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Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Children and Youth Services Review


journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/childyouth

Suicide etiology in youth: Differences and similarities by sexual and gender T


minority status
Tasseli McKaya, , Marcus Berzofskyb, Justin Landwehrb, Patrick Hsiehb, Amanda Smithb

a
Victimization and Resilience Research Program, Center for Applied Justice Research, RTI International, 1512 Milton Road, Durham, North Carolina 27712, United States
b
RTI International, United States

ABSTRACT

Sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals are at steeply elevated risk for suicide, particularly in adolescence and young adulthood. Evidence on suicide risk
factors specific to SGM youth is emerging, but an integrated understanding of the etiology of suicide that accounts for both commonalities and differences between
SGM and non-SMG youth is lacking. Using 2018 data from a social media-based sample of SGM (n = 175) and non-SGM (n = 310) youth ages 14–21, we assess the
role of constructs from the general-population-based interpersonal-psychological theory of suicide and the SGM-specific minority stress theory in suicide ideation and
attempt. Parental support was a strong protective factor shared across the SGM and non-SGM youth samples. The role of other factors, such as racial/ethnic identity,
differed by group. Implications for suicide prevention and intervention in schools and other settings that include both SGM- and non-SGM youth are discussed.

1. Introduction intervention yet exists for SGM youth (Marshall, 2016). Joiner's inter-
personal-psychological theory of suicide and Meyer's minority stress
Suicide is the second leading cause of death among American ado- theory may each be relevant for understanding risk and protective
lescents (Heron, 2018). A substantial body of evidence suggests that factors for suicidality among SGM youth and their non-SGM peers (T.
sexual and gender minority (SGM) youth—that is, youth who have a Joiner, 2005; Meyer, 2003). In the interest of informing responses to
non- heterosexual orientation or who are transgender, gender non- SGM youth suicide that are also relevant for their non-SGM peers, this
conforming, or genderqueer—are at steeply elevated risk for suicide paper summarizes prior theoretical and non-theory-based empirical
ideation and attempt across multiple identity categories and varied work on suicide risk and protective factors among SGM youth and
measures and definitions of SGM experience (Almazan, Roettger, & presents new data from a social media-based sample of SGM and non-
Acosta, 2014; Button, O'Connell, & Gealt, 2012; Eisenberg et al., 2017; SGM youth surveyed in 2018. The integrated understanding of youth
M. P. Marshal et al., 2011; Raifman, Moscoe, Austin, & McConnell, suicide that it helps to refine can inform youth suicide prevention and
2017; D. M. Stone et al., 2014).1 Longitudinal research shows that risk intervention in settings (such as schools) that include both SGM and
for suicidality among SGM Americans tends to be highest during non-SGM youth.
teenage and young adult years, reaching its peak around age 18 (Fish,
Rice, Lanza, & Russell, 2018; S. T. Russell & Toomey, 2012). 2. Methods and materials
Although risk does diminish somewhat in the transition from youth
to young adulthood (Cardom, Rostosky, & Danner, 2013), the stark 2.1. Data collection approach
suicide disparities that emerge between SGM and non-SGM individuals
during adolescence persist into adulthood (Marshal et al., 2013). Ado- 2.1.1. Sampling and recruitment approach
lescence represents a critical period for evidence-based suicide pre- Data for this study were collected from a community sample of
vention and intervention with this population—yet no such youth recruited using the Twitter social media platform. We used

Corresponding author.

E-mail address: tmckay@rti.org (T. McKay).


1
Representative cross-sectional research on SGM youth suicide almost exclusively uses data from the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), various modules of
which are implemented at the national, tribal, state, and school district levels with support from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Representative
longitudinal research on SGM youth suicide tends to use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent to Adult Health [Add Health], which followed a
cohort of individuals who were adolescents in the mid-1990s. Add Health captured all three recognized dimensions of sexual orientation as specified by the Federal
Interagency Working Group on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Measurement (2016): sexual attraction, behavior, and identity. Within YRBS, some states
opted to include optional measures of sexual identity, sexual behavior, and/or transgender identity; efforts to understand SGM youth suicidality have as a result
focused on these states.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2019.03.039
Received 17 August 2018; Received in revised form 21 March 2019; Accepted 21 March 2019
Available online 22 March 2019
0190-7409/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

Twitter's advertising capability to deliver a study invitation message to Table 1


individuals who were likely to be in our study population, which was Characteristics of social media sample compared to 2017 YRBS sample.
defined as individuals with active (within the past week) Twitter ac- Social media sample SGM Social media sample non-
counts, ages 14–21,2 who were residents of the United States. Twitter youth (N = 175) SGM youth (N = 310)
identified the handles of an initial set of users based on its internal user
data, and then used its conversion pixel to identify subsequent cohorts Frequency N Frequency N

of users deemed more likely to complete the survey. This approach Age
yielded most of the study population (n = 417). 14 years old 8.0 14 6.8 21
As part of the same recruitment effort, we also piloted a probability- 15 years old 13.1 23 12.3 38
based sampling approach in which we used data from Twitter's appli- 16 years old 12.0 21 17.7 55
17 years old 20.6 36 17.7 55
cation programming interface (API) to construct a systematic sampling
18 years old 17.1 30 11.0 34
frame representative of all U.S. Twitter users and stratify this sample 19 years old 7.4 13 11.3 35
according to users' likelihood of being SGM (according to the content of 20 years old 8.6 15 9.7 30
their public tweets). We then randomly selected a sample from each 21 years old 13.1 23 13.6 42
stratum, oversampling from the strata that likely contained a higher Race/ethnicity
proportion of SGM individuals and uploaded this frame of user handles White 50.9 89 51.9 161
to the Twitter platform for distribution of the study invitation. This Black 6.9 12 9.7 30
Latino 24.0 42 20.3 63
approach contributed a small, additional sample (n = 72). Asian American 9.7 17 11.3 35
Other races 8.6 15 6.5 20
2.1.2. Consent and survey administration approach Bullying victimization
All prospective study participants were shown a study invitation Bullied in past 34.3 57 24.2 72
12 months
with a link to click if interested. Those interested were brought to a
study landing page within the web-based Voxco platform to view in- Suicidality
formation about the study and confirm their current Twitter handles. Any ideation or 36.2 63 14.2 44
attempt
They were then automatically routed to a one-page, web-based in- No attempts 87.4 153 95.2 295
formed consent screen, also within the Voxco platform. Those who wish 1 attempt 6.9 12 2.3 7
to provide informed consent to participate in the survey were invited to 2 or 3 attempts 4.6 8 2.3 7
click on an “I agree” button and then advanced to the first survey screen 4 or 5 attempts 0.6 1 0.3 1
6 or more attempts 0.6 1 0.0 0
to begin the self-administered survey using a desktop or laptop com-
puter, tablet, or mobile phone. The requirement for parent permission
was waived due to the additional risk a permission process would pose
Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) in terms of the prevalence of bul-
to youth, particularly those who are SGM, given the sensitive nature of
lying victimization, suicide ideation, and attempt. Compared to the
the study questions (Mustanski, 2011).
YRBS sample, the social media-based sample reported a different racial
Using these procedures, 489 individuals (including 175 SGM youth
composition (with a lower proportion of Black youth and higher pro-
and 310 non-SGM youth) completed a 5-min survey. The survey cov-
portions of Asian American youth and youth of other racial identities).
ered age, race and ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, school enroll-
Due to the non-school-based recruitment approach, the social media-
ment and grade, social connectedness, truancy due to feeling unsafe,
based sample was able to include older youth (aged 19–21) in the
school-based and cyber bullying victimization,3 sadness, suicide idea-
sample who were not represented in the YRBS. Including individuals in
tion and attempt, social media use, and preferences regarding survey
this age range is important given evidence of high suicide risk among
mode and recontact. Those who completed it were given a gift card as a
older youth, peaking around age 18 (Fish et al., 2018; Russell &
token of appreciation. The study protocol and all study materials were
Toomey, 2013). Further, due to the inclusion of a three-dimensional
approved by the Research Triangle Institute Institutional Review Board.
measure of sexual orientation in the current study, we were able to
apply a more complete definition of SGM in the social media-based
2.1.3. Sample characteristics sample than that used in the YRBS, which focuses only on behavior and
Characteristics of the social media-based sample are shown below identity. Consistent with 2016 recommendations of the Federal Inter-
(Table 1). agency Working Group on Improving Measurement of Sexual Orienta-
Youth in the social media-based sample generally resembled youth tion and Gender Identity in Federal Surveys, youth in our sample were
surveyed as part of the nationally representative, school-based 2017 classified as sexual minority if they who indicated any same-sex sexual
behavior, any same-sex sexual attraction, or a sexual identity other than
2
heterosexual. Youth were classified as gender minority if they identified
The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) considers “youth”
as transgender or if they indicated that their gender differed from the
to be individuals aged 10–24 (https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/
sex assigned on their birth certificate (Federal Interagency Working
youthviolence/definitions.html, accessed on 2/3/2019) and the United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) defines Group on Improving Measurement of Sexual Orientation and Gender
“youth” as individuals ages 15–24 (http://www.unesco.org/new/en/social- Identity in Federal Surveys, 2016).
and-human-sciences/themes/youth/youth-definition/, accessed on 2/3/2019).
Our eligibility criteria were designed to align as well as possible with these 2.1.4. Analytic approach
differing ranges in order to generate insights on youth generally, rather than an First, we constructed multiple logistic regression models to under-
age-specific sub-group of youth (e.g., adolescents or young adults). stand what risk and protective factors shaped suicidality. The depen-
3
Although not all youth in our sample were enrolled in school, it was deemed dent variable was defined as having “seriously considered” or at-
important to ask school-related questions based on prior research on the focal tempted suicide during the prior 12 months. Based on prior research
importance of school settings, including post-secondary settings, in shaping
and the results of a series of preliminary analyses, we selected the
SGM youth well-being. According to US Census data on school enrollment by
following independent variables for inclusion in the model:
age (https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2017/demo/school-enrollment/

• School-based
2017-cps.html, accessed 2/3/2019), the majority of youth remain enrolled in
school through age 21. Youth of any age who were not enrolled in school at the or cyber bullying victimization (yes/no) included
time of the survey were skipped out of school-related questions. being bullied in the last 12 months on school grounds or through

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T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

texting, Instagram, Facebook, or other social media after-school program or clubs; non-religious youth groups (such as
• Skipping school due to feeling unsafe was captured by the item, the Girl or Boy Scouts); mentoring (such as Big Brothers / Big
“During the past 30 days, on how many days did you not go to Sisters); or a community sports league not associated with school
school because you felt you would be unsafe at school or on your (yes/no)
way to or from school?” (0 = 0 days … 6 = 6 or more days) • Composite connectedness incorporated responses to nine con-
• Feeling close to people at school was measured by the item, “You nectedness to groups, teams, or services items (scale from 0 to 9,
feel close to people at your school” (1 = strongly disagree … with higher scores indicating greater connectedness)
5 = strongly agree)
• Feeling that parents care was measured by the item, “How much do In addition, we tested for differences in involvement in a religious
you feel that your parents care about you?” (1 = not at all … youth group, involvement in an LGBTQ+-related group, skipping
5 = very much) school due to feeling unsafe, feeling that parents care, and school-based
• Involvement in a religious youth group was captured for the past or cyber bullying (as previously defined).
12 months (yes/no) We then ran the same set of comparisons to identify any differences
in formal or informal social connectedness or bullying between youth
Age, race and ethnicity (including separate variables for Black, whose experiences were congruent among the three dimensions of
Latino, Asian American, and other races; white was omitted) were in- sexual orientation (attraction, behavior, and identity) and those whose
cluded as control variables. experiences of those dimensions was incongruent. We looked separately
Next, we ran a pair of separate logistic regression models for SGM at congruence between attraction and identity (yes/no) and congruence
and non-SGM youth, given the possibility that the relationship between between behavior and identity (yes/no).
the independent and dependent variables might differ by SGM status Finally, we used chi-squared tests to compare youth who had con-
(McLean, Maxwell, Platt, Harris, & Jepson, 2008). These models used sidered (but not attempted) suicide in the last 12 months with those
the same dependent variables as the full-sample model. The model run who had attempted suicide at least once during that period. Youth in
with the SGM youth sub-sample included the following additional in- these two groups were compared with regard to SGM status, safety-
dependent variables: related truancy, feeling close to people at school, feeling that parents
care, having accessed school- or community-based mental health ser-
• Gay or lesbian (yes/no) was based on a report of some combination vices, involvement in LGBTQ+-related groups, and connectedness to
of same-sex attraction or behavior or gay or lesbian identity other groups or teams.
• Bisexual (yes/no) was based on a report of some combination of
same- and different-sex attraction or behavior or bisexual identity
• Unsure (yes/no) was based on a report of being unsure of sexual
3. Theory

attraction or identity
• Transgender (yes/no) was based on a two-item measure that cap-
3.1. Suicide vulnerability among Sexual and Gender Minority (SGM) youth

tures assigned sex at birth and current gender self-description


• Outness was operationalized with three variables based on the item,
Meta-analysis indicates that, across a variety of North American
study populations, sexual minority youth are between two and three
“It is important to you to be ‘out’ to straight people you know. The
times as likely to be suicidal as non-sexual minorities. Estimated dis-
variable “Important to be out” was coded as 1 for respondents who
parities between sexual minority and non-sexual minority youth are
strongly agreed or somewhat agreed and as 0 if the respondent
typically even steeper for the most severe suicidality outcomes (for
chose another option or if the variable was missing (including
example, suicide attempts and suicide attempts resulting in injury or
planned missing data due to skip patterns). The variable “Not im-
requiring medical attention) than for outcomes such as suicidal ideation
portant to be out” was coded as 1 for respondents who strongly
or planning (Marshal et al., 2011; Marshal et al., 2013; Miranda-
disagreed, somewhat disagreed, or neither agreed nor disagreed and
Mendizábal et al., 2017). Although many representative studies com-
as 0 in all other cases. The variable “Outness not relevant” was
bine gender and sexual minority youth in examining suicidality (due to
coded as 1 for SGM youth who did not identify as heterosexual (who
small samples), several studies show that gender minority youth are
were not asked about the importance of outness) and as 0 otherwise.
also two to three times more likely than non-gender minority youth to
This third variable was treated as the contrast in the regression
become suicidal (Eisenberg et al., 2017; B. Mustanski & Liu, 2013;
model.

Perez-Brumer, Day, Russell, & Hatzenbuehler, 2017). For example, the
Involvement in an LGBTQ+-related group in the past 12 months
prevalence of suicidal ideation among gender minority youth in one
(yes/no) captured participation in a gay-straight alliance or a pro-
recent, representative sample4 was over three times that of non-gender
gram for LGBTQ+ youth
minority youth, with a majority (61.3%) of gender minority young
people reporting suicidal ideation—one quarter of them in the past two
These models also controlled for age and race/ethnicity.
weeks (Eisenberg et al., 2017). Estimates of suicidality among sexual
To better understand the role of outness and sexual orientation
and gender minorities differ substantially by sampling method; how-
congruence in shaping social connectedness in the SGM sub-sample, we
ever, meta-analysis indicates that roughly 11% of SGMs in population-
used two-sample t-tests to compare the social connectedness and ser-
based research and 20% of SGMs in community-based research have
vice engagement of youth to whom it was important to be broadly “out”
reported at least one prior suicide attempt (Hottes, Bogaert, Rhodes,
(that is, out to heterosexual individuals) with that of youth to whom
Brennan, & Gesink, 2016).
outness was not important. These analyses examined the following
Across racial and ethnic groups, sexual minorities are more likely
variables related to formal and informal social connection and bullying
than their peers to report suicide ideation and attempt (Lytle, Luca, &
victimization:
Blosnich, 2014). Some may be even more vulnerable than others,

• Having accessed school- or community-based mental health services


however. In the general population, youth who are members of smaller
racial minority groups (e.g., Asian American and Native American) may
in the past 12 months captured whether youth had been to a school
be particularly vulnerable (Fried, Williams, Cabral, & Hacker, 2013).
counselor or a social worker or therapist at school or had seen a
counselor, case manager, therapist, psychologist, or psychiatrist
outside of school in the past 12 months (yes/no) 4
The authors used data from the 2016 Minnesota Youth Risk Behavior
• Connectedness to other groups or teams captured involvement in Survey.

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T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

Other researchers suggest that racial discrimination increases vulner- extending from the individual outward to the immediate social en-
ability to suicide among gender minority youth (Wilson, Chen, vironment (for example, parents and other family members), the larger
Arayasirikul, Raymond, & McFarland, 2016). social environment (for example, the extended social network), the
institutional and organizational context (for example, schools), and the
3.2. Perspectives on SGM youth suicide broader societal and policy environment (Stone et al., 2017). Prior
theoretical and empirical work on suicide etiology suggests that factors
Theory and research on suicide risk and protective factors among at each of these levels might operate in both common and distinct ways
SGM youth have rapidly expanded in response to the prevalence and for SGM and non-SGM youth.
seriousness of the problem. This growing understanding is necessary to
meet the urgent need for suicide prevention and intervention ap- 3.3.1. “Minority stress,” bullying, and supportive environments
proaches that work for this unique population of youth who face ele- Many cross-sectional and some longitudinal studies have demon-
vated risk, even as they will likely be implemented in contexts (such as strated a link between anti-SGM stigma, discrimination, and victimi-
schools) where relevance to the general population of youth is also zation exposure and SGM youth suicidality. Anti-SGM victimization
important (Marshall, 2016). Various studies have found that SGM youth predicts suicide ideation and attempt among both sexual minority and
experience some distinct risk and protective factors for suicidality, as gender minority youth (Frank, 2017; Liu & Mustanski, 2012; Michael P.
well as some factors in common with non-SGM youth (DeCamp & Marshal et al., 2015; Rimes et al., 2018; Shields, Whitaker, Glassman,
Bakken, 2016; S.T. Russell & Toomey, 2013). However, the field lacks Franks, & Howard, 2012). Luong, Rew, and Banner's (2018) review
an integrated understanding of youth suicide that is relevant to non- found that bullying and victimization related to sexual orientation or
SGM youth while also accounting for the unique experiences and vul- gender identity increased the risk of suicidality among young men who
nerability of SGM youth. had sex with men, while positive (non-stigmatizing) views of SGM
One of the most widely-applied theoretical perspectives on the identities protected against it (Luong et al., 2018). Among gender
etiology of suicide in the general population, Joiner's interpersonal- minority youth, bullying victimization predicted suicide attempt
psychological theory, suggests that “perceived burdensomeness” (op- (Taliaferro, McMorris, Rider, & Eisenberg, 2018), having more people
erationalized, for example, as feeling that one does not matter) and in one's life who used one's chosen name (a possible indicator of lower
“thwarted belongingness” (operationalized, for example, as low social stigmatization) was protective (Frank, 2017). Bullying (in general) is a
support) are critical risk factors for suicidality (T. Joiner, 2005). In the major risk factor for suicide ideation and attempt among both SGM and
general population, application of this model has been empirically non-SGM youth, but the relationship between bullying victimization
supported among adolescents (Horton et al., 2016) and young adults and suicidality is stronger among SGM youth (Fish et al., 2018;
(Joiner et al., 2009). Joiner's theory further posits that, to make a Montoro, Igartua, & Thombs, 2016; Ybarra, Mitchell, Kosciw, &
suicide attempt, individuals must also be exposed to sufficiently painful Korchmaros, 2015). Struggles with stigmatizing gender and sexuality
or fear-inducing life experiences that the otherwise dominant instinct norms may also make it more difficult for SGM youth to seek help for
for self-preservation is overcome (Joiner et al., 2009, p. 3). suicidality and more likely to normalize their own emotional distress
To better understand suicide among SGM youth, this aspect of (McDermott, Hughes, & Rawlings, 2018; Testa & Hendricks, 2015).
Joiner's general-population theory could be complemented by Meyer's Supportive academic, social, political environments may be pro-
minority stress model, which has been widely applied to understand a tective against suicidality among SGM youth—with particularly strong
variety of behavioral health concerns specific to SGM youth and adults. evidence for the role of school environments in shaping exposure to
The minority stress model proposes that experiences of anti-sexual minority stress (Denny et al., 2016; Hatzenbuehler, 2011; Peter, Taylor,
minority discrimination and hostility can lead to poorer mental health & Campbell, 2016; Whitaker, Shapiro, & Shields, 2016). School-based
among sexual minority individuals (Meyer, 2003). Among SGM youth, threats and bullying victimization play a major role in shaping suicid-
perceived burdensomeness and thwarted belongingness as proposed by ality among sexual minority youth (Bouris et al., 2016). Youth who
Joiner and anti-SGM stigma, discrimination, and victimization experi- experience both school-based and cyber bullying appear to be at highest
ences as proposed by Meyer may each contribute to suicidality. risk (Duong & Bradshaw, 2014).
The minority stress model and the interpersonal-psychological In contrast, feeling safe at school can protect against suicidality
theory of suicide have been examined together in studies with sexual among sexual minority youth (Taliaferro & Muehlenkamp, 2017) and
minority youth (Baams, Grossman, & Russell, 2015), gender minority gender minority youth (Taliaferro et al., 2018). One eight-state study
youth (Frank, 2017), and gender minority adults (Testa et al., 2017), found that suicide disparities between SGM and non-SGM youth almost
with findings offering support for factors from both models in shaping disappeared in areas with very supportive school climates (as evidenced
suicidality. Examined separately, the interpersonal-psychological by the presence of “safe space” initiatives and gay-straight alliances in
theory has been supported among gender minority youth (Grossman, schools) (Hatzenbuehler, Birkett, Van Wagenen, & Meyer, 2014). Many
Park, & Russell, 2016) and the factors suggested by the minority stress other aspects of school climate have also been shown to be protective
model have been supported among sexual minority youth (Bouris, against SGM suicidality, including norms of teacher intervention in
Everett, Heath, Elsaesser, & Neilands, 2016; Michael P. Marshal et al., SGM-related bullying (Ploderl, Faistauer, & Fartacek, 2010; Rimes
2015; Puckett et al., 2017; Rimes et al., 2018) and gender minority et al., 2018), the presence of openly sexual minority identified students
youth (Wilson et al., 2016) as well as in suicidality among sexual and teachers (Ploderl et al., 2010), and the implementation of SGM-
minority adults (Michaels, Parent, & Torrey, 2015). These work- inclusive anti-bullying policies (Hatzenbuehler & Keyes, 2013). Studies
s—taken together with a body of evidence on the individual factors capable of testing the specific mechanisms by which these school-based
suggested by each model–suggest the potential for an integrated general factors protected against suicidality have shown that gay-straight alli-
model of youth suicide that includes risk factors specific to SGM youth. ance involvement at school and connectedness to an adult at school
each protected against suicidality by attenuating the relationship be-
3.3. Evidence for theorized youth suicide risk and protective factors tween anti-SGM bullying victimization and suicidality (Davis, Royne
Stafford, & Pullig, 2014; Duong & Bradshaw, 2014; Ioverno, Belser,
The Social Ecological Framework (Bronfenbrenner, 1977) provides Baiocco, Grossman, & Russell, 2016).
a helpful overarching framework for considering prior theory and evi-
dence regarding risk and protective factors for youth suicide. Applied to 3.3.2. “Thwarted belongingness” and formal and informal social
suicide, the framework suggests that individual suicide ideation and connections
attempt arise in the context of a set of nested environmental influence Among adults, thwarted belongingness has been operationalized in

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T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

terms of living alone, loneliness, and low social support (Van Orden, Hill & Pettit, 2012). For SGM youth, certain forms of minority stress
Cukrowicz, Witte, & Joiner, 2012). Based on life course and develop- could also act as a unique source of the “painful or fear-inducing life
mental differences, it is most often operationalized among youth as experiences” that the interpersonal-psychological model also proposes
homelessness, (low) social support and (limited) subjective closeness to (Joiner et al., 2009).
others. Many studies have supported the role of these factors in shaping Prior work also suggests that suicide prevention and intervention
SGM youth suicidality. Connections with peers, family, and non-family efforts for SGM youth should likely target settings that include their
adults all tend to protect against suicidality for SGM youth (Liu & non-SGM peers, since schools and family homes each appear to be key
Mustanski, 2012; Stephen T. Russell & Toomey, 2013; Deborah M. sites for suicide-related risk and protection. Gaps persist in the kind of
Stone, Luo, Lippy, & McIntosh, 2015; Teasdale & Bradley-Engen, 2010). integrated understanding of SGM- and non-SGM youth suicide that
The effect of family support and connectedness is especially protective could guide efforts in these settings. For example, while social con-
against SGM suicidality (Needham & Austin, 2010; Reisner, Biello, nectedness and bullying exposure play a clear role in suicidality for all
Perry, Gamarel, & Mimiaga, 2014; Stephen T. Russell & Toomey, 2013; youth, SGM youth may also juggle decisions related to sexual orienta-
Taliaferro & Muehlenkamp, 2017; Wilson et al., 2016) and has a more tion and gender-related self-identification and visibility—such as
consistently protective effect for SGM youth than connectedness to non- “outness” and LGBQ self-identification (for sexual minority youth) and
family adults, which are not always protective for SGM youth (D. M. being able to actualize one's chosen gender in multiple contexts (for
Stone et al., 2014; Taliaferro & Muehlenkamp, 2017). Conversely, fa- gender minority youth)—that could promote greater social con-
mily rejection and losing relationships with family or friends predicts nectedness but also expose them to greater bullying victimization. Yet
suicide ideation and attempt in adolescence and young adulthood major youth surveys, such as the Center for Disease Control and
(Puckett et al., 2017; Rimes et al., 2018; Rivers, Gonzalez, Nodin, Peel, Prevention's Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) (on which much prior
& Tyler, 2018; Ryan, Huebner, Diaz, & Sanchez, 2009). Religious in- research on youth suicide is based) do not tend to include items that
volvement (often a very important source of social support for other would allow researchers to examine these relationships. In addition,
populations) also confers increased risk of suicidality among SGM whether various forms of social connection and engagement may have
adolescents (Gibbs & Goldbach, 2015). different effects for SGM and non-SGM youth (such as involvement in
Many of the risk and protective factors identified among sexual SGM-related youth organizations and in religious youth groups) re-
minority and combined SGM study populations have also held among mains unclear. The current study uses new data from a national, social
sub-groups of SGM youth, including young men who have sex with men media-based study of youth and young adults, including an oversample
(MSM) and gender minority youth. Among young MSM, homelessness of SGM youth, to help address these gaps.
and negative parent relationships conferred risk for suicidality while
family acceptance and feeling accepted at school and by peers was 4. Results
protective (Luong et al., 2018). Among gender minority youth, con-
nectedness to parents and social support from classmates, friends, and 4.1. Suicide risk and protective factors for SGM and non-SGM youth
teachers protected against suicidality, while running away from home
conferred elevated risk for suicidality (Frank, 2017; Taliaferro et al., We constructed a set of three multiple regression models (Tables 2-
2018). 4) to understand what risk and protective factors made youth more
likely to have seriously considered or attempted suicide in the last
3.3.3. “Perceived burdensomeness” as mediator or moderator 12 months. We ran three models: one using the full sample and one
Several theory-testing studies have examined the contribution of model each among SGM and non-SGM youth respectively.
perceived burdensomeness to SGM youth suicide. Baams et al. (2015) The first multiple regression model was constructed to answer the
tested Joiner's interpersonal-psychological theory and Meyer's minority question, What risk and protective factors for suicidality were evident
stress theory with a sub-sample of 876 self-identified sexual minority among all youth? The dependent variable in this model was a composite
youth drawn from a three-region, community-based longitudinal study reflecting any suicidal ideation or attempt in the past 12 months. The
of 1061 SGM individuals. They found that perceived burdensomeness independent variables were SGM status, school-based or cyber bullying
mediated the relationship between sexual orientation-related bullying victimization, skipping school due to feeling unsafe, feeling close to
and suicidality for sexual minority youth (Baams et al., 2015). Focusing people at school, feeling that parents care, and being part of a religious
on 127 gender minority youth from the same sample, Frank (2017) also youth group. Age, race, and ethnicity were included as controls.
assessed the fit of Joiner's and Meyer's models, finding some support for Next, we carried out a multivariate regression to answer the ques-
constructs from each theory in shaping gender minority suicidality tion, What risk and protective factors for suicidality were evident among
(with a better overall fit for minority stress theory) (Frank, 2017). In a non-SGM youth? This model included the same independent variables
small, cross-sectional study of sexual minority and non-minority college (except for SGM status), same demographic controls, and same de-
students, perceived burdensomeness influenced suicidal ideation pendent variable as the full-sample model.
among sexual minority students. Its effects were particularly strong Each of the risk and protective factors identified as significant in the
among those who perceived or anticipated more rejection due to their full sample remained significant among non-SGM youth (who con-
sexual orientation (often considered a form of minority stress) (Hill & tributed the majority of cases to the full sample). School-based or cyber
Pettit, 2012). bullying victimization (p < .05) and skipping school due to feeling
unsafe (p < .01) were significant risk factors for suicidality. Feeling
3.4. Gaps and current study contribution close to people at school (p < .05) and feeling that parents care
(p < .05) were protective against suicidality. In addition, being Asian
Prior empirically-based theoretical work suggests that SGM youth American emerged as a risk factor specific to non-SGM youth
experience unique risk and protective factors for suicidality (such as (p < .01).
those proposed by minority stress theory), as well as pathways shared Finally, we carried out a multiple regression to answer the question,
with non-SGM individuals (such as those proposed by the interpersonal- What risk and protective factors for suicidality were evident among SGM
psychological theory of suicide). Perceived burdensomeness and youth? This model included the same independent variables, same de-
thwarted belongingness, both central to general-population theories of mographic controls, and same dependent variable as the non-SGM
suicide, are also supported among SGM youth. Some evidence indicates model. Sexual identity, gender identity, outness, and involvement in
that minority stress might contribute both to perceived burdensomeness LGBTQ+-related groups were included as additional independent
and to thwarted belongingness among SGM youth (Baams et al., 2015; variables.

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T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

Table 2
Multiple regression model of influences on suicidality in full sample (N = 489)a.
Independent variables Odds ratio 95% Confidence interval lower bound 95% Confidence interval upper bound

SGM status 2.04 1.20 3.46


School-based or cyber bullying victimization 2.28 1.32 3.96
Skipping school due to feeling unsafe 1.49 1.17 1.90
Feeling close to people at school 0.822 0.670 1.01
Feeling that parents care 0.574 0.430 0.766
Involvement in a religious youth group 0.734 0.402 1.34
Age 0.979 0.860 1.1
Blackb 0.781 0.281 2.17
Latino 0.692 0.345 1.39
Asian American 1.73 0.782 3.84
Other race 0.828 0.287 2.39
Constant 4.50 0.308 65.6

In the full sample, SGM status (p < .01), school-based or cyber bullying victimization (p < .01) and skipping school due to feeling unsafe (p < .01) were sig-
nificant risk factors for suicidality. Feeling that parents care (p < .001) was protective against suicidality.
a
Of the 489 youth who form the sample for these analyses, there were 444 youth for whom data were available on the variables included in this logistic regression
model.
b
“White” was treated as the reference category for race/ethnicity.

Among SGM youth, feeling that parents care (p < .001) was the were more likely to connect with LGBTQ+-related groups (p < .01)
only independent variable from the full-sample model that remained than those who indicated that being out was not important to them.
significant, although the point and interval estimates were generally Outness did not make a statistically significant difference in bullying
similar when comparing the results among the SGM youth to results victimization.
among either the full sample or the non-SGM youth. Although non- We then ran an additional set of t-tests to address the question, How
significant, the observed role of Asian American identity and mem- did the formal and informal social connections of youth with congruent
bership in a religious youth group were reversed in the SGM sample sexual orientation compare to those of youth with incongruent sexual or-
compared to the non-SGM sample. Participation in gay-straight alli- ientation? These analyses included the full sample of youth. Two-sample
ances or LGBTQ+ youth groups was weakly associated with increased t-tests assessed whether identifying with a sexual orientation that was
suicidality as well, though it was also a non-significant influence. consistent with one's sexual behavior or with one's sexual attraction was
correlated with bullying victimization or having various kinds of formal
4.2. Outness, sexual orientation congruence, and “belongingness” and informal social connections, as shown in Table 6.
As shown in the table, youth whose sexual self-identification was
Next, we undertook a set of two-sample t-tests to better understand consistent with their attraction were less likely to be victims of school-
the relationships between outness and sexual orientation congruence based or cyber bullying (p < .01). Youth whose sexual identity was
(respectively) and various kinds of formal and informal social connec- consistent with their behavior were also more likely to feel close to
tion (conceived of as forms of “belongingness” in Joiner's theory) and people at school (p < .05) and were more likely to be involved in an
one form of possible minority stress (school-based or cyber bullying LGBTQ+-related group (p < .01). Congruence between behavior and
victimization). sexual orientation did not make a statistically significant difference in
Our first set of t-tests was aimed at answering the question, How did bullying victimization.
the formal and informal social connections of out SGM youth compare to
those of youth who were not out? This analysis was restricted to the SGM 4.3. Suicidal ideation versus suicide attempt
youth sample. (Youth who did not indicate any sexual or gender min-
ority experience were not asked about outness.) Two-sample t-tests Next, we applied chi-squared tests to answer the question, What
were used to assess whether outness was correlated with bullying vic- characteristics distinguished youth who attempted suicide from those who
timization or the various kinds of formal and informal social connection considered but did not attempt? These tests compared youth who had
shown in Table 5. (only) considered suicide in the last 12 months with those who had
As shown in the table, youth for whom it was important to be out attempted suicide at least once during that period.

Table 3
Multiple regression model of influences on suicidality in non-SGM Sample (N = 310)a.
Independent variables Odds ratio| 95% Confidence interval lower bound 95% Confidence interval upper bound

School-based or cyber bullying victimization 2.42 1.09 5.34


Skipping school due to feeling unsafe 1.80 1.26 2.57
Feeling close to people at school 0.716 0.539 0.951
Feeling that parents care 0.554 0.348 0.880
Involvement in a religious youth group 0.399 0.156 1.02
Age 1.00 0.831 1.20
Blackb 5.23 1.06 2.59
Latino 0.661 0.234 1.87
Asian American 4.03 1.52 10.7
Other race 0.653 0.122 3.48
Constant 5.31 0.112 252.

a
Of the 310 youth who form the sample for these analyses, there were 289 youth for whom data were available on the variables included in this logistic regression
model.
b
“White” was treated as the reference category for race/ethnicity.

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T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

Table 4 and non-SGM youth. Understanding suicidality at this stage is critical,


Multiple regression model of influences on suicidality in SGM sample as adolescence and young adulthood represents a developmental period
(N = 175)a. of acute risk for all youth, and youth who navigate SGM status at this
Independent variables Odds ratio 95% Confidence 95% Confidence juncture are especially vulnerable (Dirkes, Hughes, Ramirez-Valles,
interval lower interval upper Johnson, & Bostwick, 2016).
bound bound Although prior research has made very effective analytic use of data
from the YRBS and other school-based surveys, those data typically lack
School-based or cyber 2.08 0.828 5.21
bullying victimization information on sexual attraction, outness, and specific kinds of social
Skipping school due to 1.35 0.948 1.92 connection (such as involvement in religious youth groups or LGBTQ
feeling unsafe +-related organizations). Consistent with emerging best practices, the
Feeling close to people at 0.961 0.689 1.34
current study used a complete, three-dimensional measure of sexual
school
Feeling that parents care 0.407 0.254 0.652
orientation (including sexual attraction, behavior, and identity) and a
Involvement in a religious 1.45 0.520 4.06 two-item measure of gender identity (including assigned sex at birth
youth group and current gender self-description) (Federal Interagency Working
Age 0.931 0.750 1.16 Group on Improving Measurement of Sexual Orientation and Gender
Blackb 1.02 0.205 5.07
Identity in Federal Surveys, 2016; GeniUSS Group, 2014). This three-
Latino 0.769 0.278 1.16
Asian American 0.240 0.045 1.29 dimensional sexual orientation measure enabled the inclusion of six
Other race 1.12 0.247 5.13 sexual minority youth who would otherwise have been classified as
Gay or lesbianc 0.477 0.145 1.57 heterosexual based on YRBS measures. Similarly, using the two-di-
Bisexual 1.67 0.500 5.55
mensional measure of gender, five individuals were included in the
Unsure 0.645 0.176 2.36
Transgenderd 0.467 0.072 3.01
gender minority sample who would have been misclassified using a
“Important to be out”e 1.29 0.300 5.57 transgender-inclusive measure that only captured whether an in-
“Not important to be out” 1.04 0.295 3.65 dividual's current gender self-description was “transgender” (as op-
Involvement in an 1.67 0.652 4.30 posed to capturing a minority lived experience of gender, such as being
LGBTQ+-related group
assigned male at birth and coming to understand oneself as female).
Constant 44.5 0.445 4440.
A precise approach to capturing SGM status enabled this study to
*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05. explore differences and similarities in suicide etiology by SGM status
a
Of the 175 youth who form the sample for these analyses, there were 154 with better precision, a task that is central to the development of an
youth for whom data were available on the variables included in this logistic integrated theoretical understanding of SGM and non-SGM youth sui-
regression model. cidality. Applying this improved classification, this study confirmed the
b
“White” was treated as the reference category for race/ethnicity. finding from prior research with other study populations and mea-
c
“Heterosexual” was treated as the reference category for sexual identity. surement approaches that SGM status confers elevated risk of suicide
d
“Cisgender” was treated as the reference category for gender identity.
e (Almazan et al., 2014; Button et al., 2012; Eisenberg et al., 2017; M. P.
“Outness is irrelevant” was treated as the reference category for outness.
Marshal et al., 2011; Raifman et al., 2017; D. M. Stone et al., 2014).
More importantly, this study contributed a sharper understanding of
As shown in Table 7, youth who attempted suicide were sig-
commonalities and distinctions in suicide etiology between SGM and
nificantly more likely to skip school due to feeling unsafe than those
non-SGM youth in a social media-based sample. It upheld the key role
who only ideated (p < .01). None of the other characteristics ex-
of parental supportiveness in protecting against suicidality among both
amined, including sexual or gender minority status, significantly dif-
SGM and non-SGM youth and called preliminary attention to two fac-
ferentiated those who considered suicide from those who attempted it.
tors that appeared to confer protection for one group of youth and
elevated risk for the other (although not all correlations were not sta-
5. Discussion
tistically significant in our small sample). Among non-SGM youth, being
Asian American conferred elevated suicide risk, while it appeared
5.1. Study contributions
protective (though non-significant) among those who were SGM.
Findings of the risk or protectiveness conferred by Asian American
Building on theoretical and empirical work on the etiology of sui-
identification depending on SGM status also highlight the complex of
cide among SGM youth, this study advances a richer understanding of
protection and vulnerability that arises at the intersection of racial
factors that shape suicidal ideation and suicide attempt among SGM

Table 5
Two-sample T-tests of social connection by outness (N = 175 SGM Youth).
“Important to be out” (N = 43) “Not important to be out” (N = 80)

Variable Obs. Mean Std. Err. Std. Dev. Obs. Mean Std. Err. Std. Dev. P-value

School-based or cyber bullying victimization 42 0.31 0.07 0.47 75 0.31 0.05 0.46 0.975
Skipping school due to feeling unsafe 39 0.60 0.18 1.12 73 0.42 0.13 1.12 0.424
Feeling close to people at school 43 3.33 0.21 1.41 80 3.11 0.14 1.29 0.400
Feeling that parents care 43 3.95 0.15 1.00 77 4.16 0.12 1.03 0.298
Involvement in a religious youth group in the past 12 months 43 0.12 0.05 0.32 80 0.20 0.05 0.40 0.243
Involvement in an LGBTQ + -related group in the past 12 months 43 0.49 0.08 0.51 80 0.26 0.05 0.44 0.012*
Having accessed school- or community-based mental health services in the past 43 0.67 0.07 0.47 80 0.55 0.06 0.50 0.183
12 months
Connectedness to other groups or teams in the past 12 months 43 0.49 0.08 0.51 80 0.55 0.06 0.50 0.518
Composite connectedness 43 2.49 0.32 2.11 80 1.96 0.18 1.63 0.128

*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05.


Of the 175 youth who form the sample for these analyses, there were 123 youth for whom data were available on the ‘outness’ variable.
Bolded values indicate statistical significance at the p < .05 level.

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Table 6
Two-sample T-tests of social connection by sexual orientation congruence (N = 175 SGM Youth).
Not Congruent Congruent

Variable Obs. Mean Std. Err. Std. Dev. Obs. Mean Std. Err. Std. Dev. P-value Effect Size

Congruence between attraction and identity


School-based or cyber bullying victimization 22 0.59 0.11 0.50 144 0.31 0.04 0.46 0.009** 0.61
Skipping school due to feeling unsafe 23 0.54 0.32 1.53 137 0.47 0.09 1.07 0.789 0.06
Feeling close to people at school 24 2.88 0.27 1.33 151 3.14 0.10 1.29 0.354 0.20
Feeling that parents care 24 3.96 0.28 1.37 148 4.09 0.08 1.02 0.565 0.13
Involvement in a religious youth group in the past 12 months 24 0.33 0.10 0.48 151 0.18 0.03 0.38 0.080 0.39
Involvement in an LGBTQ+-related group in the past 12 months 24 0.17 0.08 0.38 151 0.33 0.04 0.47 0.106 0.36
Having accessed school- or community-based mental health services in the past 24 0.42 0.10 0.50 151 0.60 0.04 0.49 0.100 0.36
12 months
Connectedness to other groups or teams in the past 12 months 24 0.71 0.09 0.46 151 0.54 0.04 0.50 0.116 0.35
Composite connectedness 24 1.75 0.25 1.22 151 2.15 0.15 1.82 0.306 0.23

Congruence between behavior and identity


School-based or cyber bullying victimization 12 0.42 0.15 0.51 154 0.34 0.04 0.47 0.582 0.17
Skipping school due to feeling unsafe 12 0.54 0.38 1.30 148 0.48 0.09 1.13 0.857 0.05
Feeling close to people at school 13 2.38 0.35 1.26 162 3.16 0.10 1.28 0.037* 0.61
Feeling that parents care 13 3.92 0.47 1.71 159 4.09 0.08 1.01 0.595 0.15
Involvement in a religious youth group in the past 12 months 13 0.31 0.13 0.48 162 0.19 0.03 0.39 0.316 0.29
Involvement in an LGBTQ + -related group in the past 12 months 13 0.00 0.00 0.00 162 0.33 0.04 0.47 0.012* 0.73
Having accessed school- or community-based mental health services in the past 13 0.46 0.14 0.52 162 0.58 0.04 0.50 0.408 0.24
12 months
Connectedness to other groups or teams in the past 12 months 13 0.69 0.13 0.48 162 0.55 0.04 0.50 0.321 0.29
Composite connectedness 13 1.77 0.34 1.24 162 2.12 0.14 1.79 0.493 0.20

*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05.


All 175 SGM youth who form the sample for these analyses had data available on the congruence variables.
Bolded values indicate statistical significance at the p < .05 level.

Table 7
Chi-squared tests comparing suicide ideators (n = 70) and attemptors (n = 38).
Variable Difference in mean Lower CI Upper CI Pearson chi-squared P-value

SGM status −0.01 −0.21 0.19 0.01 0.929


Skipping school due to feeling unsafe −0.86 −1.34 −0.038 18.21 0.001**
Feeling close to people at school 0.17 −0.37 0.71 5.05 0.282
Feeling that parents care 0.36 −0.07 0.79 5.62 0.229
Involvement in an LGBTQ+-related group in the past 12 months 0.01 −0.17 0.19 0.01 0.926
Having accessed school- or community-based mental health services in the past 12 months −0.12 −0.31 0.07 1.65 0.199
Connectedness to other groups or teams in the past 12 months 0.10 −0.09 0.30 1.14 0.285

*** p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05.


Bolded values indicate statistical significance at the p < .05 level.

identity and SGM status. Prior research suggested that SGM youth and SGM status) and increase the risk of suicide. This possibility has been
young adults of color face the dual bind of negotiating racism within little examined in prior research and merits further exploration in a
sexual minority communities and homophobia within their racial and larger sample (with more power to detect its potential effect).
ethnic communities (Lytle et al., 2014; L. Smith, Foley, & Chaney, Our findings also contribute an enhanced understanding of the re-
2008). Minority stress theory would suggest that dual minority status lationships of outness and SGM self-identification to social belonging-
could elevate suicide risk by increasing young people's minority stress ness. In this sample, youth who felt it was important to be out were
exposure (Bowleg, Huang, Brooks, Black, & Burkholder, 2003). Find- more likely to access mental health services (in or outside of school)
ings from this study do not clearly confirm either hypothesis, suggesting and to be involved in LGBTQ+-related groups (in or outside of school)
that the minority stress and interpersonal-psychological theoretical compared to those to whom it was not. Youth who had congruent
perspectives as partially assessed in this and other studies are not sexual orientations (that is, a sexual identity that matched their sexual
capturing important aspects of SGM and non-SGM racial and ethnic behavior and/or attraction) were more likely to feel close to people at
minority experiences. school. These findings speak to concerns raised in prior research that
This study also suggested a more complex role for social connection outness or self-identification as SGM (as opposed to experiencing same-
and “belongingness” than has been uncovered in prior research. sex attraction or behavior without having an SGM identity) might
Religious youth group involvement appeared protective in both the confer elevated risk (Montoro et al., 2016), perhaps by increasing
combined and non-SGM samples but evidenced quite the opposite re- minority stress exposures such as bullying related to SGM status.
lationship to suicidality in the SGM sample (though these findings were Findings from the current study are insufficient to put that concern fully
not statistically significant). Although most previously-explored aspects to rest; however, in this social media-based sample, both outness and
of formal and informal social connection were protective against youth sexual orientation congruence were associated with greater social
suicidality among both SGM and non-SGM youth, religious youth group connection or belongingness in our sample and did not appear to con-
involvement offers a special case in which a form of “belongingness” as tribute added risk of bullying victimization among SGM youth.
conceptualized by Joiner might actually exacerbate minority stress Finally, this study helped to answer the call from suicide researchers
(perhaps through exposure to negative attitudes or beliefs regarding to distinguish ideation and attempt in research on the etiology of

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T. McKay, et al. Children and Youth Services Review 102 (2019) 79–90

suicide (Nock et al., 2018). In our sample, skipping school due to feeling of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in Federal Surveys, 2016).
unsafe distinguished youth who had seriously considered suicide from They use measures of sexual minority status that are inconsistent and
those who had attempted it. This finding underscores the importance of conceptually incomplete (such that the same case might be classified as
school-based suicide prevention and intervention and of restorative sexual minority in one study but treated as part of the majority popu-
justice approaches to school truancy that work with students to address lation in another) and typically measure gender minority status in-
the root causes of truancy rather than further punishing them completely or not at all. These measurement issues undermine the
(Hirschfield, 2018). precision with which researchers can distinguish experiences specific to
SGM individuals, as well as the ability of such studies to precisely define
5.2. Study limitations the population of interest to which their reported findings pertain.
Sampling methodologies in this area of research also demand im-
This study was subject to several limitations associated with its provement. Studies like the current one, which employ a (primarily)
cross-sectional design, non-representative sample, and short (social non-probability-based sampling design, cannot be generalized to a
media compatible) survey format. The cross-sectional structure of these wider population. Yet representative designs that overcome that lim-
data did not allow us to examine pathways or mechanisms. We were itation are plagued by underreporting of SGM status (Hottes et al.,
unable to make assumptions about time-ordering of the observed ex- 2016) and extremely small sample sizes for analyses focused on SGM
periences and characteristics, nor to assess relevant mediation or (and particularly gender minority) experiences. Further, the school-
moderation paths that have been proposed in prior theoretical work on based or address-based sampling designs that are typically considered
this topic (Baams et al., 2015). “gold standards” for population-based research are subject to coverage
The non-probability-based sampling approach and the use of a gaps that disproportionately exclude SGM communities and the most
single social media platform for recruitment prevent us from general- vulnerable individuals within those communities. To date, most re-
izing our results to a wider youth population. Approximately 47% of presentative research on youth and young adult suicidality has used
adolescents and 45% of young adults use Twitter, with Black young data from various state and local YRBS studies or the National Long-
people tending to be somewhat overrepresented among American itudinal Survey of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health), both of
Twitter users (Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs which use school-based samples (although Add Health did include
Research, 2017; A. Smith & Anderson, 2018). Other differences be- students on school rosters who did not participate in school-based data
tween youth who are and are not on Twitter are likely but have not collection in a smaller number of in-home interviews). The known
been rigorously measured; therefore, analysis weights, which would coverage limitations of these approaches—the exclusion of youth who
correct for any population differences and allow for inference to the are not in school from school-based studies and the exclusion of
general population, have not yet been developed. However, we do homeless and runaway youth from household-based studies—dispro-
know that the non-representative population recruited for this study portionately affect SGM youth. Numerous studies shown that SGM
generally resembled the representative sample of youth most commonly youth are more likely not to be in school and to be homeless or runaway
used in other research on this topic (the YRBS), while including a much than their non-SGM peers (Irvine & Canfield, 2015; Poteat, Berger, &
higher proportion of SGM youth. Dantas, 2017). These coverage gaps are generally tolerated because of
Further, although we recruited a relatively large number of SGM the important advantages these strategies otherwise confer in terms of
respondents (N = 175) within a relatively small sample (N = 489), our study generalizability. But with suicide now the second leading threat
overall sample size and limitations in sub-sample sizes constrained our to the lives of adolescents (Heron, 2018), clear evidence that SGM
statistical power for the analyses presented. Small sub-sample sizes youth are at elevated risk, and the knowledge that SGM youth who are
prevented us from pursuing important sub-group analyses that might not in school or have run away from home are even more likely than
have shed light on the distinct experiences of sub-groups of SGM youth, other SGM youth to attempt suicide (Taliaferro et al., 2018), addressing
such as gender minority youth and SGM youth of color, whom prior these methodological issues is more urgent than ever.
research suggests are likely to face distinct risks and risk factors with Social media-based research offers the potential to reach youth who
regard to suicidality, and whose distinct experiences have been less well are not living in a stable home or not consistently in school. Further,
examined in other quantitative research. In addition, sample size con- this method may be able to capitalize on some of the known, social
straints prevented us from being able to rigorously test the potential desirability-minimizing advantages of other computer-based, self-ad-
moderating effects of SGM status on suicidality that are suggested by ministered approaches (Gnambs & Kaspar, 2017) along with the added
differences in the SGM and non-SGM model results. assets of respondent familiarity and comfort with the platform. How-
Finally, the use of a social media platform (rather than in-person ever, maintaining the integrity of a particular sampling design while
interviewers) to collect survey data with youth necessitated a very short navigating relatively rigid commercial platforms to communicate with
and parsimonious survey. As such, data were not collected on a number prospective study respondents is challenging, as is reaching adequate
of risk and protective factors suggested by the psychological-inter- numbers of social media users when distributing a study recruitment
personal model and the minority stress model (Baams et al., 2015; message to a predetermined sample rather than using the platform's
Frank, 2017) for the SGM sub-population—for example, perceived usual approaches for increasing responsiveness (such as conversion
burdensomeness, coming-out stress, and bullying experiences specific pixels), which would compromise the probability-based design.5 Re-
to sexual orientation or gender identity. cruiting adequate numbers of SGM respondents within representative
studies to be able to parse out the distinct experiences of SGM youth
6. Conclusions sub-groups is important, as small sub-sample sizes have prevented
adequate exploration of distinct risks and risk factors in this and other
6.1. Directions for future research prior work. Interventions may need to be tailored to the different needs
of these sub-groups, including SGM youth of color and particularly
This and other studies of suicide risk factors and disparities have gender minority (including transgender and gender non-conforming)
been hindered by persistent shortcomings in measurement and sam- youth (O'Brien, Putney, Hebert, Falk, & Aguinaldo, 2016). Studies well-
pling methodology that must be addressed in future work. The school- equipped to inform such tailoring, including those that can rigorously
based surveys that produce most data on youth suicide and related
experiences in the United States do not capture sexual or gender min-
ority status in a manner consistent with widely-recognized best prac- 5
Berzofsky, M.E., McKay, T., Hsieh, P., Smith, A. (under review). Probability-
tices (Federal Interagency Working Group on Improving Measurement based samples on Twitter: Methodology and application.

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