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China Misperceived: American Illusions and Chinese Reality. by Steven W.

Mosher
Review by: Peggy S. Christoff
Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 106, No. 2 (Summer, 1991), pp. 342-344
Published by: The Academy of Political Science
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2152251 .
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342 1POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY

The strengthof Cheng'sanalysislies in his attentionto both elite politicsand


largersocialforcesandtrends.After readingchapterson the economic,political,
intellectual,and militarycontext of Tiananmen,one is well preparedto under-
stand such details as Li Peng's struggleto discreditZhao Ziyangin the eyes of
Deng, and Zhao's half-hearted,botched attempt to mobilize public opinion.
Deng'soft-declaredwish for an orderlysuccessioncould not brakethe ambitions
of officals like Li, who stood to gain from the purgeof those who had pushed
Deng'sreformagendamost vigorously.The unsettledsocial atmosphereof Chi-
nesecities, receptiveas it was to antiregimesentiments,madea playto the crowd
a temptingstrategyeven for someonelike Zhao, whoseown policieswereat least
partlyresponsiblefor the corruptionand economic hardshipsthat so angered
people.
OnceChengshiftsfromelitepoliticsandthe largersocialandeconomiccontext
of these machinationsto the democracymovementitself, his accountbecomes
sketchier.But then his decisionto introducethe myriadof historicaland contex-
tual factors that help make 1989 intelligiblein the broadestsense leaves little
spaceto reconstructthe movementas it unfoldedon the ground.Chengdoes give
one a powerful sense of how the regimelurchedtoward the 4 June massacre,
drivenby internalquarrels,blindnessas to whatthe movementrepresentedmor-
ally and socially,andDengXiaoping's"deep-seatedintolerancetowardany form
of social unrestor other politicalchallengesto his authority"(p. 132). Cheng's
matter-of-factrenderingof the massacre,widelyacceptedat the time, has since
beenthrowninto doubt by disputesamongall partiesconcernedover how many
diedin Beijingandwhenandwherethe killingstook place.His gloomyassessment
of the government'sabilityto recoverfrom the debaclepoliticallyand economi-
cally must now be adjustedto take into account the effect of the PersianGulf
crisis and war on the regime'sinternationalposition. But all in all, Cheng has
been very successfulin writinga study that is both timely and likely to remain
a useful introductionto the issues germaneto the crisis of 1989.
DAVID STRAND
Dickinson College

China Misperceived:American Illusions and Chinese Reality by Steven W.


Mosher. New York,Basic Books, 1990. 260 pp. $19.95.
It is not suprisingthat StevenW. Mosherwritesa book that exposesindividuals
who have helpedto spreadmyths about Chinato the Americanpublic. Mosher
was expelled from China in 1983 for misconductand subsequentlydenied his
Ph.D. in ChinesestudiesfromStanfordUniversity.In this book, he discusseshis
personalbiases in terms of his conservativepolitical orientationand his basic
mistrustof universityprofessors, many of whom he believes are out of touch
with reality.And then he describeshow individualswho pursuecareersin jour-

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BOOK REVIEWS | 343

nalismand academiaabandontellingthe truthby presentinga neat, narrowview


of Chinato the Americanpublic.
MosherusesPresidentRichardNixon'stripto Chinain 1972as a startingpoint
for answeringa challengeput forth by commentatorWilliamF. Buckley, who
believedthat Mao's China was treatedtoo gently by the Nixon presscorps. He
wantedsomeoneto investigatethe reasonsfor this occurrance.Mosheranswers
the challenge by describingthe ways prominentjournalists, including Edgar
Snow, JamesReston, HarrisonSalisbury,and TheodoreWhite,developedsuper
storiesabout China. But he does not stop there. Mosherassertsthat both Amer-
ican journalistsand academicsallowed themselvesto be manipulatedby the
Chinese leadership,at times to the surpriseand consternationof the Chinese
leadership.He describesthe specific misperceptionsnurturedby a wide range
of sinologistsincludingJohn King Fairbank,EdwardFriedman,John Gurley,
MauriceMeisner,MichelOksenberg,Leo Orleans,Ross Terrill,and EzraVogel.
Some of these specialistsbased their academiccareerson advocatinga Maoist-
type of socialism, whereasothers developeda professionalniche by analyzing
China primarilyin the context of Sino-Americanrelations. In both cases, the
specialistseliminatedthe possibilityof analyzingChina on its own terms with
respectto why the Chineseleadershipclearlyis not focused on providingbasic
humanrightsto the Chinesepeople.
Mosherstates that Americanperceptionsof Chinawere thrownout of kilter
in 1972 when PresidentNixon visited China. He discussesthe probabilitythat
Nixonusedthe Sino-Americanrelationshipas a tool for his ownpoliticalsurvival.
Mosher describesthe ways many Western(primarilyAmerican)sinologists in
the professionsof journalismand academiadevelopedperceptualbarriersby:
ignoringmass starvationin China, especiallyin the 1960s,eitherbecauseit was
personallyrepellentor professionalconsiderationsrequiredthem to maintain
relationshipswith Chineseinformationsources;using the communistparadigm
insteadof the moreappropriatetotalitarianparadigmto analyzeChina'sdistant
past and present; fitting the Chinese CulturalRevolution into the American
ideologicalframework;assumingthatChinesesocietywas somehowtransformed
because Chinese officials under Mao were polite and civilized; neglectingto
providea balancedpictureof Zhou Enlai'sleadershipabilitiesand intentions;
andportrayingChina'smodernizationattemptsas representativeof a societythat
was more noble and just than Americansociety.
In this context, Mosher also identifies those who accuratelyportrayedthe
intentionsof the Chineseleadership,includingFox Butterfield,JuergenDomes,
Ivan and MiriamLondon, and MartinKing Whyte, as well as those who never
departedfrom their criticismsof Chinesecommunism,includingSimon Leys,
RichardWalker,and KarlWittfogel. In my view, Mosherdoes presentan accu-
rateaccountof how misperceptionsaboutChinadeveloped,whichrevealsa very
darkside of Americanacademia.He concludesthat those who are more or less
immunefrom creatingperceptualbarrierstend to be detail oriented.Whilethis
particularconclusionseems to be incomplete,the book taken as a whole is ex-

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344 | POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY

tremelyvaluable.Mosherforcesthe readerto take a hardlook at the field. This


is especiallyimportantto those who areinterestedin pursuinga careerin Chinese
studies.
PEGGY S. CHRISTOFF
University of Cincinnati

EastAsianDynamism:Growth,Order,and Securityin the PacificRegionby Steve


Chan. Boulder, CO, WestviewPress, 1990. 134pp. Cloth, $35.00; paper, $10.95.
Thisvolumeis a "succincttreatmentof the politicaleconomyof the Pacificregion
for both advancedundergraduate studentsand beginninggraduatestudents"(p.
xiii).Thusdoesthe authorestablishthe audiencefor the firstbook in the Westview
Press'sDilemmasin WorldPoliticsseries-an intriguingand ambitiouseffort to
summarizethe generaldomesticand internationaldevelopmentof the PacificRim
countries.Usingconceptscommonto contemporary politicalanalysis,Chanexpli-
catesthe policychoicesand trade-offsof the PacificRim countries.He makesuse
of varioustechniquesto highlightthechapterdevelopments: keytermsareitalicized;
chartsareinserted;thereis a glossaryplussupplementary readingsto both facilitate
furtherresearchby the studentandremindreadersof ideascentralto the conceptual
argumentsof the volume.
The PacificRim occupies55 percentof the book. The initialchapterdefinesthe
population,etc. Inthe secondchapter,"EastMeets
area,its physicalcharacteristics,
West:TheHistoricalBackground," Chanmovesat breakneckspeedthroughabout
four hundredyearsof history,includingthe role of imperialismand post-World
War II developments.
Regionalspecialistswill be uneasyoverthe compromisesthat suchcompactness
imposes.Forexample,the Japanesedecisionto moveinto SoutheastAsia in World
WarII doesnot includea referenceto the policydivisionoverwhetherto attackthe
Soviets.The Japanesedid recognizethe differencebetweentheirstrengthand that
of the Americansin the pre-1941period,but believed(incorrectly) thatthe lack of
realnationalinterestwouldleadto negotiations.The Americanreconsideration of
the futureof Japanprecedesthe KoreanWar.In sum, historicalsequencedoes not
get its full due.
Forthereaderinterestedin contemporary affairs,thechapter"Convergent Goals,
DivergentConduct"is likelyto be the most interestingand perhapsthe most frus-
trating.In thirtypages,the authordiscusses,first,alternatestrategiesfor economic
development,commencingwith importsubstitutionand the transitionto export
led production;second, controlof the commandeconomy-mostly the Peoples'
Republicof China'sexperienceserveshere;andthird,theregulatorystatecontrasted
withthe developmentalstate.The chapterconcludesby consideringhow and why
therehavebeendifferencesin strategies.Chanlays stresson the passivityof labor
(andunions),the strength(orweakness)of landlords,andthe roleof foreignfirms.
Thereis also a discussionof Japanesesecurity,notingthe Japanesedefinitionof
comprehensive nationalsecurity.

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