

language. One may find the relevant references, which are abundant,

in moravcsik’s Byzantinoturcica. 9 this appears to have been not sim�

ply an “archaizing” gesture of Byzantine authors but rather a common

delusion that the saljuqs were Persian and spoke Persian. It suffices

to say that John tzetzes, in his well�known passage on greetings in

foreign languages, identified a turkish phrase as Persian. 30

One can suggest that John III Vatatzes (–54), theodore II

Laskaris (54–58) or more likely michael VIII 3 may have been

implied in the Psedo�Kodinos for the emperor who relocated “the

Persians” from their homeland, and that Τούρκο� Βαρδαρ�ώτα� of the

fourteenth century were, at least partly, the descendants of the saljuq

immigrants resettling in the Vardar valley in the second half of the

thirteenth century; these were the anatolian turks from whom the

Vardariots inherited their “Persian tongue”. 3 as we have seen, ana�

  • 126 Pseudo-Kodinos�� Traité des offices�� introduc.�� texte et traduc. par J. Verpeaux �� Paris��

1966�� p. 210.7–8.

  • 127 Ibid.�� p. 181.26–28.

  • 128 Ibid.�� p. 182.6–10.

  • 129 Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica cit.�� Bd. 2�� S. 252ff.

  • 130 E. Hunger �� Zum Epilog des Johannes Tzetzes�� in Byzantinische Zeitschrift�� Bd. 46�� 1953��

S. 302–307.

  • 131 But surely not Theophilos�� as Janin and Moravcsik has suggested: Janin�� Les Turcs

Vardariotes cit.�� p. 440–445; G. Moravcsik�� Byzantinoturcica�� Bd. 2�� S. 322.

  • 132 It is not impossible that the first layers of Anatolian Turkish element had appeared at the

Vardar as early as the twelfth century as Laurent has suggested ( V. Laurent�� ‘���� Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ Βαρδαρ����ωτ ωτ ωτ ωτ��� �����

ἤτο� ΤΤΤούρκω ούρκω ούρκω���� ������� p. p. p. p. 285–286 285–286). 285–286). 285–286). ). ).

tHE BYZaNtINE tuRKs

03

tolian turks were in the majority in the neighbouring areas of mace�

donia due to the population transfers of the second half of the thir�

teenth century. If so, Vardariot guards might well have pronounced

their acclamations at the Imperial court in one of the anatolian turkic

dialects or in Persian, which was common at the saljuqid court. 33

6.5. Other Localities

single Oriental names are found in different regions of Western

and Central macedonia: Pelagonia (᾿Ισάχας� Ar. قﺎﺣﺳا Ishāq Bibl.

Isaac), 34 Kastoria (Σαρακη�ό ς�), 35 Grebena (Σαρτζάπεϊς�), 36 Pelagonia

(᾿Ισάχας�). 37

some Oriental population probably lived between Hierissos and

Lake Bolbe (map ), a mountainous area: Δαµασκὼ (from Damascus?), 38

Αλα�ό ς�, 39 Μουσταφάς� (anatolian turk?), 40 Κόµα�ο ς�, 4

Γ�άκσσα (Qipchaq), 4 Σάρσστζα Tk. sarsac “starling”�� cf. Ott.

sığırcık (Qipchaq). 43 It should be noted that two documents

record inin the

the region

region of

of Hierissos

Hierissos two

two paroikoi with

with the

the nickname

nickname

Αἰγύπτ�ο ς�, which indicates the presence of the Gypsies in the area. 44

Oriental names in Hierissos constitute as little as 0.% of the total

names for the region registered in PLP. Here again we have the com�

  • 133 On the use of the Persian language in Anatolia at the time of Saljuqs see: C. Hillen-

brand�� Ravandi�� the Seljuk Court at Konya and the Persianisation of Anatolian Cities�� in Méso-

geios�� vol. 25–26�� 2005�� p. 157–169; A. Ateş�� Hicri VI–VIII. (XII–XIV.) asırlarda Anadolu��da

Farsça eserler�� in: Türkiyat Mecmuası�� vol. VII–VIII/2

VII–VIII/2���� 1945

1945���� p.

p. 94–135.

94–135.

  • 134 PLP�� no. 92115.

  • 135 PLP�� no. 24862.

  • 136 PLP�� no. 24942.

  • 137 PLP�� no. 92115.

  • 138 PLP�� no. 5047.

  • 139 PLP�� no. 546.

  • 140 PLP�� no. 94212.

  • 141 PLP�� no. 12008.

  • 142 PLP�� no. 4155; name��s etymology see above.

  • 143 24941; for

PLP�� no. 24941; for the

the Qipchaq

Qipchaq word

word consult:

consult: Sulejman Sulejman Sulejman Efendi. Efendi. Efendi. ����agataj-Osmanisches

agataj-Osmanisches

agataj-Osmanisches

agataj-Osmanisches

Wörterbuch�� S. 167.

  • 144 PLP�� nos. 438�� 91095. G.C. Soulis�� The Gypsies in the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans

in the Late Middle Ages�� in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers�� vol. 15�� 1961�� p. 148ff; Z. Đoković��

Stanovništvo istočne Makedonije cit.�� p. 177.

04

Rustam sHuKuROV

bination of Qipchaq and anatolian names. the most interesting is

the name Αλα�ό ς� possibly indicating that some alan immigrants after

30–30 were resettled in the area of Hierissos.

some Oriental names are reported for the largest urban centres of the

region. names (% of the total names registered in PLP) are referred

to for thessalonike. a considerable portion of their holders belonged

to aristocratic families and civic and military officials like the sebastos

Γεώργ�ος� ᾿Α�αταυλᾶς�, 45 the protohierakarios ᾿Ιαγούπης��� 46 the οἰκεῖος� of

the Emperor and συγκλητ�κὸς� ἄρχω� Θεόδωρος� ᾿Ιαγούπης� (∆�αγούπης�)�� 47

the δοῦλος� of the Emperor ᾿Αλέ��ος� Κοµ� η�ὸς� Μασγ�δᾶς� 48 etc. It is not

surprising because thessalonike was second to Constantinople as an

urban and administrative centre, and the concentration of officials and

the elite there is understandable. the low percentage of Orientals is ra�

ther remarkable, supporting our suggestion regarding the intentional

keeping of the turks away from the main urban centres by the autho�

rities. this idea is possibly supported by the case of serres where one

finds as few as 4 Orientals, of whom belonged to the elite, such as the

kephale Μ�χαὴλ ᾿Αβραµπάκης� 49 and Εἰρή� η ∆ούκα��α Μασγίδα��α. 50

the figures for undoubtedly Qipchaq settlers are lower again than tho�

se for the immigrants from anatolia. It seems that the Byzantine authorities

deliberately mixed up various groups of incomers in the same territories. Eve�

rywhere (with the exception of the area of skopje and strumitza) Qipchaqs and

anatolian turks lived side by side. as a rule, it is not possible to point to any

geographical area which would be populated by representatives of only one

of those groups. If this was the result of a conscious policy of the Byzantine

authorities, it would be in complete agreement with the Byzantine tradition

of assimilation of foreign newcomers. 5

45

46

47

48

49

50

5

PLP, no. 87.

PLP, no. 9055.

PLP, no. 78.

PLP, no. 70.