Journal of Arid Environments (2003) 54: 447–467

doi:10.1006/jare.2002.1101

The socio-economic and environmental impacts of

tourism development on the Okavango Delta,
north-western Botswana

Joseph E. Mbaiwa*

Harry Oppenheimer Okavango Research Centre, University of Botswana,

Private Bag 285, Maun, Botswana

(Received 22 July 2002)

The Okavango Delta is one of Botswana’s leading tourist destination areas,
mainly because of the rich wildlife resources it sustains and its scenic beauty.
Tourism has stimulated the development of a variety of allied infrastructure
and facilities, such as hotels, lodges and camps, airport and airstrips, in the
Okavango region. Through its backward linkages, wholesale and retail
businesses have also been established, especially in Maun, to offer various
goods to the tourist industry. Tarred roads and other communication
facilities have also been developed in Ngamiland District partly to facilitate
tourism development. Tourism in the Okavango Delta also provides
employment opportunities to local communities and it is a significant source
of foreign exchange for Botswana. Despite its positive socio-economic
impacts, the industry is beginning to have negative environmental impacts in
the area such as the destruction of the area’s ecology through driving outside
the prescribed trails, noise pollution and poor waste management. This,
therefore, suggests that tourism in the Okavango Delta has socio-economic
and environmental impacts, issues which are addressed by this paper based
on the concept of sustainability.
# 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd.

Keywords: socio-economic and environmental impacts; tourism; enclave

tourism; community-based tourism; eco-tourism; sustainability and sustain-
able development

Introduction

This paper discusses the socio-economic and environmental impacts of tourism

development in the Okavango Delta located within Ngamiland District in north-
western Botswana. Because of its rich wildlife diversity and scenic beauty, the
Okavango Delta has in the past two decades attracted tourists from various countries
such as those of North America, Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand and South
Africa. The growth of tourism in the Okavango Delta has also resulted in the
establishment of tourist facilities in the area. Tourism in the Okavango Delta is
characterized by both consumptive and non-consumptive wildlife uses. As a result,
significant tourist activities in the delta include safari hunting, game viewing, walking

*Corresponding author. Fax: +267-661-835. E-mail: mbaiwaje@hotmail.com

0140-1963/03/020447 + 21 $30.00/0 # 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd.

448 J. E. MBAIWA

trails, dug-in canoe or mekoro safaris and several other photographic tourist activities.
The nature of tourism development in destination areas such as the Okavango Delta
(a natural wetland) make it have socio-economic and environmental impacts, an
aspect that this study aims at addressing. These issues are assessed based on the
concept of sustainability, which is anchored on the three main principles of social
equity, economic efficiency, and ecological sustainability.
Generally, it is difficult to accurately quantify tourism, it is arguably, the world’s
largest industry, accounting for about 5?5% of the world’s Gross National Product and
6% of the employment, and it is growing fast (Glasson et al. 1995). Most governments
encourage the growth of tourism in their respective countries in order to support
economic development. For poor countries, regions, towns and cities, tourism is seen
as the fast track to development. Hall (1995) states that the main reason why
governments, particularly in developing countries encourage tourism investment is
because of the expectations that it will contribute to economic development. It is also
argued that tourism should be seen as a means of development in a broader sense (see,
for example, Krapf, 1961; Kaiser & Helber, 1978; Mathieson & Wall, 1982; Murphy,
1985; McIntosh et al.,1995; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Cooper et al., 1998). These
analysts describe the broader sense of tourism to mean the potential of the industry to
have direct socio-economic impacts on destination regions. This issue is made more
clear by Binns (1995), who states that development should not only refer to economic
matters but should encompass social, economic, environmental and ethical
considerations such that its measurement may incorporate indicators of poverty,
unemployment, inequality and self-reliance. Carter (1991) notes that there is a
cumulative relationship between tourism development, the environment and socio-
economic development. This means that if tourism is to contribute to sustainable
development, then it must be economically viable, ecologically sensitive and culturally
appropriate (Wall, 1997). This suggests that an economic initiative such as tourism
should be based on the idea that economic development should conform to the
concept of sustainable development. The basic principle of this concept is that of
intergenerational equity, which says that our development is sustainable only to the
extent that we can meet our needs today without prejudice to those of the future
generations. Therefore, the present generation should leave for the next generation, a
stock of a quality of life assets no less than those we have inherited (Pearce et al.,
1989). The main thrust of the concept of sustainable development is the utilization
and management of renewable resources for the benefit of today’s generations and at
the same time making the same resources available for future generations (WCED,
1987). However, Chambers (1986) state that sustainable development appears to be
the terminology of managers, and is not as yet, the terminology of the managed. As a
result, in many parts of the world, the growing numbers of poor people have inevitably
led to the degradation of the environment each day just to make ends meet. This
suggests that the development of tourism in environments such as those of the
Okavango Delta should be designed such that it does not lead to an environmental
trade-off but to an improved environmental and human welfare. It must give priority
to the livelihoods of the poor (Redclift, 1987; WCED, 1987).
Despite the positive assumptions of the concept of sustainable development, there
are those who feel that sustainable development involves contradictory goals (e.g.
Redclift, 1987; Arnold, 1989; Lele, 1991; Warren, 1996), but in spite of this, it has
come to be generally accepted that ‘real’ development cannot be achieved unless the
strategies are sustainable and consistent with social values and institutions. Related to
the issue of sustainability in tourism development, is the new concept of eco-tourism.
Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) states that eco-tourism is a type of tourism that promotes
conservation, has low visitor impact, provides for beneficially active socio-economic
involvement of local populations and promotes visitor awareness in environmental
conservation. According to Carter (1991), green or eco-tourism focuses on the need
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 449

to promote a symbiotic, or at worst, co-existent relationship between tourism and

environmental conservation. This then suggest that the two concepts of sustainable
development and eco-tourism are interrelated and both advocate for secure
livelihoods of the poor, equitable distribution of tourism benefits, equal participation
in decision-making by stakeholders and promotes environmental conservation.
The information contained in this paper was collected from both primary and
secondary data sources. Primary data collection involved the administration of
structured and semi-structured questionnaires to 202 sampled households in the
villages of Maun, Seronga, Khwai and Ditshiping. Several factors were taken into
consideration when choosing these villages, For example, Maun was chosen mainly
because it is the last and the main town towards the Okavango Delta from which major
supplies for tourist camps and lodges are obtained. The other three villages are located
within the delta and were chosen based on their location and their level of community-
based tourism. For example, Seronga is located in the Okavango Panhandle and has a
well-developed community-based tourism while Khwai and Ditshiping are located on
the lower Okavango Delta and recently started community-based tourism initiatives.
Questionnaires were also administered to 30 safari operators in the Okavango Delta
and 35 tourism-related businesses in Maun. Informal interviews were also conducted
with central and local government officials. Secondary data sources used include
government reports and other relevant literature on tourism in the Okavango Delta.

International and regional tourism trends

The development of the tourism industry in the Okavango Delta and in Botswana is
part of the global tourism trend. According to the WTO (1999) international arrivals
increased from 429 million people in 1989 to 625 million people in 1998. This
represents an increase of 45?7% in the 10-year period. In terms of receipts, they
increased from US$ 211 billion in 1989 to US$ 445 billion in 1998. This also
represents an increase of 101?4% in the same period. The growth of international
tourism is attributed to higher standards of living in the west and improved modes of
travel (Harrison, 1995; McIntosh et al., 1995; Cebaloss-Lascurain, 1996). Of the
global tourist arrivals, approximately 4?0% visited Africa (WTO, 1999). This shows
that in the last decade, international tourism, both for arrivals and receipts grew faster
in developing countries, reflecting a wider distribution of tourism revenues in favour of
the traditional and new, emerging tourism destination areas in developing countries.
Southern Africa is presently the fastest growing tourist destination in Africa, with
increases of 17?1% and 10?5% for arrivals and receipts, respectively, between 1994
and 1995. The share of Southern Africa in total tourist arrivals in Africa increased
from 13?5% in 1990 to 31% in 1995 (WTO, 1999). The end of liberation wars and
the establishment of democratic governments in the Southern Africa, particularly in
South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique partly contributed to the growth
of tourism in the region as peace and political stability returned to the area. Table 1
shows that Botswana is the third largest tourist destination in Southern Africa after
South Africa and Zimbabwe.
From Table 1, tourist arrivals in Botswana increased from 644,000 in 1995 to
740,000 in 1998. This increase is also noted by the Department of Tourism, DOT
(2001), which states that tourist arrivals in Botswana have grown considerably from
1994 to 1998 with an annual growth rate of almost 13% and a remarkable growth of
23% in 1997. DOT also notes that in 2000, Gaborone received the largest share of
visitors (44?8%), Francistown (28?2%), Okavango Delta (12?1%), Kasane/Chobe
(11?8%), Maun (10?6%) and Selebi-Phikwe (3?0%). Combined visitors to Maun and
Okavango Delta stood at 22?1% (DOI, 2001). The increase in tourist arrivals in the
450 J. E. MBAIWA

Table 1. Regional trends in tourist arrivals and receipts

1995 1996 1997 1998

Botswana
Arrivals (000) 644 707 734 740
Share in Africa (%) 3?2 3?2 3?2 3?0
Receipts (%) 2?2 2?1 2?0 1?9
Namibia
Arrivals (000) 399 405 502 510
Share in Africa (%) 2?0 1?9 2?2 2?0
Receipts (%) 3?8 3?4 3?7 3?5
South Africa
Arrivals (000) 4488 4944 5437 5981
Share in Africa (%) 22?0 22?7 23?5 24?0
Receipts (%) 21?7 22?8 25?5 24?8
Zimbabwe
Arrivals (000) 1539 1746 1495 1600
Share in Africa (%) 7?6 8?0 6?5 6?4
Receipts (%) 1?8 1?8 1?9 1?7
Source: WTO (1999).

Okavango region in recent past implies that the area is bound to have socio-economic
and environmental impacts resulting from tourism activities.

The socio-economic impacts

An assessment of tourism’s contribution to economic development in host regions

requires an analysis of the backward and forward linkages between tourism and other
sectors, an understanding of the spatial location of tourism activities and identification
of the beneficiaries of its economic and other impacts. This means if tourism is to have
a major influence on the economy of a country or a particular region, it should have
strong linkages with the rest of the domestic economy. Tourism can, therefore, be a
catalyst for national and regional development, bringing employment, exchange
earnings, balance of payments advantages and important infrastructure developments
benefiting locals and visitors alike (Glasson et al., 1995). In the Okavango Delta,
tourism was, in this study, found to be important for the following:

Contribution to gross domestic product (gdp) and government revenue

At a macro-economic level, the growth of tourism in the Okavango Delta and other
parts of northern Botswana such as the Chobe region was found to have resulted in
the increase of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). At Botswana’s
independence in 1966, tourism’s contribution to GDP was insignificant since tourism
was by then almost non-existent. However, the development of the sector in the last
two decades has made it the second largest government revenue earner and
contributor to GDP after diamonds. For example, in 1996/97, the sector contributed
a total of P800 million to the GDP, this represented 4?5% of the country’s total GDP
in 1996/97 or 7?0% of the non-mining sector (BTDP, 1999). Revenue that accrues to
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 451

Table 2. Types of Fees tourists paid at Moremi Game Reserve, 1998 and 1999 (in Pula)
Year Entry fees Camping Vehicles Boat Air craft Other PARRO Total
(Camping)
1998 3,195,160 466,617 222,485 2385 4564 2157 475,796 4,373,452
1999 3,006,140 423,238 231,798 3760 7776 4241 508,095 4,175,012
Total 6,201,300 889,855 454,283 6145 12340 6398 983,891 8,548,464
Source: DWNP (2000).

Table 3. Revenue Collected at Maun International Airport, 2000

Type of fee Revenue collected (in Pula)
Landing fees 170,107?00
Parking fees 6,353?00
Temporary air service permit 44,380?00
Passenger service fee 69,743?00
En route charges 205,310?60
Other 71,977?40
Totals 567,871?00
Source: DCA (2001).

government from the tourism sector includes import duties, taxes (income and sales
tax) and licence fees.
In addition to the various taxes paid to government by tour operators, revenue is
also collected from tourists visiting protected areas and is in the form of user fees.
Revenue collected from Botswana’s protected areas increased from P5,835,051 in
1995 to P9,280,987 in 1999. Much of this revenue was collected from the northern
parks of Chobe National Park and Moremi Game Reserve which are located in the
area due to the influence of the Okavango Delta. The Chobe National Park in 1999
generated P4,492,505 while Moremi Game Reserve generated P4,175,048 (DWNP,
2000). Out of Botswana’s nine protected areas, Moremi Game Reserve is the second
largest in terms of revenue generation after Chobe National Park. As shown in
Table 2, some of the user fees charged in protected areas include park entry fees,
vehicles, camping, boats and aircraft fees.
Maun international Airport, which is the main airport used by tourist who visit the
Okavango Delta has also become a major source of government revenue in Ngamiland
District. Table 3 shows that in 2000, the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA)
collected P567,871 from the various fees charged to passengers, aircrafts and tour
operators for using airport facilities.
The economic contribution of the tourism sector to the national economy shows
that the sector provides the potential of diversifying Botswana’s economy and reduce
its dependence on diamonds. At present, diamond exports and revenue earned from
mining leases and taxes accounts for over 50% of government revenue (Government
of Botswana, 1997). The role that tourism development in the Okavango Delta play
also shows that the sector is an important economic activity not only in the Okavango
but in Botswana as a whole.
At a micro-economic level, the development of the tourism in the Okavango has led
to the establishment of community-based tourism initiatives which have resulted in
income generation and employment of the local people. Local communities in the
Okavango have been allocated land by the Tawana Land Board on which through joint
452 J. E. MBAIWA

venture partnerships with tour operators have been able to generate revenue for
themselves through hunting and photographic tourism activities. Table 4 shows some
of the community-based organizations (CBOs), type of tourism activities they are
engaged in and the amount of revenue that each community has managed to generate
on annual basis ever since inception of the projects in their respective community
areas.
Although the idea for adopting community-based tourism was purely based on
achieving conservation needs, it has become one of the main employment and revenue
earners for the people of Ngamiland District. Community-based tourism is built upon
the ideals of Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) which
was adopted to halt the decline and degradation of natural resources through the
involvement and participation of local communities in resource management (Ashley,
1995). CBNRM assumes that once local communities obtain benefits from natural
resources around them, especially from wildlife resources, they are likely to use them
sustainably (Mbaiwa, 1999).
While it has been possible to involve local communities in the tourism business and
that some of the revenue have been accrued to them, indications are that most of the
community tourist projects are performing poorly. There is no meaningful re-
investment of the tourism revenue into other tourist projects. This is mainly a result of
lack of entrepreneurship and marketing skills in the tourism business and that the
concept of CBNRM is still new and generally lack understanding amongst the various
communities (Mbaiwa, 1999). Informal interviews with CBO Board members in the
Okavango Delta pointed out that benefits (e.g. revenue) that local communities obtain
from community-based tourism are insignificant when compared to those obtained by
the private tour operators or by government. For example, local communities sell a
single elephant to a safari operator at P40,000 (US$ 8000), the same elephant is sold
to an overseas safari hunter by the operator at US$ 80,000 (P400,000). This means
tourism in the Okavango Delta does not have substantial and meaningful economic
benefits to the local people, hence its sustainability in terms of socio-economic
benefits becomes questionable.

Impacts on employment

The primary concern with tourism in the Okavango is its potential to create
employment for the people of Ngamiland District. The extent at which employment is
created is influenced by the degree of linkages between tourism and other sectors of
the economy. Tourism in the Okavango Delta has influenced the establishment of
tourist facilities such as camps, lodges, transport, wholesale and retail industries in the
region. In a sample of 30 safari camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta carried out in
March 2001, there were 923 people employed. A similar study conducted at the same
time but on different camps and lodges revealed that 735 people were employed in 20
camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta (Scout Wilson, 2001). This suggests that in a
total of 50 tourist camps and lodges, there were 1658 people employed in 2001. In
Maun, about 727 people were employed in 35 tourism-related businesses such as
wholesales and retail businesses in the same period. However, the BTDP (1999) states
that in 1997, the total number of formal jobs generated by the tourism sector in the
whole country was 9900, which is about 4?5% of the total employment in Botswana.
BOB (1999) states that this figure is an underestimate and puts the figure at 10,015
people which is also supported by the 1995/96 Labour Force Survey (CSO, 1998).
The number of people supported (e.g. financially) by people employed in tourism-
related activities such as hotels, airlines, safari companies, handcrafts and transport in
Botswana is estimated at 27,000 people (Government of Botswana, 1997). This is
about 2?1% of Botswana’s population of 1.3 million people.
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT
Table 4. Community-based tourism organizations in Ngamiland district and annual revenue generated in Pula
Name of community- Village(s) involved Tourism activity Revenue generated (in Pula)
based organization
Year Amount % Increase
Sankuyo Tshwaragano Sankuyo Hunting and photographic 1996 285,000 F
Management Trust 1997 285,000 0
(STMT) 1998 345,000 21?1
1999 562,800 63?1
2000 595,000 5?7
Okavango Community Seronga, Eretsha, Hunting and photographic 1996 446,000 F
Trust (OCT) Gunotsoga, Beetsha, 1997 468,050 4?9
Gudigwa 1998 625,650 33?7
1999 652,340 4?3
2000 686,240 5?2
Mababe Zokotsana Com- Mababe Hunting and photographic 2000 675,000 F
munity Trust (MZCT)
Okavango Kopano Mokoro Ditshiping, Boro, Xaxaba, Hunting and photographic 1998 680,000 F
Community Trust (OKMC) Daunara, Xharaxao, Xuxao 1999 710,000 4?4
2000 1,100,000 54?9
Khwai Development Khwai Hunting and photographic 2000 954,000 F
Trust(KDT)
Cgaecgae Tlhabologo Cgaecgae Hunting and photographic 1998 70,750 48?4
Trust (CTT) 1999 105,000 200?2
2000 315,000 33?4
2001 420,336 2?4
2002 430,336
Source: Mbaiwa (2000). 6?2 BWP = 1 USD.

453
454 J. E. MBAIWA

While the tourism industry provides employment to people of Ngamiland District,

locals generally hold poor-quality and low-paying jobs that mostly involve manual
work. Most of them are employed in management positions and work as cleaners,
kitchen hands, drivers, cooks, watchmen, groundsmen with a few employed as
professional guide and assistant managers. These findings are related to those by
Mbaiwa (1999), who noted that in Sankuyo residents involved in tourism employment
work in safari companies such as Crocodile Camp Safaris and provide manual labour
for tasks such as skinning of wild animals during the hunting seasons and tent keeping
(housekeeping). In Khwai, the local people are employed at Tsaro Game Lodge and
Khwai River Lodge as cooks, housekeepers and drivers. On the other hand, expatriate
staff occupy senior and management positions such as managers, accountants,
professional guides and chefs. These findings are also similar to those by Ndubano
(2000), who states that in Maun, accommodation facilities are largely foreign owned
hence there are only six (14?2%) Botswana managers out of 42 established posts.
While tourism contributes positively to income earning for the people in the
Okavango and in Botswana, findings indicate that there is a disparity in wages between
the local staff and the expatriate staff even when they happen to occupy the same
position. On average, the local staff earn salaries that range from P350?00 to P1000?00
per month. On the other hand, expatriate staff earn salaries that range from P4500?00
to P18,000?00 a month. Ndubano (2000) notes that out of a sample of 50 local people
employed in the tourism sector in Maun, 33 (66%) of them earn between P400?00
and P990?00 per month. These salaries are below the country’s poverty datum level of
P954?78 hence she concludes that 62% of the salaries paid to local people in Maun are
far below P954?78 or the poverty datum level of Botswana.
The above findings are consistent with those by BTDP (1999), which state that
even though the percentage of foreigners in the tourism employment is small (about
4% in the hotel and lodge sectors), they dominate better paying jobs. The median
salaries range from around P500?00 per month for the lowest paid categories to
around P5000?00 per month for the highest paid. Expatriate salaries are considerably
higher than those paid to locals in similar positions, especially for executive managers,
general managers and professional guides. The BTDP report further notes that the
gap between citizen and expatriate levels of remuneration becomes still wider when
benefits and allowances are taken into consideration. Most expatriate employees
qualify for generous tax-free gratuities, home leave passages, children’s education
allowances, furnished housing allowances, and encashment of leave allowances.
This trend is characteristic of developing countries. In the Caribbean, Pantin
(1998) states that about nine out of ten management positions in the hotel and
restaurant sectors are occupied by expatriates with average salaries several times
higher than those of the unskilled local workers. In the Okavango Delta, the reasons
that have been given for this development is that expatriates possess skills in the
tourism industry which locals do not have. It can, therefore, be concluded that even
though tourism in the Okavango Delta has led to the creation of employment
opportunities and the generation of revenue for the people of the area, the
poor-quality jobs and low salaries they get indicate that tourism can be an exploitative
industry to local people if proper management and control are not in place.

Impacts on infrastructure development

One of the areas in which tourism can influence the domestic economy is through the
development of infrastructure in host regions. In the Okavango Delta, there has been
an expansion of the infrastructure since the 1990s to support the growing tourism
industry. Some of the specific infrastructure developments include the following:
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 455

(i) The road network in northern Botswana. Northern Botswana was prior to the
1990s, very much inaccessible, tarred roads were virtually non-existent. The situation
gradually changed in the 1990s as government began to realize that tourism in north-
western Botswana has the potential of significantly contributing to the economy of the
country. Infrastructure development such as the construction of tarred roads to
facilitate the tourism industry in the Okavango and Chobe regions in northern
Botswana became one of the major government pre-occupation. Tarred roads such as
the 505 km road linking Francistown and Kasane were constructed during this period.
The Francistown–Kasane road is important in that it provides a link between
Botswana’s Chobe National Park and the Okavango Delta with Namibia’s Caprivi
Strip and Zimbabwe’s Victoria Falls. As a result, it is easier for tourist to drive from
South Africa passing through Francistown to visit the Okavango Delta and the
Victoria Falls. Other tarred roads completed after the 1990s include the 304 km Nata–
Maun road completed in 1992. The Nata–Maun road is important in that it also
provides a link between Maun and Francistown, most of the supplies for the wholesale
and retail sectors are provided through this link (most of the tourism supplies in the
delta are provided from Maun).
The Maun–Mohembo road covers about 500 km and was completed in 1995. This
road provides a link between north-western Botswana and northern Namibia. The
200 km Sehitwa–Ghanzi road that provides a link between Maun and Namibia
through Ghanzi and the Mamono Border Post in the west was completed in July 2000.
The total tarred road network in northern Botswana is over 2500 km. The tarred road
network in northern Botswana facilitates the easy movement of mobile and self-drive
tourists into the delta as well as promoting the quick delivery of tourist supplies to
camps and lodges in the delta. Although the road network in northern Botswana is an
important factor in the development of tourism in the Okavango, it is also important
in that it has made it possible for Ngamiland to be easily connected to the rest of the
country.
While infrastructure development such as roads is an important socio-economic
development to the Okavango region, informal interviews with tour operators and
local people in Maun indicate that the development is also associated with negative
socio-cultural impacts as well. Some of the impacts mentioned include crime,
prostitution and the western influence on local language and dress especially on young
people. Glasson et al. (1995) note that socio-cultural impacts of tourism in destination
areas are associated with changes in traditional ideas and values, norms and identities
of the local people. These changes are beginning to affect Ngamiland district, hence it
can be noted that tourism is not only carrying positive developments in the area, but
also has negative aspects, hence need to be controlled such that negative impacts are
minimal.
(ii) Maun International Airport. The development of infrastructure to promote
tourism in the Okavango Delta is also in the form of airports, such as the Maun
International Airport. The extension of the terminal and runway for Maun
International Airport was completed in May 1993. The Maun Airport play a major
role in the facilitation of tourism development in the Okavango Delta. The
improvement of the Maun Airport and air transport system in Maun has resulted in
international flights linking Maun to Johannesburg, Windhoek, Harare, Victoria Falls
and Gaborone. These links form the main air routes that are used by tourists who visit
the Okavango Delta. The Maun Airport is one of the busiest airports in Botswana and
Africa especially during tourist peak seasons. According to the Ngami Times (2001, p.
1), ‘yMaun Airport is also regarded as the second busiest international in Africa in
terms of aircraft movements after the combined Johannesburg area (South Africa)
airports of Johannesburg International, Lanseria, Rand and Grand Central’. Based on
aircraft movement data from the Maun International Airport for 2000, the airport has
an average of 256 aircrafts landing and taking off each day during the tourist peak
456 J. E. MBAIWA

Table 5. Aircraft Movement at Maun International Airport, 2000

Description Total movements Percentage
Commercial
International 2846 7?0
Domestic 34,666 86?1
Non-commercial 2786 6?9
Totals 40,246 100?0
Source: DCA (2001).

seasons of April to October. In the non-tourist peak seasons of November to March,

the figure is reduced to an average of 152 aircraft landing and taking off each day. As
shown in Table 5 a total of 40,246 aircraft movement were recorded at Maun Airport
in 2000. Domestic aircraft made 86?1% of the total movements, international
movements made only 7.0% while non-commercial aircraft make 6.9% of the total
movements.
Most of the aircraft movements were domestic flights made by small engine aircraft
that fly into the delta either transporting tourists or carry supplies or returning to
Maun from the delta for parking. At present, there are about eight privately owned air
companies operating about 44 small aircraft in the Okavango Delta and using Maun
Airport as a base. The high numbers of aircraft movements indicate the role that the
airport is playing in the facilitation of tourism in the Okavango Delta. The
improvement of air transport in Maun has also been of benefit to the majority of
the people in Ngamiland District since social services are now provided quicker to
them than it was before the 1990s.
(iii) Hotels and safari camps in Maun and Okavango Delta. The growth of tourism in the
Okavango Delta is directly associated with the proliferation of hotels, lodges and safari
camps in the Okavango and other parts of Ngamiland District especially in Maun.
Findings in this study indicate that there are about 60 photographic lodges and camps
in the Okavango region with about 554 rooms and 1018 bed spaces. This represents
an increase of 46.7% of the rooms from 1996 to 2001. It is in these accommodation
facilities where most people in the Okavango Delta are employed. In addition to
accommodation, the hotels, lodges and safari camps offer food and beverages to
tourists. The establishment of tourist accommodation facilities is further explained by
the BTDP (1999) which states that there are presently around 4000 bed places
available in hotels, lodges, safari camps, and campsites in tourist areas of Botswana of
which the majority are in the Okavango and Maun region. These bed places are
provided in a range of accommodation, including permanent lodges, non-permanent
lodges, mobile campsites, observation hides and educational camp grounds. As
already noted, accommodation facilities are important to Botswana’s economy
because of the significant amount of revenue they generate and the number of people
they employ. Accommodation facilities are, therefore, playing a major role in the
socio-economic development of Ngamiland District and of Botswana as a whole.

Impacts on rural development

In order to meet the needs of tourists, the production of food, equipment, furniture as
well as construction is usually necessary in host regions (Dickman, 1992). This means
that tourism provides a boost for local manufacturing and industry, as well as
agriculture. The growth of the tourism industry in the Okavango Delta has resulted in
the establishment of several tourism-associated businesses in Ngamiland District,
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 457

especially in Maun. About 83?6% of the households and 68?6% of the tourism-related
businesses in Maun acknowledge that most of the socio-economic facilities
and infrastructure development in Maun and Ngamiland are a direct result of
the influence the region gets from tourism. To these respondents, Maun is perceived
to be a tourist centre where most of the tourist offices for tourists facilities in the
delta are located and that tourist supplies for these facilities are obtained. Maun is
also the main departure centre for tourists who visit the Okavango Delta. Based
on these results, it has, therefore, been necessary for government to ensure the
provision of social facilities and improve infrastructure development in Ngamiland
District.
The wholesale and retail trade in Maun provides a variety of services to tourists
and the people of Ngamiland District. This includes various types of foods in
restaurants, spare parts in garages, petrol-filling stations and beverages in bars and
bottle stores. However, most of the products are imported from outside Botswana
especially from South Africa and Zimbabwe. For example, petroleum products used
as the main source of energy in the Okavango are imported in refined form mainly
through South Africa. Chain shops and supermarkets such as Spar, Shoprite and
Score have also been established in Maun after the 1990s to provide food suppliers to
tourist camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta. Interviews with managers of
supermarkets and chain shops in Maun indicate that most of the food supplies
especially perishables such as vegetables are either obtained from eastern Botswana in
the Tuli Block or are imported from South Africa. Dairy products used in the
Okavango region are also imported from either Namibia or South Africa. Poultry
production, especially eggs and meat are also imported either from eastern Botswana
or outside the country. This also applies to furniture shops and other related trade
centres established in Maun which also obtained their products from South Africa or
Zimbabwe. The craft industry is also not fully developed, apart from baskets, most of
the craft products are either obtained from Zimbabwe (e.g. wood cravings), South
Africa (e.g. clothing) or from other parts of Botswana such as Ghanzi and Serowe (e.g.
bushmen craft).
These findings indicate that the development of tourism in the Okavango Delta
has been unable to influence agricultural production and the manufacturing sectors.
A factor that has resulted in the industry depending on products produced elsewhere
in the country or outside Botswana. In addition to this problem, the small villages in
and around the Okavango Delta remain relatively remote characterized by the absence
of social facilities which are only found in Maun. The reliance of the tourism industry
in the Okavango Delta from products produced outside the Okavango region
especially from South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia indicates that it has not yet
become economically efficient, hence cannot sustain itself without outside economic
influence.
While most materials, equipments, spare parts, energy and food products used in
the tourism industry in the Okavango Delta is obtained outside the region and
country, tourism has been able to influence the established social facilities such as
international banks in Maun. Maun has three commercial banks, namely Standard
Chartered Bank, Barclays Bank and the First National Bank. The banks are
international and are equipped with modern facilities and services to enable tourists
obtain the necessary assistance they require on financial transactions while in the
country. Other services that are provided in the region include post offices which are
also equipped with modern facilities to meet the demands of tourist clients. Maun is
also connected to the national electric grid for the provision of power and the
telecommunication systems has improved in the last decade. However, while these
services are important for the promotion of the tourist sector in the region, they have
also encouraged local development in Ngamiland District and are of significant
benefit to the people of the region as well.
458 J. E. MBAIWA

The socio-economic problems of tourism

One of the major problems with the growth of tourism in the Okavango Delta has
been the development of a type of tourism referred to in recent literature as ‘enclave
tourism’ (Britton, 1981; & Ceballos-Lascurain, 1996) or internal colonialism
(Drakakis-Smith & Williams, 1983; Dixon & Hefferman, 1991). Ceballos-Lascurain
(1996) defines enclave tourism as tourism that is concentrated in remote areas in
which the types of facilities and their physical location fail to take into consideration
the needs and wishes of surrounding communities. Such tourist facilities are
characterized by foreign ownership and are designed to meet the needs and interests
of foreign tourists. In the Okavango Delta, the type of tourism that has so far
developed is characterized by tourist facilities such as hotels, lodges and camps that
are also foreign owned and controlled. That findings in Table 6 show that 81.5% of
the tourist facilities in Maun and in the Okavango Delta has foreign influence in which
53.8% are 100% foreign owned. Citizens and expatriates jointly own about 27.7% of
them while only 18.5% are 100% owned by citizens.
A study by Ndubano (2000) also showed that about 95% of the accommodation
and transport sectors in Maun have foreign involvement, with 60% of them being
100% foreign owned, 35% of them are jointly owned between locals and expatriates,
only 1% is 100% locally owned. However, data from the licensing office in the
Department of Tourism indicate that in 2000 out of 103 tourism-related business
registered in Maun and operational in Maun and in the delta, 16 (15?5%) are citizen
owned, 36 (35?0%) are jointly owned (between Botswana and non-citizens) while 51
(49?5%) are non-citizens owned. This suggests that 87 (84?5%) of the tourism-related
companies registered in Maun and operational in the Okavango region have direct
foreign involvement. Related to the issue of ownership of tourism facilities, interviews
of the Tawana Land Board officials indicate that in a total of 15 concession areas
under its custody in the Okavango Delta, four (26?7%) are leased to citizen
companies, six (40?0%) to jointly owned companies (between citizens and non-
citizens) and five (33?3%) to non-citizen companies. This means 73?3% of the non-
citizen companies operate in 11 concession areas (this excludes those controlled by the
central government and are also leased out to operators).
Glasson et al. (1995) note that the dominance of the industry by foreign investors
and the non-local investment can reduce control over local resources. Glasson et al.
further note that the loss of local autonomy is certainly the most negative long-term
effect of tourism. A local resident may also suffer a loss of sense of place, as his/her
surrounding is transformed to accommodate the requirements of a foreign-dominated
tourism industry. Interviews with the local people in Ngamiland indicate that there is a
general assumption that the delta has been taken from them by government and given
to foreign tour operators. As a result, citizens view the approach negatively because
they perceive the domination by non-citizens as ‘selling out’ of their resources
(Mbaiwa, 1999). The fact the tourism industry is pre-dominantly foreign owned and
controlled indicates that there is no equal access to the use of resources and decision-

Table 6. Ownership of tourist facilities in Maun and in the Okavango Delta

Ownership Frequency and percentages Totals
Safari companies Tourism business
Citizen owned 7 (23?3%) 5 (14?3%) 12 (18?5%)
Jointly owned 10 (33?3%) 8 (22?9%) 18 (27?7%)
Non-citizen owned 13 (43?3%) 22 (62?9%) 35 (53?8%)
Totals 30 (100?0%) 35 (100?0%) 65 (100?0%)
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 459

making between the local people and the tour operators. This is not in line with
sustainable development since the concept presupposes equal access and opportu-
nities to all user groups. Glasson et al. (1995) and Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) note
that tourism should be sensitive to the needs and aspirations of the host population. It
should provide for local participation in decision-making and the employment of local
people in order to make it sustainable.
Butler (1980), Prosser (1994) and Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) note that resentment,
antagonisms and alienation often emerge between the host communities and the
foreign tourism investors if efforts are not made to include local communities in the
tourism business. The suspicions and mistrusts between the local communities and
tour operators in the Okavango Delta have since developed into another problem of
racism between the two groups. Racism in the tourism industry between the local
black population and white tour operators was confirmed to be in existence by 53?3%
of the managers and 73?1% of workers in safari camps and lodges in the delta and
60.0% of the managers and 47.6% of workers in tourism-related industries in Maun.
Racism was explained to be characterized by failure on the side of tour operators to
employ local people in top management positions, hence the assumption that
management positions in the tourism industry are reserved for expatriate workers.
Racism was also explained to be characterized by the unpleasant working conditions
for local workers in the delta (e.g. working long hours without compensations, poor
accommodation in camps, unfair dismissal of local workers and the use of abusive
language often used by employers towards local workers). This accusations were,
however, confirmed to be true by the Department of Labour, the Ngamiland District
council and by the Minister of Trade, Wildlife and Tourism.
The development of enclave tourism in the Okavango Delta is a result of the
pursuance of Botswana’s Tourism Policy of 1990. The policy emphasizes the
promotion of high-cost–low-volume tourism. This strategy was adopted to raise
the needed revenue for the industry to sustain itself. As a result, from 1990, there has
been a shift from encouraging casual tourist campers in favour of tourist who occupy
permanent accommodation. The policy also presumed that low volumes of tourists
are more consistent with the need to protect the environmental basis of the industry.
As a result, the Tourism Policy was implemented through targeted marketing and
imposition of high fees for the use of public facilities. High-spending tourists have as a
result been encouraged to visit the Okavango Delta while low-budget tourists are
indirectly being discouraged by the high fees charged. As Ceballos-Lascurain (1996)
notes, enclave tourism is characterized by high prices charged in tourist facilities and
services, such prices become unaffordable to the majority of the local people. In the
Okavango Delta, on average, a tourist is expected to pay 400 United States Dollars as
accommodation charge per night in a tourist camp or lodge. A 1-h flight in the
Okavango Delta costs on average about 220 US $ (Mbaiwa, 2002). These charges
make the Okavango Delta a very expensive resort area for locals to visit. This is shown
by a low figure of 8?1% of the citizens who managed to visit Moremi Game Reserve in
1999, while 91?9% of the visitors are non-citizen tourists (DWNP, 2000). Rich
foreign tourists from North America and Western Europe, therefore, mostly use the
Okavango Delta.
However, it can also be argued that the low level of Botswana’s economic
development, a great deal of capital needed for tourism development and high levels
of management in the tourism sector also contribute to tourism in the Okavango Delta
being under the control of foreign investors. The exclusive nature of tourism in the
Okavango Delta has tended not to be of direct benefit to the people of Ngamiland
District. The facilities are operated with minimum commercial trading including local
agriculture and social links with existing local communities. This situation has,
therefore, made it possible for a lot of money that is paid for tours by visitors to never
arrive in the Okavango or Botswana, since bookings is mostly done outside Botswana
460 J. E. MBAIWA

(either in Johannesburg, America or Europe). Even if a tourist pays a local tour

operator in Botswana for a safari tour to the Okavango, a large proportion of this
money is used to pay for imported food, equipment and expatriate staff (Silitshena &
McLeod, 1998; Mbaiwa, 1999). The BTDP (1999) estimates that tourists spent P1.1
billion in 1997. Of this gross expenditure, 55% (P605 million) was spent outside
Botswana and a further P175 million was first-round linkages of receipts due to
tourist-related imports. Only 29% (P320 million) was spent in Botswana on local
goods, wages, taxes and other activities. This scenario is explained by Ceballos-
Lascurain (1996), who states that in enclave tourism, any foreign currency generated
may have only a minimal effect upon the economy of host nations as it is transferred to
home regions. Cater (1991) notes that in situations where headquarters of
multinational tourism companies are in the developed world, there is considerable
reduction in the net tourism receipts in Third World economies. Britton (1991)
estimates that these leakages to be of the order of 55–60% of the inclusive tour retail
price paid by tourists in their home countries if foreign airline is used. This appears to
be the case with the development of tourism in the Okavango Delta and in Botswana
as much of the tourist revenue is not retained in Ngamiland or in Botswana.
Enclave tourism can be described as the direct opposite of eco-tourism, which is
environmentally friendly and takes into account the needs, wishes and participation of
the local communities. Eco-tourism is explained by Ceballos-Lascurain (1996, p. 20)
as a type of tourism that promotes conservation, has low visitor impact and provides
for beneficially active socio-economic involvement of local populations. As a result of
enclave tourism, the local people in the Okavango Delta are being economically and
politically marginalized with respect not only to access to natural resources or tourism,
but also to decision-making in natural resource management and conservation.

Environmental impacts

According to Butler (1980), Prosser (1994), Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) and Glasson

et al. (1995), tourism contains the seeds of its own destruction, tourism can kill
tourism, destroying the very environmental attractions which visitors come to a
location to experience. Most tourism development places additional pressure on the
environmental resources upon which it is based, compromising the future prospects of
the local population and, indeed, the expectations of tourists themselves (Carter,
1991). Glasson et al. state that tourism is, by its very nature, an agent of change. Some
of the impacts of change may be controlled, regulated or directed. If properly
managed, tourism has the potential of being a renewable industry, where resource
integrity is maintained or even enhanced. If mismanaged, or allowed to expand within
short-term goals and objectives, it has the capability of destroying the very resources
upon which it is built. Carter (1991) notes that the concept of sustainable
development is thus important to tourism development since the destruction of
tourism resources for the short-term gain will deny the benefits to be gained from
mobilization of those resources in the future.
Based on secondary data and through observations and informal interviews with key
players, the development of tourism in the Okavango Delta was found to have negative
environmental impacts to the wetland (these impacts were found to be at a small
scale). Some of the negative environmental impacts identified include the following:

(i) creation of illegal roads in protected areas. The high numbers of tourists in the
Okavango Delta create problems of efficient monitoring of tourist activities by
government officials especially from the Department of Wildlife and National Parks
and Department of Tourism. This has resulted in the creation of illegal roads by
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 461

tourist vehicles in some environmental sensitive areas such as the Xakanaxa. The
creation of illegal roads affects vegetation and reduces the scenic beauty of the
Okavango. Roodt (1998) states that there are 178 tourist vehicles that use
the Xakanaxa area every day in the tourist peak season. However, the number might
be more if other additional vehicles are taken into consideration. This includes supply
trucks, official vehicles, research and filming vehicles. She states in page 6 ‘‘The actual
number is closer to 250 or more vehicles per day during the busy seasony I have
personally counted 63 vehicles in the Xakanaxa camping sitey.’’ Apart from the
overutilization and creation of illegal roads by tourist vehicles in the Xakanaxa area,
they are also a source of noise pollution and a disturbance to the wildlife of the area.
The Department of Tourism, DOT (2000), states that overutilization of certain zones
in conserved areas occur when such zones are used by all the tourist groups
particularly in high tourism seasons. The DOT further notes that this occur in the
Xakanaxa area in Moremi Game Reserve. The creation of illegal roads is exacerbated
by the fact that tourist camps and lodges are generally concentrated within small areas
in various parts of the delta. The DOT also notes that the concentration of tourist
facilities in the western part of the Xakanaxa triangle means that the various categories
of tourist outlined before are mostly concentrated in a narrow street of the reserve
between Xakanaxa and Third Bridge. The concentration of camps and lodges with a
small radius indicates failure by government to diverse a proper management plan for
tourism development in which the radius between each facility is determined based on
ecological impacts of such facilities in the Okavango Delta. The creation of many
illegal roads and trails also indicates failure by government to implement the country’s
rules and regulations in controlling tourist traffic and numbers in environmental
sensitive and protected areas.
(ii) Noise pollution. Noise pollution from engine boats, small engine aircrafts, road
vehicles and tourists is also a problem in the Okavango Delta. The noise is disturbing
to hippo populations, nesting birds and other wildlife species in the delta. Roodt
(1998) notes that 10 years ago when there were fewer boats in the Xakanaxa area, the
islands in the fringes of the Xakanaxa lagoon were favourite nesting spots but today
only a few birds nest in the lagoon area. Roodt further states that the increase in boat
traffic in the Gedikwe/Xhobega area has already shown a decreasing effect on the
numbers of nesting sites over the last 7 years.
The influx of tour operators in the delta has simultaneously led to an increase in the
number of small engine airplanes and establishment of airstrips in the delta. Airstrips
have a number of small engine aircraft landing and taking off time and again, hence
they are a source of noise pollution which alarm the animal and bird life. Aircraft are
used to carry supplies and tourists on guided tours around the delta. There are about
23 privately owned airfields in and around the Okavango Delta registered with the
Department of Civil Aviation. In addition to the 23 privately owned airstrips in and
around the Okavango Delta, government has seven airstrips in the area, this excludes
those owned by the Botswana Defence Force. Interviews with the Department of Civil
Aviation (DCA) in Maun indicate that some of the airstrips in the Okavango Delta are
crowded and did not necessarily warranted their construction. However, the DCA
notes that the problem was created by the zonation of the delta into concession areas
which were each allocated to different concessionaires who prefer separate and
individual airstrips than on sharing with neighbours. In addition to the problem of
crowded airstrips in the Okavango Delta, it has already been noted that there are
roughly eight privately owned air companies with a total of 44 small engine aircraft
operating in the Okavango Delta. The presence of too many aircrafts in the Okavango
Delta which in most cases fly at very low altitude cause a disturbance to the wild
animals and nesting birds.
Noise pollution by small engine aircraft is also related to that caused by engine boats
in the area. Roodt (1998) states that a total of 32 power boats of which 26 belong to
462 J. E. MBAIWA

safari operators and six to government officials are currently licensed to use the
Xakanaxa area. The fast movement of engine boats creates waves which disturb
nesting birds, mammals and reptiles which live in water. Crocodiles and hippos seek
undisturbed areas and the presence of too many engine boats in the Okavango Delta
disturbs these species. Roodt (1998) states that hippos, which were in large numbers 7
years ago, have already moved out in to the Xanaxanaxa lagoon. The disturbance of
the animal habitats negatively impacts on the wildlife numbers of the delta. The
breaking of eggs by birds as noise disturbs them means the species decline in numbers
in the long run.
While impacts of boats at Xakanaxa show the effects of tourism in the lower parts of
the Okavango Delta, in the upper parts, that is, in the panhandle, engine boats are also
causing noise pollution (NRP, 2001). The boat traffic in the area amounts to 15 – 20
boats that passes a day in most parts of the river. There is an estimated 111 engine
boats owned by the various tour operators in the area (NRP, 2001). According to
Matthews (1982) and NRP (2001), noise pollution by motor boats and by people can
disturb waterfowl, leading to higher infantile death rates in sensitive populations.
However, Gall (1995) notes that waterfowls in the Okavango Panhandle are not only
disturbed by the wakes and noise from motor boats but also by the frequency of other
more general boating and tourism-related activities. For example, the fishermen in the
panhandle area note that boat noise is disturbing fish at nesting sites (NRP, 2001).
The problem of noise pollution in the Okavango Delta also shows poor planning or
failure to implement existing management plans by the government. The crowding of
tourist facilities and the noise pollution generated in these areas suggest that Okavango
Delta is likely to be environmentally degraded in the near future if measures are not
taken to address the problem.
(iii) Impacts on the sanitation system and water resources. Littering especially
plastic bags, pieces of paper, cans and bottles are a common sight along the roads
and on campsites in the Okavango Delta. The high volume of tourists visiting the
Okavango Delta has reached levels where the amount of garbage generated has
increased and is beginning to negatively impact on the delta environment (Masundire
et al., 1998; DOT, 2000). The problem of waste is characterized by failure to dispose
domestic waste following proper waste-disposal procedures in tourist camps. The
DOT (2000) states that the large number of tourism enterprises licenses that have
been issued for mobile safari operators results in most of the mobile operators
sites permanently occupied and solidly booked. This has led to mobile operators
spilling over to public campsites, and occupying these sites with many people than
permitted thus exceeding carrying capacities and design capabilities of ablution
blocks. This, therefore, negatively impacts the sanitation systems and the environment
in the area.
The proliferation of tourist camps in the Okavango Delta, each with its septic tank
for wastewater collection, is likely to increase the potential for ground-water pollution.
Septic tanks for human waste are not constructed following any environmental
standards, and in some camps such tanks do not exist except for the ‘pit latrines’.
McCarthy et al. (1994) state that many tourist camps in the Okavango Delta rely on
borehole water to supply camp needs, and moreover discharge waste and sewage
effluent into the ground-water. This situation creates the potential for contamination
of drinking water supplies. The water table in the Okavango Delta is high and the soils
are sandy with a high permeability. Pollutants can thus travel much greater distances
into the soils. According to McCarthy et al. (1994), the water table in the Okavango
Delta is usually less than 1 m below the surface during flood seasons; as a result,
discharge of effluent into ground-water is unavoidable. NRP (2000) states that blue-
green algae (Microcystis sp.) have been recorded in the Okavango system, and these
can be toxic under bloom conditions. The report further notes that the potential for
ground-water contamination with nitrate from septic tank drainage in areas where
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 463

ground-water is close to the surface (10 m or less), and contamination by faecal

bacteria and possibly viable pathogens could occur if septic tanks are situated in areas
where ground-water is at 1 m or less beneath the surface. This scenario suggests that
water pollution might be possible in areas around tourist camps and lodges in the
Okavango Delta.

Summary and conclusion

This study has demonstrated that tourism in the Okavango Delta is still at its early
stage of development. While this is the case, issues of sustainability are not given much
consideration. Sustainability, as already noted is hinged on three main concerns, these
are: social equity; economic efficiency and ecological sustainability (Angelson et al.,
1994). Social equity advocates for the fairness and equal access to resources by all the
user groups. The aim is to ensure equity in the distribution of costs, benefits, decision-
making and management. This assumption is believed to have the potential of
eradicating poverty on the poor communities. Contrary to this viewpoint, this study
has shown that the local communities in Ngamiland District have limited access and
control over tourism resources in the Okavango Delta. Much of the land and its
natural resources such as wildlife that are the main tourists attraction are controlled
and owned by either the private tour operators or by the government. This situation
has resulted in lack of a meaningful involvement and participation of the local people
in the tourism business. Major decisions and policy issues in relation to the
development of tourism are taken without the full participation of the local
communities. The demarcation of the Okavango Delta into Wildlife Management
Areas and Controlled Hunting Areas done to facilitate the development of the tourism
industry in 1989 was carried out without consultation with the local people, hence
the land-use conflicts between the local people and the wildlife and tourist
industries in Ngamiland District (Mbaiwa, 1999, 2000). Therefore, if tourism
in the Okavango Delta is to be sustainable, it should take into consideration the
participation of the local communities in the planning, design and implementation of
tourism programmes. Consultation and empowerment of the local people are
major components that can facilitate the sustainability of tourism in the Okavango
Delta. Eco-tourism advocates for a locally controlled tourism industry to
ensure benefits to the local people and the sustainable use of resources (Ceballos-
Lascurain, 1996).
As noted earlier, economic efficiency aims at the optimal use of natural resources to
meet human needs or to maximize human welfare within the constraints of existing
capital (Serageldin, 1993). This study has shown that tourism in the Okavango Delta
has influenced the development of infrastructure and the provision of social facilities
in Ngamiland District. However, tourism has been unable to promote agricultural
production, the craft and manufacturing industries. As a result, most of the goods
used in the industry are either imported from South Africa or Zimbabwe or are
obtained from other parts of Botswana. This study has also shown that in terms of
revenue generated from tourism, much of it accrue to the private tour operators and to
a limited extent to government in the form of tax revenues, rather than to the local
communities on which tourism resources are located. While there are attempts to
make local communities derive benefits through community-based tourism, the
approach is problematic and is performing poorly (Mbaiwa, 1999, 2000). This is
because local people lack the necessary entrepreneurship and management skills to
participate in the tourism business in the area. This, therefore, suggests that strategies
should be developed with emphasis on ways that will increase local participation and
enhance the use of local knowledge, material and labour in order for local people to
464 J. E. MBAIWA

obtain meaningful benefits from the tourism business. As mentioned earlier, issues of
local empowerment especially the provision of entrepreneurship skills and the control
of tourism resources in the Okavango Delta need to be given priority. While lack of
skills amongst the local people to manage large-scale tourism businesses remains a
problem, efforts should be directed towards advising local communities to come up
with tourist projects that use locally available knowledge, skills and materials. These
projects can include leatherworks, curio shops, campsites, community tour opera-
tions, cultural tourist activities that may involve provision of traditional accommoda-
tion, traditional dishes, music, dances, walking and boat (mokoro) safaris. This means
that local communities can benefit from the booming tourist industry in the
Okavango Delta if they engage in small-scale and simple projects that match their
capabilities and require local skills and knowledge. Britton & Clarke (1987) note that
small-scale projects, locally controlled, can have a significant impact on raising living
standards of the local people. Carter (1991) states that large-scale tourism
development is often the precursor to small-scale development. This suggests that
as tourism development proceeds, indigenous firms and locals gain knowledge and
experience in the tourism business. Carter also notes that government planners should
co-ordinate investment infrastructure with the needs of small-scale entrepreneurs and
the needs of local communities, paying careful attention to the environmental
component. This approach if adopted has the potential of making tourism
development in the Okavango Delta socially, economically and environmentally
sustainable.
The tourism industry in the Okavango Delta is such that it is predominately
foreign owned, hence can be described as enclave tourism or internal
colonialism. There are socio-economic and environmental problems associated with
enclave tourism. This includes a tendency by operators to desire to maximize
profit within a short period of time even at an environmental cost (Butler, 1980;
Carter, 1991; Prosser, 1994). However, once the resources are depleted, tour
operators and tourist usually re-locate elsewhere where there is a tourism boom and
the cycle starts all over again (Butler, 1980; Prosser, 1994). Ecological sustainability
thus becomes vital to avoid the negative environmental impacts of tourism in
destination areas such as the Okavango Delta. Ecological sustainability stresses the
need to preserve the integrity of ecological subsystems viewed as critical for the overall
stability of the global ecosystem. Ecological sustainability stress that the use of
renewable natural resources should not be faster than the rate at which the
natural process renews them (Serageldin, 1993). The establishment of tourist
infrastructure such as camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta is such that they are
crowded in specific areas. This has resulted in tourists and tourist activities having
negative environmental impacts such as the creation of illegal roads and noise
pollution. These impacts suggest that carrying capacities of tourism infrastructure
and of tourists as well as their activities should be controlled to avoid the
environmental degradation of the wetland. This can be possible through the
implementation of existing management plans and efforts being made to come up
with a comprehensive land use and integrated management plan for the Okavango
Delta. This management plan should be designed such that the use of tourism
resources in the Okavango Delta benefits the present generations while at the same
time not jeopardizing chances of future generations to benefit from the same
resources. As the Okavango Delta does not have an integrated management plan, thus
carrying capacity levels are often exceeded by tourist activities in some areas (DOT,
2000). An integrated land-use policy should therefore ensure that the carrying
capacity levels of tourist activities are not exceeded. In coming up with such a policy
all stakeholders especially local people should be involved in policy formulation,
implementation and monitoring for it to be effective and to ensure the sustainability of
tourism in the Okavango Delta.
 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 465

My sincere gratitude to the University of Botswana’s Research and Publications Committee for
having funded this study. My gratitude also goes to Mr Moseki Motsholapheko (Social Science
Technician) at the Harry Oppenhiemer Okavango Research Centre (University of Botswana) for
the role he played in this study. He was involved in data collection, data entry as well as driving
in the harsh Okavango Delta environment. Lastly, many thanks to the numerous respondents
we interviewed, this study was partly possible because of the valuable information they
provided.

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