SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

PROJECT

An assessment of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean

crises from 2008 to 2018.

By

GWAZE TAKUDZWA M
M158859
MARCH 2019

Bachelor of Social Sciences Honors Degree in Politics

and Public Administration.

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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 Introduction

In multiparty systems, the term partisan politics is used for politicians who strongly support
their party’s policies and are reluctant to compromise with their political opponents Crockett,
(2002). This research seeks to give a critical assessment of partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crises. Zimbabwe is facing a multidimensional crises which has led to socio
economic and political problems prevailing in the country. The researcher will seek to find
out the cause of the rise of these crises in the face of rising multiparty democracy in the
country. For the purpose of this research, this paper focus on understanding partisan politics
in Zimbabwe and its effects in the prevailing Zimbabwean crises. It will show how multiparty
democracy has caused the rise in partisan politics, how it has started, what has contributed to
its rise and how it affects the socio economic and political development in Zimbabwe.

The researcher will also look at the background of the study considering how the subject
matter has started, statement of the problem, purpose of the study, objectives and research
questions, significance of the study, limitation of the study, delimitation, assumptions
,definition of terms, recommendations and way forward to end the Zimbabwean crises.
Therefore this study will assess the impact of partisan politics and its contributions to the
Zimbabwean crises driven from the behaviour and way in which Zimbabwean political
parties discharge their duties in the body politic, social and economic sphere.

1.1 Background

This research study is largely motivated by the Zimbabwean crises and the contributions of
partisan politics in the crises since 2008. No modern democratic state exists without political
parties, hence the rise in multi-party democracy in the world. Democratic governance in
Zimbabwe would be impossible in the absence of competitive political parties W Olaleye,
(2004). The rise in partisan politics in Zimbabwe is characterised by the rise in multiparty
democracy. After the liberation struggle and the general elections in, 1980 a new government
led by Robert Mugabe and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) was formed
ending the white rule and of the Rhodesian Front, Muzondidya (2010). Makumbe (2012)
argues that it was a government that was meant to integrate the majority of the people into the

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mainstream economy, meaning it had to empower the people of Zimbabwe economically,
politically, socially and culturally to ensure that the benefits of growth would be shared
equitable among the Zimbabwean people, but this dream was not realised after so many
years. Due to the rise in multiparty democracy the government fail to unite the people and
consolidate socio, economic and political development since people began to be divided
along political lines. This has paused particular challenges of governance, crises of legitimacy
and catastrophic governance systems that demonstrate an impasse for democratic
consolidation, Wole Olaleye, (2004). Therefore this research focus on understanding
historical development of partisan politics and its contributions in the Zimbabwean crises.

Partisan politics in Zimbabwe emerged at the backdrop of the emergence of multiparty

democracy in the late 1990s. Mugabe consolidated state power and signed a ‘Unity Accord’
with Joshua Nkomo on 22 December 1987. This resulted in the merger of ZANU and
Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU) into a mega party called Zimbabwe African
Nation Party-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) Wole Olaleye, (2004) ,thereby creating a de facto
one party state.The rise in one party state in the early 1990s rises a lot of critics from the
academia, labor movements and the international community and then ushered in the
formation of the Movement for democratic change (MDC) emanating from labor and student
movements to counter one party state. The ruling party then instigate in monopolising state
power while denying political rights and opportunities to other political actors to compete for
political power and to participate in policy dialogue Sachikonye, (2004). Since 2000, state
security forces in Zimbabwe has been committing acts of violence against thousands of
civilians, targeting primarily political opponents and aid workers. Human rights violations
has included imprisonment, enforced disappearance, murder, torture and rape, Human Rights
Watch (2010).The major opposition MDC was therefore alleged to be a colonial agency
employed by former colonialist and imperialist powers in order to re-colonise Zimbabwe,
Makumbe and Compagnon (2000). This has therefore divides the society along political lines
thereby leading to the crises in Zimbabwe as the citizens lacks unity in participation in policy
dialogue and participation in national development.

Makumbe (2012) argues that Mugabe, though chronically intolerant of opposition political
parties has nonetheless allowed them to exist and operate in Zimbabwe since Independence.

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He has however, consistently paid lip-service to democracy and democratic elections, which
he has manipulated to his advantage and that of his party. Through such draconian legislation
as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Mugabe regime has drastically diminished democratic space and
curtailed civil liberties Makumbe, (2012). Opposition political parties, the media, civil
society and even the churches are often harassed, harangued, tortured and intimidated for
simply disagreeing with the repressive regime Sachikonye, (2003). The drone of the
Zimbabwean crises then emanates due to a number of factors. President Robert Mugabe
national policies led to a severe economic collapse and grave failure of national development.
Failed monetary policy, currency devaluation, corruption and a land seizure policy devastated
Zimbabwe once thriving agricultural sector, led to an economic crash that left 80 percent of
the population unemployed and hyperinflation at approximately 231 million percent,
International Crises Group (2010). The land reform programme was done in a partisan basis,
Mugabe transferred thriving farmland from competent farmers to his supporters especially
the war veterans. Human rights abuses led Zimbabwe to be isolated from the international
community, meaning it has lost trade relations, international markets and external borrowing
Chingono, (2010). Both political parties blames each other for the sanctions in Zimbabwe,
thereby creating a divided society in participation in national development and policy issues
in the country. Thereby creating an “us” and “them” society where political parties cannot
agree in policy making and seeking solutions to national development in Zimbabwe.

1.2Aim of the Study

The mandate of this research is to give an assessment of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean
crises. It seeks to give an illustration on how partisan politics was a major driver of the
economic, social and political crises facing Zimbabwe from 2008 to 2018. It will begin with a
brief aspect into the contribution of partisan politics and its impact in national development.
This study seeks to provide insight on how partisan politics is affecting national development
leading to the current Zimbabwean crises. It seeks to identify the major contributors to
partisan politics and how these players are crucial in the development of the nation. It will
also offer suggestions that should be adopted by different political players in trying to resolve

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the Zimbabwean crises. The research seeks to fill loopholes left by different academic writers
on the actual contribution made by partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crises.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

The problem being assessed in the study is the impact made by partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crises. The ruling party and opposition political parties fail to agree in policy
dialogue, policy formulation and implementation leading to the crises. Both political parties
fail to compromise themselves in terms of national development thereby causing the crises in
the country. This research saves to show how partisan politics has influenced the government
decisions in policy makings, citizen participation and national governance.

1.4 Justification of the Study

It is vital to note that little research has been done on the contributions of partisan politics in
the Zimbabwean crises. The researcher therefore seeks to contribute literature on the
contribution of partisan politics as a major driver to the Zimbabwean economic, social and
political problems. It will give the contribution of partisan politics as a tool to the
Zimbabwean crises from 2008 to 2018.The information gathered fills the historical
knowledge gap that was left by scholars who discuss the issue of the Zimbabwean crises.
Most scholars focus on the contribution of sanctions, political instability and external debts in
the Zimbabwean crises neglecting the contributions of partisan politics in the crises.
Therefore the researcher has great quest to unveil the contribution of partisan politics in
dividing the people along political lines in participation in policy issues, governance and
national development leading to the Zimbabwean crises.

1.5 Objectives of the Study

1.5.1 To give an assessment of the causes of partisan politics in Zimbabwe.
1.5.2 To examine the contribution of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crisis.
1.5.3 To examine the major contributors to partisan politics in Zimbabwe.

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1.5.4 To assess the Zimbabwean crises from 2008 to 2018
1.5.5 To examine how partisan politics affect the socio economic and political development
in Zimbabwe.

1.6 Research Questions

1.6.1 What are the major contributors to partisan politics?

1.6.2 What are the causes of partisan politics in Zimbabwe?
1.6.3 How did partisan politics contributed to the Zimbabwean crisis?
1.6.4 How did the Zimbabwean crises prevail from 2008 to 2018?
1.6.5 How partisan politics affect the socio economic and political development in
Zimbabwe?

1.7 Delimitations of the Study

The research mainly focuses on the contributions of partisan politics in political, social and
economic crises in Zimbabwe from 2008 to 2018. The study will be confined on the assessment
of partisan politics affects in the Zimbabwean socio, economic and political crises. It will
further examine the concept of partisan politics and how it is the major driver in policy
inconsistence, lack of good corporate governance which led to the Zimbabwean crises from
2008 up to 2018 period.

1.8 Limitations

This research project has been characterised with a number of limitations. Limitations are those
conditions beyond the control of the researcher that may place restrictions on the conclusions of
the study and its application to other situations, Best and Kahn (1996). In this case the timeframe
for the research for an assessment of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crises was limited as it
requires full knowledge and information from different stakeholders. Some of the limitations
includes bias and reluctance by respondents to answer certain questions which affect the research
results, information availability (respondents may fail to accommodate the researcher due to their

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busy work schedules) and financial constraints (Finances to undertake the research in different
provinces and organisations).

1.9 Definition of terms

1.8.1 Partisan is strongly supporting a person, principle or political party often without
considering or judging the matter very carefully Cambridge English Dictionary (2016)
1.8.2 Politics is the process of who gets what, when, and how Lasswel (1936), "A political
system can be designated as those interactions through which values are
authoritatively allocated for a society." David Easton (1953).

1.10 Conclusion

In this chapter issues pertaining to the assessment of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean
crises were articulated. The problem statement, background of the study, research question
and objectives, the significance of the research were highlighted in the research project. A
point to note is that, the aim of this research is to give an assessment of partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crises from 2008 to 2018.This chapter has highlighted how the development of
multi-party democracy in Zimbabwe have led to the current crises prevailing in the country
and how partisan politics has played a pivotal role in disempowering the citizens in policy
dialogue, formulation and implementation projects, programmes and policies by the
government. Chapter two will mainly focus on literature review of the above-mentioned
topic, the theories that can be best used to explain the rise in partisan politics and the
contextual framework.

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STRUCTURE OF DISSERTATION

CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY

The first chapter gives a general overview of the study by bringing out a brief background of
the study, research questions, research objectives and limitation and scope of the study. This
first chapter also outlines the methodology that will be used to conduct this study.

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

The second chapter reviews the conceptual and theoretical framework of the study. The study
reviews literature on the contribution of partisan politics in Zimbabwe. Literature on the
contributions of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crisis will be the major focus of this
chapter. The chapter also looks at the different conclusions that scholars have reached in
trying to analyse the concept of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crisis. The theory of
liberalism is going to be used in understanding partisan politics in Zimbabwe.

CHAPTER THREE: METHODLOGY

The third chapter outlines the methodology to be used in data collection. How the data was
gathered in different political parties which include ZANU PF and MDC-A which are major
political players in Zimbabwe, the information was gathered from the senior party leadership.
This chapter maps the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe by bringing a range of
literature from various scholars about the nature and causes if the Zimbabwean crisis.

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

This chapter works on data presentation, how data will be presented in different forms which
include graphs, charts and maps. It will also show statistical data and descriptive data from
different sources.

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY AND SUGGESTIONS FOR CONSIDERATION

This chapter concludes by outlining the conclusions made by the data gathered and
recommendations can also be made and outlined. Thus, the chapter summarises the main
research findings and provides an overall conclusion to the study.

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CHAPTER 2

2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. Introduction
For a clear understanding of this study, the review of related literature will be made in this
chapter that in turn will create a focus and better direction . A literature review is a step-by-
step process that involves the identification of published and unpublished work from
secondary data sources on the topic of interest, the evaluation of this work in relation to the
problem, and the documentation of this work Sekaran and Bougie, (2010). The aim of this
chapter is to present a range of literature on the contribution of partisan politics in the
political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The chapter also looks at the different
conclusions that scholars have reached in trying to analyse how partisan politics contributed
in the Zimbabwean crisis. This chapter will focus on the conceptual framework, theoretical
framework, related studies and knowledge gap.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

2.2.1 Liberalism

The issue of partisan politics in the world is one of the serious inclinations since the
introduction of multiparty state democracy. A theoretical framework is the foundation of a
research and it is the basis of the hypotheses that one develops. Sekaran and Bougie (2010)
further argue that a theoretical framework represents ones beliefs on how certain phenomena
or variables or concepts are related to each other a model and an explanation of why one
believes that these variables are associated with each other (a theory). The researcher is going
to use the liberalism theory as developed by the liberals. The theory will be employed to
explain the causes of partisan politics, how people began to be aligned to certain political
parties as a quest for individual liberty, individual autonomy and freedoms.

Sartori (2009) define liberalism as the theory and practice of individual liberty, juridical
defence and the constitutional state. According to Koerner (2006) Liberalism begins and ends
with the ideals of individual freedom, individual human rights and individual human
happiness. Liberalism is a theory of reforms, for it has stood for reforms in economic, social
and political fields. It is a theory of liberty, individual liberty, and individual autonomy, for it

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has argued in favour of the development of human personality Koerner (2006). It is a theory
of democracy, for it has favoured constitutional government, government based on the
consent of the people, rule of law, decentralization, free and fair elections. In Zimbabwe the
pursuit for individual liberty and democratic government let to the formation of MDC in hunt
to defend human rights abuses from the authoritarian regime of Robert Mugabe Kagoro,
(2003). Hence the expedition to enjoy individual liberty and freedoms led to the emergence
of political alignments and partisan politics.

The rise of partisan politics in Zimbabwe can be best described by the liberalism theory. The
disagreement in the governance and policy affairs between political parties led to deprivation
of individual liberty and freedom leading to the rise in partisan politics. Some of the events
that have occurred in Zimbabwe since 2000 amply demonstrate that, by and large, the former
liberators have now become the new oppressors of their own people Blair, (2002). Hence the
people needs to liberate themselves thereby forming political parties and aligned to them
leading to the rise in partisanship in running the affairs of the state. Makumbe (2004) wrote,
criticising the government became sacrilegious in Zimbabwe and the freedom and
development promised by Nkrumah and other African nationalists transmogrified into a
melodramatic nightmare. In many countries, these nationalist leaders turned out to be
crocodile liberators, Swiss bank socialists, quack revolutionaries and grasping kleptocrats
(Ibid). A situation that gave rise to more opposition political parties in their pursuit to defend
their rights and freedoms and the ideals of the liberation struggle. Therefore the liberalism
theory best describe how people grouped together to form political parties and fight for what
they believe in, thereby rising partisanship leading to the Zimbabwean crises as people have
begun to divide themselves among political lines.

Liberalism stands for secularism and a society that opposes, all kinds of social discrimination
and in political sphere, it stands for a democratic polity, individual rights and liberties,
responsive and responsible government, free and impartial judiciary. Encyclopaedia
Britannica (2016) defines liberalism as an idea committed to freedom, as a method and policy
in government, as an organizing principle in society and as a way of life for the individual
and the community. In the Zimbabwean case, the rise of MDC in the 1999 was a reaction to
the needs for a democratic polity, individual rights and liberties that were being violated by
the ZANU PF regime and Robert Mugabe. Sachikonye, (2003) argues that it was a neo-
patrimonial political system in which autocracy is a distinctive feature of the style of rule of
President Mugabe. A political system that divides the people among political lines leading to

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the current Zimbabwean crises. Suzanne Dansereau (2003) aptly notes that President Mugabe
and ZANU PF call on the memories of the liberation struggle in their search for legitimacy.
Yet we have seen throughout southern Africa how effective liberation movements have been
in consolidating their dominant position to remain in power and establish a new neo-
patrimonial system, resulting in liberation without democracy (Makumbe, 2011). Thus
therefore shows that the rise in partisan politics in Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwean crises was
pedalled by the expedition for liberalism and needs for individual liberty, rights and
freedoms.

2.3Conceptual Framework

2.3.1 Historical development of partisan politics and the Zimbabwean

Crises

The conception of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crises from 2008 to 2018 is the
mainstay of this research. The basis of partisan politics is at the helm of multiparty
democracy, political contestations and elections, a situation where political parties and their
followers strongly support their party’s policies and are reluctant to compromise with their
political opponents. Kiondo, 2001) argues that political parties must function along three
main areas that is to set a vision for leadership and governance of the country, act as bridges
and links between people and government and act as schools for politics and leadership.
Political parties are defined as distinctive forms of organisations designed to acquire and
exercise political power, to articulate and aggregate different views of interest, operate as a
system for selecting cabinet members, and for organising individuals in relation to policy
formulation and implementation of public policy, and serving as mediators between
individuals and their government W Olaleye, (2004). Hence political parties are gigantic
thespians in promoting unity and national development.

The historical development of partisan politics in Zimbabwe dates back to the 1990s due to
multiparty democracy. According to Moyo and Matondi (2003) the liberation struggle
brought high hopes and aspirations in the Zimbabwean society, which was fissured by
decades of quarrels by the white minority rule. The people of Zimbabwe had finally to
reconcile and live in peace and harmony as persuaded by the Pan Africanism ideology Moyo
and Matondi (2003). The rise in partisan politics was as a result of the rise in multiparty
democracy and the consolidation of political power by ZANU PF between the late 1980s up

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to the late 1990s.Before the formation of MDC, the main opposition political party were
ineffective and were not a major threat to ZANU such as the United African National Council
(UANC), Zimbabwe Democratic Party (ZDP), led by James Chikerema, National Democratic
Union (NDU), led by Mr. H. Chiota, United National Federal Party (UNFP), led by Chief K.
Ndiweni and Forum Party of Zimbabwe FPZ), formed in 1993 by a former Zimbabwe
Supreme Court judge, Enoch Dumbutshena. They has consciously failed to broaden their
social base and appeal to a wider audience, thereby stood a little chance to dislodge ZANU
PF led by Robert Mugabe from power. Thereby leaving ZANU as a de facto one party in
Zimbabwe.

Wole Olaleye, (2004) argues that in order for ZANU to entrench its dominance, Robert
Mugabe signed ‘Unity Accord’ with Joshua Nkomo on 22 December 1987. This resulted in
the merger of ZANU and ZAPU into a mega party called ZANU-PF. This merger destroyed
any hope of effective opposition politics in Zimbabwe and this is partly responsible for the
reverse democratic progress in Zimbabwe Wole Olaleye, (2004). The coming of the MDC
into the political market place completely changed the nature of party competition as well as
destroyed the hegemony of ZANU-PF in Zimbabwean politics. ZANU-PF until the
establishment of MDC into the political contestation equation, commanded the overwhelming
majority to an extent that Zimbabwe effectively became a de facto one party state Wole
Olaleye, (2004).The formation of MDC under the leadership of Morgen Richard Tsvangirai
in 1999 brought threat to ZANU PF and ushered in a new trajectory to the Zimbabwean
politics.

The MDC aroused in resistance to one-party state, authoritarianism and pronounced

autocratic leadership of Robert Mugabe and the ZANU PF, B Kagoro, (2003). The resistance
of MDC to Mugabe’s rule and its one party state broaden the concept of partisan politics in
Zimbabwe. Makumbe (2009) argues that liberation leaders has transformed themselves into a
politico-economic class and established a hegemonic monopoly on power. ZANU PF and
Mugabe capitalized on anti-colonial sentiment and effectively cultivated and maintained a
liberation-based entitlement discourse as the legitimating creed for holding political office
Muvengi, (2008). A situation that have divided the people along political lines in policy
formulation, implementation and participation in decision making and finding solutions to
different problems within our societies leading to the Zimbabwean crises.

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Muzondidya (2010) argues that after the formation of MDC, the ruling ZANU PF introduced
a number of polices aiming at depriving and discriminating the activities of opposition
political parties. These includes the introduction of Access to Information and Privacy Act
(AIPPA) and Public Order and Security Act (POSA), meant to disempower and weakens the
opposition
political parties. A move that gave resistant tendencies of the opposition political
parties and then divide the people among political lines. Wole Olaleye, (2004) argues that the
two parties also represent the ruling party that takes on the governing role and the party that
operates within ambit of government. The MDC emerged strongly as a party in active
politics, and not merely as a party seemingly responsible for contesting the elections without
any real interest in being part of or being the governing party Ibid. The two political parties
represent the main political parties developing party leadership and governance in Zimbabwe
through party ideology, policies and goals, programmes and manifesto, bridging the links
between the people and government by advocating collectively for groups interest, needs,
views and responsible for political socialisation and political recruitment of leadership
through party structures Wole Olaleye, (2004). However due to partisan politics the two
political parties should not agree in terms of governance and policies that left the nation
prone to a number of challenges leading to the crises prevailing in the Zimbabwe.

Mlambo and Raftopoulous (2010) argues that the Zimbabwean crises have been long in the
making. Its historical origins is located in the political and economic inequalities being
shaped by multiparty democracy that gave birth to partisan politics in Zimbabwe. The other
factor for the rise of partisan politics was the loss of political popularity of ZANU PF.
Mlambo and Raftopoulous (2010) notes that ZANU PF founded it difficult to reinvest in the
confidence of the people and its messages and then concentrated on the nationalistic
credentials, anti-western imperialism attacks and the land question. Those who have the
temerity to oppose and criticise the ruling party were dismissed as sell outs and are seen as
agents of the west. Muzondidya (2010) argues that due to the resistance by MDC the ruling
party resorts in unleashing military operation of terrorization, torture, and harassment against
opposition activists and supporters, civic leaders and journalists who showed solidarity with
MDC. This further developed a fractured state, reduces citizen participation and divides the
citizens along political lines leading to the current political and social crises in Zimbabwe.

Raftopoulos (2004) defines the Zimbabwean crises as a particular configuration of socio-

economic and political processes that swamped the country and concentrated the attention of
the region since 2000. According to Ndlovu Gatsheni (2003), the crises is a consequence of

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blocked democratic political transition at the turn of the century after the rise of two
dominant political parties in Zimbabwe. A sequential system that best describe the
occurrence of partisan politics in the country. Wole Olaleye, (2004) notes that at the centre of
this crises, is the government of Zimbabwe African Nation Party-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF),
which has been ruling the country since Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980. Any
analysis of the Zimbabwe crises will have to place at its centre, the critical role and extent to
which political parties contribute to reversing the gains of democracy as political institutions
with aggregative function of assembling and promoting policy platforms for voters through
internal party practices.

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The basis of partisan politics are in the helm of political contestations and elections. Since
2000 elections in Zimbabwe were being disputed neither as free or fair, the outcome of the
elections were controversial and the opposition parties blames the incumbent ZANU PF for
rigging and manipulating the election outcomes, capturing election management body and the
courts Muvengi, (2008). In 2008 election, MDC is claimed to have won the election but a
controversial outcome was ushered in and a presidential rerun was announced Dines and
Bambara, (2010). Mchomvu, (2011) claims that the rerun created a situation where Mugabe
had swept into electoral victory in what was meritoriously a one man race in 2008.The
Government of National Unity (GNU) was formed after signing of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) mediated by the South African President Tambo Mbeki which crafted a
power sharing government between the ruling party and the opposition political parties.
Marathi and Masada (2010) labelled it a dysfunctional marriage of inconvenience due to the
nature of partisanship in the discharge of national duties of different political players in the
GNU. The GNU in 2009 was a way to end partisan politics and come up with one functional
government that will usher in national development. Due to partisanship the GNU had
become an unholy trinity and did not save its purposes of oneness. The division shown in the
2013 election outcomes and the 2018 election which saw prices hikes of basic commodities
and shortages of fuel in the market shows that partisan politics prevail in Zimbabwe and none
of the political parties should want to agree with one another in policy dialogue, formulation
and implementation. A move that seems to be a political move to destabilise the country. This
all shows the impact of partisan politics in national development in Zimbabwe.

2.3.2 Mapping the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe

It is ironic that Zimbabwean crises has occurred in the last decade, hailed by some as an
African Renaissance, one in which many African states pulled themselves up by their
bootstraps, attracted foreign direct investments, built up their stock markets and otherwise put
economic stability and democratic governance at the centre of their goals Heine, (2008). At
the start, it must be reiterated that the complexity of the crises means that pinpointing what
the crises really entails, what gave rise to it, and what face(s) it now have are all matters of
debate in scholarly view. For instance, while some scholars attribute the land occupations of
2000 as the face of the Zimbabwean crises Raftopoulos, (2005), others have sought to locate

15
it within post-colonial legacy discourse Moore and Raftopoulos, (2010), and some in the
hyperinflation Hanke, (2008). What seems to carry weight however is a general
understanding that the crises is both political and economic and that its nature, causes and
effects are multifaceted. It is in this context that Machakanja’s (2010: 6) submission is
credible: “the history of Zimbabwe is characterized by a series of challenges which, at
different turning points, manifested themselves through violent conflicts.” Henceforth one
can argue that the backdrop of these crises are at the helm of partisan politics and the
controversial between political parties in policy formulation and implementation at the birth
of multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe.

2.4 Conclusion
All in all this chapter gives an illustration of related information as given by different
scholars in the academic fields of politics and economy. It gives related information on how
partisan politics have risen and the theory that can be best used to explain the rise in partisan
politics in Zimbabwe. The researcher therefore uses the liberalism theory to discuss the rise
in partisan politics in Zimbabwe. How people become to believe in their political parties
without compromising the policies of other political parties in their party manifestos. The next
chapter will focus on the methodological approaches that will be used in data collection.

CHAPTER THREE

3.0 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

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3.1 Introduction

This episode outlines the research design and methodology that were employed in the study.
The essential consideration of this chapter is to give a description of the procedures and
manner through which this research work were conducted considering areas such as design of
the study, research instruments, population of the study, sampling techniques, method of data
collection and analysis.

3.2 Research Methodology

Methodology is merely the study of a particular method for reaching a desired end and
different methods of studies can be used in the research. Methodology can be described as the
framework associated with a particular set of exemplary assumption that can be used to
conduct research, Sharpe (2008). Babbie (2001) notes that, research methodology refers to
the strategy or decision lying behind the use of particular methods. Different methods are
going to be used in trying to understand the concept of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean
crises.

3.3 Research Design

Research design refers to the overall strategy that one choose to integrate the components of
the study in a coherent and logical way, thereby ensuring effectively use to address the
research problem that constitutes the blueprint for the collection, measurement and analysis
of data. Gerard (2013) asserts that a research design is a systematic plan to study a scientific
plan. The researcher is going to use case study as a research design. Creswell (1998) defined
a case study as an exploration of a case over time through detailed in-depth data collection
involving multiple sources of information rich in context. Therefore, the study used a case
study research design to understand the contributions of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean
crises. Black and Thomas (2000) say that case studies are good way sources of ideas and
gives the researcher the opportunity to study rare ideas. More so it gives the researcher the
opportunity to challenge some theoretical assumptions that were used by other scholars,
which do not apply universally. Case study gives good opportunity to come up with novel
solutions, which have not been applied to similar cases of partisanship in some countries.

3.4 STUDY POPULATION AND SAMPLE

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3.4.1 Population

Population refers to a group of individuals or items that have one or more characteristic in
common of interest to the researcher, Deacon et al, (2011). Seconding this is Blumberg et al
(2012) who define population as the total number of elements about which a researcher
intends to make a general conclusion. Labspace (2014) states that a study population has to
be clearly defined in terms of particular characteristics such as age, sex, level of education,
geographical location and experience. Therefore, the population of approximately 95
participants was drawn from senior members of major political parties which is from ZANU
PF’s politburo and the MDC-A’s national council. The use of such a large targeted population
number was to make sure that the sample size will became a replica of the whole population
hence authenticity of the research findings. However, senior members of these political
parties are many and this posed a challenge to the researcher because it was impossible to
cover all senior members given the limited resources and time within which the study was
conducted. The researcher therefore used sampling.

3.4.2 Sample

According to Hand (2008) a sample is a subset of a population selected for measurement,

observing or questioning to provide statistical data. Shamoo and Resnik (2009) defines
sample as a small part of anything or one of a number intended to show the quality, style, or
nature of the whole specimen. Sample of approximately 95 people from different political
parties will be used as there are major participants as far as the issue concerning to partisan
politics in Zimbabwe. Bhattacherjee (2012) stresses that, it is extremely important to choose
a sample that is truly representative of the population so that the inferences derived from the
sample can be generalized back to the population of interest. Walton (2014) understands a
sample as an illustrative share of the population whereas Thakur (2011) views a sample size
as a ration of sub part of the overall population. The researcher adopted Krejcie and Morgan’s
sample size determination table to justify the sample size. Since the targeted population was
95, the sample size targeted was 76 participants supported in Krejcie and Morgan’s method
of determining the sample size as illustrated in table 1 below.

Table I Krejcie + Morgan’s Table

18
 N S N S N S N S N S

1 10 100 80 280 162 800 260 2800 338

0
1 14 110 86 290 165 850 265 3000 341
5
2 19 120 92 300 169 900 269 3500 346
0
2 24 130 97 320 175 950 274 4000 351
5
3 28 140 103 340 181 1000 278 4500 354
0
3 32 150 108 360 186 1100 285 5000 357
5
4 36 160 113 380 191 1200 291 6000 361
0
4 40 170 118 400 196 1300 297 7000 367
5
5 44 180 123 420 201 1400 302 8000 368
0
5 48 190 127 440 205 1500 306 9000 370
5
6 52 200 132 460 210 1600 310 10000 375
0
6 56 210 136 480 214 1700 313 15000 377
5
7 59 220 140 500 217 1800 317 20000 379
0
7 63 230 144 550 226 1900 320 30000 380
5
8 66 240 148 600 234 2000 322 40000 381
0
8 70 250 152 650 242 2200 327 50000 382
5
9 73 260 155 700 248 2400 331 75000 382
0
9 76 270 159 750 254 2600 335 1000000 384
5

Note: N is Population Size, S is Sample Size

19
3.5 SAMPLING TECHNIQUES

The researcher used purposive sampling methods which falls under non-probability sampling
method respectively in this study. Patton (2017) defines sampling as a method of choosing
from a whole population of interest on which the subject can be used to draw conclusions
about the population. Non-probability sampling is a sampling method where the odds of any
member being selected for a sample cannot be calculated whilst probability sampling is the
opposite, where you can  calculate the odds Robson, (2017). Additionally, probability
sampling comprises random selection, while non-probability sampling does not hence it relies
on the subjective judgement of the researcher. The rationale behind using purposive sampling
method is that it only target the members the researcher wants unlike random sampling where
everyone who have the chance to be chosen will participate in the research.

3.5.1 Purposive sampling

On purposive sampling, participants were selected according to the needs and purpose of the
study. Patton (2017) comprehends purposive sampling as a non-probability sampling practice
in which the investigator count on his/her own judgement when selecting members of
population to contribute in the research. Therefore the researcher chooses a sample based on
their knowledge about the population and the study itself Creswell and Creswell, (2018).
Thus in this study, the researcher choose participants basing on the study’s purpose for
example senior members of political parties who fall under organizing department as well as
those in charge of the other departments where purposively sampled because these were the
ones who are in constant touch with the general populace in Zimbabwe. It is also justifiable
to use the purposive sampling because easier to make generalizations about your sample in
comparison to random sample where not all participants have the characteristic you are
studying and it is easy to use and can also be used when it’s impossible to conduct probability
sampling.

3.6 DATA COLLECTION

20
The researcher will note down facts from different respondents and present them on graphs,
pie charts and tables. Presenting information on graphs and pie charts is easier as it makes
readers of this project easily understandable. Eckstein (2002) argues that data collection
procedures involve the following steps, making appointments with research subjects, through
telephone, fax, or letters, distribution and administering of instruments on the sample for
example by hand, mail or through research assistants and lastly through retrieval of
instruments.

3.6.1 Research instruments

Research instruments are useful in collecting information that is pertinent to the study. Sales
and Folkman (2000) defines research instruments as device used by investigators for
collecting data. While Miller (2018) defines research instruments as a tool used to collect,
measure and analyse data related to the subject and the tools can be tests, questionnaires and
interviews. In this research, questionnaires and interviews will be used. McLeod (2018)
defines a questionnaire as research instrument coasting of a series of questions for the
purpose of gathering information from respondents. Conneway and Powell (2010) define an
interview as a qualitative research technique which involves conducting interview individual
interviews with a small number of respondents to explore their perspectives on a particular
idea, programme or situation. These research instruments are vital in helping the researcher to
get vast information from a huge organizations and ZANU PF, and MDC-A are going to be
used in the research. They are fast methods of getting the information in the organization.

3.6.2 Questionnaires

Questionnaires consist of structure and unstructured questionnaires. According Denzin and

Lincoin (2000) a questionnaire is a systematically prepared form of document with a set of
questions deliberately designed to elicit responses from respondents or research informants
for the purpose of collecting data or information. Furthermore Denzin and Lincoln (2011)
says that it is a form of enquiry document which contains well organized series of questions
from respondents or research information for the purpose of collecting data or information
.The respondents are the population in the study and the answers that will be provided by the
respondents will contribute to the research project.

21
3.6.3 Structured Questionnaires

These have control or guidance, which is given for an answer. Structured questionnaires may
be described as close form because the questions are basically short, requiring the respondent
to provide yes or no. Gubrium and Guba and Lincoln (2000) refer to questions that require a
yes or no as dichotomous questions. It may also be multiple-choice options which the
respondent selects the answer close to the opinion. The respondent‘s opinion is limited to the
set of options provided. A structured questionnaire has the advantages that the researcher is
able to conduct large number of people quickly, easy and efficiently using a posted
questionnaire. In addition questions are relatively quick and easy to create code and interpret
if the closed questions are used. Seale C (2006) is of the opinion that a question is easy to use
and standardize. For instance every respondent is asked the same questions in the same way.
The researcher therefore can be sure that everyone in the sample answers exactly the same
questions, which makes this a very reliable method of research.

It is to use structured questions when addressing questions such what are the contributors to
partisan politics in Zimbabwe, people feel free to write on questionnaire because no one can
trace them and has no chance to victimize him. Structured questionnaires have found to have
limitation in collecting data. Bryman (2004) asserts that the format of questionnaires makes it
difficult makes it difficult for the researcher to examine complex issues and opinions. With
the postal questionnaire the researcher does not the respondent and cannot be sure with him.
It is believed that the absence of the researcher when then the questionnaire is filled makes it
difficult for the researcher to believe whether the respondent has understood the concepts.

3.6.4 Interviews

Interviews are very useful way of getting vital information from managers and employees
pertaining to the study. Interviews are direct way of finding information through face-to-face
conversation. Interviews are important in research methods as they provide useful
information for gathering quotes and stories. On the same note interviews allow respondents
to describe what is important to them. Seale (2006) opines that interviews are useful for
gaining insight and context into a topic. Although interviews are useful they have drawbacks
for instance they are susceptible to bias. Gubrium and Holstein (2000) adds that they are time
consuming and expensive compared to other data collection methods. Interviews at their own
are intrusive to the respondents.

22
3.6.5 Survey

The researcher also used survey as a data collection instrument where the researcher just meet
with the respondents in different occasions without shechuling a meeting with them since the
targeted population was the senior members of major political parties. Survey research is
defined as the collection of information from a sample of individuals through their responses
to questions Check & Schutt, (2012). This type of research allows for a variety of methods to
recruit participants, collect data, and utilize various methods of instrumentation. Survey
research can use quantitative research strategies for instance using questionnaires with
numerically rated items, qualitative research strategies like using open-ended questions, or
both strategies thus mixed methods. As it is often used to describe and explore human
behavior.

3.6.6 Categories of targeted Respondents

Table 2 Categories of targeted Respondents

Type of Respondents Organizations Data collection Method Number

Man and Woman Political Parties Questionnaire 59

ZANU PF Key informant interview 6

MDC-A Key informant interview 10

Total No targeted of 75
Respondents

3.7 Reliability and validity issues

By using qualitative and quantitative the researcher is trying to avoid bias as well as
limitations that can be found in research project. The use of one method can cause doubts
among other people who may want to use this project in their studies. In addition using both
methods has been found to be useful for to come up with findings that can be universally
acceptable. In this research triangulation plays a vital role in attempting to answer the
questions of the research that have a variable and a dependent. Different methods have to be
applied in order to come up with findings that are applicable to the real business world and

23
the social science discipline. According to Webb, Campbell, Schwartz and Sechrest (2000)
triangulation refers to the use of more than one approach to the investigation of a research
question in order to enhance confidence in the ensuing findings. Mc Cotter (2011) says the
term is derived from surveying, where it refers to the use of triangles to map out an area.

It is also common in social and behavioural research. The use of more than one approach is
very useful in researching topics that need solutions in the organizations .By applying
different methods, the research is trying to come up with something that is valid and reliable
especially for scholars who may want to prove the findings of the research. The researcher
tried all means possible to maximize the reliability and validity of data collected by ensuring
that the data collection techniques yield information that is not only relevant to the research
questions and objectives, but also accurate. To achieve this, the researcher used a larger
sample size of 76 participants which was good enough to represent the opinions of the whole
population. Again, validity and reliability was achieved through triangulation of research
methodology since a mixed approach was adopted.

3.7.1 Reliability
According to Robson (2012), reliability refers to the consistency or stability of a measure for
instance, if it were to be repeated, would the same results be obtained, and this is seconded by
Wilson (2014) who claims that reliability is concerned with the extent to which repeat
measurements made by a researcher under constant conditions will give the same result. In
simple terms, reliability in research studies infers the stability, consistency and dependability
of research methods and instruments used, data collected and results obtained after analysis.
Arguably, reliability is important to the study when it is collective with validity.

3.7.2 Validity
Robson (2012) stipulates that validity is concerned with whether the findings of a research
are really about what they appear to be as Wilson (2014) also supported the view claiming
that validity is the extent to which a measure accurately reflects the concept that it is
proposed to measure. Therefore, the research instruments adopted must ensure that the
researcher draws valid findings about the concept being studied. Henceforth, in an attempt to
ensure reliability and validity of data collected during this study, the researcher applied
various techniques to guarantee data validity and reliability

3.8 Data analysis

24
According to Chambers and Skinner (2003) data analysis is the process of systematically
applying statically and logical techniques to describe and to illustrate, condense and recap
and evaluate data. Korn and Graubard adds that data collection is the process of evaluating
data using analytical and logical reasoning to examine each component of the data provided.
Interviews will be analysed quantitatively using content analysis. Content analysis involves
examination of words in order to make inferences about the respondents. Responses from
closed ended questions in questionnaire will be analysed quantitatively. Chambers and
Skinner (2003) says quantitative involve categories categorization of data and frequency
counting. Presentations of results will be done in form of tables so as to make data easy to
manage and detect patterns. Averages will also be used to analyse data in some areas of
concern.

3.9 Ethical Considerations

Ethics are important in maintaining good relations between participants and the researcher.
The research will use a number of ethics in carrying out the research in different
organisations in Zimbabwe. The researcher will be honesty in all-scientific communications
about the topic. Furthermore, the researcher will not fabricate information or falsify or
misrepresent data concerning partisan politics in Zimbabwe. More so, respondents will be
allowed to withdraw from the research at any time they feel so. No force will be used to
gather information and cheating will be avoided. The researcher will be objective in
conducting his research. The researcher will do his best in trying to avoid bias in data
analysis, data presentation and personal decision among other reasons. At the respondent’s
request, the researcher might disclose personal or financial interests that may positively or
negatively affect him. As far as the research is concerned, the researcher will keep the
agreements, promises, act with sincerity and strive for thoughts and actions. Care will be
taken on examining the work itself and the work of other peers. On the same point the
researcher will keep good record of research activities, such as data collection, research
design and correspondence among patterns or journals by other scholars.

In addition the findings of the research will be shared to promote brain circulation. Also the
researcher will be free to welcome critics from the participants themselves as long as the
ideas advance the research topic. Confidential information will be protected so as to protect
the image of the organization itself. Protecting the information protects the respondents from
victimization, as political players and leaders tend to victimize people for releasing secrets of

25
their organization. During the research process if the researcher come across political parties
papers or discover vital information accidentally he will keep the information as a secret. If
the researcher wants to publish the dissertation he will seek permission from the authorities of
different political parties to publish the project. The purpose of the publication will be to
advance research and encourage a collective approach of all political parties in national
development in Zimbabwe.

3.10 Conclusion.

This chapter has presented the research philosophy, approach and design, target population,
sample and sampling techniques, description of instruments used in data collection,
limitations, reliability, validity, ethical consideration and the techniques used in data analysis.
The next chapter will analyze and discuss the findings. The data obtained will be presented in
charts graphs tabular form which make it easier for anyone to understand whilst charts will be
clearly explained and interpreted.

26
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Introduction
The main thrust of this chapter is to present and discuss on the data presentation, analysis and
discussions of the research findings on the contribution of partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crises. The data was collected from two main political parties that is ZANU PF
and MDC-A and key informants includes senior members of these political parties. This
chapter is also going to explore the information that was given by the respondents during data
collection process. The data will be therefore, presented in tables, graphs and pie charts and
the discussion of the findings will be done according to question by question.

4.1.1 Response rate

Table 2: Response rate for interviews

Interviews scheduled Interviews held Response Rate %

13 8 61%

Source: Primary data (2019)

The researcher scheduled 13 interviews, however of the 13 interviews eight were held and
due to time limitation and resources other five were not done. The response rate of (61%) was
obtained. The researcher acknowledged the shortfall to be a consequence of being tied up to
other responsibilities such as attending to different meetings and attending their political
rallies in different provinces. The other reason was bureaucracy in government ministries
since some of the respondent are government ministers or have different role to play in
different parliamentary portfolios, the researcher also tried to use telephone interviews but
some should not be available and some give different excuses. The researcher therefore took
advantages of survey and contacted interview to senior members of these political parties
whom the researcher meet in different occasions such as in rallies and public gatherings.

Table 3: Response for questionnaires

27
Target Actual %Response
62 38 61%

Source: Primary data (2019)

The response rate for participants were tabulated in Table 3 above showing that out of 62
administered questionnaires, 38 of them were filled and returned which represent 61%
response rate. Arguably, this response rate enables the researcher to continue with the
research as this is aligned to Mugenda and Mugenda (2011)’s point of view that a response
rate that is more than 50% is adequate for the researcher to carry on with the data
presentation as it produces valid data. The shortfall in questionnaires administered and those
who were filled and returned amounting to the limited time and lack of follow up due to
limited resources by the researcher.

4.2 Demographic data

Table 4: Demographic data

Gender Position Length of Participation in

Education
Political Party structures
Age
M Do De Dipl Ce Junio Senio 0-10yrs 11-20yrs 21+ yrs.
F Mast
c g. . rt. r. r
21-30 10 4 - 2 8 3 1 2 3 14 4 -
31-40 15 5 - 3 9 7 - 3 6 5 6 3
41-50 5 1 2 1 1 1 1 5 9 2 3 4
51+ 4 2 1 - 1 1 3 1 17 3 1 1
TTL 34 12 3 6 20 12 5 11 35 24 14 8

The table 4 above shows the demographic data of the respondents in two major political
parties that is at MDC-A and ZANU PF. A point to note is that of 38 who respondent to
questionnaires and 8 interview held, the whole populations becomes 46 people where the
researcher actually get the information. For note, their different age ranges, gender and level

28
of education as well as positions held in the party of the respondents and length of
participation in political party structures. It reveals that the majority of the respondents are in
the age range of 31-40 as they are still active in political participation and the minority are in
the 51+ age range. The table further illustrates that females are numerically less than males in
participation and involvement in political parties and hold less positions than males. On the
level of education, the majority of the respondents have degrees whilst the minority has
doctorate. Moreover, the majority (24) of the respondents have 0-10 years in party structures
whilst the minority (8) have 20 or more years in party structure pointing to functionalism and
party break always especially in the MDC-A camp. Again, from the researcher’s point of
view the responses from the members of political parties were key since the study was
conducted on knowledgeable members thus suggesting that the results were authentic.

4.2.1 Gender

Fig 1 Gender

Gender
Male Female

Female
26%

Male
74%

Of the total percentage of respondents 34 which constitute 74% (100) were males whilst 12
which constitute 26% (100) were females.

4.2.2Age

29
Fig 2 Respondents Age Groups

AGE
50

45

40

35
percentange of No of Respondence

30

25

20

15

10

0
21-30 Years 31-40 Years 41-50 Years 51+ Years

AGE

The graph above shows the percentage in the age groups where the researcher undertook his
research. It shows that 21-30 age groups constituted 30 % (100) whilst 31-40 has 44% (100),
41-50 consisted of 13% (100), and 51+ has 13 %( 100). These shows that in Zimbabwe most
of the people who participate in politics are of the youthful ages.
4.3 Conceptualization of the understanding of Partisan politics

30
4.3.1 Level of understanding of partisan politics
Fig 3 Level of understanding partisan politics

level of understanding partisan politics

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Not aware partially aware aware

level of understanding partisan politics

Source: Primary data (2019)

The research findings showed that respondents have an understanding on the concept of
partisan politics and how it prevail in Zimbabwean crises. The 53% of respondents viewed
partisan politics as a committed members of political parties or as an ardent and enthusiastic
supporter of some person or activity. Out of 46 respondents who responded to questionnaires
some are aware, some partially aware while some were not aware about partisan politics.
54% of respondents (25) highlighted that they have an understanding about partisan politics
while 8 respondents (18%) indicated they have an average idea of partisan politics and 28%
(13) indicated that they are not aware of partisan politics. This clearly tells that most people
do have understanding in partisan politics, some have a brief idea on what is partisan politics
and others do not know how it evolves and functions in a society. This is mainly caused by
ignorance and lack of understanding of politics and too much commitment to a particular
political party because most of them do not rationally scrutinize and analyze how political
parties and their supporter work against other parties in the body politic.

31
4.4 Conceptualization of contributions to Partisan politics

Table. 5 Interviewees’ responses

Interviewee Responses
3 “My understanding is that partisan politics in Zimbabwe emanate due to
the quest for party benefits in the case of ZANU PF which is the
country’s ruling party, benefits which includes food handouts in rural
areas, government tenders for those in urban areas, the believe in party
that will add value to one’s life and in the allocations of resources as for
them to gain something for the betterment of themselves and that of their
families. ‘Mbudzi inodya payakasungirirwa’ you eat what is around
you”.
7 “IZimbabwe ilenkululeko yokuthi umuntu azikhethele kwezombangazwe
ukuthi ufuna ukuba kuliphi iqembu kungela muntu ozomhlukumeza kikho
lokho. Laterally means I view partisan politics in Zimbabwe as the
manifestations of multiparty democracy where citizens are allowed to
choose any political party of their choice without fear or afraid of
victimisation, harassment and torture, it shows the democratic nature of
the country.”
1 “In a class struggle society where everyone and every political party is
quest for power to control the resources in a country to gain social
status, it led to party entitlement thereby rising partisan politics where
people fight against each other on political basis in the society, thus
contribute to the upsurge of a highly polarised and divided society in
Zimbabwe as per my understanding”.

Source: Primary data (2019)

Table five above shows the responses made by some of the respondents in the interviews the
researcher made. The general understanding is that the causes in partisan politics in
Zimbabwe is characterized by the rise in multiparty democracy, Due to the rise in multiparty
democracy the government fail to unite people and consolidate socio, economic and political
development since people began to be divided along political lines. This has paused particular

32
challenges of governance, crises of legitimacy and catastrophic governance systems that
demonstrate an impasse for democratic consolidation leading to the crises in Zimbabwe.
From the respondents above it also shows that the Zimbabwean crises was a result of the
class struggle and the needs to control national resources that makes people to be aligned to
specific political parties for them to benefits and in some instances to escape justice. A case
to note was during the Mugabe era most senior ZANU PF members escaped justice , the like
of former cabinet Minister Jonathan Moyo due to their association with the party and
closeness to the first family. Some members were also awarded government tenders in a
partisan basis.

4.5 Does partisan politics contributed much to the crises in Zimbabwe?

4.5.1 Table. 6 Interview responses

Interviewe Responses
e
8 “In a multiparty democracy, citizens become member of political parties
who have quest to control national resources. In Zimbabwe people have
become member of political parties for benefits. For instance being aligned
to ZANU PF in Zimbabwe one might have access to jobs and government
tenders, thus led to rapid corruption, nepotism and mismanagement of funds
leading to the crises prevailing in the country, thus how partisan politics
contributed to the Zimbabwean crises in my view.”

6 “I understand that policy disagreements between major political parties led

to poor implementations and formulation of government policies, partisan
politics causes poor policies and decision makings. For example the
introduction of bond notes and two percent taxes for transaction faces a
number of criticism from opposition political parties especially the MDC-A
even without through scrutiny of such developments.”

33
Source: Primary data (2019)

The Zimbabwean crises have been born and bred in the confine of partisan politics, the
respondents above shows that in the awake of multiparty democracy, people began to be
aligned to certain political parties thereby dividing themselves along political lines. It shows
that the disagreements in issues to do with government policies, their implementation causes
a fracture within the country leading to the crises in the country since citizens were meant to
radically believe in their political parties without compromising the views, vision and policies
of other political parties.Parties compete for votes tends to focus on the interests of the
different groups and they will focus on those interests when they implement their programs
when in government. While economic, technological, and demographic factors are not
unimportant in shaping policy, the place of partisan politics is central.

There is a view that partisan politics plays little if any role in how governments in modern
industrialized democracies (developed economies) shape public programs and finance them.
This nature of partisan politics destroys the very fabrics of the state thereby causing the
Zimbabwean suffering, politically, socially and economically. The tragedy in Zimbabwean
politics at the moment involve people voting along political lines, conveniently ignoring to
the detriment of their various communities issues that affect them day in day out.

The respondents above shows that the crises in Zimbabwe is being born out of multiparty
democracy and the emergence of partisan politics, the state is highly polarised. In this case,
the public for decades have been used to voting for political parties, personalities and not the
issues they present the case with MDC-A supporters in urban areas from the 2018 election
survey. Henceforth the electorate need to look at the issues and not personalities or political
parties when making choices and decisions on what to do or not to do in regards to the
development of the country.

34
4.5.2 Questionnaire Response Analysis
Fig 4 Level of agreement on partisan politics in Zimbabwe.

level of agrrement on partisan politics in Zimbabwe

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Agree

Disagree

level of agrrement on partisan politics in Zimbabwe

The above graph shows the level of agreement on the occurrence of partisan politics in
Zimbabwe, from the responses given, it shows that 27 respondents which constitute 59% of
the sample agree that there is partisan politics, while 19 which constitute 41% disagree. The
disagreement in the occurrence of partisan politics is due to lack of knowledge on what is
partisan politics. Members of political parties profoundly support their party policies, leaders
and ideologies without compromising with their political opponents. The 41% which disagree
that there is no partisan politics shay away with the fact and they scapegoat in acknowledging
that they are only tired up to their political parties and they never want to compromise with
other parties in terms of policy making and implementation.

35
4.6 Effects of partisan politics in the social, economic and political
development in Zimbabwe.

4.6.1 Table. 7 Interview responses

Interviewee Responses
5 “In a multiparty democracy, the ruling party controls the resources. In
this case unequal distribution of resources usually took place for instance
the land reform programme in Zimbabwe was done in a partisan manner
where
Members and supporters of ZANU PF benefited more than those from
opposition political formations. Resources are distributed in a partisan
manner thereby undermining the equal development of the country for
instance the distribution of food aid to the victims of cyclone Idai in
Chimanimani”.
3 “In Zimbabwe I think one of the effects of partisan politics can be seen
during election period, members of political parties usually fight against
each other due to ideological differences. Intimidation, harassment and
torture of opposition supporters, this cause mass human rights violation in
the country thereby undermining social development in the country.”

In Zimbabwe partisan politics plays a major role in altering public spending levels. Partisan
politics dominate the allocation of resources to government policies such as land reform or
presidential agricultural input scheme. The above responses show that partisan politics
contributed to the Zimbabwean crises since resources were distributed in a partisan basis not
equitably thereby reducing the participation of people in policy formulation and
implementation. The country is highly polarised to the extent that even relief aids are being
distributed in a partisan way for instance the case of the victims of cyclone Idai in
Chimanimani, it was alleged that some senior members of ZANU PF personalised the aid and
distributed it to their supports.
4.7 Degree of participation in policy making and decision making in
Zimbabwe.
36
 Fig 5 level of participation in policy formulation

Level of participation in policy formulation

No No; 34

Yes Yes; 66

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Level of participation in policy formulation

Source: Primary data (2019)

The above chart shows that of 38 people who participated in answering questionnaire, 25
respondents (66%) indicated that they have once participated in policy formulation and
decision making in Zimbabwe while 13 respondents (34%) indicated that they never
participated in any policy formulation. It shows that the participation of people in policy
formulation and decision making in Zimbabwe is being shaped by partisan politics. Most
people in Zimbabwe usually want to participate in party affiliated programs and projects, in
national policy making members of opposition political parties usually disagree with those
from the ruling party thus leading to the national crises since people do not have consensus.
Of those 66% who have acknowledged that they have once participated in policy formulation
stress that their voices were not heard and do not add much value especially members of the
opposition political parties.

4.8 Are political parties opinions valued prior to crises management in

Zimbabwe?

37
Fig 6 political parties’ opinions valued prior to crises management

Political parties opinions valued

56

54 Disagree; 54

52

50

48

46 Agree; 46

44

42
Agree Disagree

Political parties opinions valued

Source: Primary data (2019)

Fig six above shows the respondent’s thoughts in regards to how and what extent does
political parties’ opinions valued prior to crises management in Zimbabwe. It shows that of
46 respondents both in questionnaires and interviews 46% (21) agree to the notion that the
opinions of other political parties are being valued prior to crises management in Zimbabwe
while 54% (25) disagree with the notions. The 54% disagree with the notion because political
parties in Zimbabwe and their opinions are not greatly valued due to highly polarization of
the political environment in Zimbabwe. The government through the ruling party ZANU PF
ignores the advices from members of the opposition political parties. For instance Honorable
Biti’s address to his party’s People’s Democratic Party state of the economy address in

38
Harare in October 2017, he argued the government to demonetize the bond notes and increase
the use of plastic money as a temporary measure to deal with the liquidity crunch and
multiple exchange rates (Newsday, 26 October 2017). The government did not take heed to
the advice by the leader of the opposition political party. Thus showing that political parties
opinions a not valued prior to crises management in Zimbabwe. Both respondents from
ZANU PF and MDC-A argued that due to partisan politics most of the opinions given by
members of political parties to the ruling party to not usually add any value to crises
management in the country, this is because of different party ideologies.

4.9 Conclusion

The findings of this research are essentially helpful and can be used in addressing challenges
and the crises that is prevailing in Zimbabwe. Basically the findings of this chapter revealed
that partisan politics are at the helm of the Zimbabwean crises. Using the findings that were
gathered during the data collection the conclusions can be drawn which are going to be
discussed in the final chapter five

39
CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 Introduction

The main purpose of this chapter is to discuss and provide recommendations to the findings
of data collection. The research findings are necessary in helping the researcher to come up
with assumptions and conceivable recommendations that can be used in future for the
betterment of Zimbabwe in regard to partisan politics. The central focus of this chapter is also
to discuss ideas that can be used in further studies concerning partisan politics. This chapter is
divided into two sections, firstly a section which highlights and summarizes the paper’s
points of departure and lines of argument. Secondly, a section which offers for consideration
a selection of suggestions regarding the impact of partisan politics and how different
thespians potentially could play in resolving the Zimbabwean crises in the long-term.

5.1 Summary of content and argumentation

Overall, the study’s main point of departure is the contribution of partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crises from 2008 to 2018. Given the fact that partisan politics rises at the work
of rising in multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe, this is the situation where politicians
strongly support their party’s policies and are reluctant to compromise with their political
opponents. The crises in Zimbabwe does not only affect its citizens but also has ramifications
for the SADC region as a whole. The first chapter outlined the background, research
questions and objectives of the study. It explained that the study has employed both
historical and qualitative research methods to analyse the role of partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crisis.

It utilised the methodology of qualitative research which involves methods of data collection
that are non-quantitative or non-numerical, for example, the use of books, journal articles,
newspapers and internet sources. The study used information or data sourced from both

40
secondary and primary sources in analysing the role partisan politics in the Zimbabwean
crises from 2008. It is argued that the qualitative research method is appropriate for this study
because it allows one to get more in depth information about the role of partisan politics in
the political, social and economic crises in Zimbabwe. The study utilised content analysis and
document analysis as research methods or techniques to analyse data for the research topic.

In the second chapter, a range of literature was explored in regard to an assessment of

partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crises from 2008. The chapter noted a relative deficiency
of literature addressing the issue of an alternative theory of partisan politics which might have
been, and still might be constructively applied by different stakeholders in addressing the
impact of partisan politics in the Zimbabwean crises. It was explained that there is a gap in
the literature which the present study would contribute to addressing. Hence, the second
section of this chapter explored the liberalism as an alternative theory in trying to understand
partisan politics in Zimbabwe. The chapter justified the Liberalism theory as a theory which
begins and ends with the ideals of individual freedom, individual human rights and individual
human happiness. Liberalism as a theory of reforms, for it has stood for reforms in economic,
social and political fields. It is a theory of liberty, individual liberty, and individual
autonomy, for it has argued in favour of the development of human personality hence people
began to be affiliated and drastically believe in particular political parties and their ideologies
and policies than any other political parties the case between ZANU PF and MDC A in
Zimbabwe.

The third chapter comprised a primarily descriptive narrative, it showed the research
methodology, design and analysis. The essential consideration of this chapter was to give a
description, procedures and manner through which this research work were conducted
considering areas such as design of the study, research instruments, population of the study,
sampling techniques, method of data collection and analysis. The chapter showed how data
was collected and all the research instruments used in data collection. The fourth chapter
works on data presentation, how data was presented in different forms which include graphs,
charts and maps. It has also show statistical data and descriptive data from different sources
as gathered by the researcher during data collection period.

Lastly the fifth chapter concludes by outlining the conclusions made during data gathered
and recommendations can also be made and outlined. Thus, the chapter summarises the main

41
research findings and provides an overall conclusion to the study. The fifth chapter also
focused on the discussion of findings by the researcher. Such findings include comprehension
on the topic of partisan politics and its impact in the Zimbabwean crises and ways of
enhancing a crises free Zimbabwe, then supported it with literature from various authors.

5.2 Recommendation and Way Forward

Recommendations for the study were proposed after the data was collected, presented,
discussed and analysed. The recommendations of this study is based on the history of the
political economy of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is multifaceted by multiparty political system
and elections are the major driver of partisan politics since citizens radically supports
different political parties with different ideas and policies. The recommendations come at a
backdrop of the current political situation in Zimbabwe as a result of 2018 elections which
were highly characterised with partisanship. Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonized elections took
place against a backdrop of 18 years of political crisis. These were the years of severe and
constrained political space, a series of elections characterized by violence, and widely judged
as flawed. The national institutions were weakened and the public confidence in the
credibility of the electoral system to deliver a democratic outcome was weakened. The
elections also take place following a coup or a military assisted transition leading to the
removal of Robert Mugabe from power after 37 years in power and the appointment of
Emmerson Mnangagwa as President, Ibbo Mandaza (2017). There was a message of hope for
a new future from all the Zimbabweans. The country’s political climate changed erratically
since November 2017.

There were important improvements in the political environment, but the fairness questions
of the electoral process was still lingering opposition political parties particularly the
Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC A) staging many demonstration against
Zimbabwe Election Commission. The ruling party assumed power in 2017 not through a
normal election process but through a coup, and hence a lot is required to address the
widespread perception of the engrossment of the security service into the civilian affairs.
However, there are several recommendations that are needed to be done in order to develop
the political system in Zimbabwe and curb away with partisan politics as a gateway to socio

42
economic and political development in Zimbabwe. The following recommendations were
made in addressing partisan politics in Zimbabwe.

5.2.1 Committing to Credible Elections

The Zimbabwean society is heavily divided and polarized and there is huge trust deficit
characterized by a perpetuation of political polarization in post-election period. The
government of Zimbabwe, all political players and civic society organisation should be
committed in holding free and credible elections in the future. The election should have to
meet the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. These represent important
departures from the past and the conduct of the former President R.G Mugabe when it came
to elections. This help in boosting confidence to the citizens and thereby bringing a sense of
oneness that helps in participation in developmental projects, decision making and policy
formulation and implementation in Zimbabwe.

5.2.2 Improvements in the Political Climate

At a time there is national outcry over the deteriorating economic situation in the country,
there is an apparent attempt by the State to silence dissenting voices through arbitrary arrests,
beatings, abductions and threatening civil society leaders and trade unionists. At the same
time, the government has apparently failed to walk the talk in as far as eradicating corruption
is concerned. The Zimbabwean political climate is characterised by mass human rights
violation both from the ruling party and the opposition political parties. According to an
African Union report (2017) the crisis lies in Zimbabwe’s divided society and its search for
the best means to achieve change after two decades of dominance by a political party that
carried the hopes and aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe through the liberation struggle
into independence. To view the ousting of Robert Mugabe as the solution to the crisis is too
simplistic. Zimbabweans are seeking a new political system and greater role for civil society
including ,government respect for the rule of law ,promotion of human rights of all
Zimbabweans, de-politicisation of the police force, respect of judicial independence, free
elections conducted by an independent electoral commission and reconciliation and
rebuilding of trust between government, civil society and opposition political parties.

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5.2.3 Barring Traditional Leaders from Partisan Politics

Traditional leaders have been accused of engaging in partisan politics to benefit the ruling
ZANU PF party. The 2013 Constitution prohibits traditional leaders to be partisan to any
political party. The High Court ruled on 16 May 208 that all traditional leaders must refrain
from engaging in partisan politics. This will increase and enhance a level playing ground for
all interested political parties in Zimbabwe.

5.2.4 Enacting a Political Party Code of Conduct

Members of the ruling and all opposition political parties together with ZEC should
strengthen and follow the existing code of conduct, which was included in the Electoral
Amendment Act, enacted on May 28, 2018. Political parties are required to inform their
members about the code of conduct and to initiate disciplinary measures against members
who fail to comply with the code. Both national and provincial multiparty liaison committees
should be tasked in monitoring and resolving disputes related to the code of conduct. This
will help in giving penalties to perpetrators of election or political party based violence
thereby creating unity between members of political parties.

5.2.5 Nonetheless, there are still many issues outstanding.

This includes the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the Electoral Act and other legislation on the
administration of electoral processes. The legislative framework must provide clear
guidelines on the conduct of elections. In addition, the legislative framework should be
aligned and admissible in the courts of law. The law must allow for the exercise of bill of
rights without conflict. This will reduce to much conflicts between members of political
parties.

5.2.6 The environmental framework

The political environment refers to a conducive operating space for the Election Management
Body (EMB), political parties, candidates and citizens in general. The political environment
should guarantee fundamental freedoms, intimidation and violence should be absent.
Freedom of movement is essential for a neutral political environment. The November 2017
military intervention in Zimbabwe has created questions on whether freedom of movement
and association can be guaranteed, it created uncertainty. The presence of the military in
44
civilian life limits the freedoms of citizens. The State has not guaranteed citizens that the
military will refrain from interfering in civilian affairs before, during and after the
harmonised elections and still the rise in securocrats in Zimbabwe become a challenges to
democracy in Zimbabwe Ibbo Mandaza, (2016). The events of August 01, 2018 and 14 – 16
January 2019 which resulted in the shooting of 12 unarmed civilians in the full glare of both
regional and international media is evidence of the above. Of great concern are the cases of
rape and other forms of brutality by the army that continue to be recorded. Henceforth there
is a need to improve the political environment in Zimbabwe.

5.2.7 Equal Access to Media

The media, particularly the state controlled media continues to be partial while perpetuating
divisions in society and brazenly attacking civil society as plotting to subvert Zimbabwe’s
constitutional democracy. We are concerned that the government, through the State media,
continues to criminalize the work of opposition political parties. An independent, impartial
media that affords equal access to all political parties and candidates is necessary for a free
and fair election. Even with few days before the elections, the state media continues to show
bias on behalf of the ruling party. The government and the ruling party should allow
registration of new and independent media houses, radio stations and television station.

5.2.8 Commitment to national dialogue

It is a conviction that the national dialogue process must involve all stakeholders and a
national visioning process that has civil society, government, political parties, business,
religious groups and labor unions among other critical stakeholders. The dialogue process
should produce a clearly timed roadmap to the demilitarization of civilian political processes
and the restoration of normalcy by focusing on key political, economic and social reforms. In
this regard, there is a great need to call for full consultation of all political parties and other
stakeholders rather than cosmetic processes.

5.2.9 Areas for further research.

The study highlighted a number of issues on the contribution of partisan politics in the
Zimbabwean crises. Since most people point to the notion that the voice of opposition

45
political parties are not being heard prior to crises management in Zimbabwe. There if
therefore a need to conduct research on the contribution of political parties in national
development.

5.3 Conclusion

Drawing of the results obtained from the research, one can deduce that the issue of partisan
politics is of paramount important in the Zimbabwean crises. Partisan politics reduces the
participation of the citizens in decision making, policy formulation and in developmental
projects because they are highly polarized. Therefore the research was able to determine hoe
partisan politics has played a crucial role in the Zimbabwean crises from 2008.

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