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Chávez/Bern 1

COMMENTS ON CULTURAL PROVENIENCE AND TEMPORAL ASSOCIATION


OF THE STATUETTE HOUSED AT THE
BERNISCHES HISTORISCHES MUSEUM IN BERN, SWITZERLAND

Requested by Dr. Thomas Psota (Curator), Dr. Jakob Messerli (Director),


and the Ambassador Elizabeth Salguero of the Plurinational State of Bolivia.

By Sergio J. Chávez, Ph.D.


Research Associate of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley
Professor of Anthropology/Archaeology at Central Michigan University
Director of the “Yaya-Mama” International Archaeology Project in the Titicaca Basin

The following introduction derives from my earlier response to Dr. Thomas Psota’s preliminary
request for my scientific expertise (February 13, 2014):

“Thank you for contacting me about the Bern statuette and the restitution request by the
Bolivian government. I am very familiar with the small sculpture since at least 1975
when I incorporated it in my stylistic study of stone sculpture [S. Chávez 1976:14,
2004a:90, Fig. 3.22], and again with my late wife (Dr. Karen Mohr Chávez) in our
definition of the Yaya-Mama religious tradition of the Lake Titicaca Basin [S. and K.
Chávez 1976, K. Chávez 1989, 2001]. Over the years, I always wanted to visit Bern to
see and document the details of the sculpture, but my long-term projects in the Titicaca
Basin did not allowed me to travel.

As you know, the original description and translation of the interesting history of the
statuette was made by Dr. John H. Rowe [1958], who was my professor and main
academic mentor. Since then, I was able to confirm the cultural affiliation of the
sculpture to the Pucara culture situated in the Peruvian northwest portion of the lake, and
based on stylistic comparisons, excavations, cross-dating with the Master Sequence of the
Ica Valley, the Pucara culture (along with others in the south portion of the basin) is part
of the Yaya-Mama tradition (ca. 800 BC to AD 200/400). In addition, my Ph.D
dissertation contains the identification of male and female personages in Pucara art
portrayed in pottery vessels, and those attributes serve to assign the Bern statuette to the
female gender. If you like, I can send you a copy of my dissertation in three volumes
[Chávez 1992] or reprints of my subsequent articles.

Ponce Sangines in his book Tunupa y Ekako (1969, pp. 17-21 and elsewhere), is the only
author who incorporated the Bern sculpture in support of his argument for the presence of
hunched-back personages in the representations of a male ekako, and that such
representations pertain to the Tiahuanaco culture in Bolivia (not Peru). However, as I
indicate above, this and a few other sculptures in Bolivia are actually part of the Pucara
style, and those were likely brought from the Peruvian side of the basin (the best example
Chávez/Bern 2

is the case of the 5.75 meter long Arapa-Thunderbolt stela, S. Chávez 1976). It should be
noted that the stone sculpture belonging to the Yaya-Mama tradition (including Pucara)
also include small pieces which are portable objects that can easily be transported to
distant places.

Hence, Pucara is one of the cultures of the Yaya-Mama tradition which had a significant
impact in the development of the later Tiahuanaco art, and that the modern boundaries
between Peru and Bolivia do not reflect those from pre-Hispanic times. Furthermore,
most of the stone sculpture pertaining to this tradition continue to be used today as
objects of veneration in the region, and it is possible that the beliefs associated with the
Pucara-style hunched-back personages may have also continued into the times when
Tschudi obtained the statuette in Tiahuanaco, although no association with ekako was
indicated by Tschudi or other authors (except Ponce's interpretation).

The closest comparison can be made with a Pucara-style statuette which I published in
Ñawpa Pacha 13, 1976:3-25 ff (journal of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley) ~ let
me know if you would like to receive this reprint as well. There is no doubt that the Bern
statuette is an excellent example of Pucara art in stone, and it would be an excellent and
exemplary gesture by the Bernisches Historisches Museum to facilitate its return to
Bolivia.”

******

The following sections are written following the subsequent request for a formal expertise from
the museum in Bern, and deal with the different aspects related to the cultural and temporal
affiliations, gender identification, comparisons of attributes, ethnographic and linguistic contexts,
conclusions, recommendations, and bibliographic references. The stylistic and technical
attributes presented here derive from my extensive iconographic inventory of Yaya-
Mama/Pucara artifacts in pottery, stone, metal, and textile, and include those directly related to
the statuette in Bern. Figures 1a,b,c have been traced by Stanislava Chávez from the
photographs sent by the Director of the Bernisches Historisches Museum, Dr. Jakob Messerli on
April 3, 2014. Figure 2 is the inked drawing by Stanislava based on our reconstruction of the
possible shawl derived from the incised designs and overall height (ca. 6.1/4 inch) mentioned in
the original description of the statuette (Rowe 1958).

CULTURAL AND TEMPORAL AFFILIATIONS

The small stone sculpture in Bern has all the attributes of the Pucara culture in the northern
Titicaca Basin. Pucara represents a late version (ca. 100 BC) of the Yaya-Mama religious
tradition, but with more elaborate continuities in sunken temples, stone sculpture (including
polished three-dimensional images and incised designs), representations of male and female
personages, vertically-divided eyes, ritual paraphernalia (including trumpets, ceremonial burners,
fancy polychrome vessels), and grinding slabs framed by a cross formèe.
Chávez/Bern 3

The specific Pucara-style attributes which are absent in the later Tiahuanaco-style stone
sculpture, include:

a) Realistic representation of a personage in a seated position, and carved with only the head in
the round. I interpret the arms as being covered by a decorated mantle or shawl. Each
foot is depicted with five toes below a horizontal band (probably representing the hem of
the dress).

b) Concave depressions representing the ovoid eyes, and circular ones at the ears. Similar ear
depressions are also present in pottery representations of female personages, likely for the
insertion of decorative stones or resin.

c) Stylized representations of frogs or toads are relatively common in stone (either incised or in
high relief), but rare in pottery vessels. The presence of three fingers/toes is a common
pattern in the representation of herpetological fauna.

d) Curved bands terminating in eared animal heads (probably representing snakes with feline
heads), and a connecting symbol with interlocking “L” designs at the neck. A pair of
these are below the ears of the statuette, and another pair extending from the top of the
head to the back and curving towards the shoulders of the personage.

e) Checkered cross nested within an ovoid band on the lower back of the personage.

f) Panels with three adjoining zigzag bands, two at the chest, and others in between the panels of
stylized frogs/toads. Likewise, the consistent modular width of the geometric designs fits
the Pucara-style pattern.

GENDER IDENTIFICATION

Based on the documentation and study of literally thousands of fragmented pottery vessels
derived from extensive excavations and surface surveys at the site of Pucara and adjoining areas
in Peru, I was able to reconstruct two main themes: the Feline Man Theme, and the Woman with
Alpaca Theme (each with its own domains and supernatural status), followed by diverse
representations of felines with intermediary status between the two personages or themes
(Chávez 1992, 2002, 2004a, and in press). Therefore, the statuette in Bern has the following
diagnostic attributes derived from the Woman with Alpaca Theme:

a) Depiction of hairline on the forehead, as she always wears her hair combed towards the back.

b) Closed mouth represented by realistic lips and chin.

c) Ears with a circular concave depression (likely for decorative stones or resin as “earrings”) are
Chávez/Bern 4

relatively common in female personages portrayed in Pucara pottery.

d) All female representations in Pucara pottery possess a necklace at the neck formed by a single
row of small rectangular segments in red, black, and cream (likely representing
decorative stones). There are also rare instances of preserved necklaces in two rows,
which tend to form a thicker extension below the chin, as in the case of the statuette in
Bern. Hence, it is possible that the two-row necklace may have also had “painted
stones.” An alternative was pointed out to me by Stanislava Chávez, that the sculptor
may have selected a natural lighter band in the stone to emphasize the necklace in the
Bern Statuette, and its extension on the back may have been used to mark the edge of the
shawl or garment. Rowe (1958:260) also noticed the white streak in the stone, but he
concluded that it “was utilized by the sculptor to mark the junction between the head and
the neck.”

e) It should also be noted that despite the main conventionalized rules used in the portrayal of
female personages in Pucara pottery, there are also secondary differences which make
each female personage different in ornaments, face paintings/tattoos (such as painted and
incised “tear bands” and stepped elements at the forehead), and clothing designs.
Therefore, the horizontal band containing alternating panels of frogs/toads and zigzag
geometric designs (probably woven designs of her shawl), and the animal on her back
which appears to be a larger version of the stylized frog/toad (either holding in each hand
a curved appendage, or the curved appendages may represent a forked tongue), may have
also served to emphasize the unique aspects of the female representation in the statuette.

f) The checkered cross (nested within an ovoid band on the lower back of the personage), is a
geometric design exclusively associated with the Woman with Alpaca Theme and her
related motifs (including the female-related felines, and heads with rayed appendages).

g) Finally, above the checkered cross on her back, the upside down heads facing each other in
between the legs of the larger frog/toad, are reminiscent of the female-related alpaca head
motifs.

COMPARISONS OF ATTRIBUTES

a) The statuette in Bern has ovoid eyes surrounded by a thin ring in relief around the carved out
concave depression. Carved out eyes are absent in Pucara pottery females (I know only
one case associated with a female-related feline), but are present on a Pucara-style
headless statuette in Philadelphia where all the animal eyes are concave depressions, and
additional circular depressions on their serpentine bodies (S. Chávez 1984:Lámina xxxv,
see also S. Chávez 1976). It should also be noted that all human and animal eyes in
Pucara pottery are always vertically divided (black towards the nose and cream on the
outside). Also, based on a few preserved cases of Pucara-style painted stone sculptures,
the human hair is painted in black, and the eyes are vertically divided in black and cream.
Chávez/Bern 5

A possible eye inlay is an ovoid obsidian piece with ground edges from our excavations
at the site of Taraco in the northern Titicaca Basin, derived from an Early Horizon - Early
Intermediate level (Burger, Chávez, and Chávez 2000:317, Fig. 10.9). However, if the
eyes (and ears) were filled with stones, those should have a convex shape on the opposite
side to fit the concave depressions in the statuette. Since no such inlay stones have been
found in Pucara contexts, it is possible that the concave depressions were filled with
perishable resin. Hence, following the conventionalized Pucara rules, the statuette in
Bern may have also had vertically divided eyes, either in stones of two colors for each
eye (or a combination with paint on the other half), or filled with black and cream resins.

b) One unusual element in the statuette is the rectangular raised ornament with a shallow
depression on top of her head, from which emanates a pair of segmented bands each
terminating in an eared head in front view and curving towards the back shoulders. A
similar motif emanates from under each ear and extends down over the shoulders. In
Pucara-style stone statues all such motifs with serpentine or wavy bodies emanate from
the sides of the ears (not the top of the head), and are relatively common in Pucara and
absent in Tiahuanaco-style iconography. Consequently, unlike Ponces (1969:19)
observations, the statuette in Bern does not have hair braids, and the segmented wavy
bands emanating from the top of her head may be a headdress ornament.

c) The portrayal of hunchback personages is rare in the northern Pucara territory, but relatively
frequent among the Pucara-style statues in the southern basin (e.g., Ponce 1969: Figs. 14-
15, S. Chávez in press). Assuming that the statuette in Bern was carved with the same
realistic and anatomically correct attributes of Pucara, the hump on her back does not
represent the kyphosis condition associated with the overcurvature of the thoracic
vertebrae as a result of a degenerative disease (such as arthritis), or the developmental
problem related to osteoporosis. This condition is present below the seventh cervical
vertebrae, while the hump on the statuette is way above the neck and at ear level.

Hence, the hump may be the protrusion when wearing a rectangular shawl pinned below
the neck (a shawl without pin rests at the shoulders and does not raise behind the head).
Joerg Haeberli had a similar observation in his earlier report to the Bernishes Museum
and the Bolivian ambassador (April 21, 2014). Furthermore, although the statuette shows
no visible pin or ”tupu” (or it is hiding under the two-row necklace), there is a vertical
incision separating the horizontal panels of frogs/toads and the pair of zigzag panels on
the chest. Such vertical separation occurs on the front chest when the pinned shawl is
worn. See also the drawing in Figure 2 showing the reconstruction of the shawl
containing the vertical and horizontal panels of stylized frogs/toads alternating with
zigzags designs.

d) Rowe (1958:260) in the original description indicates that “The figure is evidently supposed to
suggest a hunchbacked man sitting on his heels with his knees drawn up under his shirt.”
Since then, I was able to increase the data bank, confirm the sex/gender identity of male
and female personages in different media, and document their associated attributes over a
Chávez/Bern 6

larger geographic area of distribution and interaction. Hence, based on extensive


comparisons and observations, the statuette is not sitting on her heels because it is
physically difficult or impossible to maintain the torso in a straight posture in this
position as gravity forces the body to stoop forwards to maintain stability. Instead, I
would propose that she is sitting with the straight torso on a low stool which is hiding
under her dress or long shawl.

e) Based on the study of stylistic and technological attributes, there are several Pucara stone
sculptures in and around the Tiahuanaco area of the southern basin. It was John Rowe
who first proposed in 1958 the possibility that Pucara-style sculpture were brought across
the lake in ancient times (including the two large ones flanking the entrance at the church
in the Tiahuanaco village). Subsequently, I also identified additional Pucara specimens in
and around Tiahuanaco, and the best example is the case of the 5.75 meter long and 2.5
tons Arapa-Thunderbolt stela (also partially confirmed by petrographic analysis), whose
lower portion was transported in ancient times to Tiahuanaco from Arapa in Peru 132
miles away (S. Chávez 1976, see also 1984).

Furthermore, Yaya-Mama style stone sculpture (including Pucara) also incorporates small
pieces which are portable objects that can easily be transported to distant places, and the
statuette in Bern may have also been brought from Peru to the Tiahuanaco area in ancient
times. Another possibility is that it may have been dug up at Tiahuanaco, or even brought
from Peru in more recent times, for example, facilitated by travelers during the Peru-
Bolivia Confederation of 1837-1839 (Boero Rojo 1993:159-160, Arnade 1996:382).

ETHNOGRAPHIC, LINGUISTIC, AND ETHNOHISTORIC CONTEXTS

a) Many of the known stone sculptures pertaining to the Yaya-Mama tradition extending from the
Titicaca Basin into the Cuzco Basin (S. Chávez 1989), continue to be used today as
objects of veneration by Quechua and Aymara speaking people. Hence, it is possible that
some of the beliefs associated with the Pucara-style personage may have also continued
into the times when von Tschudi obtained the statuette in Tiahuanaco, where it was used
as a cult object and incorporated into more recent rituals and concerns related to the
protection against thieves. However, the descriptive name given to the statuette as “the
god/saint of thieves,” suggests the opposite.

Following Tschudi´s own version reproduced by Rowe in 1958, he was accompanied in


Tiahuanaco by his local guide (Ponce de León), who apparently brought and showed the
idol to Tschudi accompanied by “a crowd of Indians,” and indicated that “The Indians
showed to it the same reverence they did to any of the saints of the church.”
Furthermore, the following description clearly shows that the statuette was associated
with the protection against thieves, and not as a protector of thieves: “any time a theft
took place, the victim of the theft brought a special candle and offered it in the firm belief
that he would trace the theft with the help of the saint.” Likewise, Tschudi concluded,
Chávez/Bern 7

“How must the thieves of Tiahuanaco have rejoiced when they got word of the abduction
of the curious saint!” (Rowe 1958:261).

In this respect, I would like to propose that the name “the god/saint of thieves” (el santo
de los ladrones) was wrongly translated by Tschudi´s guide for the following reasons:
there is no word for “saint” in the Aymara language, nor the gender distinctions between
nouns for “el santo” or “la santa.” The correct Aymara naming for “el santo de los
ladrones” is lunthatat arxatiri (protector contra ladrones - protector against thieves), and
Tschudi´s guide confused it with lunthataru arxatiri (protector de los ladrones - protector
of thieves). Hence, the lack of attention to the endings in “tat” and “taru” drastically
changes the meanings (this issue was confirmed with Pablo Ramos Nina, who is a native
speaker and teacher of the Aymara language, June 19, 2014).

b) Finally, regarding the relationship between the prehispanic statuette and the more recent
personage known as ekeko (“the god of prosperity”) with hunchback characteristics,
neither Tschudi or other authors have indicated such association, except Ponce´s
speculations and male-gender assumption for the statuette. Furthermore, in his book
Tunupa y Ekako he provides a series of examples in support of his argument showing the
known representations of male (not hunchbacked) ekekos in plaster and silver from the
19th to the 20th centuries (Ponce 1969:Figs.131-138), as well as a description of a silver
tupu (from unknown provenience) with a hunchbacked naked personage depicted in
profile relieve and showing his erect penis. The latter was apparently the root of Ponce´s
main argument that the god ekeko was originally hunchbacked in prehispanic times.

Nevertheless, the correct modern spelling and pronunciation today is iqiqu (not ekeko).
However, Ludovico Bertonio (1956:99 Part II) in his 1612 Aymara dictionary mentions
Ecaco in association with Thunupa (not related to the modern meaning of iqiqu) with the
following entries:
“Ecaco, Thunupa: nombre de uno de quien los indios antiguos cuentan
muchas fábulas: y muchas aún en este tiempo las tienen por verdaderas...”

“Ecaco: Hombre ingenioso que tiene muchas trazas.”

The oral traditions recorded by chroniclers like Ramos Gavilán (1976:30-31, 38) describe
Thunupa (also known as Tuapaca, Tunupa, Tahuapaca, and Taapac) as a divine white
male personage with blue eyes and long beard who came to Peru through Brasil,
Paraguay, and Tucumán. He was associated with lightning and volcanoes, and his cult is
sometimes confused with the creator Viraqocha (Rostworowski 2010:139-140).

Consequently, the Pucara-style statuette in Bern does not share the descriptions or
representations of ekeko/iqiqu, ecaco/ekako, thunupa, male gender, and hunchbacked
characteristics. And its 19th century assignation as “the god/saint of/against thieves,”
represents yet another incorporation into the Aymara social and cultural needs/concerns
utilizing an image originally carved some two thousand years ago in a distant but
Chávez/Bern 8

culturally related location.

CONCLUSIONS

a) The statuette in Bern represents one the best preserved and finest examples of the Pucara
culture. All of its technical and iconographic characteristics fit the attributes
corresponding to the Pucara style, which is a late version of the Yaya-Mama religious
tradition of two millennia ago.

b) Likewise, the statuette represents a female personage because it shares a number of attributes
directly related to the Woman with Alpaca Theme of the Pucara culture, including the
stylized frogs/toads, checkered cross, and zigzag geometric designs.

c) The portrayal of hunchbacked personages is also present in a few examples of Pucara-style


stone sculpture. However, the location of the hump on the statuette is actually the
protrusion of the pinned shawl she wears, rather than the degenerative condition related
to arthritis or osteoporosis which affect the thoracic vertebrae. Likewise, the straight
torso position implies that she is siting on a low stool, rather than on her heels.

d) Based on the absence of the word for “saint” and gender distinctions in the Aymara language,
the correct naming in Aymara should be lunthatat arxatiri (protector against thieves –
protector contra ladrones), rather than “the god/saint of thieves.”

e) The prehispanic statuette in Bern does not share the descriptions or representations of the
recent personage or “god of prosperity” known as ekeko/iqiqu, or between the historical
Ecaco/ekako and Thunupa.

f) Based on several Pucara-style stone sculptures in and around the Tiahuanaco area, the
statuette was most likely brought from the Pucara region in ancient times. Conversely, it
may have been dug up in Tiahuanaco or the northern Titicaca Basin and brought
sometime in the 18th century, facilitated by its small size, and incorporated as a cult
object into more recent religious rituals and cultural concerns by Aymara speaking people
at Tiahuanaco.

RECOMMENDATIONS

a) My main recommendation is not to wash or clean the statuette, as it could still have traces of
the original paint pigments especially around the face, hair and necklace; as well as
possible traces of the original resin and/or glue used to secure the decorative stones
within the concave cavities of the ears and eyes. At least in one Pucara-style sculpture
there is also red paint preserved within the incisions (S. Chávez [insert by Young-
Sanchez] 2004a: Fig. 3.7a,b).
Chávez/Bern 9

b) The bottom portion of the statuette should be examined for grinding marks with the possibility
of being also used as a pestle. Since the photographs taken by the museum in Bern are
from a slightly higher angle, they do not allow to confirm the possibility of having the
characteristic convex bottom as a result of grinding or rocking motion wear. There is one
such Pucara-style small stone sculpture from the Pucara region (S. Chávez in press), as
well as some pestles with Yaya-Mama style geometric designs in the southern region of
the basin (S. Chávez 2004b).

c) It is certainly a positive gesture on the part of the Bernisches Historisches Museum to facilitate
its return to Bolivia. However, I would also support, if possible, to consult and/or inform
the descendants of the 19th century Aymara-speaking people who used the statuette as a
cult object at Tiahuanaco, about its future location.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

Arnade, Charles W.
1996 “Peru-Bolivia Confederation.” Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture
(Vol. 4), edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum, p. 382. Charles Scribner’s Sons. New York.

Bertonio, Ludovico
1956 [1612] Vocabulario de la lengua aymara. (Facsimile edition). Litografia Don Bosco,
La Paz.

Boero Rojo, Hugo


1993 Bolivia Mágica, Tomo II. Talleres de Industrias Offset Color S.R.L. La Paz.

Burger, Richard L., Karen L. Mohr Chávez, and Sergio J. Chávez


2000 "Through the Glass Darkly; Prehispanic Obsidian Procurement and Exchange in Southern
Peru and Northern Bolivia," Journal of World Prehistory Vol 14, No. 3. Plenum
Publishing Corporation.

Chávez, Sergio J.
In press: “Identification, Definition, and Continuities of the Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition in
the Titicaca Basin,” for inclusion in Art and Culture in the South-Central Andes: The
Southern Andean Iconographic Tradition, edited by William H. Isbell (SUNY-
Binghamton) and Mauricio Uribe (University of Chile, Santiago). Cotsen Institute of
Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

2008 “Resumen de los Trabajos Arqueológicos del Proyecto Yaya-Mama en el Sitio de


Cundisa, Copacabana,” Chachapuma: Revista de Arqueología Boliviana
(Director y Compilador, Jédu Sagárnaga), No. 4, pp. 49-53. La Paz, Bolivia.
Chávez/Bern 10

2004a “The Yaya-Mama Religious Tradition as an Antecedent of Tiahuanaco,” in Tiwanaku;


Ancestors of the Inca, edited by Margaret Young-Sanchez, pp. 71-75, 81-85, 90-93.
Denver Art Museum and University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London.

2004b “The Carved Slab from Copacabana: Analysis and Comparisons,” in Tiwanaku;
Ancestors of the Inca, edited by Margaret Young-Sanchez, pp. 88-89. Denver Art
Museum and University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London.

2002 “Identification of the Camelid Woman and Feline Man Themes, Motifs, and Designs in
Pucara Style Pottery,” in Andean Archaeology II; Art, Landscape, and Society, edited by
Helaine Silverman and William H. Isbell, pp. 35-69. Kluger Academic/Plenum
Publishers, New York.

1992 "The Conventionalized Rules in Pucara Pottery Technology and Iconography;


Implications for Socio-Political Developments in the Northern Lake Titicaca Basin"
(Vols. I-III). Ph.D. dissertation in Anthropology (Archaeology), Department of
Anthropology, Michigan State University. Dissertation advisors: Drs. Joseph L.
Chartkoff, Lawrence H. Robbins, Helen P. Pollard, Susan Madigan, and Dr. John H.
Rowe from the University of California at Berkeley.

1989 "Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Province of Chumbivilcas, South Highland Peru."


Expedition, The University Museum magazine of Archaeology/Anthropology, University
of Pennsylvania, Vol. 30, No. 3, 1988, pp. 27-38. Philadelphia. Special issue dedicated
to Andean Archaeology, edited by Karen L. Mohr Chávez.

1984 The 1976, 1980, 1982a-b articles (indicated below) were translated together as "La Piedra
del Rayo y la Estela de Arapa: Un caso de identidad estilística, Pucara-Tiahuanaco." Arte
y Arqueología 8-9, Instituto de Estudios Bolivianos, Universidad Mayor de San Andrés,
La Paz, Bolivia.

1982a "Notes on Some Stone Sculpture from the Northern Lake Titicaca Basin.
Ñawpa Pacha 19, 1981, pp. 79-91. Berkeley.

1982b "Note on: 'Further Inquiries into the Case of the Arapa-Thunderbolt Stela'."
Ñawpa Pacha 19, 1981, pp. 189-191. Berkeley.

Chávez, Sergio J. and David B. Jorgenson


1980 "Further Inquiries into the Case of the Arapa-Thunderbolt Stela."
Ñawpa Pacha 18, pp. 73-80 ff. Berkeley.

1976 "The Arapa and Thunderbolt Stelae: A Case of Stylistic Identity with Implications for
Pucara Influence in the Area of Tiahuanaco." Ñawpa Pacha 13, Journal of the Institute of
Andean Studies, 1975, pp. 3-25. Berkeley. This article was reprinted in Pre-Columbian
Art History: Selected Readings, edited by Alana Cordy-Collins and Jean Stern, pp. 333-
Chávez/Bern 11

351. Peek Publications. Palo Alto, California.

Chávez, Sergio J. and Karen Mohr Chávez


1976 "A Carved Stela from Taraco, Puno (Peru), and the Definition of an Early Style of Stone
Sculpture from the Altiplano of Peru and Bolivia. Ñawpa Pacha 13, 1975, pp. 45-83.
Berkeley.

Mohr Chávez, Karen L.


2001 “La culture Chiripa; Religion et sacralité sur les rives du lac Titicaca.”
Les Dossiers d’Archeologie, No. 262-avril, pp.24-29. Dijon.

1989 “The Significance of Chiripa in Lake Titicaca Basin Developments.” Expedition (The
University Museum Magazine of Archaeology/Anthropology, University of
Pennsylvania), Vol. 30, No. 3, pp.17-26. Philadelphia.

Ponce Sanginés, Carlos (con la colaboración de Gregorio Cordero Miranda)


1969 Tunupa y Ekako; Estudio Arqueológico Acerca de las Efigies Precolombinas de Dorso
Adunco. Academia Nacional de Ciencias de Bolivia, Publicación No. 19. Talleres de
Cooperativa de Artes Gráficas E. Burillo Ltda., La Paz.

Ramos Gavilán, Alonso


1976/1621 Historia de Nuestra Señora de Copacabana. Academia Boliviana de la Historia.
Empresa Editora “UNIVERSO” - La Paz.

Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, María


2010 “El Mundo Sagrado de los Incas,” in Incas. Biblioteca Imprescindibles Peruanos.
Empresa Editora El Comercio S.A. - Producciones Cantabria S.A.C. Lima.

Rowe, John H.
1958 “The adventure of two Pucara statues.” Archaeology, Vol. 11, No. 4, December,
pp. 255-261. Brattleboro.

CAPTIONS TO ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1a,b,c. Front, side, and back views of the statuette in Bern. Traced and inked by
Stanislava Chávez from the photographs provided by Dr. Jakob Messerli (Director of the
Berniches Historisches Museum in Bern, Switzerland).

Figure 2. Rollout reconstruction of the possible shawl she wears, based on the distribution and
dimensions of the incised panels of designs. Drawn and inked by Stanislava Chávez.

Copacabana, June 26, 2014