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DECISION
CARPIO, J.:
The Cases
The Facts
Pursuant to the provisions of Republic Act No. 7941 (R.A. No. 7941) and COMELEC
Resolution Nos. 9366 and 9531, approximately 280 groups and organizations
registered and manifested their desire to participate in the 13 May 2013 party-list
elections.
The COMELEC, however, denied the petitions for registration of the following groups
and organizations:
G.R. SPP No. Group Grounds for Denial
No.
A. Via the COMELEC En Banc’s automatic review of the COMELEC Division’s
resolutions approving registration of groups/organizations
Resolution dated 23 November 2012[8]
1 204379 12-099 (PLM) Alagad ng Sining (ASIN) - The “artists” sector is not
considered marginalized and
underrepresented;
- Failure to prove track
record; and
- Failure of the nominees to
qualify under RA 7941 and
Ang Bagong Bayani.
Omnibus Resolution dated 27 November 2012[9]
2 204455 12-041 (PLM) Manila Teachers Savings - A non-stock savings and
and Loan Association, Inc. loan association cannot be
(Manila Teachers) considered marginalized and
underrepresented; and
- The first and second
nominees are not teachers
by profession.
3 204426 12-011 (PLM) Association of Local - Failure to show that its
Athletics Entrepreneurs and members belong to the
Hobbyists, Inc. (ALA-EH) marginalized; and
- Failure of the nominees to
qualify.
[10]
Resolution dated 27 November 2012
4 204435 12-057 (PLM) 1 Alliance - Failure of the nominees to
Advocating Autonomy qualify: although registering
Party (1AAAP) as a regional political party,
two of the nominees are not
residents of the region; and
four of the five nominees do
not belong to the
marginalized and
underrepresented.
[11]
Resolution dated 27 November 2012
5 204367 12-104 (PL) Akbay Kalusugan (AKIN), - Failure of the group to
Inc. show that its nominees
belong to the urban poor
sector.
[12]
Resolution dated 29 November 2012
6 204370 12-011 (PP) Ako An Bisaya (AAB) - Failure to represent a
marginalized sector of
society, despite the
formation of a sectoral wing
for the benefit of farmers of
Region 8;
- Constituency has district
representatives;
- Lack of track record in
representing peasants and
farmers; and
- Nominees are neither
farmers nor peasants.
[13]
Resolution dated 4 December 2012
7 204436 12-009 (PP), 12-165 Abyan Ilonggo Party (AI) - Failure to show that the
(PLM) party represents a
marginalized and
underrepresented sector, as
the Province of Iloilo has
district representatives;
- Untruthful statements in
the memorandum; and
- Withdrawal of three of its
five nominees.
Resolution dated 4 December 2012[14]
8 204485 12-175 (PL) Alliance of Organizations, - Failure to establish that the
Networks and Associations group can represent 14
of the Philippines, Inc. sectors;
(ALONA) - The sectors of
homeowners’ associations,
entrepreneurs and
cooperatives are not
marginalized and
underrepresented; and
- The nominees do not
belong to the marginalized
and underrepresented.
B. Via the COMELEC En Banc’s review on motion for reconsideration of the COMELEC
Division’s resolutions denying registration of groups and organizations
Resolution dated 7 November 2012[15]
9 204139 12-127 (PL) Alab ng Mamamahayag - Failure to prove track
(ALAM) record as an organization;
- Failure to show that the
group actually represents the
marginalized and
underrepresented; and
- Failure to establish that the
group can represent all
sectors it seeks to represent.
[16]
Resolution dated 7 November 2012
10 204402 12-061 (PP) Kalikasan Party-List - The group reflects an
(KALIKASAN) advocacy for the
environment, and is not
representative of the
marginalized and
underrepresented;
- There is no proof that
majority of its members
belong to the marginalized
and underrepresented;
- The group represents
sectors with conflicting
interests; and
- The nominees do not
belong to the sector which
the group claims to
represent.
Resolution dated 14 November 2012[17]
11 204394 12-145 (PL) Association of Guard, - Failure to prove
Utility Helper, Aider, Rider, membership base and track
Driver/Domestic Helper, record;
Janitor, Agent and Nanny of - Failure to present activities
the Philippines, Inc. that sufficiently benefited its
(GUARDJAN) intended constituency; and
- The nominees do not
belong to any of the sectors
which the group seeks to
represent.
Resolution dated 5 December 2012[18]
12 204490 12-073 (PLM) Pilipinas Para sa Pinoy - Failure to show that the
(PPP) group represents a
marginalized and
underrepresented sector, as
Region 12 has district
representatives; and
- Failure to show a track
record of undertaking
programs for the welfare of
the sector the group seeks to
represent.
These 13 petitioners (ASIN, Manila Teachers, ALA-EH, 1AAAP, AKIN, AAB, AI,
ALONA, ALAM, KALIKASAN, GUARDJAN, PPP, and PBB) were not able to secure a
mandatory injunction from this Court. The COMELEC, on 7 January 2013 issued
Resolution No. 9604,[21] and excluded the names of these 13 petitioners in the
printing of the official ballot for the 13 May 2013 party-list elections.
Petitioners prayed for the issuance of a temporary restraining order and/or writ of
preliminary injunction. This Court issued Status Quo Ante Orders in all
petitions. This Decision governs only the 54 consolidated petitions that were
granted Status Quo Ante Orders, namely:
The Issues
We rule upon two issues: first, whether the COMELEC committed grave abuse of
discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction in disqualifying petitioners
from participating in the 13 May 2013 party-list elections, either by denial of their
new petitions for registration under the party-list system, or by cancellation of their
existing registration and accreditation as party-list organizations; and second,
whether the criteria for participating in the party-list system laid down in Ang
Bagong Bayani and Barangay Association for National Advancement and
Transparency v. Commission on Elections [49] (BANAT) should be applied by the
COMELEC in the coming 13 May 2013 party-list elections.
We hold that the COMELEC did not commit grave abuse of discretion in following
prevailing decisions of this Court in disqualifying petitioners from participating in
the coming 13 May 2013 party-list elections. However, since the Court adopts in
this Decision new parameters in the qualification of national, regional, and sectoral
parties under the party-list system, thereby abandoning the rulings in the decisions
applied by the COMELEC in disqualifying petitioners, we remand to the COMELEC all
the present petitions for the COMELEC to determine who are qualified to register
under the party-list system, and to participate in the coming 13 May 2013 party-list
elections, under the new parameters prescribed in this Decision.
The 1987 Constitution provides the basis for the party-list system of representation.
Simply put, the party-list system is intended to democratize political power by
giving political parties that cannot win in legislative district elections a chance to
win seats in the House of Representatives.[50] The voter elects two representatives
in the House of Representatives: one for his or her legislative district, and another
for his or her party-list group or organization of choice. The 1987 Constitution
provides:
Section 5, Article VI
(1) The House of Representatives shall be composed of not more than two hundred
and fifty members, unless otherwise fixed by law, who shall be elected from
legislative districts apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the Metropolitan
Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants, and on
the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio, and those who, as provided by law,
shall be elected through a party-list system of registered national, regional, and
sectoral parties or organizations.
(2) The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum of the total
number of representatives including those under the party list. For three
consecutive terms after the ratification of this Constitution, one-half of the seats
allocated to party-list representatives shall be filled, as provided by law, by
selection or election from the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural
communities, women, youth, and such other sectors as may be provided by law,
except the religious sector.
MR. MONSOD: x x x.
I would like to make a distinction from the beginning that the proposal for the
party list system is not synonymous with that of the sectoral
representation. Precisely, the party list system seeks to avoid the dilemma of
choice of sectors and who constitute the members of the sectors. In making the
proposal on the party list system, we were made aware of the problems precisely
cited by Commissioner Bacani of which sectors will have reserved seats. In effect, a
sectoral representation in the Assembly would mean that certain sectors would
have reserved seats; that they will choose among themselves who would sit in
those reserved seats. And then, we have the problem of which sector because as
we will notice in Proclamation No. 9, the sectors cited were the farmers, fishermen,
workers, students, professionals, business, military, academic, ethnic and other
similar groups. So these are the nine sectors that were identified here as "sectoral
representatives" to be represented in this Commission. The problem we had in
trying to approach sectoral representation in the Assembly was whether to stop at
these nine sectors or include other sectors. And we went through the exercise in a
caucus of which sector should be included which went up to 14 sectors. And as we
all know, the longer we make our enumeration, the more limiting the law become
because when we make an enumeration we exclude those who are not in the
enumeration. Second, we had the problem of who comprise the farmers. Let us just
say the farmers and the laborers. These days, there are many citizens who are
called “hyphenated citizens.” A doctor may be a farmer; a lawyer may also be a
farmer. And so, it is up to the discretion of the person to say “I am a farmer” so he
would be included in that sector.
The third problem is that when we go into a reserved seat system of sectoral
representation in the Assembly, we are, in effect, giving some people two votes and
other people one vote. We sought to avoid these problems by presenting a party
list system. Under the party list system, there are no reserved seats for sectors. Let
us say, laborers and farmers can form a sectoral party or a sectoral organization
that will then register and present candidates of their party. How do the mechanics
go? Essentially, under the party list system, every voter has two votes, so there is
no discrimination. First, he will vote for the representative of his legislative district.
That is one vote. In that same ballot, he will be asked: What party or organization
or coalition do you wish to be represented in the Assembly? And here will be
attached a list of the parties, organizations or coalitions that have been registered
with the COMELEC and are entitled to be put in that list. This can be a regional
party, a sectoral party, a national party, UNIDO, Magsasaka or a regional party in
Mindanao. One need not be a farmer to say that he wants the farmers' party to be
represented in the Assembly. Any citizen can vote for any party. At the end of the
day, the COMELEC will then tabulate the votes that had been garnered by each
party or each organization — one does not have to be a political party and register
in order to participate as a party — and count the votes and from there derive the
percentage of the votes that had been cast in favor of a party, organization or
coalition.
When such parties register with the COMELEC, we are assuming that 50 of the 250
seats will be for the party list system. So, we have a limit of 30 percent of 50. That
means that the maximum that any party can get out of these 50 seats is 15. When
the parties register they then submit a list of 15 names. They have to submit these
names because these nominees
What does that mean? It means that any group or party who has a constituency of,
say, 500,000 nationwide gets a seat in the National Assembly. What is the
justification for that? When we allocate legislative districts, we are saying that any
district that has 200,000 votes gets a seat. There is no reason why a group that has
a national constituency, even if it is a sectoral or special interest group, should not
have a voice in the National Assembly. It also means that, let us say, there are
three or four labor groups, they all register as a party or as a group. If each of
them gets only one percent or five of them get one percent, they are not entitled to
any representative. So, they will begin to think that if they really have a common
interest, they should band together, form a coalition and get five percent of the
vote and, therefore, have two seats in the Assembly. Those are the dynamics of a
party list system.
We feel that this approach gets around the mechanics of sectoral representation
while at the same time making sure that those who really have a national
constituency or sectoral constituency will get a chance to have a seat in the
National Assembly. These sectors or these groups may not have the constituency to
win a seat on a legislative district basis. They may not be able to win a seat on a
district basis but surely, they will have votes on a nationwide basis.
The purpose of this is to open the system. In the past elections, we found out that
there were certain groups or parties that, if we count their votes nationwide; have
about 1,000,000 or 1,500,000 votes. But they were always third place or fourth
place in each of the districts. So, they have no voice in the Assembly. But this way,
they would have five or six representatives in the Assembly even if they would not
win individually in legislative districts. So, that is essentially the mechanics, the
purpose and objectives of the party list system.
MR. MONSOD: As a matter of fact, if this body accepts the party list system, we do
not even have to mention sectors because the sectors would be included in the
party list system. They can be sectoral parties within the party list system.
xxxx
MR. MONSOD. Madam President, I just want to say that we suggested or proposed
the party list system because we wanted to open up the political system to a
pluralistic society through a multiparty system. x x x We are for opening up the
system, and we would like very much for the sectors to be there. That is
why one of the ways to do that is to put a ceiling on the number of
representatives from any single party that can sit within the 50 allocated
under the party list system. x x x.
xxx
MR. MONSOD. Madam President, the candidacy for the 198 seats is not
limited to political parties. My question is this: Are we going to classify for
example Christian Democrats and Social Democrats as political parties?
Can they run under the party list concept or must they be under the district
legislation side of it only?
MR. VILLACORTA. In reply to that query, I think these parties that the
Commissioner mentioned can field candidates for the Senate as well as for
the House of Representatives. Likewise, they can also field sectoral
candidates for the 20 percent or 30 percent, whichever is adopted, of the
seats that we are allocating under the party list system.
MR. MONSOD. In other words, the Christian Democrats can field district
candidates and can also participate in the party list system?
MR. VILLACORTA. Why not? When they come to the party list system, they
will be fielding only sectoral candidates.
MR. MONSOD. May I be clarified on that? Can UNIDO participate in the party
list system?
MR. VILLACORTA. Yes, why not? For as long as they field candidates who
come from the different marginalized sectors that we shall designate in
this Constitution.
MR. MONSOD. Suppose Senator Tañada wants to run under BAYAN group and says
that he represents the farmers, would he qualify?
MR. MONSOD. But UNIDO can field candidates under the party list system and say
Juan dela Cruz is a farmer. Who would pass on whether he is a farmer or not?
MR. MONSOD. What the Commissioner is saying is that all political parties can
participate because it is precisely the contention of political parties that they
represent the broad base of citizens and that all sectors are represented in them.
Would the Commissioner agree?
MR. TADEO. Ang punto lamang namin, pag pinayagan mo ang UNIDO na isang
political party, it will dominate the party list at mawawalang saysay din yung sector.
Lalamunin mismo ng political parties ang party list system. Gusto ko lamang bigyan
ng diin ang “reserve.” Hindi ito reserve seat sa marginalized sectors. Kung titingnan
natin itong 198 seats, reserved din ito sa political parties.
MR. MONSOD. Hindi po reserved iyon kasi anybody can run there. But my question
to Commissioner Villacorta and probably also to Commissioner Tadeo is that under
this system, would UNIDO be banned from running under the party list system?
MR. MONSOD: Sino po ang magsasabi kung iyong kandidato ng UNIDO ay hindi
talagang labor leader or isang laborer? Halimbawa, abogado ito.
MR. MONSOD: Hindi po mechanics iyon because we are trying to solve an inherent
problem of sectoral representation. My question is: Suppose UNIDO fields a labor
leader, would he qualify?
MR. TADEO: The COMELEC may look into the truth of whether or not a
political party is really organized along a specific sectoral line. If such is
verified or confirmed, the political party may submit a list of individuals
who are actually members of such sectors. The lists are to be published to
give individuals or organizations belonging to such sector the chance to
present evidence contradicting claims of membership in the said sector or
to question the claims of the existence of such sectoral organizations or
parties. This proceeding shall be conducted by the COMELEC and shall be
summary in character. In other words, COMELEC decisions on this matter
are final and unappealable.[52] (Emphasis supplied)
Indisputably, the framers of the 1987 Constitution intended the party-list system to
include not only sectoral parties but also non-sectoral parties. The framers
intended the sectoral parties to constitute a part, but not the entirety, of the party-
list system. As explained by Commissioner Wilfredo Villacorta, political
parties can participate in the party-list system “[F]or as long as they field
candidates who come from the different marginalized sectors that we shall
designate in this Constitution.”[53]
In fact, the framers voted down, 19-22, a proposal to reserve permanent seats to
sectoral parties in the House of Representatives, or alternatively, to reserve the
party-list system exclusively to sectoral parties. As clearly explained by Justice Jose
C. Vitug in his Dissenting Opinion in Ang Bagong Bayani:
The draft provisions on what was to become Article VI, Section 5, subsection (2), of
the 1987 Constitution took off from two staunch positions — the first headed by
Commissioner Villacorta, advocating that of the 20 per centum of the total seats in
Congress to be allocated to party-list representatives half were to be reserved to
appointees from the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. The proposal was
opposed by some Commissioners. Mr. Monsod expressed the difficulty in delimiting
the sectors that needed representation. He was of the view that reserving seats for
the marginalized and underrepresented sectors would stunt their development into
full-pledged parties equipped with electoral machinery potent enough to further the
sectoral interests to be represented. The Villacorta group, on the other hand, was
apprehensive that pitting the unorganized and less-moneyed sectoral groups in an
electoral contest would be like placing babes in the lion's den, so to speak, with the
bigger and more established political parties ultimately gobbling them up. R.A.
7941 recognized this concern when it banned the first five major political parties on
the basis of party representation in the House of Representatives from participating
in the party-list system for the first party-list elections held in 1998 (and to be
automatically lifted starting with the 2001 elections). The advocates for permanent
seats for sectoral representatives made an effort towards a compromise — that the
party-list system be open only to underrepresented and marginalized sectors. This
proposal was further whittled down by allocating only half of the seats under the
party-list system to candidates from the sectors which would garner the required
number of votes. The majority was unyielding. Voting 19-22, the proposal for
permanent seats, and in the alternative the reservation of the party-list
system to the sectoral groups, was voted down. The only concession the
Villacorta group was able to muster was an assurance of reserved seats for selected
sectors for three consecutive terms after the enactment of the 1987 Constitution,
by which time they would be expected to gather and solidify their electoral base
and brace themselves in the multi-party electoral contest with the more veteran
political groups.[54] (Emphasis supplied)
Thus, in the end, the proposal to give permanent reserved seats to certain sectors
was outvoted. Instead, the reservation of seats to sectoral representatives was only
allowed for the first three consecutive terms.[55] There can be no doubt whatsoever
that the framers of the 1987 Constitution expressly rejected the proposal to make
the party-list system exclusively for sectoral parties only, and that they clearly
intended the party-list system to include both sectoral and non-sectoral parties.
The common denominator between sectoral and non-sectoral parties is that they
cannot expect to win in legislative district elections but they can garner, in
nationwide elections, at least the same number of votes that winning candidates
can garner in legislative district elections. The party-list system will be the entry
point to membership in the House of Representatives for both these non-traditional
parties that could not compete in legislative district elections.
The indisputable intent of the framers of the 1987 Constitution to include in the
party-list system both sectoral and non-sectoral parties is clearly written in
Section 5(1), Article VI of the Constitution, which states:
Section 5. (1) The House of Representative shall be composed of not more that two
hundred and fifty members, unless otherwise fixed by law, who shall be elected
from legislative districts apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the
Metropolitan Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective
inhabitants, and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio, and those who,
as provided by law, shall be elected through a party-list system of
registered national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations.
Emphasis supplied)
Section 5(1), Article VI of the Constitution is crystal-clear that there shall be “a
party-list system of registered national, regional, and sectoral parties or
organizations.” The commas after the words “national[,]” and “regional[,]”
separate national and regional parties from sectoral parties. Had the framers of the
1987 Constitution intended national and regional parties to be at the same time
sectoral, they would have stated “national and regional sectoral parties.” They did
not, precisely because it was never their intention to make the party-list system
exclusively sectoral.
What the framers intended, and what they expressly wrote in Section 5(1), could
not be any clearer: the party-list system is composed of three different groups, and
the sectoral parties belong to only one of the three groups. The text of Section
5(1) leaves no room for any doubt that national and regional parties are
separate from sectoral parties.
Thus, the party-list system is composed of three different groups: (1) national
parties or organizations; (2) regional parties or organizations; and (3) sectoral
parties or organizations. National and regional parties or organizations
are different from sectoral parties or organizations. National and regional parties
or organizations need not be organized along sectoral lines and need not represent
any particular sector.
Moreover, Section 5(2), Article VI of the 1987 Constitution mandates that, during
the first three consecutive terms of Congress after the ratification of the 1987
Constitution, “one-half of the seats allocated to party-list representatives shall be
filled, as provided by law, by selection or election from the labor, peasant, urban
poor, indigenous cultural communities, women, youth, and such other sectors as
may be provided by law, except the religious sector.” This provision clearly shows
again that the party-list system is not exclusively for sectoral parties for two
obvious reasons.
First, the other one-half of the seats allocated to party-list representatives would
naturally be open to non-sectoral party-list representatives, clearly negating the
idea that the party-list system is exclusively for sectoral parties representing the
“marginalized and underrepresented.” Second, the reservation of one-half of the
party-list seats to sectoral parties applies only for the first “three consecutive terms
after the ratification of this Constitution,” clearly making the party-list system fully
open after the end of the first three congressional terms. This means that, after this
period, there will be no seats reserved for any class or type of party that qualifies
under the three groups constituting the party-list system.
Hence, the clear intent, express wording, and party-list structure ordained
in Section 5(1) and (2), Article VI of the 1987 Constitution cannot be
disputed: the party-list system is not for sectoral parties only, but also for
non-sectoral parties.
Republic Act No. 7941 or the Party-List System Act, which is the law that
implements the party-list system prescribed in the Constitution, provides:
It is a national party when its constituency is spread over the geographical territory
of at least a majority of the regions. It is a regional party when its constituency is
spread over the geographical territory of at least a majority of the cities and
provinces comprising the region.
Section 3(a) of R.A. No. 7941 defines a “party” as “either a political party or a
sectoral party or a coalition of parties.” Clearly, a political party is different from a
sectoral party. Section 3(c) of R.A. No. 7941 further provides that a “political
party refers to an organized group of citizens advocating an ideology or
platform, principles and policies for the general conduct of government.”
On the other hand, Section 3(d) of R.A. No. 7941 provides that a “sectoral
party refers to an organized group of citizens belonging to any of the sectors
enumerated in Section 5 hereof whose principal advocacy pertains to the
special interest and concerns of their sector.” R.A. No. 7941 provides different
definitions for a political and a sectoral party. Obviously, they are separate and
distinct from each other.
R.A. No. 7941 does not require national and regional parties or
organizations to represent the “marginalized and underrepresented”
sectors. To require all national and regional parties under the party-list system to
represent the “marginalized and underrepresented” is to deprive and exclude, by
judicial fiat, ideology-based and cause-oriented parties from the party-list system.
How will these ideology-based and cause-oriented parties, who cannot win in
legislative district elections, participate in the electoral process if they are excluded
from the party-list system? To exclude them from the party-list system is to
prevent them from joining the parliamentary struggle, leaving as their only option
the armed struggle. To exclude them from the party-list system is, apart from
being obviously senseless, patently contrary to the clear intent and express wording
of the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941.
Section 5 of R.A. No. 7941 states that “the sectors shall include labor, peasant,
fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural
communities, elderly, handicapped, women, youth, veterans, overseas workers,
and professionals.”[56] The sectors mentioned in Section 5 are not all necessarily
“marginalized and underrepresented.” For sure, “professionals” are not by definition
“marginalized and underrepresented,” not even the elderly, women, and the youth.
However, professionals, the elderly, women, and the youth may “lack well-defined
political constituencies,” and can thus organize themselves into sectoral parties in
advocacy of the special interests and concerns of their respective sectors.
Section 6 of R.A. No. 7941 provides another compelling reason for holding that the
law does not require national or regional parties, as well as certain sectoral parties
in Section 5 of R.A. No. 7941, to represent the “marginalized and
underrepresented.” Section 6 provides the grounds for the COMELEC to refuse or
cancel the registration of parties or organizations after due notice and hearing.
(4) It is receiving support from any foreign government, foreign political party,
foundation, organization, whether directly or through any of its officers or members
or indirectly through third parties for partisan election purposes;
(5) It violates or fails to comply with laws, rules or regulations relating to elections;
(8) It fails to participate in the last two (2) preceding elections or fails to obtain at
least two per centum (2%) of the votes cast under the party-list system in the two
(2) preceding elections for the constituency in which it has registered.
How then should we harmonize the broad policy declaration in Section 2 of R.A. No.
7941 with its specific implementing provisions, bearing in mind the applicable
provisions of the 1987 Constitution on the matter?
The recognition that national and regional parties, as well as sectoral parties of
professionals, the elderly, women and the youth, need not be “marginalized and
underrepresented” will allow small ideology-based and cause-oriented parties who
lack “well-defined political constituencies” a chance to win seats in the House of
Representatives. On the other hand, limiting to the “marginalized and
underrepresented” the sectoral parties for labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor,
indigenous cultural communities, handicapped, veterans, overseas workers, and
other sectors that by their nature are economically at the margins of society, will
give the “marginalized and underrepresented” an opportunity to likewise win seats
in the House of Representatives.
This interpretation will harmonize the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941 and will
give rise to a multi-party system where those “marginalized and
underrepresented,” both in economic and ideological status, will have the
opportunity to send their own members to the House of Representatives. This
interpretation will also make the party-list system honest and transparent,
eliminating the need for relatively well-off party-list representatives to masquerade
as “wallowing in poverty, destitution and infirmity,” even as they attend sessions in
Congress riding in SUVs.
The major political parties are those that field candidates in the legislative district
elections. Major political parties cannot participate in the party-list elections since
they neither lack “well-defined political constituencies” nor represent “marginalized
and underrepresented” sectors. Thus, the national or regional parties under
the party-list system are necessarily those that do not belong to major
political parties. This automatically reserves the national and regional parties
under the party-list system to those who “lack well-defined political constituencies,”
giving them the opportunity to have members in the House of Representatives.
Section 11 of R.A. No. 7941 expressly prohibited the “first five (5) major
political parties on the basis of party representation in the House of
Representatives at the start of the Tenth Congress” from participating in the May
1988 party-list elections.[59] Thus, major political parties can participate
in subsequent party-list elections since the prohibition is expressly limited
only to the 1988 party-list elections. However, major political parties should
participate in party-list elections only through their sectoral wings. The
participation of major political parties through their sectoral wings, a majority of
whose members are “marginalized and underrepresented” or lacking in “well-
defined political constituencies,” will facilitate the entry of the “marginalized and
underrepresented” and those who “lack well-defined political constituencies” as
members of the House of Representatives.
The 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941 allow major political parties to participate
in party-list elections so as to encourage them to work assiduously in extending
their constituencies to the “marginalized and underrepresented” and to those who
“lack well-defined political constituencies.” The participation of major political
parties in party-list elections must be geared towards the entry, as members of the
House of Representatives, of the “marginalized and underrepresented” and those
who “lack well-defined political constituencies,” giving them a voice in law-making.
Thus, to participate in party-list elections, a major political party that fields
candidates in the legislative district elections must organize a sectoral wing, like a
labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor, professional, women or youth wing, that can
register under the party-list system.
Such sectoral wing of a major political party must have its own constitution, by-
laws, platform or program of government, officers and members, a majority of
whom must belong to the sector represented. The sectoral wing is in itself an
independent sectoral party, and is linked to a major political party through a
coalition. This linkage is allowed by Section 3 of R.A. No. 7941, which provides that
“component parties or organizations of a coalition may participate independently (in
party-list elections) provided the coalition of which they form part does not
participate in the party-list system.”
Section 9 of R.A. No. 7941 prescribes the qualifications of party-list nominees. This
provision prescribes a special qualification only for the nominee from the youth
sector.
In case of a nominee of the youth sector, he must at least be twenty-five (25) but
not more than thirty (30) years of age on the day of the election. Any youth
sectoral representative who attains the age of thirty (30) during his term shall be
allowed to continue in office until the expiration of his term.
Second, while even major political parties are expressly allowed by RA 7941 and
the Constitution to participate in the party-list system, they must comply with the
declared statutory policy of enabling “Filipino citizens belonging to marginalized and
underrepresented sectors x x x to be elected to the House of Representatives.” x x
x.
xxxx
Third, x x x the religious sector may not be represented in the party-list system. x x
x.
xxxx
(4) It is receiving support from any foreign government, foreign political party,
foundation, organization, whether directly or through any of its officers or members
or indirectly through third parties for partisan election purposes;
(5) It violates or fails to comply with laws, rules or regulations relating to elections;
(8) It fails to participate in the last two (2) preceding elections or fails to obtain at
least two per centum (2%) of the votes cast under the party-list system in the two
(2) preceding elections for the constituency in which it has registered.”
Fifth, the party or organization must not be an adjunct of, or a project organized or
an entity funded or assisted by, the government. x x x.
xxxx
Sixth, the party must not only comply with the requirements of the law; its
nominees must likewise do so. Section 9 of RA 7941 reads as follows:
“SEC 9. Qualifications of Party-List Nominees. — No person shall be nominated as
party-list representative unless he is a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a
registered voter, a resident of the Philippines for a period of not less than one
(1)year immediately preceding the day of the election, able to read and write, a
bona fide member of the party or organization which he seeks to represent for at
least ninety (90) days preceding the day of the election, and is at least twenty-five
(25) years of age on the day of the election.
In case of a nominee of the youth sector, he must at least be twenty-five (25) but
not more than thirty (30) years of age on the day of the election. Any youth
sectoral representative who attains the age of thirty (30) during his term shall be
allowed to continue in office until the expiration of his term.”
Seventh, not only the candidate party or organization must represent
marginalized and underrepresented sectors; so also must its nominees. x x
x.
The minority in BANAT, however, believed that major political parties can
participate in the party-list system through their sectoral wings. The minority
expressed that “[e]xcluding the major political parties in party-list elections is
manifestly against the Constitution, the intent of the Constitutional Commission,
and R.A. No. 7941. This Court cannot engage in socio-political engineering and
judicially legislate the exclusion of major political parties from the party-list
elections in patent violation of the Constitution and the law.”[61] The
experimentations in socio-political engineering have only resulted in confusion and
absurdity in the party-list system. Such experimentations, in clear contravention of
the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941, must now come to an end.
Thus, we remand all the present petitions to the COMELEC. In determining who
may participate in the coming 13 May 2013 and subsequent party-list elections, the
COMELEC shall adhere to the following parameters:
1. Three different groups may participate in the party-list system: (1) national
parties or organizations, (2) regional parties or organizations, and (3)
sectoral parties or organizations.
The COMELEC excluded from participating in the 13 May 2013 party-list elections
those that did not satisfy these two criteria: (1) allnational, regional, and sectoral
groups or organizations must represent the “marginalized and underrepresented”
sectors, and (2) allnominees must belong to the “marginalized and
underrepresented” sector they represent. Petitioners may have been disqualified by
the COMELEC because as political or regional parties they are not organized along
sectoral lines and do not represent the “marginalized and underrepresented.” Also,
petitioners' nominees who do not belong to the sectors they represent may have
been disqualified, although they may have a track record of advocacy for their
sectors. Likewise, nominees of non-sectoral parties may have been disqualified
because they do not belong to any sector. Moreover, a party may have been
disqualified because one or more of its nominees failed to qualify, even if the party
has at least one remaining qualified nominee. As discussed above, the
disqualification of petitioners, and their nominees, under such circumstances is
contrary to the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941.
This Court is sworn to uphold the 1987 Constitution, apply its provisions faithfully,
and desist from engaging in socio-economic or political experimentations contrary
to what the Constitution has ordained. Judicial power does not include the power to
re-write the Constitution. Thus, the present petitions should be remanded to the
COMELEC not because the COMELEC committed grave abuse of discretion in
disqualifying petitioners, but because petitioners may now possibly qualify to
participate in the coming 13 May 2013 party-list elections under the new
parameters prescribed by this Court.
SO ORDERED.
DECISION
BRION, J.:
On April 2, 2013, the Court rendered its Decision in Atong Paglaum, Inc., etc., et al.
v. Commission on Elections.[9] The Court remanded all the petitions to the COMELEC
to determine their compliance with the new parameters and guidelines set by the
Court in that case. In Atong Paglaum, the Court ruled:
Thus, we remand all the present petitions to the COMELEC. In determining who
may participate in the coming 13 May 2013 and subsequent party-list elections, the
COMELEC shall adhere to the following parameters:
xxxx
The COMELEC noted that all existing party-list groups or organizations were on
notice as early as February 8, 2012 (when Resolution No. 9359 was promulgated)
that upon submission of their respective manifestations of intent to participate, they
also needed to submit a list of five nominees.[10] During the hearing on August 23,
2012, the COMELEC pointed out to COCOFED that it had only two nominees.
WHEREFORE, the Commission En banc RESOLVES:
Accordingly, the foregoing shall be REMOVED from the registry of party-list groups
and organizations of the Commission, and shall NOT BE ALLOWED to PARTICIPATE
as a candidate for the Party-List System of Representation for the 13 May 2013
Elections and subsequent elections thereafter.[11] (emphases ours)
COCOFED moved for reconsideration only to withdraw its motion later. Instead, on
May 20, 2013, COCOFED filed a Manifestation with Urgent Request to Admit
Additional Nominees with the COMELEC, namely: (i) Felino M. Gutierrez and (ii)
Rodolfo T. de Asis.[12]
On May 24, 2013, the COMELEC issued a resolution declaring the cancellation of
COCOFED’s accreditation final and executory.
THE PETITION
COCOFED argues that the COMELEC gravely abused its discretion in issuing the
assailed resolution on the following grounds:
First, the COMELEC’s issuance of the assailed resolution violated its right to due
process because the COMELEC did not even conduct a summary hearing, as
ordered by the Court in Atong Paglaum, to give it an opportunity to explain and
comply with the requirement. COCOFED submits that the requirement of submitting
the names of at least five nominees should not be strictly applied “in light of the
nature of party-list representation” which “look[s] to the party, and not [to] the
nominees per se.”[13]
Second, its failure to submit the required number of nominees was based on the
good faith belief that its submission was sufficient for purposes of the elections and
that it could still be remedied since COCOFED could simply submit the names of its
additional two nominees. COCOFED adds that the number of nominees becomes
significant only “when a party-list organization is able to attain a sufficient number
of votes which would qualify it for a seat in the House of Representatives.”[14]
Third, the COMELEC violated its right to equal protection of the laws since at least
two other party-list groups (ACT-CIS and MTM Phils.) which failed to submit five
nominees were included in the official list of party-list groups.
2. After giving due course to the instant Petition and after a consideration of the
issues, judgment be rendered:
RESPONDENT’S COMMENT
The petition is already moot and academic. Despite the issuance of the assailed
resolution three days before the elections, COCOFED remained in the ballot and its
votes were counted and tallied. As of 8:26:02 a.m. of May 29, 2013, the official
results showed that it only received 80,397 votes or 0.36% of the total number of
votes cast for the party-list elections. With the reliefs prayed for already performed,
nothing more remained for COCOFED to ask.
At any rate, the COMELEC claims that it did not abuse, much less gravely abuse its
discretion, when it maintained its earlier ruling cancelling COCOFED’s registration
and accreditation; it merely applied the clear requirement of Section 8, in relation
to Section 6, of RA No. 7941. The importance of a complete list of five nominees
cannot be overemphasized. Based on this list, the COMELEC checks a party’s
compliance with the other legal requirements, namely: (i) that a person is
nominated in only one list; and (ii) that the list shall not include any candidate for
any elective office or a person who has lost his bid for an elective office in the
immediately preceding election.
COURT’S RULING
A moot and academic case is one that ceases to present a justiciable controversy
because of supervening events so that a declaration thereon would be of no
practical use or value.[17]
In the present case, while the COMELEC counted and tallied the votes in favor of
COCOFED showing that it failed to obtain the required number of votes,
participation in the 2013 elections was merely one of the reliefs COCOFED prayed
for. The validity of the COMELEC’s resolution, cancelling COCOFED’s registration,
remains a very live issue that is not dependent on the outcome of the elections.
Under Section 4 of RA No. 7941, a party-list group already registered “need not
register anew” for purposes of every subsequent election, but only needs to file
a manifestation of intent to participate with the COMELEC. These two acts are
different from each other.
Under Section 5 of RA No. 7941, an applicant for registration has to file with the
COMELEC, not later than ninety (90) days before the election, a verified petition
stating its desire to participate in the party-list system as a national, regional or
sectoral party or organization or a coalition of such parties or organizations.
Under this legal reality, the fact that COCOFED did not obtain sufficient number of
votes in the elections does not affect the issue of the validity of the COMELEC’s
registration. A finding that the COMELEC gravely abused its discretion in cancelling
COCOFED’s registration would entitle it, if it is so minded, to participate in
subsequent elections without need of undergoing registration proceedings anew.
This brings us to the issue of whether the COMELEC indeed gravely abused its
discretion in issuing the assailed resolution. We hold that it did not.
Failure to submit the list of five nominees before the election warrants the
cancellation of its registration
The law expressly requires the submission of a list containing at least five qualified
nominees. Section 8 of RA No. 7941 reads:
Section 8. Nomination of Party-List Representatives. Each registered party,
organization or coalition shall submit to the COMELEC not later than forty-five
(45) days before the election a list of names, not less than five (5), from which
party-list representatives shall be chosen in case it obtains the required number of
votes. [emphases and underscores ours; italics supplied]
As early as February 8, 2012, the COMELEC had informed, through Resolution No.
9359,[18] all registered parties who wished to participate in the May 2013 party-list
elections that they “shall file with the [COMELEC] a Manifestation of Intent to
participate in the part-list election together with its list of at least five (5)
nominees, no later than May 31, 2012[.]”
Under Section 6(5) of RA No. 7941, violation of or failure to comply with laws, rules
or regulations relating to elections is a ground for the cancellation of registration.
However, not every kind of violation automatically warrants the cancellation of a
party-list group’s registration. Since a reading of the entire Section 6 shows that all
the grounds for cancellation actually pertain to the party itself, then the laws, rules
and regulations violated to warrant cancellation under Section 6(5) must be one
that is primarily imputable to the party itself and not one that is chiefly confined to
an individual member or its nominee.
First, the language of Section 8 of RA No. 7941 does not only use the word “shall”
in connection with the requirement of submitting a list of nominees; it uses this
mandatory term in conjunction with the number of names to be submitted that is
couched negatively, i.e., “not less than five.” The use of these terms together is a
plain indication of legislative intent to make the statutory requirement mandatory
for the party to undertake.[19] With the date and manner of submission[20] of the list
having been determined by law – a condition precedent for the registration of new
party-list groups or for participation in the party-list elections in case of previously
registered party-list groups,[21]and was in fact reiterated by the COMELEC through
its resolutions – COCOFED cannot now claim good faith, much less dictate its own
terms of compliance.
Pursuant to the terms of Section 8 of RA No. 7941, the Court cannot leave to the
party the discretion to determine the number of nominees it would submit. A
contrary view overlooks the fact that the requirement of submission of a list of five
nominees is primarily a statutory requirement for the registration of party-list
groups and the submission of this list is part of a registered party’s continuing
compliance with the law to maintain its registration. A party-list group’s previous
registration with the COMELEC confers no vested right to the maintenance of its
registration. In order to maintain a party in a continuing compliance status, the
party must prove not only its continued possession of the requisite qualifications
but, equally, must show its compliance with the basic requirements of the law.
Second, while COCOFED’s failure to submit a complete list of nominees may not
have been among the grounds cited by the COMELEC in earlier cancelling its
registration, this is not sufficient to support a finding of grave abuse of discretion.
Apart from the clear letter of Section 8 of RA No. 7941 and the COMELEC
resolutions issued more or less a year before the 2013 elections, COCOFED’s
belated submission of a Manifestation with Urgent Request to Admit Additional
Nominees several days after the elections betrays the emptiness of COCOFED’s
formalistic plea for prior notice.
Section 6 of RA No. 7941 requires the COMELEC to afford “due notice and hearing”
before refusing or cancelling the registration of a party- list group as a matter of
procedural due process. The Court would have demanded an exacting compliance
with this requirement if the registration or continuing compliance proceeding were
strictly in the nature of a judicial or quasi-judicial proceeding.[22] In several cases,
however, the Court had already ruled that the registration of party-list groups
involves the exercise of the COMELEC’s administrative power, particularly its power
to enforce and administer all laws related to elections.[23]
While COCOFED could have complied after the elections (as it in fact did), it should
have, at the very least, submitted an explanation justifying its inability to comply
prior to the elections. However, COCOFED simply chose to ignore the law; this, to
us, is a plain disregard of the administrative requirement warranting the
cancellation of its registration.
Third, the fact that a party-list group is entitled to no more than three seats in
Congress, regardless of the number of votes it may garner,[24] does not render
Section 8 of RA No. 7941 permissive in nature.
The publication of the list of nominees does not only serve as the reckoning period
of certain remedies and procedures under the resolution.[26] Most importantly, the
required publication satisfies the people’s constitutional right to information on
matters of public concern.[27] The need for submission of the complete list required
by law[28] becomes all the more important in a party-list election to apprise the
electorate of the individuals behind the party they are voting for. If only to give
meaning to the right of the people to elect their representatives on the basis of an
informed judgment, then the party-list group must submit a complete list of five
nominees because the identity of these five nominees carries critical bearing on the
electorate’s choice.[29] A post-election completion of the list of nominees defeats this
constitutional purpose.
Even if a party-list group can only have a maximum of three seats, the requirement
of additional two nominees actually addresses the contingencies that may happen
during the term of these party-list representatives. Section 16 of RA No. 7941
reads:
Section 16. Vacancy. In case of vacancy in the seats reserved for party-list
representatives, the vacancy shall be automatically filled by the next representative
from the list of nominees in the order submitted to the COMELEC by the same
party, organization, or coalition, who shall serve for the unexpired term. If the list
is exhausted, the party, organization coalition concerned shall submit additional
nominees.
While the law allows the submission of additional nominees once the list is
exhausted, the exhaustion of the list presupposes prior compliance with the
requirement of Section 8 of RA No. 7941. Since the exhaustion of the list is an
event that can rarely happen under this interpretation, then the law effectively
upholds the people’s right to make informed electoral judgments. Again, it is a
basic rule of statutory construction that the provisions of the law must not be read
in isolation but as a whole, as the law must not be read in truncated parts; its
provisions in relation to the whole law and every part thereof must be considered in
fixing the meaning of any of its parts in order to produce a harmonious whole.[30]
Fourth, we cannot discern any valid reason why a party-list group cannot comply
with the statutory requirement. The party-list system is a constitutional innovation
that would expand opportunities for electoral participation to those who cannot
hope to win in the legislative district elections, but who may generate votes
nationwide equivalent to what a winner in the legislative district election would
garner.[33] In short, the party- list system operates on the theoretical assumption
that a party-list group has national constituency whose interests, concerns, or
ideologies call for representation in the House of Representatives. We quote with
approval the COMELEC’s observation:
If the party cannot even come up with a complete list of five names out of a
purported more than one million members, then it is highly doubtful that COCOFED
will meet this expectation [to contribute to the formulation and enactment of
legislation that is beneficial for the nation as a whole]; and if it cannot even name
at least three more people who belongs to, or with sufficient advocacy for, the
sector sought to be represented then as a sectoral party or organization, it has
already forsaken what it seeks to represent.[34]
Given this driving idea, a party is not allowed to simply refuse to submit a list
containing “not less than five nominees” and consider the deficiency as a waiver on
its part. Aside from colliding with the plain text of the law, this interpretation is not
in harmony with the statutory policy of enhancing the party-list-groups’ chances to
compete for and win seats in the legislature, and therefore does not serve as
incentive to Filipino citizens belonging to these groups to contribute to the
formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation.[35]
Fifth, while under the 6th parameter in Atong Paglaum, the Court said that the
disqualification of some of the nominees shall not result in the disqualification of the
party-list group "provided that they have at least one nominee who remains
qualified," the Court largely considered that -
petitioners' nominees who do not belong to the sectors they represent may have
been disqualified, although they may have a track record of advocacy for their
sectors. Likewise, nominees of non-sectoral parties may have been disqualified
because they do not belong to any sector. Moreover, a party may have been
disqualified because one or more of its nominees failed to qualify, even if the party
has at least one remaining qualified nominee. As discussed above, the
disqualification of petitioners, and their nominees, under such circumstances is
contrary to the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941.
In fact, almost all of the petitioners in Atong Paglaum were disqualified on the
ground that the nominees failed to "qualify," as this word was interpreted by the
COMELEC.[36] In other words, the Court in no way authorized a party list group's
inexcusable failure, if not outright refusal, to comply with the clear letter of the law
on the submission of at least five nominees.
In sum, all these reasons negate a finding that the COMELEC gravely abused its
discretion in cancelling COCOFED's registration.[37]
SO ORDERED.
Sereno, C.J., Carpio, Leonardo-De Castro, Peralta, Bersamin, Del Castillo, Abad,
Villarama, Jr., Perez, Mendoza, Reyes, Perlas-Bernabe, and Leonen, JJ., concur.
Velasco, Jr., J., no part because relative is a nominee of a part list organization.
EN BANC
[ G.R. No. 206987, September 10, 2013 ]
ALLIANCE FOR NATIONALISM AND DEMOCRACY (ANAD),
PETITIONER, VS. COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS,
RESPONDENT.
DECISION
PEREZ, J.:
Before the Court is a Petition for Certiorari with Urgent Prayer for the Issuance of a
Temporary Restraining Order and Writ of Mandamus, seeking to compel the
Commission on Elections (COMELEC) to canvass the votes cast for petitioner
Alliance for Nationalism and Democracy (ANAD) in the recently held 2013 Party-List
Elections.
I.
Petitioner ANAD does not belong to, or come within the ambit of, the marginalized
and underrepresented sectors enumerated in Section 5 of R.A. No. 7941 and
espoused in the cases of Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party v. Commission
on Electionsand Ang Ladlad LGBT Party v. Commission on Elections.
II.
There is no proof showing that nominees Arthur J. Tariman and Julius D. Labandria
are actually nominated by ANAD itself. The Certificate of Nomination, subscribed
and sworn to by Mr. Domingo M. Balang, shows that ANAD submitted only the
names of Pastor Montero Alcover, Jr., Baltaire Q. Balangauan and Atty. Pedro Leslie
B. Salva. It necessarily follows, that having only three (3) nominees, ANAD failed to
comply with the procedural requirements set forth in Section 4, Rule 3 of Resolution
No. 9366.
III.
ANAD failed to submit its Statement of Contributions and Expenditures for the 2007
National and Local Elections as required by Section 14 of Republic Act No. 7166
(“R.A. No. 7166”).
ANAD went before this Court challenging the above-mentioned resolution. In Atong
Paglaum, Inc. v. Comelec,[2] the Court remanded the case to the COMELEC for re-
evaluation in accordance with the parameters prescribed in the aforesaid decision.
Hence, the present petition raising the issues of whether or not the COMELEC
gravely abused its discretion in promulgating the assailed Resolution without the
benefit of a summary evidentiary hearing mandated by the due process clause, and
whether or not the COMELEC erred in finding that petitioner submitted only three
nominees and that it failed to submit its Statement of Contributions and
Expenditures in the 2007 Elections.[4]
“Grave abuse of discretion,” under Rule 65, has a specific meaning. It is the
arbitrary or despotic exercise of power due to passion, prejudice or personal
hostility; or the whimsical, arbitrary, or capricious exercise of power that amounts
to an evasion or a refusal to perform a positive duty enjoined by law or to act at all
in contemplation of law. For an act to be struck down as having been done with
grave abuse of discretion, the abuse of discretion must be patent and gross.[6]
ANAD claims that the COMELEC gravely abused its discretion when it promulgated
the assailed Resolution without giving ANAD the benefit of a summary evidentiary
hearing, thus violating its right to due process. It is to be noted, however, that
ANAD was already afforded a summary hearing on 23 August 2013, during which
Mr. Domingo M. Balang, ANAD’s president, authenticated documents and answered
questions from the members of the COMELEC pertinent to ANAD’s qualifications.[7]
ANAD, nonetheless, insists that the COMELEC should have called for another
summary hearing after this Court remanded the case to the COMELEC for re-
evaluation in accordance with the parameters laid down in Atong Paglaum, Inc. v.
Comelec. This is a superfluity.
ANAD was already given the opportunity to prove its qualifications during the
summary hearing of 23 August 2012, during which ANAD submitted documents and
other pieces of evidence to establish said qualifications. In re-evaluating ANAD’s
qualifications in accordance with the parameters laid down in Atong Paglaum, Inc.
v. COMELEC, the COMELEC need not have called another summary hearing. The
Comelec could, as in fact it did,[8] readily resort to documents and other pieces of
evidence previously submitted by petitioners in re-appraising ANAD’s qualifications.
After all, it can be presumed that the qualifications, or lack thereof, which were
established during the summary hearing of 23 August 2012 continued until election
day and even thereafter.
As to ANAD’s averment that the COMELEC erred in finding that it violated election
laws and regulations, we hold that the COMELEC, being a specialized agency tasked
with the supervision of elections all over the country, its factual findings,
conclusions, rulings and decisions rendered on matters falling within its competence
shall not be interfered with by this Court in the absence of grave abuse of discretion
or any jurisdictional infirmity or error of law.[9]
As found by the COMELEC, ANAD, for unknown reasons, submitted only three
nominees instead of five, in violation of Sec. 8 of R.A. No. 7941 (An Act Providing
for the Election of Party-List Representatives through the Party-List System, and
Appropriating Funds Therefor).[10]Such factual finding of the COMELEC was based on
the Certificate of Nomination presented and marked by petitioner during the 22 and
23 August 2012 summary hearings.[11]
Compliance with Section 8 of R.A. No. 7941 is essential as the said provision is a
safeguard against arbitrariness. Section 8 of R.A. No. 7941 rids a party-list
organization of the prerogative to substitute and replace its nominees, or even to
switch the order of the nominees, after submission of the list to the COMELEC.
In Lokin, Jr. v. Comelec,[12] the Court discussed the importance of Sec. 8 of R.A. No.
7941 in this wise:
The prohibition is not arbitrary or capricious; neither is it without reason on the part
of lawmakers. The COMELEC can rightly presume from the submission of the list
that the list reflects the true will of the party-list organization. The COMELEC will
not concern itself with whether or not the list contains the real intended nominees
of the party-list organization, but will only determine whether the nominees pass all
the requirements prescribed by the law and whether or not the nominees possess
all the qualifications and none of the disqualifications. Thereafter, the names of the
nominees will be published in newspapers of general circulation. Although the
people vote for the party-list organization itself in a party-list system of election,
not for the individual nominees, they still have the right to know who the nominees
of any particular party-list organization are. The publication of the list of the party-
list nominees in newspapers of general circulation serves that right of the people,
enabling the voters to make intelligent and informed choices. In contrast, allowing
the party-list organization to change its nominees through withdrawal of their
nominations, or to alter the order of the nominations after the submission of the list
of nominees circumvents the voters’ demand for transparency. The lawmakers’
exclusion of such arbitrary withdrawal has eliminated the possibility of such
circumvention.
Moreover, the COMELEC also noted ANAD’s failure to submit a proper Statement of
Contributions and Expenditures for the 2007 Elections, in violation of COMELEC
Resolution No. 9476, viz:
Rule 8, Sec. 3. Form and contents of statements. – The statement required in next
preceding section shall be in writing, subscribed and sworn to by the candidate or
by the treasurer of the party. It shall set forth in detail the following:
a. The amount of contribution, the date of receipt, and the full name,
profession, business, taxpayer identification number (TIN) and exact home
and business address of the person or entity from whom the contribution was
received; (See Schedule of Contributions Received, Annex “G”)
b. The amount of every expenditure, the date thereof, the full name and exact
address of the person or entity to whom payment was made, and the
purpose of the expenditure; (See Schedule of Expenditures, Annex “H”)
c. Any unpaid obligation, its nature and amount, the full name and exact home
and business address of the person or entity to whom said obligation is
owing; and (See Schedule of Unpaid Obligations, Annex “I”)
We herein take the opportunity to reiterate the well-established principle that the
rule that factual findings of administrative bodies will not be disturbed by the courts
of justice except when there is absolutely no evidence or no substantial evidence in
support of such findings should be applied with greater force when it concerns the
COMELEC, as the framers of the Constitution intended to place the COMELEC –
created and explicitly made independent by the Constitution itself – on a level
higher than statutory administrative organs. The COMELEC has broad powers to
ascertain the true results of the election by means available to it. For the
attainment of that end, it is not strictly bound by the rules of evidence.[14]
As empowered by law, the COMELEC may motu proprio cancel, after due notice and
hearing, the registration of any party-list organization if it violates or fails to comply
with laws, rules or regulations relating to elections.[15] Thus, we find no grave abuse
of discretion on the part of the COMELEC when it issued the assailed Resolution
dated 11 May 2013.
In any event, the official tally results of the COMELEC show that ANAD garnered
200,972 votes.[16] As such, even if petitioner is declared qualified and the votes cast
for it are canvassed, statistics show that it will still fail to qualify for a seat in the
House of Representatives.
SO ORDERED.
Sereno, C.J., Carpio, Leonardo-De Castro, Brion, Peralta, Bersamin, Del Castillo,
Abad, Villarama, Jr., Mendoza, Reyes, Perlas-Bernabe, and Leonen, JJ., concur.
Velasco, Jr., J., No part.
EN BANC
[ G.R. No. 206952, October 22, 2013 ]
ABANG LINGKOD PARTY-LIST (ABANG LINGKOD),
PETITIONER, VS. COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS,
RESPONDENT.
DECISION
REYES, J.:
The Facts
On May 31, 2012, ABANG LINGKOD manifested before the COMELEC its intent to
participate in the May 2013 elections. On August 2, 2012, the COMELEC issued
Resolution No. 9513,[2] which, inter alia, required previously registered party-list
groups that have filed their respective Manifestations of Intent to undergo summary
evidentiary hearing for purposes of determining their continuing compliance with
the requirements under Republic Act (R.A.) No. 7941[3] and the guidelines set forth
in Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party v. COMELEC.[4]
Accordingly, on August 9, 2012, the COMELEC issued a Resolution, which set the
summary evidentiary hearing of previously registered party-list groups. The
COMELEC scheduled three (3) dates August 17, 31 and September 3, 2012 for the
summary hearing of ABANG LINGKOD's Manifestation of Intent, to enable it to show
proof of its continuing qualification under the party-list system.
On August 16, 2012, ABANG LINGKOD, in compliance with the COMELEC's August
9, 2012 Resolution, filed with the COMELEC pertinent documents to prove its
continuing compliance with the requirements under R.A. No. 7941.
ABANG LINGKOD then filed with this Court a petition[5] for certiorari, alleging that
the COMELEC gravely abused its discretion in cancelling its registration under the
party-list system. The said petition was consolidated with the separate petitions
filed by fifty-one (51) other party list groups whose registration were cancelled or
who were denied registration under the party-list system. The said party-list
groups, including ABANG LINGKOD, were able to obtain status quo ante orders
from this Court.
1. Three different groups may participate in the party-list system: (1) national
parties or organizations, (2) regional parties or organizations, and (3)
sectoral parties or organizations.
Thus, the Court remanded to the COMELEC the cases of previously registered party-
list groups, including that of ABANG LINGKOD, to determine whether they are
qualified under the party-list system pursuant to the new parameters laid down by
the Court and, in the affirmative, be allowed to participate in the May 2013 party-
list elections.
On May 10, 2013, the COMELEC issued the herein assailed Resolution,7 which, inter
alia, affirmed the cancellation of ABANG LINGKOD's registration under the party-list
system. The COMELEC issued the Resolution dated May 10, 2013 sans any
summary evidentiary hearing, citing the proximity of the May 13, 2013 elections as
the reason therefor.
The Commission maintains its position in the previous en bane ruling cancelling the
registration of ABANG LINGKOD. To reiterate, it is not enough that the party-list
organization claim representation of the marginalized and underrepresented
because representation is easy to claim and to feign. It is but reasonable to require
from groups and organizations consistent participation and advocacy. in the sector
it seeks to represent, and not just seasonal and "sporadic" programs which are
unrelated to its sector.
And as if to insult the Commission, the photographs submitted appear to have been
edited to show in the banners that ABANG LINGKOD participated in the activities.
ABANG LINGKOD's name and logo was superimposed on some banners to feign
participation in the activities (Joint Medical Mission, Book-giving).
Under the party-list System Act, a group's registration may be cancelled for
declaring unlawful statements in its petition. Photoshopping images to establish a
fact that did not occur is tantamount to declaring unlawful statements. It is on this
ground that the Commission cancels ABANG LINGKOD's registration.[8]
In support of the instant petition, ABANG LINGKOD claims that the COMELEC
gravely abused its discretion when it affirmed the cancellation of its
registration sans a summary evidentiary hearing for that purpose, asserting that
the COMELEC should have allowed it to present evidence to prove its qualification
as a party-list group pursuant to Atong Paglaum. It claims that there was no valid
justification for the COMELEC to cancel its registration considering that it complied
with the six-point parameters m screening party-list groups laid down in Atong
Paglaum.
On the other hand, the COMELEC avers that the instant petition should be
dismissed for utter lack of merit. It asserts that ABANG LINGKOD was not denied
due process when the COMELEC affirmed the cancellation of its registration since it
was given every reasonable opportunity to be heard. The COMELEC further claims
that it did not abuse its discretion when it cancelled ABANG LINGKOD's registration
on the ground that it failed to establish a track record in representing the
marginalized and underrepresented. Further, the COMELEC alleges that its finding
of facts may not be passed upon by this Court as the same is supported by
substantial evidence.
The Issues
In sum, the issues presented for the Court's resolution are the following: first,
whether ABANG LINGKOD was denied due process when the COMELEC affirmed the
cancellation of its registration under the party list system sans any summary
evidentiary hearing; and second, whether the COMELEC gravely abused its
discretion in cancelling ABANG LINGKOD's registration under the party-list system.
In the instant case, while the petitioner laments that it was denied due process, the
Court finds that the COMELEC had afforded ABANG LINGKOD sufficient opportunity
to present evidence establishing its qualification as a party-list group. It was
notified through Resolution No. 9513 that its registration was to be reviewed by the
COMELEC. That ABANG LINGKOD was able to file its Manifestation of Intent and
other pertinent documents to prove its continuing compliance with the
requirements under R.A. No. 7941, which the COMELEC set for summary hearing on
three separate dates, belies its claim that it was denied due process.
There was no necessity for the COMELEC to conduct further summary evidentiary
hearing to assess the qualification of ABANG LINGKOD pursuant to Atong Paglaum.
ABANG LINGKOD's Manifestation of Intent and all the evidence adduced by it to
establish its qualification as a party-list group are already in the possession of the
COMELEC. Thus, conducting further summary evidentiary hearing for the sole
purpose of determining ABANG LINGKOD's qualification under the party-list system
pursuant to Atong Paglaum would just be a superfluity.
Contrary to ABANG LINGKOD's claim, the Court, in Atong Paglaum, did not
categorically require the COMELEC to conduct a summary evidentiary hearing for
the purpose of determining the qualifications of the petitioners therein pursuant to
the new parameters for screening party-list groups. The dispositive portion of Along
Paglaum reads:
SO ORDERED.[11] (Emphasis ours)
The records also disclose that ABANG LINGKOD was able to file with the COMELEC a
motion for reconsideration of the Resolution dated May 10, 2013, negating its claim
that it was denied due process. As it has been held, deprivation of due process
cannot be successfully invoked where a party was given a chance to be heard on
his motion for reconsideration.[12]
However, after a careful perusal of the factual antecedents of this case, pinned
against the new parameters in screening party-list groups laid down in Along
Paglaum, the Court finds that the COMELEC gravely abused its discretion in
cancelling the registration of ABANG LINGKOD under the party-list system.
The flaw in the COMELEC's disposition lies in the fact that it insists on requiring
party-list groups to present evidence showing that they have a track record in
representing the marginalized and underrepresented.
R.A. No. 7941 did not require groups intending to register under the party-list
system to submit proof of their track record as a group. The track record
requirement was only imposed in Ang Bagong Bayani where the Court held that
national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations seeking registration under
the party-list system must prove through their, inter alia, track record that they
truly represent the marginalized and underrepresented, thus:
x x x In this light, the Court finds it appropriate to lay down the following
guidelines, culled from the law and the Constitution, to assist the Comelec in its
work.
First, the political party, sector, organization or coalition must represent the
marginalized and underrepresented groups identified in Section 5 of RA 7941. In
other words, it must show -- through its constitution, articles of
incorporation, bylaws, history, platform of government and track record --
that it represents and seeks to uplift marginalized and underrepresented
sectors. Verily, majority of its membership should belong to the marginalized and
underrepresented. And it must demonstrate that in a conflict of interests, it has
chosen or is likely to choose the interest of such sectors. (Emphasis ours)
This is not merely a matter of semantics; the delineation of what constitutes a track
record has certain consequences in a group's bid for registration under the party-
list system. Under Section 5 of R.A. No. 7941, groups intending to register under
the party-list system are not required to submit evidence of their track record; they
are merely required to attach to their verified petitions their "constitution, by-laws,
platform of government, list of officers, coalition agreement, and other relevant
information as may be required by the COMELEC."
In Atong Paglaum, the Court has modified to a great extent the jurisprudential
doctrines on who may register under the party-list system and the representation
of the marginalized and underrepresented. For purposes of registration under the
party-list system, national or regional parties or organizations need not
represent any marginalized and underrepresented sector; that
representation of the marginalized and underrepresented is only required
of sectoral organizations that represent the sectors stated under Section 5 of
R.A. No. 7941 that are, by their nature, economically marginalized and
underrepresented.
2013 and subsequent party-list elections, the COMELEC shall adhere to the
following parameters:
xxxx
To submit to the dissent's insistence on varying track records, which are required of
those intending to register under the party-list system, depending on the nature of
their group, would result into an absurd and unjust situation. Under the
"varying track record requirement," sectoral organizations must present evidence
showing their track record in representing the marginalized and
underrepresented, i.e. actual activities conducted by them to further uplift the
cause of the sector/s they represent. On the other hand, national and regional
parties or organizations need only prove that they exist as bona fide organizations
which, as the dissent suggests, may be done through the submission of their
constitution, by-laws, platform of government, list of officers, coalition agreement,
and other relevant information required by the COMELEC.
Likewise, that there was no explicit reversal of the guidelines in Ang Bagong
Bayani in Atong Paglaum does not mean that groups intending to register under the
party-list system are still required to submit a track record. The track record of
groups intending to register under the party-list system was required under the first
guideline of Ang Bagong Bayani for a very specific purpose to show that the
national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations that would be allowed to
participate in the party-list elections are truly representative of the
marginalized and underrepresented sectors. It was necessary- then to require
groups seeking registration under the party-list system since representation of the
marginalized and underrepresented, as understood in the context of Ang Bagong
Bayani, is easy to claim and feign.
There exists no reason to further require groups seeking registration under the
party-list system to submit evidence showing their track record. Pursuant to Atong
Paglaum, not all groups are required to represent the marginalized and
underrepresented sectors and, accordingly, there is no longer any incentive in
merely feigning representation of the marginalized and underrepresented sectors.
In the case of sectoral organizations, although they are still required to represent
the marginalized and underrepresented, they are likewise not required to show a
track record since there would be no reason for them to feign representation of the
marginalized and underrepresented as they can just register as a national or
regional party or organization. Thus, the Court, in Atong Paglaum, stated that, for
purposes of registration under the party list system, it is enough that the principal
advocacy of sectoral organizations pertains to the sector/s they represent.
There is thus no basis in law and established jurisprudence to insist that groups
seeking registration under the party-list system still comply with the track record
requirement. Indeed, nowhere in R.A. No. 7941 is it mandated that groups seeking
registration thereunder must submit evidence to show their track record as a group.
The dissent likewise suggests that the deceit committed by ABANG LINGKOD goes
into its qualification as a party-list group since it seriously puts in question the
existence of ABANG LINGKOD as a group per se and the genuineness of its
representation of the farmers and fisherfolk.
Anent the photographs submitted by ABANG LINGKOD, these only show book-
giving and medical missions, which are activities it conducted. Suffice it to state,
however, that said activities do not specifically or directly pertain to the interest or
advocacy espoused by ABANG LINGKOD. As such, the misrepresentation committed
by ABANG LINGKOD with regard to said activities would not necessarily militate
against its representation of the farmers and fisherfolk.
Lest it be misunderstood, the Court does not condone the deceit perpetrated by
ABANG LINGKOD in connection with its bid for continued registration under the
party-list system. That ABANG LINGKOD, to establish its track record, submitted
photographs that were edited to make it appear that it conducted activities aimed
at ameliorating the plight of the sectors it represents is a factual finding by the
COMELEC, which the Court, considering that it is supported by substantial evidence,
will not disturb. The Court does not tolerate ABANG LINGKOD's resort to chicanery
and its shabby treatment of the requirements for registration under the party-list
system.
xxxx
Sec. 78. A verified petition seeking to deny due course to or cancel a certificate of
candidacy may be filed by any person exclusively on the ground that any material
misrepresentation contained therein as required under Section 74 hereof is false.
The petition may be filed at any time not later than twenty-five days from the time
of the filing of the certificate of candidacy and shall be decided, after due notice and
hearing, not later than fifteen days before the election.
The false representation that [Sections 74 and 78 of the Omnibus Election Code]
mention must necessarily pertain to a material fact, not to a mere innocuous
mistake. This is emphasized by the consequences of any material falsity: a
candidate who falsifies a material fact cannot run; if he runs and is elected, cannot
serve; in both cases, he or she can be prosecuted for violation of the election laws.
Obviously, these facts are those that refer to a candidate's qualification for elective
office, such as his or her citizenship and residence. The candidate's status as a
registered voter similarly falls under this classification as it is a requirement that, by
law (the Local Government Code), must be reflected in the COC. The reason for this
is obvious: the candidate, if he or she wins, will work for and represent the local
government under which he is running.
Further, the Court notes that the COMELEC, in its Resolution dated November 7,
2012, asserted that ABANG LINGKOD failed to adduce evidence that would show
the track record of its five nominees, composed of a non-government organization
worker, an employee and three farmers, in uplifting the cause of the sector that the
group represents. The COMELEC opined that the failure of ABANG LINGKOD to
present a track record of its nominees justified the cancellation of its registration as
a party-list group.
To stress, in Atong Paglaum, the Court pointed out that "[t]he nominees of sectoral
parties or organizations that represent the 'marginalized and underrepresented,' or
that represent those who lack 'well-defined political constituencies,' either must
belong to their respective sectors, or must have a track record of advocacy
for their respective sectors. Stated otherwise, the nominee of a party-list groups
may either be: first, one who actually belongs to the sector which the party-list
group represents, in which case the track record requirement does not apply;
or second, one who does not actually belong to the sector which the party-list
group represents but has a track record showing the nominee's active participation
in activities aimed at uplifting the cause of the sector which the group represents."
In the case under consideration, three of the five nominees of ABANG LINGKOD are
farmers and, thus, are not required to present a track record showing their active
participation in activities aimed to promote the sector which ABANG LINGKOD
represents, i.e. peasant farmers and fisherfolk. That two of ABANG LINGKOD's
nominees do not actually belong to the sector it represents is immaterial and would
not result in the cance1lation of ABANG LINGKOD's registration as a party-list
group. This is clear from the sixth parameter laid down by the Court in Atong
Paglaum, which states that "[n]ational, regional and sectoral organizations shall
not be disqualified if some of their nominees are disqualified, provided that
they have at least one nominee who remains qualified." At the very least, ABANG
LINGKOD has three (3) qualified nominees, being farmers by occupation.
Indeed, the disqualification of one or some of the nominees of a party list group
should not automatically result in the disqualification of the group. Otherwise it
would accord the nominees the same significance, which the law holds for the
party-list groups; it is still the fact that the party-list group satisfied the
qualifications of the law that is material to consider. The disqualification of the
nominees must simply be regarded as failure to qualify for an office or position. It
should not, in any way, blemish the qualifications of the party-list group itself with
defect. The party-list group must be treated as separate and distinct from its
nominees such that qualifications of the latter must not be considered part and
parcel of the qualifications of the former.
SO ORDERED.
Velasco, Jr., Leonardo-De Castro, Peralta, Bersamin, Abad, Villarama, Jr., Perez,
Mendoza, and Perlas-Bernabe, JJ., concur.
Del Castillo, J., on official leave.
Sereno, C.J., Carpio, and Brion, JJ., joins the dissent of J. Leonen.
Leonen, J., see dissenting opinion.
EN BANC
[ G.R. No. 205505, September 29, 2015 ]
ATTY. ISIDRO Q. LICO, RAFAEL A. PUENTESPINA, PROCULO
T. SARMEN, AMELITO L. REVUELTA, WILLIAM C. YBANEZ,
SILVERIO J. SANCHEZ, GLORIA G. FUTALAN, HILARIO DE
GUZMAN, EUGENE M. PABUALAN, RODOLFO E. PEREZ,
HIPOLITO R. QUILLAN, MARIO ARENAS, TIRSO C.
BUENAVENTURA, LYDIA B. TUBELLA, REYNALDO C. GOLO&
JONATHAN DEQUINA IN THEIR INDIVIDUAL CAPACITIES,
AND AS LEGITIMATE MEMBERS AND OFFICERS OF
ADHIKAING TINATAGUYOD NG KOOPERATIBA (ATING KOOP
PARTY LIST), PETITIONERS, VS. THE COMMISSION ON
ELECTIONS EN BANC AND THE SELF-STYLED SHAM ATING
KOOP PARTYLIST REPRESENTED BY AMPARO T. RIMAS,
RESPONDENTS.
DECISION
SERENO, C.J.:
The pivotal and interrelated issues before Us in this case involve the seemingly
elementary matter of the Commission on Elections' (COMELEC) jurisdiction over the
expulsion of a sitting party-list representative: from the House of Representatives,
on the one hand; and from his party-list organization, on the other.
The instant case involves two rival factions of the same party-list organization, the
Adhikaing Tinataguyod ng Kooperatiba (Ating Koop). One group is headed by
petitioner Atty. Isidro Q. Lico (the Lico Group), who represents the organization in
the House of Representatives, and the other group by Amparo T. Rimas
(respondents herein, or the Rimas Group).
THE CASE
Before Us is a Petition for Certiorari under Rule 64[1] in relation to Rule 65,
[2]
seeking to annul the Resolutions in E.M. No. 12-039 dated 18 July 2012 and 31
January 2013 of the COMELEC.
Under Ating Koop's Constitution and By-Laws, its highest policymaking body is the
National Convention. The Central Committee, however, takes over when the
National Convention is not in session.[3]
On 14 May 2011, Ating Koop held its Second National Convention, during which it
introduced amendments to its Constitution and By-laws. Among the salient changes
was the composition of the Central Committee,[10] which would still be composed of
15 representatives but withfive each coming from Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao (5-
5-5 equal representation).[11] The amendments likewise mandated the holding of an
election of Central Committee members within six months after the Second National
Convention.[12]
In effect, the amendments cut short the three-year term of the incumbent
members (referred to hereafter as the Interim Central Committee) of the Central
Committee.[13] The Interim Central Committee was dominated by members of the
Rimas Group.
On 5 December 2011, or almost one year after petitioner Lico had assumed office,
the Interim Central Committee expelled him from Ating Koop for disloyalty.[14] Apart
from allegations of malversation and graft and corruption, the Committee cited
petitioner Lico's refusal to honor the term-sharing agreement as factual basis for
disloyalty and as cause for his expulsion under Ating Koop's Amended Constitution
and By-laws.[15]
On 8 December 2011, Congressman Lico filed a Motion for Reconsideration with the
Interim Central Committee,[16] which subsequently denied the same in a Resolution
dated 29 December 2011.[17]
While petitioner Lico's Motion for Reconsideration was pending, the Lico Group held
a special meeting in Cebu City (the Cebu meeting) on 19 December 2011. At the
said meeting, new members of the Central Committee, as well as a new set of
officers, were elected.[18] The election was purportedly held for the purpose of
implementing the 5-5-5 equal representation amendment made during the Second
National Convention.[19]
On 16 March 2012, the Rimas Group, claiming to represent Ating Koop, filed with
COMELEC a Petition against petitioner Lico docketed as E.M. No. 12-039.[22] The
said Petition, which was subsequently raffled to the Second Division, prayed that
petitioner Lico be ordered to vacate the office of Ating Koop in the House of
Representatives, and for the succession of the second nominee, Roberto Mascarina
as Ating Koop's representative in the House.
The Rimas Group thereafter filed an Amended Petition with the COMELEC on 14 May
2012, this time impleading not only petitioner Lico but the entire Lico Group. The
Amended Petition also prayed that the COMELEC nullify the election conducted at
the Cebu meeting and recognize the Paranaque convention.
In both the Petition and the Amended Petition, the Rimas Group alleged that Ating
Koop had expelled Congressman Lico for acts inimical to the party-list group, such
as malversation, graft and corruption, and that he had "boldly displayed his
recalcitrance to honor party commitment to be upright and consistently honest,
thus violating basic principles of the Ating Koop."[23] The Amended Petition stated
further that the Cebu meeting held by the Lico Group violated notice and quorum
requirements.[24]
In a Resolution dated 18 July 2012,[25] the COMELEC Second Division upheld the
expulsion of petitioner Lico from Ating Koop and declared Mascarina as the duly
qualified nominee of the party-list group.[26] The Second Division characterized the
issue of the validity of the expulsion of petitioner Lico from Ating Koop as an intra-
party leadership dispute, which it could resolve as an incident of its power to
register political parties.[27]
Consequently, the Lico Group filed a Motion for Reconsideration from the Second
Division's Resolution, which the COMELEC En Banc denied on 31 January 2013. The
dispositive portion of its Resolution reads:
b. UPHOLD the Expulsion of Respondent Atty. Isidro Lico from ATING KOOP Party-
list Group; [and]
At the same time, the COMELEC upheld the validity of petitioner Lico's expulsion
from Ating Koop, explaining that when the Interim Central Committee ousted
him from Ating Koop, the said Committee's members remained in hold-over
capacity even after their terms had expired;[29] and that the COMELEC was not in a
position to substitute its judgment for that of Ating Koop with respect to the cause
of the expulsion.[30]
Hence, this Petition: the Lico Group now comes before Us, praying for a review of
the COMELEC Resolutions.
We find that while the COMELEC correctly dismissed the Petition to expel petitioner
Lico from the House of Representatives for being beyond its jurisdiction, it
nevertheless proceeded to rule upon the validity of his expulsion from Ating Koop -
a matter beyond its purview.
The COMELEC notably characterized the Petition for expulsion of petitioner Lico
from the House of Representatives and for the succession of the second nominee as
party-list representative as a disqualification case. For this reason, the COMELEC
dismissed the petition for lack of jurisdiction, insofar as it relates to the question of
unseating petitioner Lico from the House of Representatives.
Section 17, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution[34] endows the HRET with jurisdiction
to resolve questions on the qualifications of members of Congress. In the case of
party-list representatives, the HRET acquires jurisdiction over a disqualification case
upon proclamation of the winning party-list group, oath of the nominee, and
assumption of office as member of the House of Representatives.[35] In this case,
the COMELEC proclaimed Ating Koop as a winning party-list group; petitioner Lico
took his oath; and he assumed office in the House of Representatives. Thus, it is
the HRET, and not the COMELEC, that has jurisdiction over the disqualification case.
What We find to be without legal basis, however, is the action of the COMELEC in
upholding the validity of the expulsion of petitioner Lico from Ating Koop, despite its
own ruling that the HRET has jurisdiction over the disqualification issue. These
findings already touch upon the qualification requiring a party-list nominee to be
a bona fide member of the party-list group sought to be represented.
The COMELEC justified its Resolution on the merits of the expulsion, by relying on
the rule that it can decide intra-party matters as an incident of its constitutionally
granted powers and functions. It cited Lokin v. COMELEC, where We held that when
the resolution of an intra-party controversy is necessary or incidental to the
performance of the constitutionally-granted functions of the COMELEC, the latter
can step in and exercise jurisdiction over the intra-party matter.[36] The Lokin case,
however, involved nominees and not incumbent members of Congress. In the
present case, the fact that petitioner Lico was a member of Congress at the time of
his expulsion from Ating Koop removes the matter from the jurisdiction of the
COMELEC.
The rules on intra-party matters and on the jurisdiction of the HRET are not parallel
concepts that do not intersect. Rather, the operation of the rule on intra-party
matters is circumscribed by Section 17 of Article VI of the 1987 Constitution and
jurisprudence on the jurisdiction of electoral tribunals. The jurisdiction of the HRET
is exclusive. It is given full authority to hear and decide the cases on any matter
touching on the validity of the title of the proclaimed winner.[37]
In the present case, the Petition for petitioner Lico's expulsion from the House of
Representatives is anchored on his expulsion from Ating Koop, which necessarily
affects his title as member of Congress. A party-list nominee must have been,
among others, a bona fide member of the party or organization for at least ninety
(90) days preceding the day of the election.[38] Needless to say, bona
fide membership in the party-list group is a continuing qualification. We have
ruled that qualifications for public office, whether elective or not, are continuing
requirements. They must be possessed not only at the time of appointment or
election, or of assumption of office, but during the officer'sentire tenure.[39]
This is not the first time that this Court has passed upon the issue of HRET
jurisdiction over the requirements for bona fide membership in a party-list
organization. In Abayon v. HRET,[40] it was argued that the petitioners did not
belong to the marginalized and under-represented sectors that they should
represent; as such, they could not be properly considered bona fide members of
their respective party-list organizations. The Court held that it was for the HRET to
interpret the meaning of the requirement of bona fide membership in a party-list
organization. It reasoned that under Section 17, Article VI of the Constitution, the
HRET is the sole judge of all contests when it comes to qualifications of the
members of the House of Representatives.[41]
Consequently, the COMELEC failed to recognize that the issue on the validity of
petitioner Lico's expulsion from Ating Koop is integral to the issue of his
qualifications to sit in Congress. This is not merely an error of law but an error of
jurisdiction correctible by a writ of certiorari;[42] the COMELEC should not have
encroached into the expulsion issue, as it was outside its authority to do so.
In Reyes, the petitioner was proclaimed winner of the 13 May 2013 Elections, and
took her oath of office before the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
However, the Court ruled on her qualifications since she was not yet a member of
the House of Representatives: petitioner Reyes had yet to assume office, the term
of which would officially start at noon of 30 June 2013, when she filed a Petition for
Certiorari with Prayer for Temporary Restraining Order and/or Preliminary
Injunction and/or Status Quo Ante Order dated 7 June 2013 assailing the
Resolutions ordering the cancellation of her Certificate of Candidacy. In the present
case, all three requirements of proclamation, oath of office, and assumption of
office were satisfied.
We now pass upon the question of which, between the two contending groups, is
the legitimate leadership of Ating Koop.
At the outset, We reject the Lico Group's argument that the COMELEC has no
jurisdiction to decide which of the feuding groups is to be recognized, and that it is
the Regional Trial Court which has jurisdiction over intra-corporate controversies.
Indeed, the COMELECs jurisdiction to settle the struggle for leadership within the
party is well established. This power to rule upon questions of party identity and
leadership is exercised by the COMELEC as an incident of its enforcement powers.
[46]
That being said, We find the COMELEC to have committed grave abuse of discretion
in declaring the Rimas Group as the legitimate set of Ating Koop officers for the
simple reason that the amendments to the Constitution and By-laws of Ating Koop
were not registered with the COMELEC. Hence, neither of the elections held
during the Cebu meeting and the Paranaque conference pursuant to the said
amendments, were valid.
Both the Lico Group and the Rimas Group indeed assert that their respective
elections were conducted pursuant to the amendment introduced in the Second
National Convention held on 14 May 2011. In particular, Section 1 of Article VI of
Ating Koop's By-laws called for the conduct of an election of Central Committee
members within six months after the Second National Convention.[47]
There is no showing, however, that the amendments were actually filed with the
COMELEC.
A party-list organization owes its existence to the State and the latter's approval
must be obtained through its agent, the COMELEC. In the 2013 case of Dayao v.
COMELEC,[48] We declared that it is the State, acting through the COMELEC, that
breathes life to a party-list organization. The implication, therefore, is that the
State, through the COMELEC, is a party to the principal contracts entered into by
the party-list organization and its members - the Constitution and By-laws - such
that any amendment to these contracts would constitute a novation requiring the
consent of all the parties involved. An amendment to the bylaws of a party-list
organization should become effective only upon approval by the COMELEC.
There being no showing that the amendments on the by-laws of Ating Koop were
filed with and subsequently approved by the COMELEC, any election conducted
pursuant thereto may not be considered valid. Without such requisite proof, neither
the Lico Group nor the Rimas Group can claim to be the legitimate set of officers of
Ating Koop.
Accordingly, as neither group can sufficiently lay claim to legitimacy, the equipoise
doctrine comes into play. This rule provides that when the evidence in an issue of
fact is in equipoise, that is, when the respective sets of evidence of both parties are
evenly balanced, the party having the burden of proof fails in that issue. Since
neither party succeeds in making out a case, neither side prevails. The courts are
left with no other option but to leave them as they are. The consequence,
therefore, is the dismissal of the complaint/petition.[51]
The Rimas Group, being the petitioner before the COMELEC, had the burden of
proving that it is the petitioner, and not the Lico Group, that is the legitimate
group. As the evidence of both parties are in equipoise, the Rimas Group failed to
discharge its burden. The COMELEC should have dismissed the petition of the Rimas
Group insofar as it sought to be declared the legitimate group representing Ating
Koop.
The Court ordinarily refrains from reviewing the COMELEC s appreciation and
evaluation of the evidence.[54] But when the COMELECs assessment of the evidence
is so grossly unreasonable that it turns into an error of jurisdiction, the Court is
compelled to intervene and correct the error.[55]
As seen in the above discussions, neither of the parties was able to establish its
legitimacy. The evaluation of the evidence by the COMELEC in deciding the issue of
which group legitimately represents Ating Koop was therefore grossly unreasonable,
which amounts to a jurisdictional error that may be remedied by certiorari under
Rule 65.
The final, and most important question to be addressed is: if neither of the two
groups is the legitimate leadership of Ating Koop, then who is?
In the present case, We have gone through the Constitution and Bylaws of Ating
Koop and We do not see any provision forbidding, either expressly or impliedly, the
application of the hold-over rule. Thus, in accordance with corporation law, the
existing Interim Central Committee is still a legitimate entity with full authority to
bind the corporation and to carry out powers despite the lapse of the term of its
members on 14 November 2011, since no successors had been validly elected at
the time, or since.
SO ORDERED.
Sereno, CJ, Carpio, Leonardo-De Castro, Peralta, Del Castillo, Villarama, Jr.,
Perez, and Leonen, JJ., concur.
Velasco, Jr., Bersamin, Mendoza, and Perlas-Bernabe, JJ., on official leave
Brion, and Reyes, JJ., on leave.
Jardeleza, J., no part.
EN BANC
[ G.R. No. 225198, February 07, 2017 ]
GABRIELA WOMEN'S PARTY, REPRESENTED BY ITS
NATIONAL CHAIRPERSON, HON. EMERENCIANA A. DE JESUS
VS. COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS
Sirs/Mesdames:
Phase take notice that the Court en bane issued a Resolution dated FEBRUARY 7,
2017, which reads as follows:
SO ORDERED. [4]
During the proclamation of the winning party-list groups, GABRIELA raised a point
of clarification as regards the allocation of seats among the winning party-list
groups. It claimed that it is entitled to two more seats in addition to their one
guaranteed seat. The COMELEC brushed aside GABRIELA's manifestation and only
declared a total of two seats for GABRIELA.[5]
On May 20, 2016, GABRIELA filed its Omnibus Motion for Reconsideration,
Correction of Manifest Error and Proclamation of additional seat for GABRIELA with
the COMELEC en banc.[6] It pointed out that considering that there are 238 seats
available to legislative districts, using the formula for determining the seats
available to party-list representatives laid down by the Court in Barangay
Association for National Advancement and Transparency (BANAT) v. COMELEC,
[7]
59.5 seats are reserved for party-list representatives in the House of
Representatives.[8]
0.80
The NBOC Legal Group referred the said Omnibus Motion to the NBOC Supervisory
Committee for appropriate action.[11]
On May 24, 2016, GABRIELA filed a Submission, which, inter alia, requested that
its Omnibus Motion be set for hearing.[12] GABRIELA's request was likewise referred
to the NBOC Supervisory Committee for appropriate action.[13]
On June 7, 2016, GABRIELA filed with the COMELEC en banc an Urgent Motion to
Resolve its Omnibus Motion.[17] On July 11, 2016, while its Omnibus Motion was still
pending before the COMELEC en banc, GABRIELA filed with this Court this petition
for certiorari, claiming that the COMELEC gravely abused its discretion in declaring
that it is only entitled to one additional seat.
On July 19, 2016, the COMELEC en banc issued Minute Resolution No. 16-0481,
which adopted the NBOC Supervisory Committee's recommendation.[18] GABRIELA
received a copy of COMELEC Minute Resolution No. 16-0481 on August 15, 2016.[19]
In support of this petition, GABRIELA maintains that it is entitled to two more seats
in addition to its guaranteed seat. It claims that the COMELEC is not entitled to use
its discretion in disregarding the 0.5 from the product of the computation for the
determination of the 20% of party-list seats[20]
On the other hand, the COMELEC, in its Comment,[23] avers that the instant petition
should be dismissed for utter lack of merit. It asserts that GABRIELA committed
forum shopping when it filed this petition for certiorari despite the pendency of its
motion for reconsideration with the COMELEC en banc."[24]
The COMELEC further alleges that it did not commit any abuse of discretion when it
ruled that GABRIEL A is only entitled to one seat in addition to its guaranteed seat.
[25]
It maintains that in computing the number of seats for party-list representatives
in the 2016 elections, it correctly used the whole integer 59 instead of 59.5 since
there are no fractional seats under R.A. No. 7941.[26] The COMELEC further alleges
that to declare that there should be 60 party-list seats would contravene the first
inviolable parameter of the Philippine party-list system, which provides that the
total number of all party-list representatives shall not exceed 20% of the total
membership of the House of Representatives.[27]
"Forum shopping consists of the filing of multiple suits involving the same parties
for the same cause of action, either simultaneously or successively, for the purpose
of obtaining a favorable judgment."[28] "There is forum shopping when as a result of
an adverse decision in one (1) forum, or in anticipation thereof, a party seeks
favorable opinion in another forum through means other than appeal or
certiorari.''''[29]"It is an act of malpractice that is prohibited and condemned because
it trifles with the courts and abuses their processes. It degrades the administration
of justice and adds to the already congested court dockets."[30]
To deter the pernicious practice of forum shopping, Section 5 of Rule 7 of the Rules
of Court mandates that:
Sec. 5. Certification against forum shopping. — The plaintiff or principal party shall
certify under oath in the complaint or other initiatory pleading asserting a claim for
relief, or in a sworn certification annexed thereto and simultaneously filed
therewith: (a) that he has not theretofore commenced any action or filed any claim
involving the same issues in any court, tribunal or quasi-judicial agency and, to the
best of his knowledge, no such other action or claim is pending therein; (b) if there
is such other pending action or claim, a complete statement of the present status
thereof; and (c) if he should thereafter learn that the same or similar action or
claim has been filed or is pending, he shall report that , fact within five (5) days
therefrom to the court wherein his aforesaid complaint or initiatory pleading has
been filed.
Failure to comply with the foregoing requirements shall not be curable by mere
amendment of the complaint or other initiatory pleading but shall be cause for the
dismissal of the case without prejudice, unless otherwise provided, upon motion
and after hearing. The submission of a false certification or non- compliance with
any of the undertakings therein shall constitute indirect contempt of court, without
prejudice to the corresponding administrative and criminal actions. If the acts of
the party or his counsel clearly constitute willful and deliberate forum shopping, the
same shall be ground for summary dismissal with prejudice and shall
constitute direct contempt, as well as a cause for administrative
sanctions
However, the Court deems it proper to make the following observations which,
although rendered unnecessary by the dismissal of this petition on account of
GABRIELA's commission of forum shopping, should nevertheless be pointed out:
First, there are only 59 seats reserved for party-list representatives in the 2016
elections, not 60 as claimed by GABRIELA. Section 5(2) of Article VI of the 1987
Constitution provides that "[t]he party-list representatives shall constitute twenty
per centum of the total number of representatives including those under the party-
list." To compute the maximum number of seats available to party-list
representatives, the Court has laid down the following formula in Veterans
Federation Party v. COMELEC,[36] as affirmed by BANAT:
There are 238 seats for district representatives in 2016 elections. Applying the
formula laid down by the Court in Veterans and BANAT, the product of 59.5 is
obtained, viz.:
Second, it behooves the COMELEC, having the particular expertise as the agency
charged with the enforcement and administration of all election laws, rules and
regulations, to make an exhaustive re-examination of its computation on the
allocation of seats among the winning party-list groups considering its far-reaching
effects.
The allocation of seats to the winning party-list groups involves two rounds.
The first round of seat allocation involves the grant of one guaranteed seat to each
of the parties, organizations, and coalitions who have received at least two percent
of the total votes cast for the party-list candidates after they have been ranked
from highest to lowest based on the number of votes they each obtained.[39] In the
2016 elections, only 12 party-list groups have obtained at least two percent of the
total votes cast for party-list candidates.[40] Thus, 47 available seats remain which
would then be distributed in the second round of seat allocation.
The second round of seat allocation, in turn, involves two steps: first, the
percentage of total votes garnered by the party-list group is multiplied by the
remaining available seats, i.e. the difference between the maximum seats reserved
for party-list representatives and the guaranteed seats of the two percenters. The
whole integer of the product thereof corresponds to a party's share in the remaining
available seats.[41] The first step of the second round of seat allocation can be
summed up in the following formula:
This case presented two versions on how the remaining available seats would be
allocated in the first step of the second round of seat allocation. GABRIELA's
version used the multiplicand 59.5, representing the reserved seats for party-list
representatives in the 2016 elections. Using GABRIELA's version, the computation
of the additional seat/s to which GABRIELA is entitled would be as follows:
If GABRIELA would be granted two additional seats, instead of only one as ruled by
the COMELEC, 13 party-list seats would be allocated to 11 party-list groups[42] in
the first step of the second round of seat allocation, leaving 34 seats to be
distributed to the qualified party-list groups in the second step of the second round
of seat allocation.
On the other hand, the COMELEC's version used 59 as the reserved seats for party-
list representatives in the 2016 elections. Using the COMELEC's version, GABRIEL A
would only be entitled to one additional seat, viz.:
Pursuant to GABRIELA's version, the remaining 34 seats would be distributed to
the parties next in rank by assigning one seat to each of them, from Cooperative
Natcco Network Party and so forth until the remaining seats are all distributed.
However, since GABRIELA qualified for two additional seats, the last ranked party-
list group, Agbiag! Timpuyog Ilocano, Inc., would necessarily lose its seat in the
House of Representatives. Under the COMELEC's version, however, Agbiag!
Timpuyog Ilocano, Inc., would still qualify for a seat in the House of
Representatives since there are still 35 seats to be allocated in the second step of
the second round of seat allocation.
Nevertheless, considering that the winning party-list groups have already been
proclaimed by the COMELEC and their respective representatives have already
assumed office, matters concerning the adjustment of seats granted to the qualified
party-list groups, if any, should be brought to the House of Representatives
Electoral Tribunal; the Court may not pass upon the same in this certiorari action.
[45]