Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

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Annals of Tourism Research

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Authentication in sports tourism

Matthew Lamont ⇑
Southern Cross University, Australia

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Social processes ascribing authenticity to touristic phenomena is

Received 22 November 2012 an area of tourism theory lacking empirical insights. This paper
Revised 10 November 2013 addresses the French Alps as a historically significant landscape
Accepted 20 November 2013
for the Tour de France and presents an empirical exploration of
Cohen and Cohen’s (2012) theoretical framework of authentication
in tourism. Using the context of a commercially organized tour,
Keywords:
Authentication
social practices of sports tourists which reinforced and amplified
Authenticity the status of the French Alps as authentic ‘‘Tour space’’ are ana-
Sports tourism lyzed. Embodied cycling excursions combined with collective, par-
Embodiment ticipatory roadside practices constituted performative acts of
Performativity authentication, whilst mediation of encounters with places of
Tour de France sporting significance highlighted authentication as a cyclical
process.
Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction and background

Authenticity is a contentious, yet attractive, analytical concept in tourism research. Its main utility
is in understanding tourists’ motivations and experiences (Cohen, 1988; Wang, 1999). However,
Cohen and Cohen (2012) argue that discussions of authenticity, ‘‘. . . failed to lead to a broad consensus,
which would make authenticity the anchor of a general paradigm for the study of modern tourism’’
(p. 1295). They maintain that social processes through which tourism attractions are authenticated
have attracted little scholarly attention. Yet, Cohen and Cohen emphasize the importance of under-
standing how these processes facilitate construction of objective and existential authenticity and have
proposed a theoretical framework for understanding authentication processes in tourism.
Sports tourism scholars have advocated the deployment of concepts surrounding authenticity to
enhance understanding of sports tourists’ experiences (e.g., Hinch & Higham, 2011; Weed, 2006).
Authenticity in sports tourism is a fledgling area of research and the subject of authentication in this

⇑ Corresponding author. Address: PO Box 157, Lismore, NSW 2480, Australia. Tel.: +61 2 6626 9428; fax: +61 2 6626 9155.
E-mail address: matthew.lamont@scu.edu.au

0160-7383/$ - see front matter Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2013.11.003
2 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

field is uncharted territory. This paper presents a case study of sports tourists visiting a global mega-
event, the Tour de France. The French Alps were introduced into the race route eight years after the
inaugural Tour. They are culturally iconic in Tour de France folklore and pose a hostile environment
for the event’s competitors. Yet, there is little research around how the French Alps have attained their
social status as an authentic ‘‘place’’ of the Tour de France. This research adopts an ethnographic meth-
odology and has one broad aim: to empirically explore manifestations of Cohen and Cohen’s (2012)
theoretical framework of authentication in the context of a commercially organized tour to the Tour
de France, with particular reference to the French Alps.

Literature review

Authenticity and authentication in tourism studies

According to Steiner and Reisinger (2006), ‘‘Authenticity is a familiar word but not a very stable
concept, especially within tourism literature. Its meaning tends to be a muddled amalgam of philo-
sophical, psychological, and spiritual concepts’’ (p. 299). Conceptualizing authenticity is problematic
because of the two senses in which it has been applied. First, whether toured objects are ‘‘real’’ or
‘‘fake.’’ The second being an existential sense, centering on tourists’ temporary experiences of authen-
tic self (Steiner & Reisinger, 2006; Wang, 1999). Given this paper’s focus on authentication processes,
tracing the evolution of authenticity in tourism is beyond its scope; its evolution has been traced from
the works of Boorstin (1964) and MacCannell (1976) by others (e.g., Olsen, 2002; Reisinger & Steiner,
2005; Wang, 1999; Zhu, 2012).
Wang (1999) builds upon Cohen’s (1988) argument that objective authenticity limits understand-
ings of tourists’ experiences. For Wang, authenticity may be divided into objective and subjective, con-
cerned with authenticity of toured objects and authenticity of the self, respectively. From this
dichotomy Wang proposes three categories: objective, constructive, and existential. Objective authen-
ticity relates to the genuineness of objects, with authentic experiences invoked through recognition of
toured object(s) as real. Constructive authenticity encompasses social constructions of authenticity
projected onto toured objects, of which those subjectivities are shaped by individuals’ ‘‘particular con-
textual situation or intersubjective setting’’ (Wang, 1999, p. 354).
Existential authenticity broadens the analytical scope of authenticity as a perspective for under-
standing tourists’ motivations and experiences. This conceptualization of authenticity goes beyond
the genuineness of toured objects in understanding tourists’ quests to experience their authentic
selves through liminal tourism settings (Kim & Jamal, 2007). As Steiner and Reisinger (2006) point
out, existential authenticity stems from philosophical traditions surrounding human interpretations
of happiness and self. Various scholars have drawn upon the work of philosophers including
Heidegger (Brown, 2013; Steiner & Reisinger, 2006), Sartre (Brown, 2013), and Benjamin (Rickly-Boyd,
2012a), in exploring existential authenticity as it applies to tourism. In particular, Heidegger’s (1962)
concept of Dasein has been favored, broadly concerned with human existence in the external world
and confrontation of emergent possibilities (Rickly-Boyd, 2012a; Steiner & Reisinger, 2006).
Empirical studies have supported the usefulness of existential authenticity in tourism studies. Kim
and Jamal (2007) show how tourists experience feelings of existential authenticity at a renaissance
festival in Texas. They affirm that liminality of tourists’ experiences was important in experiencing
existential authenticity. Relaxation of social norms liberated participants in projecting their authentic
selves through intrapersonal and interpersonal processes (Wang, 1999). Intrapersonal processes in-
clude bodily feelings (e.g., sexual encounters and alcohol consumption) and self-making (e.g., tempo-
rary self-transformation via playfulness and period costuming). From an interpersonal perspective,
Kim and Jamal observe the development of touristic communitas in which social and occupational sta-
tus dissolved. Communitas assisted the participants to interact on a socially equal basis, through
which camaraderie and acceptance resulted.
Similarly, Buchmann, Moore, and Fisher (2010) explore triggers of existential authenticity for tour-
ists visiting Lord of the Rings film sites in New Zealand. They observed that ‘‘fellowship’’ (p. 245) within
the tour group, physical embodiment of film sets, personal emotional connections with the Lord of the
 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 3

Rings novels, combined with ‘‘A sensuous encounter with place’’ (p. 240) contributed to feelings of
existential authenticity. For some, confronting the elements by way of fog, wind, and rain heightened
the physicality associated with the experience, of which Buchmann et al. conclude, ‘‘film tourists, like
pilgrims, welcome physical exercise and even discomfort as a further validation of their experience as
authentic’’ (p. 241).
Despite differing trajectories in which authenticity has been examined in tourism studies, it has
been argued that the various manifestations of authenticity are intertwined. Rickly-Boyd (2012a)
drew upon Benjaminian philosophy, arguing authenticity is connected to aura imbued upon a touristic
site or object by ritual and tradition, whilst existential authenticity can be experienced through
engagement with that aura. Further, Cohen and Cohen (2012) argue that objective and existential
authenticity exist on a separate plane to constructive authenticity; objective and existential authen-
ticity are personally experienced while constructive authenticity is a process through which the for-
mer two are socially constructed. Thus their purpose was to shift discourse away from interpreting
tourists’ authentic experiences, and encourage exploration of social processes through which tourist
attractions are ascribed with authenticity. That is, processes through which touristic products, attrac-
tions, sites or events are confirmed ‘‘as ‘original’, ‘genuine’, ‘real’ or ‘trustworthy’’’ (Cohen & Cohen,
2012, p. 1296). Authentication therefore broadens the authenticity debate in tourism studies beyond
authenticity of objects and self, to include contested issues over who has power or authority in ascrib-
ing authenticity onto touristic phenomena (Mkono, 2013).
Authentication encapsulates two distinct, though intersecting, modes: ‘‘hot’’ and ‘‘cool’’ (Cohen &
Cohen, 2012). ‘‘Cool’’ authentication is conceptualized as certification of an object as original or real,
contrasting with a copy or a fake. ‘‘Cool’’ authentication takes place via formal acts informed by sci-
entific knowledge, and performed by an agent with a legitimate mandate. For example, Daugstad
and Kirchengast (2013) discuss how the region of Bregenzerwald in the Austrian Alps was declared
a UNESCO World Heritage site due to its cultural heritage centered on agriculture, a linchpin in the
region’s tourism strategy. They argue that authenticity was ascribed to this region in a ‘‘cool’’ sense,
with UNESCO being the mandate-carrying certification agent. However, ‘‘cool’’ authentication in tour-
ism is problematic due to a lack of accepted criteria for certifying tourist attractions as authentic.
Mkono (2013) suggests that while ‘‘cool’’ authentication is associated with tourists’ quests for objec-
tive authenticity, certification of objects as authentic is contestable and subjective due to questions
surrounding legitimacy of the authenticating agent. That is, ‘‘Who makes the judgment about the
‘expertness’ of an expert?’’ (Mkono, 2013, p. 218).
‘‘Hot’’ authentication encapsulates incremental, participatory processes through which authentic-
ity is ascribed to an object, site, or event, or through which authenticity is preserved or reinforced over
time: ‘‘‘Hot’ authentication is thus an affective self-reinforcing process in which the sacredness, sub-
limity, or genuineness of sites, objects or events is constantly perpetuated, confirmed (and aug-
mented) by public practice, rather than by some declaration’’ (Cohen & Cohen, 2012, p. 1301).
Contrasting with ‘‘cool’’ authentication, ‘‘hot’’ authentication lacks an authorized authenticating agent.
It is socially produced via collective, performative acts of tourists. Performativity is a metaphor posi-
tioning the world as a stage, upon which tourists enact performances, interacting with symbolic
attractions through embodied practices (Edensor, 2001). A detailed review of performativity in tour-
ism is beyond the scope of this paper; however Edensor (1998, 2000, 2001) provides in-depth analyses
of this approach to sociological tourism studies.
‘‘Hot’’ authentication is therefore reiterative, informal, self-reinforcing, highly subjective, and con-
testable. Further, acts of ‘‘hot’’ authentication typically take place within a backdrop of touristic com-
munitas (Kim & Jamal, 2007; Wang, 1999). ‘‘Hot’’ authentication relies not on proof, instead centering
on individuals’ beliefs, and is therefore emotionally laden. Cohen and Cohen (2012) cite worshipping,
witnessing, veneration, paying obeisance, and making offerings as performative acts of ‘‘hot’’ authen-
tication. They argue that ‘‘hot’’ authentication is conducive to experiencing feelings of existential
authenticity, invoked by experiential reflection of participation in (often spontaneous and serendipi-
tous) acts of ‘‘hot’’ authentication.
Empirical investigations into authentication of touristic phenomena are sparse. Mkono’s (2013)
study provided a preliminary empirical illustration of Cohen and Cohen’s (2012) ‘‘hot’’ and ‘‘cool’’
authentication modes. Through a netnographic exploration of online, dialogic communities pertinent
4 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

to tourism (e.g., Tripadvisor.com), Mkono utilized search terms including ‘‘authentic,’’ and ‘‘authenti-
cated’’ to identify examples of the processes described by Cohen and Cohen. Mkono concluded that
instances of ‘‘hot’’ authentication were much more prevalent than instances of ‘‘cool’’ authentication.
Morgan (2007) argues that sports tourism experiences constitute a ‘‘subjective emotional journey full
of personal, social and cultural meanings’’ (p. 361). Consequently, authentication is potentially a
revealing lens for examining sports tourists’ encounters with sport landscapes, events and related
attractions.

Sports tourism experiences and authenticity

Despite its emergence as a field of scholarly inquiry, research into sports tourism participation is
largely descriptive. Weed (2006) calls for increased methodological diversity in sports tourism re-
search and for scholars to work towards building knowledge which is ‘‘theoretically and conceptually
robust’’ (p. 23). Authenticity has been identified as a salient theoretical underpinning for developing
knowledge around sports tourism experiences (Hinch & Higham, 2011). However, research hitherto
seems limited to Gammon and Fear’s (2005) mixed-method study of backstage tours at sports stadia
and, to a lesser extent, Morgan’s (2007) study of spectator experiences during the 2005 British and Ir-
ish Lions rugby tour of New Zealand. Recently, Rickly-Boyd (2012b) extended the concept of existen-
tial authenticity to rock climbing. She suggests that ‘‘lifestyle climbing’’ offers possibilities across
multiple dimensions of the activity for experiencing existential authenticity. Such possibilities mani-
fest via brief moments of ‘‘flow’’ (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) on the rock face, and also in other situations
facilitated by climbers’ hypermobility and sense of communitas.
There is a lack of empirical research around processes through which sports tourism objects, sites,
or events are authenticated. This paper aims to empirically explore how members of an organized tour
engaged in practices contributing towards authentication of the French Alps as a culturally and histor-
ically significant landscape of the world’s largest annual sporting event, the Tour de France. Thus, this
paper responds to Cohen and Cohen’s (2012) call for empirical insights into social processes of
authentication.

The French Alps as ‘‘Tour space’’

First staged in 1903, the Tour de France (Le Tour) emerged as a promotional vehicle to reinvigorate
sales of French sports newspaper l’Auto (Amaury Sport Organisation., 2011). It is a three-week,
3,600km professional cycling race contested by 180–190 male cyclists in 21 teams funded by corpo-
rate sponsors. Le Tour has a television audience of around two billion across 175 countries, with 12 to
15 million people estimated as attending the race roadside each year (Terret, 2005). Palmer (1998,
2010) investigates the complex nature of Le Tour, and argues that it is a unique production for spec-
tators as the event takes place on closed public roads, in contrast to captive environments like stadi-
ums. Her ethnographic work also shows how it is an important national icon and vehicle for
showcasing French culture and geography. Hosting a stage-start or finish of Le Tour is so prestigious
that prospective communities often heed hefty directives from race organizers such as removing
roundabouts and repaving road surfaces (Palmer, 2010). During the event, host communities undergo
a process where civic space is re-ordered into ‘‘Tour space’’ (Palmer, 2010, p. 875), catering to Le Tour’s
mobile infrastructure including the depart village, press quarters and ceremonial structures, and vast
influxes of tourists.
Founding race director Henri Desgrange constantly sought to push competitors’ limits to capture
the public’s imagination (Gaboriau, 2003). Mountainous routes were progressively incorporated into
Le Tour from 1905 to differentiate it from other races, with the first foray into the Pyrenees occurring
in 1910. The French Alps were introduced in 1911, marked with the crossing of the Col du Galibier
(2645m) (Thompson, 2008). 1952 saw the introduction of Alpe d’Huez (1860m), characterized by
steep grades and 21 ‘‘hairpin’’ corners (Grenoble Cycling Pages, 2012). Reporters of the day coined
phrases such as ‘‘divine and pitiless backdrops’’ (Gaboriau, 2003, p. 69) and ‘‘threatening Titans await-
ing to entrap the riders’’ (Campos, 2003, p. 164) in describing these new landscapes of Le Tour. The
Alps and Pyrenees are where Le Tour is won and lost.
 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 5

Each European summer hordes of tourists flock to mountain roads where the devotion of cycling
fans is unequivocally displayed in ‘‘demonstrations of mountain top communitas’’ (Palmer, 1998, p.
270). Today cycling tours to Le Tour’s mountain landscapes are lucrative businesses. Drawing upon
Koontz’s (2010) notion of ‘‘traditionalizing,’’ in which marketers induce a feeling of immersion in
the past by leveraging historical associations with place, businesses capitalize on the myth of legend
enshrined within the French Alps. As one company touted, ‘‘Challenge yourself up both Mt Ventoux
and Alpe d’Huez. Ride just minutes in front of the world’s best pros and see them suffer up the classic
roads that make the Tour what it is today’’ (Jemison Cycling, 2013). Hence the French Alps are a poten-
tially insightful context in which to examine processes of authentication, particularly how the acts of
sports tourists contribute to their status as authentic Tour space.

Study context and methods

The context of this study is a commercially organized tour taking in the final week of Le Tour 2011.
This phase of Le Tour encompassed the French Alps and the final processional stage in Paris. Partici-
pants had the option of bringing their bicycle, enabling opportunities to cycle some of the same roads
as the professional cyclists. The daily itinerary provided participants with opportunities to cycle to a
selected point along Le Tour route. There, participants could see the race and its associated festivities
before being transported by coach back to the hotel. Informed by an interpretive-constructivist epis-
temological approach (Ponterotto, 2005), data were collected via an ethnographic approach. Data col-
lection methods encompassed participant observation and in-depth interviews with tour group
members, reflecting the need in ethnographic studies for the researcher to collect ‘‘whatever data
are available to throw light on the issues that are the emerging focus of inquiry’’ (Hammersley &
Atkinson, 2007, p. 3).
To this end, the author positioned himself as an ‘‘insider’’ as a fellow tour participant. Throughout
the tour, the researcher observed the group’s dynamics, kept detailed field notes, and undertook in-
depth interviews. Because of the need to develop rapport with other tourists (Hammersley & Atkinson,
2007), expressions of interest were sought for participation in the research late in the itinerary. Tour-
ists were also alerted to the research via a pre-departure email from the group tour organizers. Two
interviews were conducted on the final day, while the remainder were conducted following the tour,
either face-to-face or by telephone. Following the tour, the researcher also travelled interstate to inter-
view four participants face-to-face in order to avoid pitfalls of telephone interviews such as an absence
of body language (Amis, 2005).
In total, 13 tour members were interviewed. Most interviews were conducted one-on-one, though
four were interviewed as pairs. Face-to-face interviews elicited the richest information and typically
lasted around one hour. Telephone interviews, however, lasted between 25 and 40 minutes. Inter-
views were semi-structured and, though conversation was free to deviate and explore emergent is-
sues. Lines of questioning included motives for visiting Le Tour, expectations of and reactions to the
experience, if and how the tourists’ experience of Le Tour felt ‘‘real,’’ and discussing their consumptive
practices. Interview transcripts and field notes were analyzed using a three-stage coding procedure
consisting of open, axial, and selective coding (Neuman, 2006). Whilst the data were analyzed induc-
tively to allow categories of authentication processes to emerge from the data, analysis was guided in
part by the framework of authentication practices described by Cohen and Cohen (2012). Copies of
interview transcripts were returned to interviewees for verification to enhance trustworthiness of
the data (Merriam, 1998). Interviewees were invited to add or withdraw information; however, no
feedback was received.
Interviewees also completed a brief demographic questionnaire. All but two returned a completed
questionnaire. Eleven of the 13 cyclists were male and two were female, and their ages ranged be-
tween 23 and 57 with a mean of 43.5 years (for those who returned their questionnaire). Most inter-
viewees were Anglo-Saxon and worked in professional occupations. One was a retiree. The sample
consisted of eight Australians, three Brits, one American, and one New Zealander. Most travelled on
this tour as pairs or as part of a family group. All but one interviewee indicated a strong social affinity
with cycling. The mean length of involvement in cycling was 19 years.
6 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

Findings

Three categories of social processes reflecting authentication practices discussed by Cohen and
Cohen (2012) emerged. These were labeled ‘‘embodied athletic performances,’’ ‘‘collective, roadside
practices,’’ and ‘‘mediation of touristic encounters with place.’’ Although the tourists did not appear
consciously motivated do so, engaging in these practices arguably contributed towards the reinforce-
ment and amplification of the French Alps as authentic Tour space (Palmer, 2010). Processes implicit
within each category are presented below. It is acknowledged that there may be commonalities across
the categories, however they are separated for analytical purposes. However, it is instructive to ini-
tially contextualize the perceived ‘‘status’’ of the French Alps as authentic Tour space.

Sports tourists’ perceptions of the French Alps as authentic ‘‘Tour space’’

Having first been included in the route in 1911, the French Alps have a long affinity with Le Tour
(Thompson, 2008). Consequently, the French Alps have long been subject to social processes of
authentication as Tour space. As Palmer (2010) points out, ‘‘. . . particular meanings that develop in
relation to a sports event, site or locality do not occur ‘naturally,’ but are the product of considerable
cultural work by the producers and users of these sporting spaces’’ (p. 867). Hence in the present
study, initiation of authenticity was not of concern. Instead, reinforcement and amplification of
authenticity achieved primarily through processes of ‘‘hot’’ authentication—performative practices en-
gaged in by the tour group members—were of greater salience (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). It is therefore
prudent to contextualize how these sites were perceived as authentic Tour space prior to embarking
on an analysis of performative authentication acts.
A deep interest in connecting with the French Alps during their sojourn to Le Tour was expressed.
Frequently, rich sporting history enshrined within the French Alps was cited as a motive for their
attractiveness. Earl identified mountainous terrain as a utopia for cycling fans because this terrain
is a test of professional competitors’ mental strength: ‘‘[they try] . . . to break other people mentally.’’
Craig elaborated on Earl’s point, noting that opportunities to cycle in these significant sporting land-
scapes were an additional point of appeal in selecting this tour:
. . . there’s definitely something about wanting to be out in the mountains ... I think partly what that
is about is just being in the grandeur of creation . . . And the challenge of the mountains as well. I’ve
always enjoyed the challenge of climbing.

However, the French Alps is a vast landscape enveloping myriad mountain passes that have hosted
Le Tour. Two Alpine passes were frequently singled out as iconic and historically significant landmarks
synonymous with Le Tour, the Col du Galibier and Alpe d’Huez. Both mountains were inclusions on the
group’s scheduled itinerary and in Le Tour’s 2011 race route. The significance these two mountains
have played in influencing the outcome of many Tours held great credence in the tour members’ eyes:
[Col du] Galibier because I guess there was a lot of hype and interest about it being the highest fin-
ish and being such a hard climb and Alpe d’Huez ... it’s been make or break for the Tour many times
... there’s something kind of mythical about it (Casey).

Of the Col du Galibier, Earl exclaimed that it ‘‘. . . has been there 100 years and it’s soaked, every
yard of that and from the other side, it’s just soaked in history.’’ Memorable battles between legends
of the sport seemed to have instilled Alpe d’Huez as one of the famous climbs of Le Tour. Mitchell cited
this mountain as a key attractor for him: ‘‘Alpe d’Huez was certainly the pinnacle and from my per-
spective, the one that everyone spoke about and the most significant and famous climb,’’ whilst Craig
used quasi-religious language in saying that ‘‘I would describe that [Alpe d’Huez] as a shrine for many
cyclists.’’
Moreover, tour group members’ long-term exposure to Le Tour via mediatized representations in-
voked mythological perceptions. Frank, for example, described Alpe d’Huez as having ‘‘. . . a real aura
about it.’’ It was therefore evident that a core motive for these sports tourists was to engage first-hand
with sites in the French Alps that are culturally and historically significant to Le Tour. This landscape
 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 7

had already been authenticated as Tour space through exposure to the event on a macro level via mass
media. At a finer level, representations of sporting feats, triumphs and other antics portrayed in mass
media appeared to have positioned sites including the Col du Galibier and Alpe d’Huez as tourism
meccas for cycling fans. Hence attention is now turned to analyzing how sports tourists’ co-presence
(Urry, 2002) with Le Tour 2011 may have contributed to reinforcing and amplifying the nexus of
authenticity between the French Alps and Le Tour.

Embodied athletic performances

As Cohen and Cohen (2012) point out, ‘‘. . . ‘hot’ authentication is produced by the performative
conduct of the attending public, the authenticity of a ‘hotly’ authenticated object, site or event
emerges incrementally, from often inconspicuous beginnings, and is constantly reinforced with the
growth of its popularity, reputation or fame’’ (p. 1304). Consequently, authenticity of mountain passes
as Tour space was reinforced and amplified via performative acts of tour group members as amateur
cyclists emulating athletic feats of their heroes. Unforgiving terrain in which courageous attacks have
been launched, leaving rivals crushed, were regarded as hallowed ground: ‘‘There are certain great
ones [mountains] which have so much history of significance in previous Tours . . . it would be just like
a pilgrimage for me to be able to say I’ve ridden where X attacked Y and so on’’ (Earl).
Contrasting with sports conducted in stadia, where the sporting arena is not publicly accessible, Le
Tour is conducted within public spaces temporarily re-ordered to host the event (Palmer, 2010). Outside
those times cyclists are free to occupy those spaces and emulate feats of their heroes. Within cycling
subculture, climbing the great mountains of Le Tour is a ‘‘must do’’ experience. Particular mountain
passes were perceived as carrying an air of mystique endowed upon them by historical athletic acts per-
formed by Le Tour’s cyclists. Frank was a tour group member from New Zealand; for him cycling some of
Le Tour’s ‘‘giants’’ was something he had yearned to do having followed the race since the 1980s:
. . . one of the things that really appealed to me this year was Alpe d’Huez was in the Tour ... I really
wanted to ride both Alpe d’Huez and [Col du] Galibier. Unfortunately we couldn’t ride Galibier but
Alpe d’Huez was definitely one I wanted to tick off. That was a great experience ... I just wanted to
get a flavor, a feel for what the terrain’s like there and what these guys that actually race the Tour
must put themselves through to race over it day in and day out. 200 kms a day. It’s just mind
boggling.
In his kinaesthetic ethnography of cyclists tackling one of Le Tour’s iconic mountains, Mont Ven-
toux, Spinney (2006) lamented a lack of interest displayed in ‘‘. . . disembodied and contemplative
meanings of the mountain’’, and heightened interest in ‘‘. . . embodied notions of ‘doing’ Mont Ven-
toux’’ (p. 710). Opportunities to cycle parts of the French Alps, and therefore parts of Le Tour route
(past and present), constituted a practice through which tour members contributed towards reinforce-
ment and amplification of the French Alps as authentic Tour space. Data indicated that for tour group
members who participated in cycling excursions to significant sites, including Sestriere, Alpe d’Huez,
Col du Galibier and Col d’Izoard, their experiences were intensely embodied and imbued with personal
meaning. Field notes recorded after ascending Alpe d’Huez provides some insights into the intensity of
these experiences:
Though not as long as some of the other mountains we have climbed this week, the gradient
inflicted a deep burn into my quadriceps for nearly an hour. The hire bike I’m riding has a much
lower gear ratio than I normally ride back home, but it almost wasn’t low enough. Brief stops to
snap off photos were really an excuse to catch my breath. Besides the discomfort, this was a truly
humbling and emotional experience. I was on constant watch for places where the likes of Pantani,
Armstrong, Ullrich and Indurain either stomped away, or were crushed—but the place looks so
much different here than on TV. Towards the summit the air thinned, making breathing even
harder. How do these guys do it? (Field notes, 22 July 2011).
Cycling excursions thereby enabled tour members to embody Le Tour’s history and the landscapes
in which that history has been played out. They also provided an opportunity for tour members to pit
their abilities against professional cyclists and reflect on that contrast:
8 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

You get an appreciation for how tough the mountains are that you wouldn’t get just by looking. You
think ‘‘yeah that’s hard’’ but you know what it feels like. You actually feel the pain, when you think
about it you’re probably going half or less speed that these guys are (Casey).

Indeed, this desire seemed to have been partly shaped by the tour members’ social networks prior
to the experience. As Casey further alluded to, many of his cycling friends were familiar with Alpe
d’Huez: ‘‘It’s famous. All of my mates back home want to know what time you’re going to do it in,
how fast you’re going to do it!’’
However, beyond embodied aspects of these cycling excursions into the French Alps, it was ob-
served how shared cycling experiences on race day invoked a sense of communitas. Tess spoke about
a sense of celebrating shared achievement with other group members after conquering some of the
Alps’ highest peaks:
. . . when you got to the top and you saw a familiar face you instantly connected because you’d been
through the experience together. So I would have to say it would be the experiences at the top or
the end of the climbs when you were kind of celebrating having completed that climb. That cele-
bratory kind of sense.

Tour members clearly perceived a great sense of achievement and satisfaction from these embod-
ied, performative acts. However, they adopted a further role as spectators, paving the way for another
theme: collective, participatory roadside practices.

Collective, participatory roadside practices

Co-presence with the event contributed towards a ‘‘buzzing’’ carnivalesque atmosphere synony-
mous with roadside spectating at Le Tour. Notions of happiness, fun, festivity, and patriotism were
evident in tour members’ narratives of their roadside experiences. Earl described an atmosphere

Fig. 1. An amateur cyclist’s reaction to words of encouragement from roadside spectators.

 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 9

‘‘which you won’t get on TV,’’ while Adrian pointed out the festive atmosphere associated with road-
side spectating that Le Tour is renowned for:
Depending on where you are, the people standing on the side of the road can be extraordinary . . . if
you’re in some of the mountain stages where all the Norwegians or the various groups who get a bit
rowdy after two days drinking . . . it can be a lot of fun.

Each day most members of the tour group made their way from the hotel by bicycle to the Tour
route, rendezvoused with the tour coach, changed clothes, and stowed their bicycles. From there they
would stake out a position on the roadside to await the peloton (the main group of cyclists in the race).
In the hours preceding the peloton’s arrival, antics unfolded as hordes of spectators gathered to soak
up the atmosphere, which were in part an attractor for some to select this group tour. Tess explained
that, ‘‘. . . it’s what I’ve seen on TV how just the antics, the environment, I just wanted to see what was
real. I wanted to see if everything I’d seen on TV was materialized in person.’’
Because of restrictions on vehicular traffic, particularly in the mountains, many spectators arrived
by bicycle. As recounted:
Hundreds of amateur cyclists made their way past us. Spectators on the roadside offered a friendly
cheer to those suffering from the exertion of a hard climb. There was some friendly sledging as peo-
ple rode by other spectators who were displaying the national flags of rivals, or who were display-
ing team clothing of rival cyclists (Field notes, 20 July 2011).

The presence of so many amateur cyclists further contributed to the atmosphere as spectators
yelled words of encouragement to those toiling up the inclines (Fig. 1).
Field notes also recount patriotism exhibited not only by the tour members, but also the broader
roadside gathering of spectators: ‘‘During this time, people could be seen writing the names of their
favorite cyclists on the road. Others were preparing for the cyclists’ arrival by dressing in national
flags’’ (Field notes, 20 July 2011). Nicola also explained how this graffiti made her experience more
memorable:
. . . people started writing on the road and that’s what you always see on the television. And some
Aussie was writing Cadel’s [Evans] name on the road and it was my mum’s birthday that day, so
they wrote mum’s name on the road (laughing)! . . . You just start to feel part of the Tour crowd
that is gathering together.

Indeed, it was the acts of spectators—unofficial, spontaneous and unauthorized—which contributed

to ‘‘hot’’ reordering of an otherwise inconspicuous place into Tour space. Fig. 2 provides an illustrative
example of ‘‘road graffiti’’ painted close to the summit of Sestriere in support of Australian profes-
sional cyclist, Cadel Evans.

Fig. 2. Spectator ‘‘road graffiti’’ along the Tour de France route.

10 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

However, it was passage of Le Tour’s peloton that the crowds had primarily gathered to witness.
Antics in the hours preceding the peloton’s arrival were ‘‘side shows’’ leading up to the main event.
Field notes provide an insight into their imminent arrival to the summit of Sestriere:
. . . a low-flying helicopter appeared, meaning that the cyclists were only minutes away. A lone
breakaway rider appeared accompanied by a flotilla of vehicles and television motorcycles. The
crowd roared. Many around us clambered to get in front of the cameras so that we might stand
a chance of being seen on television (Field notes, 20 July 2011).
Mitchell recalled the excitement he felt as the peloton passed and the crowd-driven atmosphere
lifted:
I was expecting there to be a lot of downtime I suppose having to wait for the guys to come through
and then they’d be gone in a flash . . . But it wasn’t because I think with the atmosphere and having
people around you and talking about it . . . from there you had Cadel Evans and one of the guys from
Leopard-Trek coming through. So you see that and the whole crowd going just mad obviously. That
was just awesome.
Meanwhile, Nicola suggested that the peloton’s passing constitutes an extremely brief, though in-
tense few seconds requiring concentration if value is to be derived from the experience:
You’re jumping up and everybody starts tooting and shouting. You see the first couple and you
think ‘‘Quick!’’ And you try and get your camera out and get some pictures and you don’t want
to miss them all and you think ‘‘Who’s that?’’ . . . You’re spotting the yellow jersey and the green
jersey.
Development of communitas therefore not only occurred amongst the tour group members,
but also in a broader sense when they immersed themselves within larger roadside crowds gath-
ered to witness the peloton’s passage. Thus an atmosphere celebrating cycling subculture
emerged.

Mediation of touristic encounters with place

Practices were observed through which the tour members ‘‘promoted’’ their exploits to broader so-
cial networks. Mediated acts promoting encounters with Tour space therefore facilitated dissemina-
tion and perpetuation of the authentic status of those sites. Collecting photographic accounts of
their experiences was evidently important. Almost all those interviewed spoke of strategies for digi-
tally immortalizing their experiences. For example, Craig explained the risk he took in bringing along a
bulky piece of equipment: ‘‘. . . I’d brought an SLR camera, digital SLR which was a big thing to lug
around and I was thinking will it be worth it, ‘will I get good shots?’ And actually I did.’’ Collecting
photographs of themselves at significant Le Tour sites or markers were readily observed. Tour mem-
bers seemed well versed in Le Tour’s history and were well-informed as to which sites were histori-
cally and culturally significant.
Collecting photographs at a significant site elicited feelings of excitement and achievement. One
such example was when a small group ventured off to climb the Col d’Izoard. A marker denoting
the Col d’Izoard’s link with Le Tour is typical of that found at the summit of many mountains embed-
ded within the event’s history. Fig. 3 is an example of the photographs taken by tour members at this
significant landmark. Body language and expressions portray the sense of shared excitement and
achievement at having conquered a Tour ‘‘giant.’’ Photographic memories of embodied cycling expe-
riences, such as that to the Col d’Izoard, seemed to further invoke feelings of communitas amongst the
tour group. When pressed about her most memorable experience, Tess reminisced about the camara-
derie she felt with her fellow tour members on this day:

There was a group of us that did the Izoard and getting to the top I saw two people in our coach . . .
I’d seen them en route and we had kind of celebrated that we had made it; and the view and every-
thing so we’d taken a couple of pictures of each other.
 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 11

Fig. 3. Example photograph of tour members at a significant Tour de France landmark.

Retrospective celebration of the group’s achievements and exploits manifested through sharing of
photos via social media among the group, and among the tour members’ broader social networks. For
Casey, he focused on collecting photographs likely to be received favorably by his friends:
. . . when you get home, that’s what everyone wants to see. And I’ve got a few mates who really
want to go to the Tour and for them it’s like an experience to sift through your photos . . . They
are right into the photos like ‘Oh, who’s that? Where was that? What day was that?’ So it’s like
a social thing. You bring it back and it’s like you’ve brought something home.

Research ethics approval for this study did not extend to analyzing the tour members’ online social
media content. However, it was evident that they were projecting snippets of their experiences via so-
cial media outlets:
When I went up Alpe d’Huez . . . if you saw my little parrot, if you looked on the internet, I’ve got a
little [toy] parrot that travels everywhere and he has his picture taken around the world . . . There
are a few on Facebook. So he’s been to all these places and people. (Nicola)

Discussion

The aim of this study was to empirically explore how social processes of authentication described
by Cohen and Cohen (2012) manifested in the context of a commercially organized tour to a sporting
mega-event, Le Tour. In particular, the study aimed to identify and explore how practices engaged in
by sports tourists contributed towards reinforcing and amplifying the French Alps as authentic Tour
space (Palmer, 2010). Below, it is discussed how aspects of Cohen and Cohen’s theoretical framework
were reflected in the actions of sports tourists visiting Le Tour. Observations are made relating to the
sports tourists’ performative acts and their practices of mediating encounters with place.
12 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

Reflection on Cohen and Cohen’s authentication framework

Authentication of Tour space occurs, evidently, through processes of both ‘‘cool’’ and ‘‘hot’’ authen-
tication. As organizers of Le Tour, the Amaury Sport Organization (ASO) possesses authority; they may
anoint ordinary space as Tour space, ‘‘in ways that are largely uncontested’’ (Palmer, 2010, p. 875).
Placement of markers, signage and other official embellishment may be conceived as ‘‘cool’’ declara-
tive acts, objectively certifying places as authentic Tour space. Further, ‘‘hot’’ and ‘‘cool’’ authentication
processes can be intertwined and interact to co-constitutively ascribe authenticity to a site (Cohen &
Cohen, 2012). Whilst ‘‘cool’’ authentication was evident, Mkono’s (2013) observation was corrobo-
rated in that evidence of ‘‘hot’’ authentication was much more readily observed in the present study.
Tour members were observed engaging in a repertoire of collective, un-choreographed, performa-
tive acts reflecting Cohen and Cohen’s (2012) ‘‘hot’’ authentication mode. Cohen and Cohen further as-
sert that ‘‘Authentication endows an object, site or event with authenticity; it thus involves
performativity’’ (p. 1298). Performativity in the present study manifested through engagement with
venerated sites via embodied cycling excursions into the French Alps, and collective, participatory
roadside antics as the tour group members immersed themselves in crowds of spectators awaiting
the peloton’s passage. Further, it was observed how the tour members subsequently ‘‘promoted’’ their
performative acts through processes of mediation, particularly via social media. However, they did not
appear consciously aware that their actions contributed towards reinforcement and amplification of
the French Alps as authentic Tour space, supporting Cohen and Cohen’s assertion that ‘‘hot’’ authen-
tication is implicit.
Cohen and Cohen (2012) refer to veneration as a process of authentication. One tour member de-
scribed his ambition to climb the Col du Galibier as ‘‘a pilgrimage.’’ Similar religious language has been
used in describing visitation to sites tourists hold feelings of veneration for, such as in film-induced
and sports tourism (Buchmann et al., 2010; Gammon, 2004). It is well documented how mediatized
representations can stimulate cognitive constructions of place, invoking a longing to experience that
place first-hand (Cloke & Perkins, 1998; Knudsen & Waade, 2010). Qualitative evidence suggested the
tour members held feelings of veneration towards the French Alps, particularly for certain mountain
passes included on their itinerary. However, their feelings of veneration appear to have been shaped
by exposure to mediatized representations, reflected in their accounts of having followed Le Tour on
television prior to attending the event first-hand. A further pertinent example of veneration was
imprinting of ‘‘road graffiti’’ on Le Tour’s route. Cohen and Cohen note accumulation of material offer-
ings left behind by tourists contributes to ‘‘hot’’ authentication, and in this context road graffiti con-
stituted a semi-permanent expression of veneration. It also augmented ‘‘cool’’ authenticity ascribed to
those sites through placement of official signage and embellishment by event organizers.
Gestures of respect, or ‘‘paying obeisance’’ (Cohen & Cohen, 2012, p. 1300) manifested in the tour
members’ cycling excursions into the French Alps. Tour members respected the hostility these moun-
tains present to cyclists, and most exhibited knowledge of this landscape’s historical significance to Le
Tour. By engaging with the landscape in an embodied manner, tour members gained an empathetic
understanding of the suffering endured by professional cyclists, enabling them to reflect on their her-
oes’ exploits (Spinney, 2006), a point elaborated upon later. Moreover, tour members’ narratives of
establishing a personal connection with venerated mountain passes, achieved through their own
embodied, athletic performances on ‘‘hallowed’’ ground, were perhaps reflective of ‘‘identifying with
the venerated object, site or event’’ (Cohen & Cohen, 2012, p. 1300). Owing to their personal web of
motives and expectations, the tourists’ sojourns into the French Alps were punctuated by ‘‘meaningful
‘moments’’’ (Ostergaard & Christensen, 2010, p. 249) as the tour members encountered sites and ob-
jects of personal meaning.
Furthermore, ‘‘The relationships between social actors, when performing acts of ‘hot’ authentica-
tion, are often characterized by a sense of communitas’’ (Cohen & Cohen, 2012, p. 1300). Communitas
in a touristic context encapsulates unmediated, emotionally-charged interpersonal interactions in
which social status differences dissolve (Wang, 1999). Immersion in cycling subculture for the
duration of the tour enabled the group to celebrate a common bond in cycling. Corroborating Kim
and Jamal’s (2007) observations, class and age distinctions were largely absent, and tour members felt
less restrained by conventional norms, facilitating celebration of their identities as cyclists. Thus,
 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 13

authentication of the French Alps occurred within a backdrop of communitas as reflected in narratives
of shared celebration in conquering massive mountain climbs, camaraderie, and roadside joviality.
In summary, notions of participation, performativity, paying obeisance, venerating, and witnessing
as discussed by Cohen and Cohen (2012) were evident in the present study. Accompanying expres-
sions of identification with the French Alps as a site of veneration were also evident, as was develop-
ment of communitas within the group. However, two points warrant further discussion. First,
emphasis placed by the sports tourists on wishing to engage in an embodied way with the French Alps
as ‘‘hallowed’’ sporting ground; their embodied athletic performances as contributors to authentica-
tion of this landscape also deserve elaboration. Second, observations relating to the sports tourists’
mediation of their encounters with place deserve further discussion as an authentication process.

Embodied athletic performances as authentication

In conceptualizing ‘‘hot’’ authentication, Cohen and Cohen (2012) emphasize performativity. In the
present study, performativity manifested primarily through the tour members’ cycling excursions.
Through embodied engagement with the French Alps, personally constructed as a landscape of histor-
ical sporting significance (Cohen, 1988; Wang, 1999), the tour group members engaged in acts of per-
formative authenticity (Knudsen & Waade, 2010). Knudsen and Waade (2010) acknowledge the
importance of the visual—the tourist gaze (Urry, 1990)—in touristic encounters with place, though
in tune with a consensus which has gained momentum since the early 2000s, they point out the ori-
ginal gaze metaphor’s inherent limitations (Andrews, 2005; Cloke & Perkins, 1998; Edensor, 2001).
Akin to Wheaton’s (2007) observation of street skaters’ performances redefining public streetscapes,
‘‘refusing to consume architecture as pure image’’ (p. 299), the tour members exhibited a distinct pref-
erence for ‘‘doing’’ over ‘‘seeing’’ the French Alps. This study therefore further supports a contention
that the gaze metaphor is particularly inept in holistically understanding sports tourists’ experiences,
particularly those encompassing active participation (e.g., Lamont & McKay, 2012).
Since ‘‘hot’’ authentication brings places into being, and is therefore dependent upon performative
practices of humans (Cohen & Cohen, 2012), Knudsen and Waade emphasize that, ‘‘. . . performative
authenticity not only signifies that we do and perform places by our actions and behaviors, but that
places are something we authenticate through an emotional/affective/sensuous relatedness to them’’
(pp. 12–13). As Spinney (2006) pointed out, the character of Mont Ventoux engrained within cycling
subculture is partly a product of embodied cycling performances enacted within that space, ‘‘. . . our
movements in and through a place ultimately define our engagement with it and constitute it as a
place’’ (p. 712). Indeed, narratives of engagement with Tour space often exhibited, and even embraced,
undertones of pain and significant exertion in climbing venerated mountains. Spinney’s (2006) notion
of ‘‘kinaesthetic burn’’ resonates with these narratives, a sensation described as ‘‘intense muscular
feelings’’ (p. 712) arising from embodied experiences of movement. Jones (2005) points out that
embodied performances such as cycling are dependent upon one’s construction of their body, includ-
ing sufficient physical fitness and balance skills. As such, ability to cope with kinaesthetic discomfort
and mental fortitude can be defining characteristics of authentication performances of active sports
tourists (Rickly-Boyd, 2012b).
Cohen and Cohen (2012) argue that participating in ‘‘hot’’ authentication practices is conducive to
triggering feelings of existential authenticity. Further, Ostergaard and Christensen (2010) discuss how
pilgrims interacting with landscapes through walking project their own expectations on to that envi-
ronment and upon confronting the landscape, ‘‘. . . the aura and tradition thought to be reflected in the
physical environment are internalized by each pilgrim’’ (p. 245). In confronting the French Alps as
cyclists, the tour members’ preconceived constructions of those landscapes collided with reality
(Buchmann et al., 2010). Their vigorous physical exertion, played out within a landscape loaded with
personal meaning, invoked temporary feelings of existential authenticity during which they projected
their authentic selves as highly involved cyclists (Steiner & Reisinger, 2006). Thus, in sports tourism
performative acts of authentication may be linked with notions of ‘‘flow’’ (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990) be-
cause of an implicit need for a tourist’s skills and ability to match these challenges (Rickly-Boyd,
2012b).
14 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

Here it has been discussed how the sports tourists’ acts of performativity created ‘‘place,’’ thereby
endowing those places with ‘‘hot’’ authenticity. However, it was the tourists’ acts of mediation which
projected these places to the world.

Mediation of encounters with place as authentication

Co-presence with the French Alps coupled with the tour members’ performative acts contributed to
bringing place into being (Andrews, 2005; Cohen & Cohen, 2012; Spinney, 2006). However, mediation
of their encounters with place was also observed, augmenting the authentication power of their per-
formative acts previously discussed. According to Silverstone (2005), ‘‘. . . mediation is a fundamen-
tally dialectical notion which requires us to address the processes of communication as both
institutionally and technologically driven and embedded’’ (p. 189). Thus, as an analytical concept Sil-
verstone explains that mediation calls for an understanding of how social and cultural environments
are influenced by processes of communication, as well as considering how relationships between par-
ticipants are affected by communication processes. Further, Silverstone points out how studies of
mediation have become increasingly concerned with emerging technologies, including social media.
Collecting digital evidence of their exploits helped tour members retrospectively identify with sites
and objects of veneration, reflective of Rickly-Boyd’s (2012a) notion of material embodiment within
tourism experiences. However, tour members also spoke of sharing photographs and videos with their
broader social networks via social media. These acts of mediation might be conceived as implicit, tes-
timonial promotions of encounters with places of personal meaning, thereby promoting characteris-
tics of place (e.g., hostility of terrain, dramatic visual scenery) to the individual’s social networks.
Consequently, these implicit promotions can instill a longing within others to encounter a cultural,
historical or geographical ‘‘other’’ (Cloke & Perkins, 1998; Knudsen & Waade, 2010). Mediated authen-
tication processes might therefore be conceptualized as cyclical because they create, ‘‘. . . possibilities
of feeling the bodily sensations of, as well as re-enacting, the situation of the other’’ (Knudsen &
Waade, 2010, p. 14). Indeed, for places to retain their ‘‘hot’’ authenticity it has been argued that per-
formances must be regularly re-enacted (Cohen & Cohen, 2012; Edensor, 2001), hence the potential
power of mediation enacted via social media in authenticating tourist attractions.
Theories pertinent to leisure careers such as involvement (Laurent & Kapferer, 1985) and social
worlds (Unrah, 1980) yield further insights into the significance of collecting and sharing digital evi-
dence of one’s presence at a sporting mega-event. Such theories assist in understanding how exposure
to mediatized representations of sporting ‘‘place’’ contribute to perpetuating the status of that site as
authentic. They therefore assist in better understanding how the cyclical nature of ‘‘hot’’ authentica-
tion instills a desire to experience the ‘‘other’’ in sports tourism. Anecdotally, the tour members inter-
viewed were highly involved cyclists. They spoke of cycling being central to their lives, investing
significant resources into their leisure activity, and expressed an identity constructed around cycling,
and were well-versed in the sport. Collecting a souvenir photograph as evidence of conquering one of
Le Tour’s ‘‘giants’’ can be a prized possession, constituting subcultural capital symbolic of achievement
or a ‘‘career marker’’ within one’s leisure career as a cyclist (Shipway & Jones, 2007). Conquering one
or more of Le Tour’s mountains and collecting evidence of that achievement might also contribute to-
wards elevation of status within the social world of cycling (Unrah, 1980). Indeed, this seemed to be an
objective for some, implicit in Earl’s statement that climbing the Col du Galibier would have been sig-
nificant, ‘‘. . . for me to be able to say I’ve ridden where X attacked Y and so on.’’
Self-awareness and self-reflexivity have been cited as characteristics of contemporary tourists, or
‘‘post-tourists,’’ and have been specifically discussed with reference to photographic practices
(Haldrup & Larsen, 2003; Rickly-Boyd, 2012a). Indeed, the tour members’ rapid sharing of photo-
graphs, videos and textual anecdotes of their exploits via social media hinted at conscious delibera-
tions surrounding self-construction (Rickly-Boyd, 2012a). Furthermore, their mediatized accounts of
visual encounters with Le Tour’s unforgiving mountains contributed to preserving and perpetuating
the ‘‘myth’’ of the French Alps. As Edensor (2001) professes, ‘‘Certain tourist performances are
intended to draw attention to the self. Tourism becomes a vehicle for transmitting identity, by under-
taking a particular form of travel, in a particular style’’ (p. 74). The tour members’ acts of mediating
 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17 15

encounters with Tour space may therefore have invoked envy in others who share an interest in
cycling, stimulating a longing to experience this authentic ‘‘other.’’

Conclusion

This paper responds to calls for redirection of the authenticity in tourism debate towards social
practices of tourists which contribute to authentication of touristic phenomena (Cohen & Cohen,
2012). Through an ethnographic case study of sports tourists visiting a global sporting mega-event,
this paper analyzed processes sports tourists engaged in which reinforced and amplified ‘‘hot’’
authenticity carried by the French Alps as culturally and historically significant to Le Tour. A core
objective was to empirically explore manifestations of Cohen and Cohen’s (2012) authentication
framework. Social practices including paying obeisance, venerating, and witnessing were readily
observed in the present study, as were expressions of identification with the French Alps, and a
backdrop of touristic communitas within the tour group. Data highlighted the power of embodi-
ment in authenticating toured objects, supporting previous empirical studies (Buchmann et al.,
2010; Kim & Jamal, 2007; Spinney, 2006). Mediated acts of sharing digitally captured encounters
with place were also observed, hinting at the potential importance of social media as a focal point
in future studies of ‘‘hot’’ authentication. In combination, the tourists’ collective, embodied prac-
tices further imbued the French Alps with ‘‘hot’’ authenticity; however, an important contribution
of this study is the way their performances were mediatized, sometimes instantaneously. Media-
tion augmented the ‘‘hot’’ authentication power of embodied, collective acts by projecting imagery
to broader social networks, assisting in perpetuating the tradition of the French Alps being authen-
tic space of Le Tour.
This study has made two primary contributions. First, it has provided empirical insights into the
conceptual ideas embedded within Cohen and Cohen’s (2012) seminal paper on authentication in
tourism. Second, it has provided empirical, exploratory knowledge surrounding sports tourists’ con-
sumptive practices. Their consumptive practices contributed to ‘‘hotly’’ authenticating the French Alps
as a place of sporting significance, whilst authenticity emerged as multifarious (Rickly-Boyd, 2012a).
Authenticity ascribed to the French Alps was a fusion of objective and constructive authenticity, whilst
the tour members’ reflections on their involvement in ‘‘hot’’ authentication acts facilitated experiences
of existential authenticity. A contribution has therefore been made in shifting research discourse
around sports tourism toward understanding and away from description.
Given the exploratory nature of this study, future research should delve deeper into each of the
three categories of authentication identified. There are extensive bodies of literature linking
embodiment, performativity, and mediation to tourism, all of which could not thoroughly be en-
gaged with here. For example, Rickly-Boyd’s (2012a) notion of aura could be explored in more
depth due to a better understanding of how an air of mystique envelops certain sites within par-
ticular social worlds. Corporeal capacity of bodies to engage with festival spaces utilizing innova-
tive methodologies such as that of Duffy, Waitt, Gorman-Murray, and Gibson (2011), which
emphasize the researchers’ ‘‘own bodies as research instruments’’ (p. 20) may further enrich under-
standings of ‘‘hot’’ authentication practices at sporting events. This study also noted how ‘‘coolly’’
authenticated sites stimulated visitation by tourists whose collective, participatory acts amplified
authenticity of those sites in a ‘‘hot’’ manner. Future research should therefore avoid dichotomizing
‘‘cool’’ and ‘‘hot’’ authentication, and could further explore how the two modes fluidly interact to
complement each other (Cohen & Cohen, 2012), perhaps in contrasting tourism contexts to this
study.
A limitation of this work is that social media content of tour members, broadcast to their social
connections were unable to be analyzed. Hence, if and how ‘‘hot’’ authenticity of the sites visited
was reinforced or amplified in the minds of others can only be speculated on. Future research might
take a more holistic approach in analyzing acts of tourists in situ (using a similar ethnographic meth-
odology), but also tracing the effects of mediating tourists’ exploits via social media outlets. Doing so
would yield more rounded insights into processes of authentication which are, evidently, cyclical and
require constant renewal.
16 M. Lamont / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 1–17

Disclosure

Parts of this research were presented at the 2012 Council for Australasian University Tourism and
Hospitality Education (CAUTHE) Conference, La Trobe University, Melbourne, 6–9 February.

Acknowledgement

Professor Jim McKay and Dr Muchazondida Mkono are thanked for their constructive feedback on
various versions of this manuscript. The three anonymous reviewers and Coordinating Editor, Dr Ning
Wang are also thanked for their input.

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