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World Development
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/worlddev
a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
Article history: Despite the heightened interest in resilience over the past decade, theorising and operationalising resili-
Accepted 10 June 2019 ence across sustainable development, disaster risk reduction and climate change and adaptation realms
Available online 19 July 2019 remains a challenge. The frameworks that have been developed to theorise and operationalise resilience
tend to be vague, and, in some cases, theoretically weak. The major challenge, we believe, is the lack of
Keywords: clarity on the resilience capacities required to deal with the destabilising events. In this article, we pro-
Disaster Resilience Integrated Framework vide a chronology of resilience, on a decade basis, from 1970 to 2016 in order to establish the connections
for Transformation (DRIFT)
between resilience and capacity literatures, and how these literatures affect the operationalisation of
Risk drivers
Resilience capacities
resilience. Based on the resilience and capacity literature review, a new approach to resilience termed
Resilience indicators Disaster Resilience Integrated Framework for Transformation (DRIFT) is presented, which advances the
Resilience processes and outcomes notion of capacity, as one of the principal bridges between the resilience theory and practice. DRIFT out-
lines the linkages between context, risk drivers, capacities and processes that are required to deal with
the risk in order to achieve positive outcomes. We present the preventive, anticipative, absorptive, adap-
tive and transformative capacities as distinct elements, although in practice there are overlaps between
these capacities. Presenting the capacities as distinct elements allows us to unpack the elements and the
processes that may be critical in both theorising and operationalising resilience. Looking to the future,
DRIFT is a first step towards developing a global resilience index, to be applied at various scales, including
global, regional and local levels.
Crown Copyright Ó 2019 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.06.011
0305-750X/Crown Copyright Ó 2019 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
2 B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587
[1962]: 208) analysis of Edmund (Husserl’s 1991) ‘lifeworld’, par- bers in dealing with the problems they face (Magis, 2010). The
ticularly his assertion that ‘knowledge at hand function is a scheme major difference is that while community capacity can be devel-
of reference, based upon a stock of previous experience of it, our oped for virtually anything, resilience specifically exists within
own experiences and those handed down to us by our parents and because of change (Magis, 2010). Gaillard (2010) notes that
and teachers’. Thus, this article partly draws from the extensive resilience recognises, accepts, builds capacity for, and engages
‘lifeworld’ experiences of authors, mainly through engagement change, encapsulating expressions such as ‘capacity to resist’, ‘to
with the resilience and vulnerability debates for over 60 years. To face’, ‘to recover’, etc, which emerged from practitioners in the late
recognise that the new structures of the lifeworld resulting from 1980s. The use of these expressions, according to Gaillard (2010),
the resilience debates are part of former and current stocks of could have been a reflection of the increased recognition of peo-
knowledge, we supplemented our experience by the literature ple’s ability to face climate-related and other natural hazards that
searches for the resilience definitions and frameworks across aca- were not captured in the mainly negative concept of vulnerability.
demic and grey policy literature using the Web of Knowledge, Goo- However, due to the clear-cut focus on community development,
gle scholar, Google and websites for governments and United the concept of capacity has, to a large extent, remained widely
Nations agencies and non-governmental organisations. unnoticed by disaster resilience scientists.
If resilience is about capacity, what is this capacity for? In the
main, the capacity enables the affected community to deal with
2. Is resilience about capacity?
the risk (Dubois, 2000; Norris et al., 2008). Generally understood
as the ‘‘potential loss of life, injury, or destroyed or damaged assets
If we agree with the FSIN1 (2017)1 view that resilience frame-
which could occur to a system, society or a community in a specific
works and measurements should be built upon a definition of resili-
period of time, risk tends to be determined probabilistically as a
ence, then an analysis of resilience definitions is an appropriate
function of hazard, exposure, vulnerability and capacity (UNISDR,
starting point. With at least 83 definitions (Appendix A1), resilience
2016:14). However, this does not mean risk is an objective hazard,
is a fuzzy concept that possesses two or more alternative meanings
threat or danger that can be measured independently of social and
and thus cannot be reliably identified or applied by different people
cultural processes. In fact, risk is a product of historical, social and
(Cutter, 2016; Goode, Salmon, Spencer, McArdle, & Archer, 2017;
political discursive constructions and contingent ways of seeing
Sharifi, 2016; Markusen, 1999). Such a diversity of meanings poses
(Beck, 1986; Kasperson et al., 1988; Tierney, 1999; Hardy &
epistemological and methodological challenges and making it diffi-
Maguire, 2016). Despite these conceptual challenges, if risk is a
cult to operationalise.
function of capacity, among other key variables, resilience building
Despite the conceptual confusion, we believe resilience is about
should begin by understanding risk and risk drivers (DFID, 2011).
‘ability’ or ‘capacity’ given that 67 (81%) of the 83 definitions asso-
UNISDR (2016) outlines four types of risks: acceptable risk,
ciate resilience with the ‘ability’ or ‘capacity’ of a community
residual risk, extensive risk and intensive risk. Acceptable risk, or
exposed to a destabilising event ‘to do something’ positive before,
tolerable risk, is the extent to which a disaster risk is deemed
during and after the destabilising event in order to reduce its
acceptable or tolerable depending on the existing social, economic,
impact. If we go by the definitions of resilience, then ‘ability’ or ‘ca-
political, cultural, technical and environmental conditions or
pacity’, used here interchangeably, are central to dealing with
capacities to deal with the risk. Residual risk is the risk that
destabilizing events as it reflects an individual and collective action
remains even when effective DRM measures have been instituted,
in addressing disaster problems. Surprisingly, apart from Norris,
and for which emergency response and recovery capacities must
Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, and Pfefferbaum (2008), Magis
be maintained. Extensive risk is the risk of low-severity, high-
(2010) and Cutter, Ash, and Emrich (2014) work that tangentially
frequency hazardous events and disasters, mainly but not exclu-
refers to capacity, there is a limited connection between the resili-
sively associated with highly localized hazards such as floods,
ence literature and the capacity literature.
landslides, storms or drought and often exacerbated by poverty,
Capacity is a contested construct (Kretzmann & McNight, 1993;
urbanization and environmental degradation. Intensive disaster
Goodman et al., 1998; Chaskin et al., 2001). A general consensus,
risk is the risk of high-severity, mid- to low-frequency disasters,
however, has emerged on its meaning. Capacity is the community’s
mainly associated large cities or densely populated areas that are
ability to engage in collective action, and to solve collective prob-
not only exposed to intense hazards such as strong earthquakes,
lems and improve or maintain community well-being through
active volcanoes, heavy floods, tsunamis or major storms but also
the use of, and leveraging community assets and resources includ-
have high levels of vulnerability to these hazards. Dealing with
ing human capital, local associations, institution, attributes, skills,
these types of risk require different types of capacities.
leadership, and social capital and inter-organisational networks
Disaster risk drivers are often manifest in exposures to hazards
of communities. including human capital, organizational resources,
and vulnerabilities and their interaction to produce disasters. But,
and social capital (Magis, 2010; Kretzmann & McNight, 1993;
as the nature of risk is ever-changing, regular risk reviews are
Goodman et al., 1998; Chaskin et al., 2001). For disaster risk man-
required. This includes reviews of the hazard’s characteristics in
agement (DRM), capacity refers to the endogenous resources and
terms of their location, intensity, frequency and probability and
assets people possess or access, which rely on traditional knowl-
vulnerabilities including the physical, social, health, environmental
edge, indigenous skills and technologies and solidarity networks
and economic dimensions; and the capacities to deal with the risk.
to enable them resist, cope with and recover from disaster shocks
An assessment of risk drivers can inform disaster risk management
(Gaillard, 2010).
(DRM) measures that can be adopted to protect exposed people,
Magis (2010) identifies two commonalities between resilience
property, services, livelihoods and the environment to potential
and capacity. Both concepts emphasising on (a) developing and
harm (UNISDR, 2009). While the language of risk is expressed in
utilising community resources for community’s well-being; and
the form of rational calculations, the language of resilience is in
(b) collective action, utilising active agency of community mem-
many ways not amenable to calculations and rational judgements,
and ‘‘is nonetheless saturated with a certain kind of optimism: if
1
FSIN stands for Food Security Information Network. FSIN set-up a Food and we are resilient, whatever is thrown at us, we can survive and
Nutrition Security Resilience Measurement Technical Working Group in 2013, whose
objectives were to secure consensus on a common analytical framework and
thrive” (Rose & Lentzos, 2017, p.10).
guidelines for food and nutrition security resilience measurement, and to promote UNISDR (2016) identifies at least five DRM options aimed at
adoption of agreed principles and best practices. strengthening resilience and reduction of disaster losses by
B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587 3
applying disaster policies and strategies to prevent new risks, should go beyond the normative notion to include politics, power,
reduce existing risks and manage residual risk. These are prospec- and culture. If resilience does not address politics, when disasters
tive, corrective, compensatory, community-based and local and are by their nature socio-political events (Pelling & Dill, 2006,
indigenous peoples’ approaches to disaster risk management. 2010), then, we argue, resilience is likely to be less different from
Prospective DRM activities address and seek to avoid the develop- the hazard and vulnerability paradigms.
ment of new or increased disaster risks through, for example, bet-
ter land-use planning or disaster-resistant water supply systems. 3. If resilience is about capacity, what are these capacities?
In contrast, the corrective DRM activities address and seek to
remove or reduce disaster risks which are already present and From our analysis of 83 resilience definitions from 1970s to
which need to be managed and reduced such as retrofitting of crit- 2016, we identify 62 terms which suggest the types of capacities
ical infrastructure in Nepal or the relocation of exposed popula- that enable communities deal with destabilising events (Tables
tions or assets in Mozambique. The compensatory DRM activities 1). For our purpose, resilience capacities have evolved in four
focus on strengthening the social and economic resilience of indi- phases.
viduals and societies in the face of residual risk through prepared-
ness, response and recovery activities, but also a mix of different 3.1. Phase 1: 1970s: resilience as persistence and absorption
financing instruments, such as national contingency funds, contin-
gent credit, insurance and reinsurance and social safety nets. During the 1970s the dominant terms included persist, absorb,
Community-based DRM promotes the involvement of potentially maintain (Holling, 1973), deflect elasticity, store energy (Gordon,
affected local communities in community risk assessments, plan- 1978), highlighting the influence of ecology (Holling, 1973), phy-
ning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of local actions. sics (Gordon, 1978) and engineering (Pimm, 1984) disciplines at
Involving local communities in DRM has the potential of incorpo- the time. This notion of resilience is picked up two decades later
rating traditional, indigenous and local knowledge and practices by Bruneau et al. (2003) who identify robustness, redundancy,
that complement the scientific knowledge. resourcefulness and rapidity as key property resources for buffer-
Finally, it is our contention that some of the issues that have ing or counteracting stress. Here, absorbing change, that is, by
been clouding the resilience construct have been resolved moderating or buffering the impacts of shocks and stresses on
(Matyas & Pelling, 2015). This includes the understanding that: the lives and livelihoods of at risk communities is a key measure
(a) vulnerability and resilience are not simply opposites, they have of resilience (Béné, Wood, Newsham, & Davies, 2012). In practice,
overlaps between them – but we believe resilience cannot be absorbing change is an endogenous feature of the system involving
understood without reference to vulnerability, making vulnerabil- recuperative power, perseverance and stability, relief and recovery
ity the ontology of resilience – thus for one to become resilient one mechanisms to avoid permanent damage and to preserve and
should accept that they are fundamentally vulnerable (Manyena & restore essential basic structures and functions (Vugrin, Warren,
Gordon, 2015); (b) resilience is more process-oriented than & Ehlen, 2011). The questions that arise may centre on the capacity
outcome-oriented construct; and (c) resilience is more than just to activate emergency preparedness and response plans such as
bouncing back to the same position as disasters are accompanied evacuation routes, delivery of supplies from stockpiles, surge
by change (Matyas & Pelling, 2015). On some of the unresolved capacity including use of community volunteers, search and rescue
issues Matyas and Pelling (2015) question whether resilience teams and temporary mortuaries.
Table 1
Common terms contained in resilience definitions 1970–2016.
Source: (Authors).
4 B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587
3.2. Phase 2: 1980s: resilience as bounce back and return to Pelling, 2003; Pelling, 2007; Collins, 2009; Manyena, 2012). The aim
equilibrium of development here should be preventing the creation of risk, as
well as reducing existing risk and the strengthening of economic,
The terms coping, learning, return to equilibrium and bounce- social, health and environmental resilience.
back (Wildavsky, 1989) emerge, emphasising the engineering The ability to anticipate destabilising event is another key term
notion of resilience where a system emerges unchanged from which appears during this period. Surprisingly, the resilience liter-
exposure to shocks and stresses. These studies provide excellent ature does not draw extensively upon the anticipation theory
snapshots how we can learn from objects that are capable of (Boyd, Nykvist, Borgström, & Stacewicz, 2015), an indicator of the
regaining their original shape after compression, bending, stretch- bias of disaster studies towards the reactive than the proactive
ing or other types of deformation. However, the intense focus on mode implied in the anticipation theory. The ‘‘anticipatory turn”
equilibrium is associated with the (discredited) hazard paradigm, (Cevolini, 2016, p. 2) has increased the demand in elucidating com-
where hazards are seen as disasters per se, leading to the reactive plexity and decipher ‘wicked’ problems, and in so doing, engage
response mode. A hazard focus deflects attention from social pro- with new mechanisms to harness the future (Boyd et al., 2015).
cesses that cause disaster, with the potential of preserving the sta- Anticipation, or ways and means of adjusting present behaviour
tus quo, entrenching exclusion, and diverting attention from in order to address future problems (Rosen, 1985; Poli, 2010,
inequality, oppression and entitlement losses that result in prone- Hodgson, 2013), is a widely used concept implicating several disci-
ness to insecurity and disasters (Manyena, 2006). plines, such as philosophy, biology, psychology, engineering and
many social sciences (Poli, 2010). Being ambiguous in meaning,
3.3. Phase 3: 1990s: resilience as prevention, anticipation and absence of theory and lack of empirical evidence, anticipatory
adaptation approaches risk adopting deterministic approaches and lack of
attention to agency, a criticism encountered in resilience literature
While during the 1990s, some of the terms associated engineer- (Davidson, 2010; Kelly & Kelly, 2017; Matarrita-Cascante, Trejos,
ing perspective appear such as overcome (Grotberg, 1996), recover, Qin, Joo, & Debner, 2017).
resist, withstand (Miletti, 1999), and restore (Tobin, 1999), a new An anticipatory system is not a reactive system which can only
crop of terms emerge such as adapt (Comfort, 1999; Miletti, react in the present to changes that have already occurred in the
1999), anticipate, learn (Dovers & Handmer, 1992), prevent causal chain. Rather, an anticipatory system should also be proac-
(Grotberg, 1996), and organise (Tobin, 1999) emerge. As these tive, feeding-forward from the present state of change to an antici-
terms emerge from multiple disciplines such as complex systems pated future state, suggesting the system should have the capacity
and seismic hazards (Comfort, 1999), natural hazards and disaster to model the world in such a way as to estimate future develop-
risk management (Dovers & Handmer, 1992; Miletti, 1999; Tobin, ments (Fuerth, 2009;Hodgson, 2013; Louie, 2010). In practice, antic-
1999) and psychology (Grotberg, 1996), this reinforces the notion ipation is about ‘‘horizon scanning to identify potential dangers,
that resilience is a ‘boundary object’ (Brand & Jax, 2007: online) registering those in a formal typology and recognition of the chang-
that is both adaptable to different viewpoints and robust enough ing nature of risks that need to be continually identified and re-
to maintain identity across them (Star & Griesemer, 1989), thus assessed” (Rogers, 2011, p. 55). With policy shift toward under-
disrupting the then standing notions of resilience based on hard standing climate adaptation and uncertainty, forecasting and pre-
sciences (United Nations, 2016). dicting change becomes an imperative to developing strategies
Prevention is implicated in the resilience construct during this under uncertain environmental futures, supported by anticipatory
phase. In DRM, prevention narrowly refers to ‘‘activities and mea- governance, which involves changing short-term decision making
sures to avoid existing and new disaster risks” (UNISDR, 2016, to a longer-term policy vision. Boyd et al. (2015) brings to our atten-
online). But, the outright avoidance of adverse impacts of hazards tion the complexity of anticipatory governance, requiring the ‘‘co-
cannot be eliminated completely. This is not often feasible. The production’’ of knowledge by experts and non-experts, openness
aim of prevention is to reduce vulnerability and exposure by remov- and participation of citizens at every stage of policy, programme
ing the disaster risk, where possible. Prohibiting settlements in high and project design, coordination and simplification of to enable
risk zones through landuse regulations, constructing dams or credible predictions and shared future visions and scenarios.
embankments that eliminate flood risks, and immunization against Resilience as the capacity to ‘adapt’ also enters the resilience
vaccine-preventable diseases are examples where disasters can be thinking during this period, and to later become one of its central
prevented (UNISDR, 2016). Prevention measures are not only aimed concepts, as evidenced by its highest frequency in resilience defini-
at pre-disaster activities; they can be taken at any phase of the dis- tions (Table 2). Adaptive capacity refers to the ability of a system to
aster, for example, after a disaster event to prevent secondary disas- respond proactively and positively to stressors or opportunities by
ters, such as preventing the contamination of water (UNISDR, 2016). self-organising and changing endogenously during the response
The terms ‘prevention’ and ‘mitigation’ are sometimes used inter- and recovery period (Vugrin et al., 2011; IPCC 2012; Whitney
changeably. Mitigation measures can lessen or minimise the scale or et al., 2017). More specifically to resilience, Bene et al. (2014, p.
severity of disaster impacts (Christoplos, Mitchell, Liljelund, & Cross, 601) adaptive resilience are ‘‘various adjustments (incremental
2001; Twigg, 2004; Nuttall, 2010). In climate change policy, ‘‘mitiga- changes) that people undergo in order to continue functioning
tion” is defined differently. It used for the reduction of greenhouse without major qualitative changes in function or structural iden-
gas emissions that are the source of climate change (UNISDR, tity.” DFID (2011) broadens adaptive capacity to include diversifi-
2016). Mitigation efforts can be both physical or structural, e.g. flood cation and alternative livelihood strategies, coping, adjustments,
defences in the UK or retrofitting building to withstand seismic modifications and changes that can be made on benefiting commu-
waves in Nepal. They can also be non-structural measures such as nities, institutions and organizations to moderate potential future
training in DRM, regulating land-use and inclusion of disaster educa- damage (e.g. migration to urban areas for better medication, edu-
tion in school curriculum. Clearly, prevention and mitigation is about cation, remittances, informal economy, etc.). These definitions
development, as well as DRM. Disaster prevention and mitigation reveal that adaptation can occur before, during and after a destabil-
should address ongoing socio-economic processes, which marginal- ising event, incorporating elements of the absorptive and transfor-
ize people and increase their vulnerability to disasters. This is mative capacities.
because disasters have long been viewed as manifestations of unre- Although there are inherent overlaps between capacities, the
solved development problems (Cuny, 1983; Christoplos et al., 2001; literature does not clearly delineate adaptive capacity from
B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587 5
Table 2
Frequency of common terms in resilience definitions.
preventive, anticipative, absorptive and transformative capacities. growth, accumulation, restructuring and renewal which occur as
The literature views adaptive capacity as an overarching concept nested sets across-scales. As systems are linked, systems (re)organ-
(Hinkel, 2011; Warrick, Aalbersberg, Dumaru, McNaught, & isation at one particular scale will affect the systems (re)organisa-
Teperman, 2017) that is similar, or closely related, to adaptability, tion at another scale.
coping ability, absorptive capacity, management capacity, stability, The extent to which a community is organised might depend on
robustness, flexibility and resilience (Smit & Wandel, 2006). And, social capital, comprising such things as networks, norms and
depending on the degree of spontaneity, it can be autonomous or trust, that facilitate action and cooperation for mutual benefit
planned. Of course, the wider the range of the elements of adaptive (Putnam, 1993). Serving as informal insurance and mutual assis-
capacity, the greater the degree of freedom from which to choose tance for disaster survivors (Aldrich, 2012), social capital takes
the elements that respond to the disciplinary and contextual the forms of ‘bonding’ (where social networks benefit are dis-
needs. tributed within communities) and ‘bridging’ (where social net-
Cutter et al. (2008) attempt to clear the confusion between works contribute to cross-cultural and intergroup linkages) has
adaptive and absorptive capacities. They assert that when the been extensively discussed in the literature (Aldrich, 2012;
absorptive capacity is exceeded, the individual will then exercise Ferlander, 2007; Paxton, 2002; Putnam, 1993). Bonding capital
their adaptive resilience, suggesting absorptive capacity precedes can take many forms such as high level of participation of local
the adaptive capacity in a linear fashion. While this may hold true, communities in community meetings, membership in self-help
it is also possible for at risk-communities to prevent as well as community groups and community-based organisations. There is
anticipate the destabilising events before the absorptive mecha- need, however, to recognise that localised social networks can be
nisms are activated. Bene et al. (2012) postulate that adaptation closed to outsiders, thereby contributing to more dangerous forms
is not only a continuous, incremental process that poses difficulties of exclusionary and competitive politics at the macro level (Coffé &
in measuring it. People or societies may not even be aware of how Geys, 2007).
they adapt to changing circumstances, be they specific or multiple Social capital can be enhanced by social learning, an individual
stressors. Some adjustments may be short-term yet result in posi- learning that takes place in a social context that is influenced by
tive outcomes. Others may produce negative ‘resiliencies’, for social norms, learning from each other (Bandura, 1971), with a
example corruption, which poses difficulties to disadvantaged potential of influencing social change and resilience outcomes.
communities who cannot afford to pay their way through the cor- For positive resilience outcomes, this means social learning should
rupt system to access services (Manyena, 2014). go beyond its conflation with social participation epistemologies,
The degree to which the system is capable to organise, re- the social contexts in which it occurs (Lave & Wenger, 1991;
organise or self-organise (Klein, Nicholls, & Thomalla, 2003) is Reed et al., 2010; Wenger, 1998), and the forms of social interac-
another feature of resilience. (Re)organising incorporate elements tion between people in their environment in the construction of
of planning, enabling people to respond to, absorb disturbances meaning and identity (Muro & Jeffrey, 2008). Rather, social learn-
(Cinner, Fuentes, & Randriamahazo, 2009), and engage in preven- ing should strengthen individuals and groups capacities to survive
tive, anticipative and transformative actions. Westley (2002) views destabilising events by modifying existing or acquired knowledge,
re-organisation as one of the four discrete responses of a system to behaviours, skills, values or preferences prior to or post-disaster
an external shock, which occurs after growth, conservation and event (Biggs et al., 2012).
collapse phases of the adaptive cycle. To capture change, Westley Strengthening community capacity through social learning is not
(2002) refers to the ‘collapse’ and ‘reorganisation’ responses as straight-forward; it can be through intentional, facilitated or emer-
constituting a ‘back-loop’ in which the system faces a shock or gent (Biggs et al., 2012) processes or outcomes (Biggs et al., 2012)
stress factor of such severity that it collapses or is forced to re- that link social interactions, experiences, reflection, and experimen-
organise. Our understanding of the way systems reorganise, can tation (Nonaka & Takeuchi 1995). Drawing on Argyris and Schon
be enhanced if we employ Gunderson and Holling’s (2001) panar- (1978, 1996), social learning can range from: learning about the con-
chy framework, a hierarchical structure of natural systems and sequences of specific actions (single-loop learning); learning about
human systems that are linked in non-stop adaptive cycles of the assumptions underlying our actions (double-loop learning);
6 B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587
and learning that challenges the values and norms that underpin our forming new social relationships and tried to re-build their, or start
assumptions and actions (triple-loop learning) (Keen & Mahanty, a new, livelihood. Some stayed in the affected areas. Others moved
2006). In this way the resilience actions that do not necessarily on to start a new life in other locations. In all cases, the survivors
change the status quo such as the prevention, anticipation, absorp- moved on or bounced forward following the disaster.
tion and adaptation can thus be understood in terms of single- and
double-loop learning, while transformation requires triple-loop 3.5. Phase 5: 2010s: resilience as a neoliberal construct
learning (Keen & Mahanty, 2006).
Improvisation is another aspect which may directly alter the The inclusion of ‘change’ signifies the transformative capacity,
inherent resilience of the community for the next event. As the which is also clearly articulated in policy documents for donors,
engine of resilience, improvisation is about ‘‘thinking in action”, for example DFID (2011). In some cases, persistence and adapta-
that is characterised by nearness in time between planned and tion is neither possible nor desirable to persist or adapt, and may
execution of an action (Grøtan, Størseth, Rø, & Skjerve, 2008) be inappropriate in situations where the destabilization goes
Improvisation, which is also closely related to resourcefulness, beyond the critical threshold, that is, beyond the level at which a
implies looking beyond the obvious and experience, and deviating system can self-organize along a different trajectory towards a
from existing practice and knowledge. Taking into account that new dispensation (Folke et al., 2010). Some systems, such as egal-
improvisation can create, solve, or worsen the problem, it requires itarian systems, may appear highly resilient, persistent and adapt-
expertise, teamwork, inclusion, high level of real-time information, able, while at the same time they may be characterized by poverty,
which need to be supported by science and indigenous knowledge corruption and oppression. In his study on resilience as transfor-
systems (Grøtan et al., 2008). In practice, effective improvisation mative capacity in lower Zambezi River, central Mozambique,
requires training to take on the responsibility for tasks or roles out- Arnall (2015, p. 26) concludes ‘‘that more attention should be paid
side one’s professional area of specialization, developing formal to facilitative, as well as constraining, nature of structures if vul-
routines for changes in roles, tasks, tools, routines and information nerable populations are to be assisted in their efforts to exert
sharing (Rankin, Dahlbäck, & Lundberg, 2013). transformative capacity over the wider conditions that give rise
to their difficulties.” Here Arnall (2015) re-emphasises the notion
3.4. Phase 4: 2000s: resilience as transition, flexibility, bounce-forward that disaster causation lies in the social structure which (re)pro-
and transformability duces inequalities and vulnerability to disasters (Wisner, Blaikie,
Cannon, & Davis, 2004).
Phase 2000–2009 gravitate towards agency. Terms that emerge Based on Giddens (1984) structuration theory in which the struc-
include transition (Carpenter, Walker, Anderies, & Abel, 2001), flex- ture frames, and is a product of agency, it is possible for affected
ibility (Grote, 2006), and create opportunities for doing new things communities to transform a systems by creating a fundamentally
(Folke, 2006) change (Cutter et al., 2008; Manyena, 2006; Walker new system when ecological, economic, or social (including politi-
Holling, Carpenter, & Kinzig, 2004), bounce-forward (Manyena, cal) conditions make the existing system untenable (Walker,
2009). Transition focuses on multilevel changes in complex (sub) Holling, Carpenter, & Kinzig, 2004, p. 1). Transformability is, in part,
systems (Jerneck & Olsson, 2008), thereby offering a powerful a recognition of the importance of managing uncertainty and
framework for theorising resilience. Rooted in social theory and change, diversity, non-equilibrium, non-linear, and multi-scales
technology systems studies, transition is associated with transfor- dynamics, and adaptive learning social change and power relations
mation processes in which societies, or subsystems change pro- and agency (Aldrich, 2012), thus bringing the already known social
foundly in terms of structures, institutions and relations between science debates on decentralisation, governance and participatory
actors (Rotmans, Kemp, & Van Asselt, 2001). The Green Revolution principles (Béné et al., 2012). Thus, transformative capacity chal-
illustrates the transition theory; it involve both a technological lenges the status quo by reconfiguring the structures of develop-
change e.g. new crop varieties and agrochemicals, and change in ment and risk reduction (Béné et al., 2012; Pelling, 2011; Manuel-
national and international politics, markets and institutions Navarrete et al., 2011; Pelling & Manuel-Navarrete, 2011) in order
(Djurfeldt & Jirström, 2005). From the transition vantage point, dis- to prevent the creation, as well as amplify the existing risk.
aster risks should be understood as part of a complex system with However, there is still an unclear distinction between adaptive
multiple chains of causality, characterized by institutional as well capacity and transformative capacity (Apgar, Allen, Moore, &
as technological lock-ins (Foxton, 2007). Jerneck and Olsson Ataria, 2015). Walker et al. (2004) distinguish adaptability from
(2008) underscore the importance of understanding risk drivers transformation. To them, adaptability refers to the capacity of
and their impacts on livelihoods to enable transitions to resilience actors in a system to influence resilience while transformability
through a set of substantial multilevel political changes (local, refers to the capacity to create a fundamentally new system when
regional, national) in several domains (science, economy, law). ecological, economic, or social structures make the existing system
However, transition should go beyond linear, or cause-effect rela- untenable. Then, is there a distinction between resilience, adapta-
tionship, to include flexibility in order to shift from rigidity to com- tion and transformation? Through their resilience–transition–trans
plex science, encapsulating uncertainty and an interplay between formation framework, Pelling and Manuel-Navarrete (2011) view
gradual and rapid change (Rose, 2007; Cutter et al., 2008). resilience, adaptation and transformation as separate constructs:
During 2000–2010 period, Manyena, O’Brien, O’Keefe, and Rose resilience is the maintenance of the status quo; transition is incre-
(2011) oppose the bounce-back ability. They advance the thesis mental change; while transformation is radical change. We, how-
that resilience is the bounce-forward. They argue that the state ever, consider adaptive and transformative capacity as elements
ex-post disaster event is characterised by change, including col- of resilience. The distinction between adaptation and transforma-
lapse, decay, chaos, loss of structure, uncertainty, loss of connect- tion depends on the degree of change, with transformation becom-
edness (Manyena et al., 2011), creating new opportunity and ing clearer when the system is fundamentally changed or
possibilities to transform the socio-economic conditions and the dismantled to create a new system (Nelson, Adger, & Brown,
status quo. In Nepal, following the 2015 earthquake, the initial 2007). The changes can be incremental, drastic and sometimes vio-
response by affected communities was to protect themselves and lent, allowing for critical analyses to deal with underlying causes of
then help others. The reality of their surroundings was different vulnerability and instability.
before the earthquake. There was a new reality. Some lost friends, Bringing transformation in the resilience debate was not by
family and livelihoods. During the recovery period survivors began accident. It was in part, in response to sharp criticisms from
B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587 7
political science and international relations, who view resilience as resilience frameworks emerged. The first category of resilience
a neoliberal project, which de-politicises disasters, even if disasters frameworks emerge from multidisciplinary backgrounds (for
are political events (Chandler & Reid, 2016). In this way, and from example, Cimellaro, Renschler, Reinhorn, & Arendt, 2016; Cutter
the Foucauldian perspective, resilience becomes an instrument of et al., 2008; Sherrieb, Norris & Gales, 2010; Yoon, Kang, & Brody,
(re)producing responsibilised citizens, who can take care of them- 2015) where resilience capacities are viewed in terms of broad fac-
selves and also become, or continue to be, unquestioning subjects tors that determine the existence or lack of resilience. Broadly
rendering themselves more governable (Joseph, 2013). labelled as sustainable livelihoods, these factors include physical,
However, Ferguson (2010) cautions on the simplistic use of social, human, natural, and financial assets (Scoones, 1998) which
neoliberalism – that neoliberalism is bad for the poor and working can affect vulnerability and exposure to disaster risk (Alshehri,
people and therefore should be opposed. He is optimistic that if we Rezgui, & Li, 2015; Keating, Campbell, & Szoenyi, 2017; Mayunga,
go beyond seeing in ‘neoliberalism’ an evil essence and learn to see 2007; Orencio & Fujii, 2013; UNDP, 2014). The major reproach often
a field of specific government techniques, it is possible to repur- disposed against the sustainable livelihoods thinking is that with-
pose some of these techniques and put to work in the service of out ‘political capital’ it fails to address power relations (de Haan &
political projects very different from those usually associated with Zoomers, 2005; Jakimow, 2013; McLean, 2015), given that disasters
neoliberalism. For this reason, Rose and Lentzos (2017) opine that are socially constructed events (Wisner et al., 2004). Even if power
while some see the rise of resilience strategies as the apotheosis of relations were taken into account, the sustainable livelihoods cap-
reactionary individualism, resilience focused strategies can poten- itals are themselves not necessarily resilience capacities. Instead,
tially provide opportunities for a more progressive politics. they could be regarded as inputs as well as processes that support
To conclude this section, Table 3 presents the five indicative the realisation of each of the resilience capacities.
resilience capacities: preventive, anticipative, absorptive, adaptive The second group brings together vulnerability and resilience
and transformative capacities. These capacities are an extension of thinking to develop heuristic tools to guide systematic assessment
Béné et al.’s (2012) three resilience capacities: absorptive; adap- and development of indicators at different scales. These tools
tive; and transformative capacities and Keck and Sakdapolrak emphasise non-linearity, place-specific and straddle multiple
(2013) persistability, adaptability and transformability. However, approaches and epistemologies between natural and social
these capacities leave out some of the terms (contained in Tables sciences and DRM to promote communication across different
1 and 2), which do not only bridge the sustainable development communities. The strengths of these frameworks, e.g, the MOVE
– humanitarian divide, but also critical in crafting a comprehensive framework, recognise the risk drivers (i.e exposure to hazard or
resilience framework. For this reason, we increase the capacities to stressor, vulnerability and societal response capacities or lack of
five to account for the preventive (mitigation) and anticipative resilience to anticipate, cope and recover), and adaptive capacities
capacities, and to emphasise the development and disaster nexus. supported by risk governance (Birkmann et al., 2013). The down-
The capacities such as learning, organising and resourcefulness are side of these frameworks is their lack of explicit emphasise on
assumed to be inherent, and may act as inputs or processes to rea- the transformative capacity to clearly address power relations,
lise each of the five capacities. the root causes of disasters.
The third group of frameworks focuses on some properties
4. The need for a comprehensive resilience framework (Béné, Newsham, Davies, Ulrichs, & Godfrey-Wood, 2014) or capac-
ities of resilience, including the absorptive, adaptive and transfor-
An analysis of 46 resilience frameworks, models, toolkits and mative capacities (Alexander, 2013; Béné et al., 2014; Béné et al.,
indexes from both academic and grey literatures sources 2012; DFID, 2011; Frankenberger, Mueller, Spangler, & Alexander,
(Appendix A2), revealed two main issues. First, three groups of 2013; USAID, 2012; Walker et al., 2004). Cutter et al. (2008) DROP
(disaster of place) model recognises the antecedent conditions, i.e
hazard exposure and inherent vulnerability and inherent resili-
Table 3
The five indicative resilience capacities.
ence, absorptive capacity and adaptive capacity, and though
implicitly, the anticipative capacity through mitigation and pre-
Capacity Terms emerging from definitions paredness. The silence of the DROP model on the transformative
Preventive avoid, design, growth, maintain, minimize (damaging capacity, though it might be implied under antecedent conditions,
effects), mitigate, plan for the future, prevent, preserve, reduces resilience to the maintenance, or even to the acceleration
reduce, resist
of the status quo (Pelling and Manuel-Navarrete (2011) ex-post
Anticipative anticipate, plan for the future, manage, prepare and plan for
change, proactive, recognise, reduce the impact, store disaster event. The Zimbabwe Resilience Building Fund (ZRBF)
energy addresses the weaknesses of DROP by focusing on the absorptive,
Absorptive absorb, accommodate, bounce–back, circumvent, contain adaptive and transformative capacities through its three projects
the effects, cope, create, deflect elasticity, enduring minimal
(Table 4).
stress, function, ‘make do’, maintain, manage change,
manage environmental variability, minimize damaging
However, the ZRBF’s activities under absorptive and transfor-
effects, overcome, persist, react, rebound, reduce the mative capacities raise some questions. If absorptive capacity is
impact, resist, resourcefulness, respond, restore, retain, understood as the capacity to absorb and minimise the impacts
return to equilibrium, robust, search, self-righting, stable, of destabilising events (Vurgin, Warren, & Ehlen, 2011), why are
survive, tolerate (transitions), withstand
risk analyses and assessments under absorptive capacity for the
Adaptive acceptance of reality, adapt, adjust, change (non-essential
attributes), continuous reconstruction, flexible, innovative, Enhancing Community Resilience and Sustainability and Matabele-
improve, learning, life is meaningful, manage change, land Enhanced Livelihoods, Agriculture and Nutrition Adaptation
manage environmental variability, network, plan for the projects? Should risks not be determined prior to developing the
future, reactive, rebuild itself, recover, retaining the same
absorptive capacity and other capacities in order to gauge the level
function, self-control
Transformative access assets, benefit (from shocks), bounce-forward,
of capacity needed? For the Zambezi Valley Alliance for Building
change, plan for the future, transform, transition Community Resilience project, why is improving stakeholder coor-
allocate (resources), collaborate, feedback, learn, improvise, dination, planning and management of resilience and disaster
innovative, network, organise, plan, resourcefulness, cross- response under transformative capacity? What is transformative
cutting capacity.
about stakeholder coordination and planning? Does stakeholder
Source (authors). coordination and planning not apply to all capacities? Clearly,
8 B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587
Table 4
The Zimbabwe Resilience Building Fund projects.
there is confusion on the constitutive elements of each of these policy choices. However, the technical approaches tend to mask
capacities. whose perspectives count (Levine, 2014). Quantification of indica-
The second aspect that emerged from the analysis of resilience tors can also be based characteristics such as poverty and inequali-
frameworks relates to the epistemological and methodological ties. Examples include the Social Vulnerability Index, Prevalent
assumptions. Most resilience frameworks use an indicator Vulnerability Index (Cardona, 2005), the MOVE framework
approach, employing both quantitative and qualitative methodolo- (Birkmann et al., 2013) and Index for Risk Management (INFORM,
gies, in assessing resilience. Indicators of disaster resilience are fac- 2017).
tors, which can be used to quantitatively or qualitatively assess, as There are several sources of outcome indicators of resilience.
well as compare resilience levels over spatial and temporary scales Examples included the Human Development Index, the Corruption
(Cutter et al., 2008). Perception Index, the Governance Index, the Failed State Index, and
As the literature suggests resilience is both a process and out- the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction Indicators. The
come (Manyena, 2006; Matyas & Pelling, 2015), this means process disadvantage of quantifying indicators based on characteristics is
and outcome indicators are needed to measure resilience. Process that it masks different strategies people employ to deal with the
indicators ensure that the resilience roadmap is being used in pol- risk (Levine, 2014). While indicators based on access, for example,
icy making and programming while outcome indicators show access to basic needs such as food and water tend to be used, the
results of resilience building interventions (Schipper & Langston, challenge is that resilience is not a measure of current well-being
2015). Process and outcome indicators are not mutually exclusive. but a measure of maintaining well-being, which cannot be simply
A process indicator is only of value when it is linked to the outcome assessed from current well-being (Levine, 2014). Other important
(Mant, 2001). As disaster resilience is not directly observable, criteria for selecting indicators, include validity, sensitivity, robust-
proxy indicators are needed to produce measures of resilience ness, reproducibility, scope, availability, affordability, simplicity
(Cutter, Burton, & Emrich, 2010) in relation to a given outcome and relevance (Cutter et al., 2008).
such as disaster mortality. In a nutshell, the downside of the indicator approach is that it
The criteria for the selection of indicators is varied. Some indi- tends to decontextualise and depoliticise resilience, making it dif-
cators reflect different types of vulnerability and resilience includ- ficult to recognise relevant contributing factors and to gain full
ing ecological, physical, social, economic, institutional and understanding of how hazards and vulnerabilities shape resilience
infrastructure variables (Cutter et al., 2008, Birkmann et al., outcomes (Weichselgartner & Kelman, 2014). However, a frame-
2013). Others are based on functionality of systems such as com- work that is explicit on the transformative aspects of resilience
puter systems and engineering infrastructural projects, for exam- might form the basis for the politicisation of disasters.
ple the MECER project at the University of Buffalo, which
assesses seismic resilience. The functionality approach has also
been applied in quantifying community resilience, e.g., the 5. The Disaster Resilience Integrated Framework for
PEOPLES2 methodology aggregates functionalities related to physi- Transformation (DRIFT)
cal facilities such as such as housing, commercial facilities, lifelines,
and cultural facilities. The functionality approaches are hailed for Having identified, but also recognised the importance of defini-
their precision, clarity and transparency to arguments for different tions of resilience as well as contributions from existing frame-
works and their limitations, we propose the DRIFT (Fig. 1) as a
2
PEOPLES is the acronym for Population and demographics, Environmental/
new way of conceptualising and operationalising disaster resili-
ecosystem, Organised governmental services, Physical infrastructure, Lifestyle and ence. Designed to emphasise the relationship between resilience
community competence, Economic development and Social-cultural capital. and capacity, the DRFIT framework is theoretically grounded,
B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587 9
amenable to both quantitative and qualitative approaches; and can insight on the risk drivers, and the resilience capacities, which then
be contextually applied to address real problems in real places. In become the target for resilience building. The elements of DRIFT
the remaining sections of this paper, we outline the assumptions of are summarised in Annex 2.
the DRIF framework model and then explain each component.
Because DRFIT, like many models or frameworks is a simplifica-
tion of reality, it is important to state the assumptions that are 5.1.1. Assessing risk drivers
implicit in its construction. DRIFT is underpinned by at least four Broadly speaking, risk is a function of three risk drivers: hazard;
theoretical assumptions. DRIFT is informed by Wisner et al. exposure; and vulnerability (Hochrainer & Mechler, 2011). Assess-
(2004) risk equation: risk = hazard * vulnerability/resilience. The ing risk drivers helps us to answer questions such as: ‘resilience to
overarching assumption here is that disasters that disasters are what?’ or ‘whose resilience?’ or ‘resilience at what level?’ Under-
not natural; they are socio-political constructions, that can serve standing risk drivers involves gathering at least three layers of
as political capital for initiating political regime change to address data. The first is hazard analysis of both natural and anthropogenic
the root causes of disasters (Wisner et al., 2004). As the preventive origin. Hazards can be measured using a variety of instruments
(mitigation), anticipative, absorptive and adaptive capacities tend depending on the purpose. Measuring earthquakes for example
to maintain rather than challenge the status quo, they are inade- uses the Richter scale to measure the intensity while Mercalli scale
quate to deal with underlying causes of destabilising events. The measures the level of impact. The hazard data can be accessed from
transformative capacity is required to catalyse social change and various sources such as CRED and UNISDR databases. The second is
possibly address the root causes of disasters. exposure analysis. In as much as hazards vary in scale and intensity
Taken together, these capacities have a direct link to the nature depending on where and when they occur, the people with whom
of outcomes, which may be both positive and negative, ranging they occur accentuate the impact of these hazards. It is therefore
from the maintenance of the status quo to its transformation. critical to conduct exposure analysis such as the number of people
These capacities are, however, not mutually exclusive. There are or types of assets in an area to determine the situation of people,
feedback loops and overlaps, which, in practice, may occur simul- infrastructure, housing, production capacities and other tangible
taneously. Although the major focus of DRIFT is to create a resili- human assets located in hazard-prone areas. The third layer is vul-
ence index of countries in the world based on the hazard, nerability analysis, involving an assessment of physical, social, eco-
vulnerability and resilience capacities, it is also possible to apply nomic and environmental factors (Hochrainer & Mechler, 2011),
it at multiple temporal, spatial and institutional scales. which are being exacerbated by among others, urbanisation, cli-
mate change impacts, civil conflicts and HIV and AIDS. The impact
5.1. Elements of DRIFT of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami in eastern coast of Sri Lanka and
in the Aceh province of Indonesia, for example, was exacerbated by
To apply DRIFT, the first port of call is the assessment of key risk rebel movements that were fighting for autonomy (Collins, 2009).
drivers, including the groups likely to be affected by potential Most of the vulnerability data can be proxied from the several
shocks and stresses. Following the assessment of risk drivers, the databases (Appendix A3). For example, the Human Development
focus shifts towards the assessment of the capacities – preventive, Index provides indexes on development and deprivation, inequal-
anticipative, absorptive, adaptive and transformative – and the ity, aid dependency and child malnutrition and mortality rates
inputs and processes such as organising, learning, improvisation while the World Bank’s governance index provides data on institu-
and resources. The capacities, processes and inputs are intertwined tional performance all of which are proxies of socio-economic vul-
actions that enable affected communities deal with the risk drivers. nerability. The major challenge is that some of the data from the
The outcomes range from ‘bouncing back’ to ‘bouncing forward’. established databases maybe be outdated. As risk assessments
The former emphasises a return to the state before the disaster results primarily inform decisions on the level of capacity required
event while the later recognises the new opportunities and possi- to deal with the risk, the data should not only be regularly updated
bilities created by the disaster event. Overall, DRIFT providing an and accessible to users and affected communities but should also
10 B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587
be as comprehensive as possible to include historical data and systems. Measuring the population’s access to risk information,
indigenous knowledge. including early warning systems might provide the level of under-
standing of risk. The proxy indicators may include access to radio,
5.1.2. The resilience capacities TV, internet, mobile cellular subscriptions data provided by the
Having developed an understanding of the risk context, the next World Bank. But, early warning information on its own might not
question is: ‘resilience through what action?’ The answer is: possi- be useful unless it is acted upon. Indicators of the response capabil-
bly through the preventive/mitigation, anticipative, absorptive, ity that triggers early action to anticipated adverse threats have
adaptive and transformative capacity of communities (the indica- also been included in the Sendai Framework indicator G-4, that
tors of these capacities are provided in Appendix A4). will measure the percentage of local governments in countries
with a plan to act on early warnings.
5.1.2.1. The preventive and mitigation capacity. Assessing preventive Other indicators under global target G that are relevant to mea-
and mitigation capacity requires asking questions such as: Are suring anticipative capacity include existence of local government
measures to avoid unsustainable development in place? Are emergence preparedness plans that regularly tested and updated,
gender-sensitive, risk-informed development and mitigation plans and indicate safe evacuation routes, emergency shelters, commu-
in place? Are there policies in place and are they enforced? Are nication procedures, stockpiles (buffer stocks). Disaster prepared-
development outcomes meeting the basic needs? As the preven- ness and response planning includes mobilisation of strategic
tive and mitigation capacity focuses enhances the capacity to deal reserves, in physical or financial or both, before an affected country
with both corrective and prospective DRM, some of the proxy indi- can request for external humanitarian support. To avert food inse-
cators may include those related to the creation and enforcement curity, strategic grain reserves, for example, primarily help a coun-
of land-use policies, immunisation coverage and investment in try cope with food emergencies and stabilize grain prices. For
seismic engineering designs that ensure the survival and function example, Zimbabwe, in theory, has a strategic grain reserve of
of a critical building in any likely earthquake. Taking into account 936,000 tonnes, a buffer stock of 500,000 metric, and a cash reserve
that prevention and mitigation, in essence, should deal with the equivalent of 436,000 tonnes to avert famine (Braimoh, Manyena,
underlying disaster risks, this includes addressing sustainable Obuya, & Muraya, 2018). The physical stock aims at meeting Zim-
livelihoods assets (physical, human, social, natural and financial) babwe’s food shortfalls for three months, and assuming the finan-
(Mayunga, 2007) and political capital, which often is the root cial reserve equivalent is available to import the grain then the
causes of vulnerability to disasters (O’Keefe, Westgate, & Wisner, grain will be available for another three months. In reality, devel-
1976). These capitals include health and well-being (access to oping countries do not often have adequate financial reserves to
water, health, and sanitation), environmental management (miti- import food.
gation of land degradation, landslides, drought, fires, catchment Risk transfer mechanisms are also an indicator of the anticipa-
area management), access to education, social protection mea- tive capacity. The percentage of insured losses as a proportion of
sures, risk transfer, access to finance, and physical protection of all predicted losses following a disaster can be another indicator
infrastructure. of the anticipative capacity. Following disasters, households in
The proxy indicators are the extent to which corrective and low-income countries in particular, tend to suffer uninsured asset
prospective DRM activities impact on development outcomes, losses that suddenly cast them into poverty and possibly onto a
most of which are available from the several databases such as downward spiral from which they have a difficult time re-
the Human Development Index, World Health Organisation emerging (Bannet, Barret, & Skees, 2008). Besides the traditional
(WHO) Observatory Data Repository, the Index for Risk Manage- claimed-based insurance, index-based insurance has increasingly
ment (INFORM), the Sendai Framework Monitoring Reports and gained currency, mainly to reduce the negative impacts of climate
the World Bank databases. change on human security (Yuzva, Botzen, Aerts, & Brouwer, 2018).
The Africa Risk Capacity, a Specialised Agency of the African Union,
5.1.2.2. The anticipative capacity. In practice, anticipation depends for example, provides Member States access to disaster risk finance
on the scenarios created based on the risk data to predict where, that can be deployed in times of disasters arising from extreme
when and who the disaster will affect. The indicators of anticipa- weather events (African Risk Capacity, 2016). This financing, cou-
tive capacity are likely to include the extent of understanding risk pled with predefined contingency plans, enables governments to
knowledge, coverage of early warning systems, disaster prepared- respond to affected households in a timely manner thereby pre-
ness and response plans, access to risk and early warning informa- venting household loss of livelihoods and building resilience
tion, risk retention and risk transfer mechanisms. (African Risk Capacity, 2016). To do this, the Africa Risk Capacity
Early warning systems entail the provision of timely and effec- provides a link between early warning through its advanced
tive information, through identified institutions, to enable action in satellite-based software, Africa RiskView, and contingency plan-
advance to avoid or reduce the risks and prepare for effective ning for early action with objective and predictable financing
response (Basher, 2006; UNISDR, 2006) to a singular or multiple through its insurance payouts (African Risk Capacity, 2016). In the-
hazards such as natural geophysical and biological hazards, com- ory, channeling these early action funds through a national
plex socio-political emergencies, industrial hazards, personal response mechanism not only offers improved efficiency in deliv-
health risks and many other related risks. The assumption here is ering a more effective response to weather shocks in the short
that these early warning systems are context-specific and sup- term, but also facilitates longer-term investments in increasing
ported by institutional arrangements, community involvement food security, DRM and climate resilience (African Risk Capacity,
including volunteers, and user-focused language and communica- 2016).
tion procedures that take into account diverse cultural, social, gen-
der, linguistic and educational backgrounds. 5.1.2.3. The absorptive capacity. The absorptive capacity is at the
Although there are no clear indicators for early warning sys- nucleus of resilience as it is not only the realisation of the effective-
tems, direct indicators have been developed under the Sendai ness of the preventive, anticipative, but also the adaptive and
Framework (UNISDR, 2016). Specifically, the Sendai framework’s transformative capacities. These capacities contribute to, among
global target G has six indicators on the effectiveness of early others, robust, resourceful, resistant, responsive and parallel or
warning systems. Indicator G-3, for example, will measure the redundant systems and structures, humanitarian assistance, sup-
number of people per 100,000 that are covered by early warning port for victims and survivors, rehabilitation, and recovery.
B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587 11
The proxy indicators of the absorptive capacity are related to make choices. Some of these concerns are related to the fragile
the outcomes of the Sendai Framework indicators, such as disaster state index, the corruption perception index and the World Bank’s
mortality, number of people affected by disasters, economic losses governance index (Table 1). Some of the questions that may be
as a percentage of GDP and the proportion of external humanitar- asked may include: What structural elements facilitate and con-
ian assistance to the total humanitarian assistance following a dis- strain people to act? What are structural rigidities that make alter-
aster. The higher the values of these indicators against the average ation of social systems difficult? In what ways are policies,
of past disasters may suggest low absorptive capacity while the programmes and projects aligned with people’s day-to-day strug-
lower values may suggest a higher absorptive capacity. gles? What is the relationship between duty bearers and rights
holders? To what extent are communities organised to exert power
5.1.2.4. The adaptive capacity. Adaptive capacity refers to adjust- to structures of domination in asserting their rights?
ments which can take the form of both ex ante and ex post
responses (Engle, 2011), diversification livelihoods, coping and 5.1.2.6. Inputs and processes for achieving resilience outcomes. Sim-
self-organisation in order to moderate future damages. Ideally, ply identifying and measuring the outcomes of the preventive,
the adaptive indicators should cut across the human, natural, phys- anticipative, absorptive, adaptive and transformative capacities
ical, social, financial and political assets in order for them to be built over space and time is inadequate; we also need to identify
comprehensively. Considering the constraints of resources and the inputs and processes to realise the outcomes (Manyena,
time, it might not be possible to adequately measure adaptive 2006). These inputs and processes, which may also be thought of
capacity using a set of indicators. as sub-capacities or sub-actions, attempt to modify the environ-
The literature distinguishes several ways of adaptive resilience. ment and remove the stresses and shocks in order to find a better
In view of the negative impacts of climate change, developing goodness-of-fit (Kumpfer, 2002). These include learning, planning,
effective sustainable measures in order to cope with projected or feedback mechanisms, allocation of resources, collaboration, net-
actual changes in the use of natural resources such as land, forests, working, organising, improvising and innovation. Examples of indi-
water and ecosystems might be an indicator of adaptive capacity. cators for assessing inputs and process for enhancing resilience are
Some of the indicators may include access to irrigation and associ- summarised in Appendix A5. As some, if not all of these sub-
ated equipment, promoting sustainable soil management prac- capacities or sub-actions may be required to realise each of the five
tices, discouraging farming on marginal land, investment in farm capacities or their combinations, we believe these should be con-
machinery and equipment versatile enough to adjust production sidered as constitutive elements of each of the five capacities.
decisions to variable climatic conditions (Swanson, Hiley,
Venema, & Grosshans, 2007). Enhancing social-economic resilience 5.1.3. The resilience outcomes: bounce-back or bounce-forward?
includes public investment in social protection, diversification of The resilience outcomes answer to the question, ‘resilience of
off-farm incomes and livelihoods, access to finance, access to elec- what results’? According to the DRIFT framework, resilience out-
tricity, and availability of medical staff to cope with diseases such comes are conceptualized as lying on the bounce-back–bounce-for
as malaria and cholera. ward continuum. Within the continuum, there is a possibility for
the community to ‘bounce-back’, by taking away pressure from
5.1.2.5. Transformative capacity. What is emerges from preventive, immediate response (Gawronski & Olson, 2013 and Aldunce,
anticipative, absorptive and adaptive capacities is a ‘business-as- Beilin, Handmer, & Howden, 2014), but without necessarily trans-
usual’ approach, which narrows community and management forming the pre-disaster situation. As stated earlier, the bounce-
options. It does not necessarily question the status quo. Instead, back notion of resilience suggests a return to the status quo that
it tends to support the maintenance of the status quo, which could may have caused the disaster in the first place, with a possibility
have caused the disaster in the first place. If we go by Chandler’s of communities being worse than before the disaster. Gawronski
(2016: 89) assertion of ‘resilience as freedom’ which is an exten- and Olson (2013), in a study on whether the 1976 Guatemala
sion of Sen’s argument of development as freedom, this means earthquake disaster triggered a critical juncture, found that while
resilience is about capacities or capabilities of individuals and com- the 1976 Guatemala disaster led to a high degree of community
munities to make choices in order ‘to do something positive’ to self-organizing and alliance-building, the reaction from govern-
deal with risk drivers. This implies that resilience, like develop- ment was massively repressive violence, with legacies that con-
ment, consists of ‘‘removal of various types of unfreedoms that tinue to this day. Similarly, Cuneo, Sollom, and Beyrer (2017),
leave people with little choice and little opportunity of exercising demonstrate how since 2000, the Robert Mugabe’s regime in Zim-
their reasoned agency” (Sen, 1999:xii). The unfreedoms include babwe politicised drought relief food, by denying food aid to mem-
‘‘poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic opportunities as well bers of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. Similarly,
as systematic social deprivation, neglect of public facilities as well the efforts by the Chinese state to control criticism and reshape the
as intolerance or over activity of repressive states” (Sen, 1999:1). 2008 Sichuan earthquake into a vehicle for nationalist sentiment
This suggests measuring transformative capacity should go beyond shows how fear of political change can lead to suppression of rights
material outcomes, which are of neoliberal concern, to include the and the reinforcing of the status quo (Pelling & Dill, 2010). In such
differentiated inner capabilities of an individual or society to cases, the opportunity to resilience building ex-post disaster is
choose (Sen, 2009; Nussbaum, 2011) rather than the freedom of denied. Instead, local communities are urged by the those in power
choice. The later conception is the classical liberalism which to build their own resilience. In fact, O’Brien and O’Keefe (2014: 8)
assumes that freedom is all that is required for the rational auton- correctly state:
omous subject while the former refers to Sen’s view of freedom as
Moreover, there is clear evidence political structures can only
an ongoing process of empowering the individual which is not
do top-down interventions as the people cannot be trusted.
measured in external outputs but through internal processes of
Despite the language of empowerment there is none. Except
valuation and decision-making (Chandler & Reid, 2016).
to say ‘‘Make yourselves resilient”, and sub voce, ‘‘Without
Considering disaster are socially constructed, disaster occur-
resources from us”.
rence is a manifestation of unfreedoms. From this vantage point,
disasters become tipping points for asking questions about the
community’s fragility, governance, institutions, practices, struc- In contrast, the ‘bounce-forward’ ability recognises that com-
tures and social relations that constrain people’s capabilities to munities undergo change post-disaster, providing a ‘‘window of
12 B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587
opportunity” to transform the socio-economic conditions and the 6. Looking to the future
status quo (Manyena et al., 2011). The 1972 Managua earthquake
engendered a major political change in Nicaragua, which con- This concludes by presenting DRIFT, a framework that con-
tributed to the Sandinista overthrow of the Somoza regime. The tributes to the theoretisation and operationalise resilience. DRIFT
earthquake exposed the corrupt Somoza family and its inability brings to full significance the centrality of capacity in resilience
to manage the recovery, which raised peasant and workers discon- theory and practice as highlighted by most definitions. In particu-
tent, making it easier for the Sandinistas to mobilise support lar, while the linkage between adaptive capacity and resilience has
(Tierney & Nigg, 1993). Similarly, following the 1985 Mexico City been established in the literature (Hinkel, 2011; Warrick et al.,
earthquake, several prominent activists involved in reconstruction 2017), the preventive, anticipative, absorptive and transformative
efforts entered city and nationwide politics, which resulted in the capacities have received limited attention. By emphasising hith-
restructuring of city government, and the ruling party lost its 70- erto, the under-explored relationship between resilience and
year hold on the capital city (San Juan Victoria, 2000, cited in capacity, DRIFT has the potential of contributing to the nature, con-
Pelling & Dill, 2008). More recently, using on renewable energy tent and tone of the resilience debate. Not only a focus on these
transition (specifically, solar photovoltaic diffusion) in their study under-researched capacities is likely to add value to resilience the-
of disasters as opportunity for change following the 2011 Great ory but the capacities must be linked to the extent to which com-
East Japan earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster, Mochizuki munities go about their daily lives before, during and after
and Chang (2017) found that the disaster-affected communities destabilising events.
adopted significantly more solar power than the rest of Japan fol- To operationalise DRIFT will require testing which might reveal
lowing the introduction of the country’s Feed-in-Tariff (FIT) system some gaps or revision of some the suggested metrics. The resultant
in 2012. measurements will assess change by comparing the level of resili-
Indeed, resilience as ‘‘bouncing-forward ability” changes the ence over time and space at local, national and global levels. These
original meaning of resilience (Sudmeier-Rieux, 2014). With the measurements likely to reinforce the measurements from other
bounce-forward ability being one of the outcomes of DRIFT, the indexes such as HDI but also inform policies and strategies for
framework provides a strong footing against which DRR preven- enhancing resilience.
tion and post-disaster measures should be undertaken, which
potentially may lead to interventions that address root causes of
risk, i.e. ecosystem management, risk sensitive land use planning, 7. Author declaration
women leadership programs to reduce structural vulnerability
and risk (Sudmeier-Rieux, 2014). No conflicts of interest.
Appendix A1 (continued)
Appendix A1 (continued)
Appendix A1 (continued)
Appendix A1 (continued)
Appendix A1 (continued)
Appendix A2 (continued)
Appendix A2 (continued)
Appendix A2 (continued)
Source: UNISDR (2004) for hazard classification; INFORM for vulnerability classification.
B. Manyena et al. / World Development 123 (2019) 104587 23
Appendix A4 (continued)
Appendix A4 (continued)
Appendix A5 (continued)
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