NELSON MANDELA: THE ANATOMY OF A LEADER

Student

University

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 CONTENTS

Introduction 3

Achievement-Driven Motivation 4

Tactical Confrontation 5

Affiliation-Driven Motivation 6

Power-Driven Motivation 7

Leadership Conviction in the Ability to Influence Events 10

Conclusion 12

Bibliography 13

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Introduction

The transformation of Nelson Mandela is fundamentally fashioned during his

almost three decades in prison. He developed into a leader set apart by a high level of

cognitive complexity and a broad, humanistic, and practical attitude to politics. He was

therefore proficient to carry out the varied roles of nationalist leader-aggressive

negotiator and of intermediary-incorporator. High level of cognitive complexity outfitted

Mandela, better than other revolutionaries, for the shift to post-liberation leader. As

Suedfeld and Rank (1976) remark, a government in authority must operate at a complex

degree consequently to resolve the many and complicated problems that challenge it.

Commonly, there is no more a lone prevailing enemy, diverse factions must be brought

together and reconciled, policies must be founded on various concerns in complex

interactions, and both philosophy and practice must be adaptable and compliant to

dynamic events.

In incarceration, Mandela behaved as a multifaceted-governmental leader by

unifying factions and mounting a capacity for ideological adaptability for a time far more

extended than that period when he was a revolutionary leader. A number of

assumptions are reasonable regarding the level to which essential aspects of Mandela’s

peacemaking approach may be employable to peacemakers in general. Well-known

peacemakers, whether political leaders of freedom struggles opposed to non-

democratic governments, for instance Gandhi, Burma’s Aung San Su Kyi, or South

Korea’s Kim Dae Jung, or politically unassociated religious public figures involved in

such resistance, such as Desmond Tuto, Martin Luther King, or the Dalai Lama, be apt

to share particular traits. Such peacemakers demonstrate a discernment of the real

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needs of opposing factions, for example, by ascribing liberation in a language that

embrace the tyrant together with the oppressed and promoting reconciliation.

Achievement-Driven Motivation

Mandela demonstrated all signs from the early 1950s that he was a leader of

destiny, according to his long time friend since law school and personal lawyer, George

Bizos (1999). This impression of destiny for leadership extends still way back. At early

twenties, Mandela expressed to a white associate the confidence that he would become

South Africa’s prime minister one day. An adopted royal son of the Xhosa people’s

Thembu clan, Mandela was being prepared to be Thembu King’s advisor. The elders in

the early life of Mandela unmistakably expressed high hopes for him. At court as well as

in boarding school, Mandela took in the conventions of self-discipline, whereas clan

culture, along with stick fighting and the harshness of adolescent rituals of circumcision

with boys instilled a stoic manner with regard to deprivation and pain. Mandela’s adult

life presented an image pursuing physical form by way of strictly health applied routines,

and in prison Mandela woke up at half past 3:00 in the morning to start the day with time

for a two-hour work-out (Bethel 1986). Fikile Bam (1999), a fellow prisoner, commented

that Mandela was such a disciplined person in both small and big things as well as in

food. Mandela, Bam observed, always desired to give portion of his own food with other

prisoners, and in no way wished to be granted favors.

Mandela was described by Oliver Tambo (1965) as a passionate, expressive,

sensitive, and easily stung to bitterness and reprisal by rudeness and patronage.

Although, in prison, Mac Maharaj (a fellow prisoner) remarked that Mandela made a

deliberate effort to control anger and rashness (Ottoway 1993). Mandela had always

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esteemed his political counselor, Walter Sisulu, also known as Buddha. Mandela

comments on Sisulu as never losing his head in a predicament and was more often

silent as others were noisy. Mandela further notes that at times one can conclude an

organization by the very people who are part of it, and that he would be pleased to be

part to an organization with Walter Sisulu as a member (Ottoway 1994).

Tactical Confrontation

In spite of Mandela’s extraordinary control and purposefulness, he maintains a

strong aspect of sincerity and naturalness in his self-projection. Neville Alexander

(1999), another fellow prisoner, observed that Mandela was certainly a very good actor

and a very intelligent man. Alexander recalled never having seen Mandela really beaten

in a discourse and argument. Mandela, according to Alexander, thinks things very

circumspectly and the strength and the force of his conviction make him genuine and

natural.

Confrontations with Mandela were a maneuver, imposed by a calculated

strategy, not by anger and emotion. As concluded by Stengel (1999), Mandela does

conceal tremendous hostility regarding how he was dealt with, but his immense

accomplishment as a leader is the capability to veil that hostility; to project the welcome

demeanor of reconciliation, not the glare of hostility and lost opportunity. The leadership

greatness of Mandela rises from this ability to make the jump from personal wounds to

the self to the self-respect and hopes of the society in general. When Mandela was a

young man, a white authority dispossessed his father of his tribal status and the means

of income of the family. Following Mandela’s relocation to segregated Johannesburg, he

was encouraged to struggle against white hegemony since the system menaced to strip

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him of power and restrict his own potential achievements, and because it incessantly

insulted his good judgment of dignity and fairness. He signed up the ANC when he

knew that it was not only his freedom that was restrained but the freedom of all who

resembled like him (Stengel 1994). Mandela was able to shift the personal to the

political and managed at certain point to contemplate about everything in a larger

perspective, although more often he was personally affronted but he comprehended

that it was not personally aimed against him (Stengel 1999). Mandela’s

accomplishment-driven motivation, encompassing a feeling of destiny for political

leadership coupled with self-discipline and impassivity, permitted him to contain

personal insult in use of larger political objectives. The need for accomplishment also

exhibits in Mandela’s competitive direction and his doggedness and meticulousness of

preparation in conciliations.

Affiliation-Driven Motivation

A matured Mandela found him tempering his competitive course of action so that

even when he still seek triumph in politics, such as those in tennis, boxing, and other

competitive interest he took pleasure in, he also gave importance in upholding good

relations with his adversaries. Mandela is noted for expressing an attitude of concern

and consideration toward others in both his political and personal dealings and his

knack for establishing and maintaining rapport. Mandela takes pleasure in the company

of others and is remarkable at recalling the names and personal information of others

(Sparks 1995). Mandela is a very good listener and perceiver of people, portraying the

traditional Xhosa children in which they learn by impersonation and observation.

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 Mandela headed the formation, while in prison, of an integrated committee

among the contesting prisoners belonging to the ANC, PAC (Pan-Africanist Congress),

and Unity Movement (Bam 1999). It was observed by Saths Cooper, a psychologist and

head of the rival Black Consciousness Movement and who for five years shared with

Mandela a prison-cell, Mandela was able to establish connection with every person he

came across. Mandela performed a central role in cooling the conflicts that erupted out

on Robben Island. In spite of the presence of ideological disputes, Mandela was able to

keep personal contact. It does not matter if you disagree, Mandela is always respectful,

noted a PAC prisoner. Mandela by no means gets angry and he will do is attempt to

have the discourse as cordial as possible (Koch 1990). From being a contentious

personality in ANC relations with associated and opposing groups, Mandela

transformed into a figure that bridged the conflicts in over a hundred of political disputes

between those of rival groups and ANC prisoners (Ottoway 1993).

Contained in the ANC’s deliberative culture, Mandela turned into an adept of

sorting the problem from the people (Fisher and Ury 1981). In addition to preserving

relations with political opponents, such as Kaiser Matanzima who turned into an official

of the apartheid government, and paying attention to the easily offended self-esteem of

Mangosuthu Buthelezi (a Zulu nationalist and tribal head opposing the ANC), Mandela

was able to circumvent serious rifts between leaders of the ANC in prison. Mandela

gave priority in demonstrating signs of friendliness and approval to Buthelezi and sent

him considerate letters from prison in spite of the position of Buthelezi as a disdainful

traitor within the ANC (Keller 1994; Waldmeir 1998). Soon after Mandela’s release from

prison, he personally expressed thanks to Buthelezi for the support given to him.

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Power-Driven Motivation

Mandela avows that his ultimate commitment is not power but liberation (Villa-

Vecencio 1996). In evaluating Mandela’s drive for power it is essential to differentiate

the power building up to the person and the aim of power or equal group standing for

Africans. Politics for Mandela is principally a way to social justice and not to power itself.

With his status in the ANC, Mandela understood that he would be an important

part in the liberation fight of South Africa. Bam (1999), however, contends that Mandela

had no personal aspirations of power. Duarte (1999) observes that despite Mandela’s

celebrity status, he was not tainted by adulation since he did not consider himself as the

one being revered. Mandela recognized himself as just the representative of ANC. In

conferences with prison visitors, Mandela was trying hard to underscore that his own

authority simply stemmed from his standing within ANC, and to the extent that he was

able to manifest the popular resolve (Commonwealth Group 1986).

Duarte (1999) further notes, Mandela never actually minded what influential

people think of him, though he did show concern regarding what small people

considered him to be. He did not care if he offended an influential person, or uttered

something impolite to them because he believed they could fight and defend

themselves. However, he would not insult anyone who is defenseless and who did not

have the influence and power to protect themselves. Mandela was an outstanding

advocate of the underdogs.

Mandela is far from being an egotist (Bizos 1999). Further, he seldom heard

Mandela to say “I” when conferring political issues. He always referred to my

organization, or the liberation movement, or we. Mandela consider himself a common

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person who was conferred with leadership because of unexpected circumstances

(Bizos 1994).

Mandela characterized himself by confronting the authorities when it appeared to

him that power was being employed unjustly. When at secondary schooling, Mandela

resigned as a representative of the students in support to a student protest and opted

for expulsion than to consent to the demand of the headmaster that he withdraw his

resignation. Inside ANC, Mandela has been a steadfast party member as well as

essentially willing to initiate initiatives that breach party guidelines. Mandela was a

brilliant organizer (Ottoway 1993) who concealed his own choices when overruled. In

one case, however, Mandela took charge of the ANC Youth League in 1949 in driving

out an inactive president of the ANC. In prison, he disregarded organizational customs

of consultation and consent by taking independently in clandestine discussions with the

government while just austerely informing the leadership of ANC. He sought to make a

discussion as already done and decided before it could be prevented by colleagues in

the ANC (Mandela 1994).

According to Walter Sisulu (1999), the readiness of Mandela to put his power at

risk by way of not consulting had the potential of weakening his leadership. This

scheme provides a notable contrasting element to Mandela’s maxim, learned from the

Thembu principle that a leader is akin to a shepherd. A leader remains behind the herd,

allowing the most agile to go on forward, at which point the others follow, not knowing

that they are being steered from behind (Sisulu 1994). On the contrary, Mandela

declares that there are moments when a leader must go on frontward of the flock,

moving on a new course; sure that he is guiding his people on the right direction (Sisulu

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1994). Hence, leaders are duty bound to lead the people while at the same time

responding to their choices and needs.

Leaders are imperative but history is finally not commanded by rulers and

generals. It is carried out by people. A leader who disregards the masses is eventually

constrained to employ tyranny to stay in power. Leaders have the responsibility to lead

and they are mandated to direct their people onward from anywhere they are at a given

moment, to wherever they are necessitated to be (Villa-Vicencio 1996). As an activist of

the ANC and in dialogues with government authorities, the concentration of Mandela

was equal rights and Africans active participation in government. Since Mandela

associates himself with those who are defenseless and is not goaded by the ambition

for personal power and wealth, he is morally upright.

Leadership Conviction in the Ability to Influence Events

The legal profession of Mandela and particularly his profound experience in

prison strengthened his sense of the effectiveness of convincing argument and

dialogue. In spite of dealing with repression and tremendous external position of control

in prison, Mandela’s conviction in his ability to shape his own destiny and that of South

Africa remained strong. Mandela acquired early experience in negotiation and debate

from his discernments of the appeals and councils at the court of Thembu. He

expanded his rhetorical abilities at school, as a political leader and as a lawyer. Unifying

mass protest against apartheid created a sense of action that conquered his sense of

being stripped of power as an African. Mandela was transformed by African political

nationalism and activism from a young man who was daunted by white merchants and

liberated him from any remaining feeling of inferiority or doubt; it freed him from the

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sense of being weighed down by the power and seeming impregnability of the white

institutions. The white man had now felt the power of Mandela’s blows and Mandela

expresses the sentiment that he could now walk straight like a man and see everyone in

the eye with the self-respect that happens from not having yielded to oppression and

fright (Mandela 1994).

At the time of his legal hearings in prison, conditions in which his enemies could

more certainly set the struggle terms, Mandela discovered ways to obtain a large

degree of control. In particular, he turned his discourse from the port at the Rivonia trial

into a condemnation of apartheid. Amid prison life characterized by loss of control,

Mandela assembled a total effort to rebuild his sense of independence and action.

Mandela’s struggles ranged from raising vegetables in rocky soil of the island to

commanding slowdowns that compelled warders to decrease quotas of work (Mandela

1994).

The philosophy embraced by Mandela which as he declared was not of simple

application, was at all times to carry on the long term objectives in close sight and not to

be anxious with what cannot be controlled. This principle enabled him to persevere in

the fight for improvements in the conditions of the prison in spite of the number of

obstacles. It took Mandela three years, for instance, in obtaining long pants for African

prisoners (Mandela 1994). Alexander (1999) remembers Mandela encouraging that the

prisoners tactically plan about gaining control of their time spent on Robben Island, that

rather than being always reactive, they could start to think and act proactively; that they

could start to form a new approach within which to reorganize their lives on the island.

Bam (1999) notes, that it was in fact the circumstance of their prison survival to think

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that they would win. The fight would be triumphant eventually. They would be freed from

prison during their lifetimes. Mandela actually breathed that conviction more than

anyone else in prison.

Conclusion

Mandela’s sense of destiny for leadership and capability to present a lead role in

dialogue initiatives emerged from his achievement-driven motivation and high level of

self-confidence. His facility to preserve good relations inside his organization as well as

with opposing leaders of contending organizations, demonstrates Mandela’s need for

connection in concurrence with his proficiencies and interpersonal orientation. Mandela

is incorruptible because his want for power relates to politics of participatory democracy

and not for personal acquisition of power.

His personal remaining belief in cultural nationalism makes possible for Mandela

to comprehend Afrikaner ethnic nationalism, at the same time rising above it in his

political foresight. Mandela’s readiness to make the first move and persevere in

complex negotiations demonstrates his control and influence over events. Mandela’s

self-confidence also permits him to engage in independently high risk negotiation

strategies. Cognitively, his high ability level for complexity discards ideological

inflexibility and provides him an understanding of the point of views of others and

common aims, a standpoint strengthened by his minimal level of distrust.

Mandela is an adept of interpersonal affinity and considerate of the needs and

feelings of others for emotional articulation, at the same time competitive, objective

oriented, and work concentrated. Socially, Mandela is also inclined to solitary behaviors

and evasive of his deeper passions and sentiments. Politically, Mandela is a public,

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non-racial liberationist who maintains African nationalist convictions. His high level of

cognitive complexity is shown in his acceptance of seemingly conflicting ideologies and

philosophies.

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