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Julia M. Bristor (1985), "CONSUMER BEHAVIOR FROM A CONTEMPORARY PHILOSOPHY OF Online
SCIENCE PERSPECTIVE: AN ORGANIZATIONAL FRAMEWORK", in Advances in Consumer
Call for Papers
Research Volume 12, eds. Elizabeth C. Hirschman and Moris B. Holbrook, Provo, UT : Association
for Consumer Research, Pages: 300-304. Knowledge Exchange

Experts Speak
Advances in Consumer Research Volume 12, 1985 Pages 300-304
CONSUMER BEHAVIOR FROM A CONTEMPORARY PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Renew Membership
PERSPECTIVE: AN ORGANIZATIONAL FRAMEWORK
Julia M. Bristor, The University of Michigan For Consumers
ABSTRACT - For Marketers
This paper extends an earlier argument that the field of consumer behavior should be organized For Public Policy
Contact/Feedback along philosophic dimensions that highlight differences in approaches to research. In drawing Makers
ACR Office upon philosophies of science that are more contemporary t an logical empiricism, an
organizational framework employing three dimensions is Presented. For Researchers
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Directors INTRODUCTION For Teaching
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While logical empiricist philosophy has had a dominating influence on consumer behavior
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research, more contemporary philosophies of science have an important role to play, yet their
Webmaster impacts and contributions are only beginning to be explicitly recognized. In a departure from the For the Press
Web Editor logical empiricist's insistence on the single scientific method (Hunt 1983) it has been clearly shown
Newsletter Editor that theories which have evolved from different philosophies and research traditions embody Transformative
different ontological and axiomatic assumptions, and epistemological criteria (Anderson 1982, Consumer Research
1984; Morgan 1980; Morgan and Smircich 1980; and Pfeffer 1982). Due in part to its
multidisciplinary heritage, the field of consumer behavior supports allegiances to a variety of
different, and as will be shown, often incompatible, research traditions and philosophies. As a
result, consumer behavior has proven very difficult to organize, or synthesize, into a general
theory. Past efforts have attempted to organize the field by contributing discipline (Zielinski and
Robertson 1981) and by topic (Helgeson et al 1984); general theories of consumer behavior (e.g.,
Howard 1977; Engel and Blackwell 1982) have been very useful as pedagogical tools but have been
largely unoperationalizable. Lack of success at both endeavors is due to the failure to explicitly
consider fundamental philosophic issues. Organizational schemes which fail to account for
underlying philosophic assumptions, and general theories which attempt to combine
philosophically incompatible mid-range theories cannot be particularly productive.
This paper, and its predecessor (Bristor 1984) depart from orthodox thought to argue strongly that
a general theory of consumer behavior is neither desirable nor appropriate at this time. Instead,
efforts should be directed toward building an organizational framework by drawing upon
philosophy of science so as to delineate and highlight differences in assumptions and approaches
to consumer behavior research along dimensions that explain why these differences exist. The
purpose of the present paper is to present the three dimensions that are seen to best organize the
field in such a way that assumes, identifies, and then highlights a variety of fundamental
philosophic assumptions 2nd methods that have been brought to bear on consumer behavior
research. To better understand theory-method linkages, it is imperative to specifically identify the
fundamental philosophic assumptions and implications inherent in consumer behavior theories.
Three dimensions, perspective on consumer behavior, level of analysis, and empirical problem
context will provide the foundation for building the desired framework. These three dimensions
are all subsumed under a general consumer behavior paradigm which serves as an umbrella over
the dimensions by specifying the phenomena and problems of interest, and delineating rough
boundaries for the field (Bristor 1984). Before detailing the dimensions and their research
implications, it is necessary to consider in general terms the role of philosophy of science in
consumer behavior research and the contributions that a philosophy of science based framework
can make.
THE ROLE OF PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE IN CONSUMER BEHAVIOR RESEARCH
Considering its fundamental impact on the research process, philosophy of science has been a
seriously neglected issue in consumer behavior research. Failure to consider the implications of
philosophy of science and to identify the philosophic underpinnings of a theory has often confused
and exacerbated research disagreements. For example, the recent circular dialogue between
Calder, Phillips and Tybout (1981, 1982, 1983), Lynch (1982, 1983) and McGrath and Brinberg
(1983) is a case where the underlying philosophic and methodological issues were never identified
and addressed and thus the result was confusion, not resolution. Much of the dispute centers
around the role of external and construct validity in consumer behavior research and their
relationship to one another. It is not until the fourth paper of the series that Lynch (1983) points
out, almost as an afterthought in a footnote, that the two parties employ the term construct validity
differently. Unfortunately Calder et al's (1983) reply fails to pick up on this critical distinction.
Instead, they return to a rehash of their earlier arguments in which they claim to be adhering to
Popper's-notions of falsificationism. Without passing judgment on falsification as a philosophy of
science, it must be noted that Calder et al appear to selectively extract bits of the philosophy that
advance their position but do not fully understand or interpret it. The dialogue is capped by the
introduction of a new validity framework (McGrath and Brinberg 1983) that attempts to smooth
over past differences. Despite its merits, there still remains the fundamental problem that until
terminology is clarified and philosophic positions better understood, each party's arguments will
be largely misinterpreted, misunderstood or ignored by the others.
Two important philosophic concepts, paradigms and metaphors, were introduced earlier (Bristor
1984) to show how and why different research approaches were inherent in consumer behavior. To
summarize, paradigms refer to the Weltanschauung, worldviews or frames of reference through
which researchers approach their scientific tasks. In the context of this framework, each dimension
constitutes a paradigm; the general consumer behavior paradigm represents a unifying or shared
Weltanschauung while the other three paradigms serve to highlight different approaches to
consumer behavior research.
Metaphors are representations of phenomena; broader than just a simple literary illusion, they
provide a means for creating, representing and communicating scientific knowledge (Morgan and
Smircich 1980). Both theories and models can be thought of as metaphors. For the purposes of this
organizational framework, the focus will be on theories as metaphors. This is intended to
emphasize that they present only partial or one-sided views of reality (Morgan 1980). Because of
this, a variety of metaphors can and should be employed to gain a fuller understanding of
consumer behavior phenomena. Thus, the proposed framework can both organize the field in a
manner that makes the philosophic assumptions upon which metaphors or theories are grounded
explicit, as well as making consumer behavior researchers more aware of the range of approaches
available.
FRAMEWORK CONTRIBUTIONS
In addition to framework benefits suggested earlier (Bristor 1984), the framework makes three
other major contributions. First, the framework can be used to delineate a set of conceptual
problems found in consumer behavior research. Traditionally, philosophies of science have
focused on a variety of empirical problems, which usually exist within the context of a theory,
while virtually ignoring broader, more important conceptual problems. These can occur when two
theories are in conflict with one another, when a theory conflicts with a methodology or when a
theory is incompatible with "extra-scientific beliefs" in areas such as metaphysics, theology, logic
or ethics (Laudan 1977). As Laudan notes, scientists who view scientific problems and progress
strictly in empirical terms fail to recognize a major source of a discipline's problems. This
framework does not provide solutions to such conceptual problems, but, by explicating important
philosophic assumptions, it provides a methodology for identifying the source of conceptual
problems.
Secondly, the framework extends well beyond dominant logical empiricist thought by rejecting the
prevailing notion of the necessity and existence of the single scientific method. It explicitly
acknowledges that there are and should be multiple scientific methods and that there exist no
universal or objective criteria by which to evaluate the knowledge that each produces. This
position is consistent with a relativistic view of science which holds that different research groups
will utilize different standards to judge the scientific adequacy of knowledge claims (Anderson
1983 and Peter and Olson 1983).
Finally, the framework provides a means for critically evaluating the usage of theories that were
developed in the context of another discipline or research tradition and transferred into consumer
behavior. Transfers have always posed problems in the social sciences. For example, Anderson
(1984) illustrates several problems resulting from marketing's uncritical adoption of the concept of
shareholder wealth maximization from financial theory. The family life cycle (FLC) is an excellent
example of a concept that was taken from another field and altered substantially. Originating in
rural sociology, the FLC was developed as a processual model to explain and describe family
growth development over time. Unfortunately, this has been all but lost on consumer behaviorists
and marketers who have generally used the concept as a classificatory scheme (c.f. Wells and
Gubar 1966 and Murphy and Staples 1979). More recently, Wagner and Hanna (1983) compared
the FLC to family composition variables with respect to their ability to predict clothing
expenditures. While these researchers all ask well founded questions, they do not appropriately
reflect the original and theoretical underpinnings as developed in rural sociology. While
alterations may in fact be necessary in the cross-discipline or research tradition transfer of theory,
(see Bristor and Qualls, forthcoming, for suggestions how this might be done with the FLC) it is
imperative that researchers understand precisely what they are altering and the implications,
philosophically and theoretically, of doing so. The main point is that a better understanding of the
goals, axioms and assumptions of theories would help prevent misapplications as well as specious
distinctions and comparisons between theories, and would better facilitate knowledge
development in consumer behavior. The following three dimensions of the framework will
contribute toward achieving this understanding.
PERSPECTIVE ON CONSUMER BEHAVIOR
A critical philosophic dimension that guides consumer behavior inquiry relates to the perspective
adopted by a researcher with respect to the causes or determinants of consumer behavior. The
importance of a theory's perspective on consumer behavior is that basic assumptions about the
antecedents of behavior have strong implications for the choice of variables and appropriate
research methodologies. Furthermore, these assumptions may lead to one theory being
incompatible with another in the sense that they cannot be combined without altering or violating
the basic ontological and axiomatic assumptions about behavior upon which they are grounded.
This argument may be used to explain why gene a l models or theories of consumer behavior that
have attempted to integrate several mid-range theories have never been satisfactorily
operationalized. For example, operationalizing reference group theory and learning theory
together in the Engel and Blackwell model (1982) has not been achieved, not for lack of "good"
research but because of the vastly different philosophic orientations of the two theories.
As adapted from Pfeffer's (1982) 'perspectives on action' in organizational theory, three general
perspectives can be identified: 1) consumer behavior seen as purposive, boundedly or intentionally
rational and prospective or goal directed; 2) consumer behavior seen as externally constrained or
situationally determined; and 3) consumer behavior seen as random and dependent on an
emergent, unfolding process. The first two perspectives are based on the stimulus-response
paradigm which assumes that behavioral consequents are predictable from antecedent stimuli.
The third perspective rejects such a notion and maintains that, to the extent that prediction is
possible, it is from knowledge of the unfolding process rather than a priori conditions (Pfeffer
1982). While the three perspectives are not philosophically compatible, they are all necessary for
the development of consumer behavior knowledge. There is a danger in employing only one
perspective because researchers often fail to challenge the appropriateness or consider explicitly
the implications stemming from the assumptions inherent in each perspective.
Consumer as Purposive, Boundedly or Intentionally Rational and Prospective or Goal Directed
This first perspective has clearly dominated consumer behavior theory; its origins are rooted in the
Judeo-Christian tradition and the philosophical underpinnings of American life and culture for
which free will and conscious choice are venerated and idealized (Pfeffer 1982). The essence of the
perspective is that behavior is internally and goal directed, and that choice occurs according to a
consistent set of preferences which maximize value and is thus prospectively rationally economic
and psychological theories of consumer behavior adopt this perspective.
Examples of the purposive perspective are numerous. Perhaps the most pervasive theory, which
has itself been identified as one of the five paradigms in marketing (Arndt 1983), is information
processing. Other examples include utility maximization theory, expectancy value theory, the
Fishbein model of behavioral intentions and other multiattribute attitude models, and Cognitive
learning theories.
The implications of this perspective are far reaching. First, consumer behavior phenomena is seen
to be a function of individual-specific processes; thus the source of explanatory variables lies
largely within individuals. Secondly, this perspective also implies that since consumer behavior is
caused by certain variables, knowledge of the independent variable allows inferences to be made
about the dependent variables.
Each perspective has its own set of problems, caveats and limitations. In this case, their
importance relates in part to how deeply and implicitly rooted this paradigm is in both scientific
and extra-scientific beliefs. This can result in a failure to consider or challenge the appropriateness
of the assumptions inherent in this perspective when transferring a theory from one discipline to
another or applying it within a particular consumer behavior research context. In addition, if
theories are viewed as metaphors, it is clear that, despite providing valuable insight and
knowledge, it is only one view or explanation of the consumer behavior phenomenon of interest.
With this in mind, it is not surprising that researchers are typically only able to explain a small
amount of variance in their dependent variables. In the case of the first perspective, a focus on
individual-specific factors will not account for variance due to situational or external factors.
Consumer Behavior as Externally Constrained or Situationally Determined
In direct contrast to the first perspective, the second focuses upon external stimuli and constraints,
rather than upon internal individual-specific variables, to explain consumer behavior. Thus,
behavior is attributed to situational variables and other external contingencies and demands over
which an individual may have little cognizance or control (Pfeffer 1982). Prediction of behavior is
possible through knowledge of independent variables, and given certain- behaviors or other
dependent variables, it is possible to reconstruct or make inferences about explanatory variables.
To the extent that cognitions are considered, they are after-the-fact, and rationality is
retrospective. Examples of the externally constrained perspective include behavioral theories of
learning, the family life cycle, role theories, reference group theory.
Implications of this perspective parallel the first in that it specifically suggest where to look for
explanatory variables. However, in this case, they are external to individuals. Thus, this
perspective is often associated with sociological theories. As far as researcher's abilities to explain
variance, the earlier comments regarding the systematic exclusion of a large group of variables also
apply.
CB as Random and Dependent on an Emergent, Unfolding Process
Finally, the third perspective denies that consumer behavior can be predicted from either
knowledge of individual or external variables. Too many individual variables impact behavior, and
knowledge of external variables is insufficient because they too are numerous and may be very
uncertain or ambiguous. While more difficult to characterize and less homogeneous than are the
other two, this perspective tends to absorb those theories that are inconsistent with the first two.
General characteristics include a rejection of either an internally directed or externally determined
rationality of behavior. Rationality, goals and preferences emerge from, rather than guide,
behavior. Therefore, the focus of such a perspective is upon the processual, sequential or unfolding
nature of behavior, rather than upon static variables. (Pfeffer 1982).
Within this perspective, two very different types of approaches are readily identifiable. Neither
group would be described as containing well developed, explanatory theories such as those found
in the first two perspectives. The first group might be termed mathematical models and the
second, qualitative or processual approaches. In general, mathematical models, such as a
stochastic brand switching model based upon past purchase behaviors, have prediction as their
goal. As such, the underlying assumption is that the best way to predict future behavior is through
knowledge of past behaviors. That is, future behavior probablistically emerges from past
behaviors.
The goals of the second group, the qualitative or processual approaches, are to identify and study
behavioral antecedents while recognizing that the behavior of interest cannot be explicitly
modelled, a priori, because of its emergent nature. As a result, these approaches have often not
been granted theoretical status under logical empiricist criteria but have more frequently been
classified as qualitative methodologies Under logical empiricist dogma, qualitative methodologies
do not produce bona-fide knowledge and are permissible in the context of discovery, but not
justification (Hunt 1983). However, this separation of discovery and justification has been shown
to be a sophistic distinction (Suppe 1977). More contemporary philosophies recognize that both
qualitative and quantitative research methodologies can achieve a variety of cognitive ends
(Anderson 1984). Some recent trends in the consumer behavior literature would suggest that many
researchers are finding that traditional logical empiricist methodological prescriptions can only
develop our knowledge base so far and only in certain directions. Indeed, there is a great deal of
consumer behavior phenomena that cannot be captured by s ta tic models and measures, but must
be studied by dynamic, processual approaches. The potential knowledge gains from the study of
symbolism (Levy 1959 and Solomon 1983), consumer mythology (Levy 1981), or the experiential
aspects of consumption (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982) cannot be summarily ignored or
dismissed because they fail to fit into the logical empiricist philosophy of science. Appropriate
qualitative approaches include ethnomethodologies, hermeneutics, case studies, network analyses
and phenomenology. However, there is no a priori reason why these qualitative methods cannot be
used in conjunction with qualitative methods, within a particular research tradition, if that would
help achieve its cognitive goals. Furthermore, there is also no a priori reason to think that the
aforementioned topics cannot ultimately be studied via quantitative methods. One major
stumbling block here though is that we have been trained to see the world as containing linear,
non-interactive relationships which do not capture emergent, processual behaviors. As a result we
tend to ignore the non-linear, interactive relationships or to force them into the mold with which
we are comfortable. In summary, the lack of theoretical knowledge from this emergent perspective
should be accepted as a challenge to consumer behavior researchers, not as a judgment that it is a
useless avenue for knowledge production.
LEVEL OF ANALYSIS
A second philosophically derived dimension of the framework that impacts consumer behavior
research is the level of analysis chosen to explain phenomena. Three levels that are utilized by
consumer behavior theories are individual, group and aggregate. Inherent in this dimension are
fundamental beliefs about the nature of human interaction and social structure (Pfeffer 1982). At
issue are the questions of whether or not groups and aggregations are merely sums of their
individuals or more than the sums, and whether they should be reduced to the study of individual
behaviors or analyzed at higher levels.
All three levels are vital in consumer behavior inquiry because each provides different perspectives
on, and solutions to, problems. The choice of a theory which employs theoretical concepts and
mechanisms at a particular level has important philosophic and methodological implications. In
addition to reflecting beliefs about the nature of human interaction and social structure, a
particular level reflects a philosophic preference as to the best way to explain consumer behavior.
It also implies what the appropriate unit for data collection might be, as well as how to analyze it.
The issue of the appropriate level of analysis is related to the general problem of data aggregation.
Since few group and aggregate concepts exist in consumer behavior that have achieved a desirable
degree of validity, researchers must often resort to aggregating individual level measures in their
attempts to explain higher level phenomena. (See Borgatta and Jackson, (1980) for a
comprehensive treatment of data aggregation.) Thus it is critical for the development of consumer
behavior knowledge that the implications stemming from the choice of a level of analysis and data
aggregation techniques be made explicit.
Individual Level
Those who support the individual level would argue that all consumer behavior is fundamentally
an individual phenomenon. Thus to most productively study consumer behavior, the focus must be
on the individual even when studying group phenomena. Use of the individual level of analysis is
dominant in consumer behavior theory; examples include attribution theory, attitude theories, and
theories of perception, motivation and learning. In part, this dominance is due to the fact that
analytically, the individual level has achieved the most sophistication. It is relatively easier to take
measurements at the individual level than to capture social and behavioral phenomena at the
group and aggregate level.
Group Level
Those who opt for the group level maintain that it is not possible to reduce phenomena to the
individual level because there are theoretical mechanisms operating at the group level that do not
exist at the individual level. Furthers they argue that individual level analyses can become
hopelessly reductionistic down to biological mechanisms.
Although Alderson (1956) argued forcefully that the household was the appropriate unit of analysis
and Davis (1976) advocated that the family is the critical decision making and consumptive unit,
consumer behavior researchers have been slow to develop theories at the group, including the
household, level. The cause of the problem is due in part to the lack of truly group level concepts,
and the methodological difficulties involved in developing them. Future efforts should be devoted
to correcting this deficit. Nonetheless, role theories, reference group theory, theories of household
decision making and diffusion of innovations all have important contributions to make to
consumer behavior knowledge.
Aggregate Level
Economic theories have contributed heavily to aggregate level analyses. Rather than a focus upon
individuals or groups, it is upon aggregate phenomena such as demand curves or consumer
sentiments as well as social class and culture. Although aggregate level theories are rare in
consumer behavior research, they too represent an important and unique perspective on consumer
behavior phenomena.
Comments regarding the methodological problems of aggregating data or developing higher level
concepts are also relevant here. In addition, use of aggregate level data may fall prey to the
ecological fallacy (Robinson 1950) whereby inferences about individuals are incorrectly made
based upon aggregate measures. An example of such could occur if a researcher wanted to make a
statement about an individual's income based upon a knowledge of a correlation between race and
income.
EMPIRICAL PROBLEM CONTEXT
Finally, the third framework dimension relates to the context of the empirical problem. An
empirical problem is a substantive question about the phenomena which are a part of a particular
science's domain (Laudan 1977). In this framework, four problem contexts are relevant:
managerial problems, public policy/consumer welfare problems, consumer problems and theory
qua theory problems. In contrast to the forementioned conceptual problems that may occur within
or between theories, empirical problems always occur within the scope of a particular frame of
reference or theory. Therefore, problems are defined in part by the context of inquiry. Despite this
contextual nature, logical empiricists have often treated empirical problems as though they were
present in the world as objective pieces of unambiguous data or as if they had a life of their own.
Instead it is well established in more contemporary philosophies of science that researchers always
approach problems through the lens of some conceptual network (Laudan 1977). A problem in one
context may be construed very differently in another. For example, several researchers might see a
grocery shopper comparing brands of canned tomatoes and define their research problem very
differently. One might be concerned with the positioning of a particular brand; another might be
interested in how consumers actually make comparisons. In the second case, using canned beans
or peaches as a stimulus would be just as effective. A third researcher might be studying the
consumer information environment and the use of unit pricing labels, while a fourth researcher
might be trying to develop a normative theory for maximally effective shopping behaviors under
time constraints. In other instances, what may be viewed as a problem in one context may not be
in another. For example, the long standing topic of brand loyalty illustrates this. Consumer
behavior researchers with a social psychology orientation have a tempted to explain brand loyal ar
in terms of factors such attitudes, personality or lifestyle. Among social psychologists, there has
been much controversy over the definition of brand loyalty and its antecedents However, this
group as a whole stands in stark contrast to mathematic modelers who use stochastic models
based upon past purchase behaviors to predict brand loyalty. Because their goals relate to brand
loyalty prediction, as opposed to explanation, defining and measuring constructs such as attitudes
are not even considered to be a part of the problem. A second example of this is the casual
relationship between cognitions and affect. It is generally considered axiomatic, not problematic,
but to Zajonc and Markus (1982), whether or not, or when, this relationship occurs is a major
research problem.
Inclusion of this philosophic dimension in the framework is important for several reasons. First,
this dimension extends beyond logical empiricist philosophies by demonstrating the contextual,
rather than universal nature of empirical problems. This is not to say that researchers working
from different frameworks cannot communicate or have no shared experiences. By virtue of
socialization, culture and education, researchers to hold a multitude of shared experiences in
common. Secondly, the framework can show that a particular theory is useful in more than one
problem context, but that the goals, assumptions and methodologies may differ by context. For
example, information processing may be studied in the theory qua theory context to better
understand and develop a theory of short term memory processing of written stimuli.
Experimentation using advertisements as stimuli might be part of the methodology. On the other
hand, a public policy researcher might operationalize, and apply the theory as given, to set
guidelines for regulating the length of time written nutritional information, should appear on
television advertisements. His methodology might involve showing advertisement to subjects
under simulated viewing conditions. Third, an examination of the forementioned philosophic
assumptions and implications within the problem solving context can help researchers to judge the
appropriateness of their approach. Lastly, the dimension continues to adopt a contemporary view
of science by explicitly recognizing subjective aspects of science.
Managerial Problems
The managerial problem solving context has been a major area for consumer behavior inquiry.
This generally involved approaching the research problem from a fisherman's perspective-
catching consumers (Tucker 1974). Such goals have strong implications for what theories,
variables, measures and methodologies are available for managerial control and thus will be
appropriate for problem solving. Relevant issues and theories from this perspective include
forming and changing consumer perceptions, attitudes and beliefs using multiattribute attitude
models, inducing desired consumer action by moving them up the hierarchy of effects, or
designing an effective promotional message by utilizing family role theory.
Public Policy/Consumer Welfare Problems
Empirical problem in the context of public policy/ consumer's welfare are increasingly important
in consumer behavior research. Although a theory may be used both in this and the managerial
context, a problem is likely to be seen somewhat differently and the goals of the research, as well as
the methods will be very different. In conducting research to set public policy, assumptions
regarding the nature of consumer behavior and the appropriate level of analysis are of critical
importance. Examples of public policy/consumer welfare problems include consumer
satisfaction/dissatisfaction, information environments and overload and the effects of advertising
on children.
Consumer Problems
The context of consumer problems has been sorely neglected in consumer behavior research. Such
an approach to consumer behavior involves asking questions from the consumer's point of view,
such as how to be the most effective and efficient consumer possible. It also involves the study of
consumption behaviors rather than buying behaviors. Relevant topics are only beginning to be
considered in the domain of consumer behavior research. They include: consumption and
disposition (Jacoby 1978); having" behaviors (Belk 1982); experiences such as consumer fantasies,
feelings and fun (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982); and consumption as a human behavioral
phenomenon (Belk 1984).
Theory Qua Theory Problems
This problem context classifies a type of empirical inquiry whose goal is to study and understand
basic human processes without regard for ultimate applications. When a particular application is
used in this context, its role is to provide a setting or stimuli, but it is of secondary importance. For
example, a researcher may study the information processing of pictorial versus audio
presentations and use advertisements as stimuli, but the focus is on theory examination rather
than advertising applications. Later research, or another researcher, may employ the theory for
certain managerial applications. The importance of this theory qua theory context relates to the
need to consider research occurring at the consumer behavior knowledge frontier instead of at the
base of core knowledge. Furthermore, since this context is where substantial advances in
theoretical knowledge occur, and since theories evolving from this type of research are often
transferred to other problem solving contexts for decision making or evaluative purposes, it is
particularly important that the philosophic assumptions upon which a theory is grounded are
clearly specified.
SUMMARY
This paper continued earlier arguments that a gene al theory of consumer behavior is neither
feasible nor appropriate. Instead, the field should be organized into a framework using philosophic
dimensions that can highlight differences and show why theories and research approaches are
often fundamentally incompatible. Such an approach rejects logical empiricism in favor of a more
contemporary philosophy of science perspective. Three dimensions, perspective on consumer
behavior, level of analysis, and empirical problem context, were developed for use in the
framework. This represents the second major step in an ongoing research project. The final step
will be to actually employ the framework to organize the field.
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